The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children's Issues Worldwide
General Editor Irving Epstein GREENWOOD PRESS
THE GREENWOOD ENCYCLOPEDIA
Children’s Issues WORLDWIDE
OF
THE GREENWOOD ENCYCLOPEDIA
Children’s Issues WORLDWIDE
ASIA AND OCEANIA General Editor
Irving Epstein Volume Editor
Jyotsna Pattnaik
GREENWOOD PRESS Westport, Connecticut x London
OF
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Greenwood encyclopedia of children’s issues worldwide / Irving Epstein, general editor. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-313-33614-0 (set : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33620-1 (v. 1 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33618-8 (v. 2 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33619-5 (v. 3 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33617-1 (v. 4 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33616-4 (v. 5 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33878-6 (v. 6 : alk. paper) 1. Children—Encyclopedias. I. Epstein, Irving, 1951. II. Pattnaik, Jyotsna. HQ767.84.G74 2008 305.2303—dc22 2007031312 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available. Copyright C 2008 by Irving Epstein All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2007031312 ISBN: 978-0-313-33614-0 (set) ISBN: 978-0-313-33620-1 (Asia and Oceania) ISBN: 978-0-313-33618-8 (Central and South America) ISBN: 978-0-313-33619-5 (Europe) ISBN: 978-0-313-33617-1 (North America and the Caribbean) ISBN: 978-0-313-33616-4 (Sub-Saharan Africa) ISBN: 978-0-313-33878-6 (North Africa and the Middle East) First published in 2008 Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881 An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc. www.greenwood.com Printed in the United States of America
The paper used in this book complies with the Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National Information Standards Organization (Z39.48–1984). 10
9 8
7 6 5 4 3 2 1
CONTENTS
Preface
Irving Epstein
vii
User’s Guide
xv
Introduction 1.
2.
Jyotsna Pattnaik
Australia
Merlyne Cruz, Glenda MacNaughton, and Sharne Rolfe
Bangladesh
3.
Bhutan
4.
Cambodia
5.
6.
Mesbah-us-Saleheen and Khondaker Mohammod Shariful Huda
Jeffrey S. Weaner, Joann Burkhardt, and Aaron Weaner
China
Heidi A. Ross with Jingjing Lou, Lei Wang, Ran Zhang, and Yuhao Cen
The Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) Fiji
8.
Hong Kong
10.
India Indonesia
1
27 55
T. W. Maxwell
7.
9.
xix
Robert W. Spegal
Sharon Bessell and Lynette Petueli Bianca Prather-Jones, Willie Elliott, and Elaine Jarchow
Deepak Kumar Behera and Nibedita Nath John A. Huss and Elaine Jarchow
79
99
123 143
169 189 211
CONTENTS
11.
Japan
12.
Malaysia
13.
Mongolia
14.
Gerald K. LeTendre and Motoko Akiba See Ching Mey Darikhand Bayar and Enkhtuya Sukhbaatar
New Zealand
15.
Pakistan
16.
Philippines
17.
Singapore
18.
South Korea
19.
Sri Lanka
20.
Taiwan
Michael Gaffney, Nicola Taylor, and Nicola Atwool Fazila Gulrez and Sabeen Hafeez Joan Dymphna G. Saniel
22.
Thailand
23.
Turkmenistan
24.
Vietnam
279
301 325 347 369
Youngjoo Kim
395
Hsiu-Zu Ho and Wei-Wen Chen, with Hsin-Yi Kung
Tajikistan
255
Wing-Cheong Chan
Upali M. Sedere
21.
237
Angela Baschieri and Jane C. Falkingham Wirot Sanrattana and Merrill M. Oaks Oguljamal Yazliyeva Gerald W. Fry and Pham Lan Huong
417
439 465 487 511 535
Bibliography
559
Index
567
About the Editors and Contributors
575
The Six-Volume Comprehensive Index begins on page 379 of the final volume, North Africa and the Middle East
[ vi ]
PREFACE Irving Epstein
The decision to publish The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide involved a number of considerations, but was primarily influenced by an understanding that children were deserving of an encyclopedia solely dedicated to a discussion of the quality of their lives. Although there are many sources that compile statistical information and data about the state of children around the world, we believed that by summarizing much of that information in one format, it would be easier for the general public, as well as students, teachers, and policy-makers, to gain a foundational understanding of the challenges the world’s children currently confront. However, the difficulties inherent in completing a project of this size and complexity raise larger questions about the ways in which we think about children and childhood in an era of globalization, and it is these questions that I intend to address in the following paragraphs. To begin with, it should be acknowledged that the Encyclopedia is both selective and comprehensive. It is selective, in the sense that we have not been able to adequately cover children’s lives in every country or nationstate throughout the world. Due to the prevalence of political, social, and economic conflict and dislocation, it proved impossible to locate experts who had access to the requisite information, and had the time to write about children in certain countries and affected geographical areas. However, the Encyclopedia is comprehensive, insofar as all major aspects of children’s lives, including educational provision, legal status, family life, health, abuse and neglect, play and recreation, and religious affiliation, are covered within each chapter. Together, the chapters give us a clear picture as to how children are treated and cared for within specific countries and geographical areas, as well as their general quality of life in the twenty-first century. The fact that so many of the chapters within these volumes are co-authored speaks to the penchant for disciplinary specialization that characterizes contemporary academic discourse within the social sciences, a tendency that makes it difficult for a single person to master the many facets of childhood that are covered in the Encyclopedia.
PREFACE
It also reaffirms, however, the usefulness of collaboration, in order to better facilitate the framing of a holistic representation of children’s lives. One can certainly raise the issue as to why we need an encyclopedia that is country- and region-specific in a globalized age. From an organizational and aesthetic perspective, it is reasonable to ask whether this project includes basic redundancies that could be eliminated by adopting a broader, thematic approach. From a conceptual standpoint, it is reasonable to ask whether privileging the nation-state and/or geographic region as a basic unit of analysis makes sense, given the challenges to the long-term viability of the nation-state that globalization tendencies seem to create. My response to both questions is strongly negative, for I believe that issues involving the characteristics of globalization and the nature of childhood can best be understood if they are contextualized. I would therefore reject contentions that an understanding of childhood can be essentialized or that any authentic view of globalization can be formulated through adhering to assumptions that dichotomize the global and the local. By embracing the importance of context, one may indeed at times sacrifice conceptual elegance, and as one reads the various chapters of this volume, no doubt one will find that similar stories are being told in different ways. Certainly, the current legitimacy and long-term viability of certain nationstates and political institutions is implicitly questioned, as the reader learns of their inability to protect children and their complicity in endangering children’s lives. Nonetheless, it is doubtful that within our lifetimes, in spite of the growing prominence of transnational influences we associate with globalization, that the nation-state will dissolve as a basic unit of governance, or that our sense of geographical place will no longer have an impact upon our expressions of personal and cultural identity. Therefore, while the importance of globalization influences upon the twenty-first century lives of children must be acknowledged, and while it is clear that our understandings of childhood are informed through cross-cultural comparison and generalization, the Encyclopedia’s authors reaffirm the importance of focusing upon the lives of children as they are understood within the regional, area, and nation-state framework. This being said, there are a number of issues involving the nature of globalization and childhood that can be noted from the outset. First, globalization has been defined according to radically different terms. For some scholars, it has signified the permanent and inevitable ascendancy of empire, be it Western (Fukuyama 1992; Huntington 1996), or in reaction to the self-serving nature of that analysis, Asian (Frank 1998). For others, it has signified both the triumph of neo-liberal liberalism and the decline of the nation-state as a fundamental organizational unit. Proponents of neo-liberalism, with its embrace of a de-regulated capitalism thriving within an environment of privatization, have associated globalization with these policies; critics point to the resulting decline and elimination of social services traditionally provided by the state that such policies
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have promoted. Widespread international institutional neglect and indifference to the needs of children can certainly be viewed, in part, as a result of these policies. Regardless of one’s political views regarding globalization, its economic dimensions have been characterized by the increasing power of consumption rather than production as a driving economic force. Global consumption patterns are by their nature, more difficult to chart and are less subject to hierarchical control, than are traditional patterns of industrial production. The fluid nature of global trade created a sense of decentering that has been observed in other realms too, including the use of technology to create an information age society (Castells 2000), the fluidity with which cultural interactions are transmitted (Appadurai 1996), and the existence of general patterns of flux, mobility, change, complexity, randomness, and contingency (Bauman 2004). The impact of these forces upon the world’s children is graphically portrayed within the pages of this Encyclopedia. Whether it be through the use of child soldiering, an over-reliance upon child labor and its subsequent denial of basic educational provision, engagement in child trafficking and prostitution, or the promotion of child pornography, often through use of the internet, children in the twenty-first century are increasingly being defined in global terms as consumable and perishable items, to be used, abused, and then discarded by those who are more powerful. Globalization theorists disagree as to whether the effects of these trends are irrevocable or whether the trends themselves need be viewed as rigidly deterministic. What is clear though, is that populations in the developing world are becoming increasingly young; 1.5 billion people throughout the world are aged twelve to twenty-four; 1.3 billion live in the developing world (World Bank 2007). Demographically, a ‘‘youth bulge’’ is predicted, as fertility rates decline. As a result, there will be new pressures for developing countries to integrate their youth into the workforce, encourage more civic engagement, and discourage risk-taking behavior on their part. Most importantly, because of their increasing numbers, youth will have greater opportunities to articulate their own needs within public spaces, to become public self-advocates. The work of UNICEF and other NGOs, in promoting greater child and youth participation in their own affairs, over the past fifteen years, is noteworthy in this regard. The tensions we have noted, between the casual disregard of children’s basic needs and the cynical use of children for personal interest and gain, on the one hand, and the increasing recognition of the potential for child and youth advocacy on the other hand, raise even larger questions as to how basic understandings of childhood are being defined and contested in the twenty-first century. One of the main conclusions one can deduce from a reading of the various chapters of the Encyclopedia is that our understandings of childhood express a significant variation as to how childhood is defined, how children develop, and how their interests are protected. Changing biological
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characteristics associated with childhood and adulthood have had an influence in expanding what it means to be a child in the twenty-first century. In addition, it is clear that notions of childhood are largely social constructions, influenced by such cultural, economic, political and social factors as the nature of labor markets, demographic trends, the creation and growth of mass education, and the changing notions of patriarchy and family roles and their relationship to the state. No longer can childhood be simplistically expressed as simply a transient state of dependency, defined by the child’s relationship to an adult world that she will eventually enter. Instead, it is important to acknowledge the complexity, ambiguity, and malleability that characterize the category we define as childhood. Archaeologists nonetheless point to the materiality of childhood as being an essential factor in understanding how children have lived their lives, and their emphasis upon the materiality of the child’s body (Derevenski 2000, 3–16) has resonance within the pages of this Encyclopedia as well. Throughout these volumes, one gains an appreciation as to how children’s bodies are abused, violated, harmed, or are in fewer cases protected and nourished. One can find a considerable degree of controversy, associated with how the chronological age of the child is defined, or what constitutes child abuse and neglect, when basic educational provision is satisfactory, or when certain forms of child labor can be considered productive and useful. But, as the chapter authors also emphasize the material nature of childhood, including how children play and negotiate social space, and how they adapt to the conditions around them, they reaffirm the view that it makes sense to examine childhood materiality while acknowledging its ambiguity. Governments, activists, scholars, and experts have been aided in their efforts to document how children live through their use of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and as the Convention has indirectly played a significant role in the construct of the categories of analysis within each Encyclopedia chapter, it is useful to make a few comments about its utility and the process through which it has been implemented. The Convention itself was adopted by the General Assembly on November 20, 1989, and entered into force on September 2, 1990. Two subsequent protocols have been passed that deal with the sale of children, child prostitution, child pornography, and child soldiering. Since its inception, the Convention has become one of the most successful international human rights instruments that have ever been created. Ratified by 192 countries (the United States and Somalia are the only two countries belonging to the U.N. that have failed to do so), it sets standards as to how children’s needs and interests should be defined and articulated. Countries are required to regularly report to the Committee on the Rights of the Child, a body charged with implementing the Convention, and NGOs are also encouraged to raise questions of concern with the Committee. As a result of this reporting process, member states
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PREFACE
have improved their data collection mechanisms for assessing the conditions under which their children live; some states have created ombudspersons and national governmental units specifically designed to protect and address the needs of children; others have made a good faith effort to give older children and youth a formal means of articulating their interests through the establishment of youth parliaments and related institutional structures. Indeed, national constitutions now include specific provisions regarding the protection of children. It is undeniable that the nearly universal ratification of the Convention has been accompanied by increased world attention to the plight of children and in that process, children’s lives have been saved as their interests and needs are being more clearly articulated (Epstein 2005). It is not surprising therefore, that many of the Encyclopedia authors have used information within country reports submitted to the Committee, documenting specific progress in complying with the articles of the Convention, as a basis for assessing the quality of children’s lives within the specific country. The Convention of course is not a perfect document. Scholars have pointed to its contradictory perspectives, with regard to its ambiguous definitions of the chronological age of childhood, contradictory perspectives involving the degree of autonomy that should be afforded the child, the gendered nature of document language (emphasis on child soldiering but not arranged early child marriage, and the lack of attention to the specific challenges girls confront, for example), and its privileging of the protection of children’s political rights over economic, social, and cultural rights as major deficiencies. Nonetheless, its importance and influence as an international instrument is beyond dispute, its having enhanced significance through the reporting process to which states voluntarily commit themselves and the responses to state reports offered by the Committee on the Rights of the Child. Although many of the rights enumerated within the Convention replicate those that appear in other international instruments, until the Convention was ratified, the rights of children in particular were merely assumed to fall within larger frameworks that were created for adults. It is perhaps the Convention’s greatest strength that it recognizes the fact that children are deserving of rights due their inherent status. This being the case, the rather progressive sections of the document that argue in favor of children themselves exercising their rights to the best of their capabilities makes logical sense. When examining country reports, the Committee operates from a fundamental assumption that the implementation of children’s rights cannot be viewed as a voluntary or charitable exercise. Bestowing rights to children is not an act of kindness or generosity; it is a State responsibility to secure, protect, and promote such rights insofar as they are inherently guaranteed to children on the basis of their humanity. Although the Convention was adopted at a time when the nature of globalization forces was just beginning to be appreciated, its wisdom has
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stood the test of time at least in one respect. The increasingly harsh circumstances with which many of the world’s children must contend, brought about to some degree by the globalization tendencies we have previously described, reinforce the truism that it is becoming increasingly perilous to their own health, safety, and well-being for children to be forced into relying upon adults to defend and protect their basic interests. They are too often the first casualties of poverty, internal conflict and displacement, and illness; the first victims when widespread social suffering occurs. Thus, the need for children to play an increasingly assertive role in defending and articulating their own interests through public advocacy, given the frequent abdication of adult responsibility in this area, is a theme that is strongly expressed within the Convention and is one that has become more salient through the passage of time. It is our hope that this Encyclopedia will serve a useful purpose by enhancing understanding about children’s lives, the challenges they confront, and the courage they and their advocates express, as they struggle to create a better future during the first decade of the twenty-first century. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide could not have been published without the collective efforts of hundreds of international scholars, a dedicated group of volume editors, and the hard work of the Greenwood Publishing Group editorial staff. Marie Ellen Larcada, who has since left Greenwood, was instrumental in conceiving of the project more than two years ago. But it was acquisitions editor Mariah Gumpert, who through her unlimited patience, laser-like focus, and generous encouragement, is most responsible for the Encyclopedia’s completion. My personal gratitude for her efforts is enormous. The task of generating substantive essays about the lives of children in so many countries and regions was extremely complex but was made easier through the hard work of volume editors Laura Arntson, Leslie J. Limage, Sheryl L. Lutjens, Jyotsna Pattnaik, Ghada Hashem Talhami, and Eleonora Villegas-Reimers. Each volume editor contacted numerous experts and convinced them of the importance of the project, worked assiduously with their authors in editing and revising manuscripts, and framed each volume in ways that have insured that the entire Encyclopedia is accessible and reader-friendly. For their efforts and for the efforts of the chapter contributors, I wish to convey my deepest appreciation.
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REFERENCES Appadurai, A. 1996. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Bauman, Z. 2004. ‘‘A Sociological Theory of Post-modernity.’’ In Contemporary Sociological Theory, eds. C. Calhoun, J. Moody, S. Pfaff, J. Gerteis, and I. Virk, eds. Oxford: Blackwell. 429–440. Castells, M. 2000. The Rise of the Network Society, 2nd ed. Oxford: Blackwell. Derevenski, J. S. 2000. ‘‘Material Culture Shock: Confronting Expectations in the Material Culture of Children.’’ In Children and Material Culture, Joanna Derevenski, ed. London: Routledge. 3–16. Epstein, I. 2005. ‘‘The Convention on the Rights of the Child: The Promise and Limitations of Multilateralism as a Means of Protecting Children.’’ UNICEF– China, International Forum on Children’s Development, October 29–31. http://www.unicef.org/china/P3_EPSTEIN_paper.pdf. Frank, A. G. 1998. Reorient: Global Economy in the Asian Age. Berkeley: University of California. Fukuyama, F. 1992. The End of History and the Last Man. New York: Free Press. Huntington, S. P. 1996. The Clash of Civilizations and the Making of the New Order. New York: Simon and Schuster. World Bank. 2007. World Bank Report: Development and the Next Generation. Washington, DC: World Bank.
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USER’S GUIDE
The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide is a six-volume set covering the world’s most populous regions. . . . . . .
Asia and Oceania Central and South America Europe North America and the Caribbean Sub-Saharan Africa North Africa and the Middle East
All of the volumes contain an introduction to the set from the general editor and a more specific introduction to the volume, written by the volume editor. A copy of the Convention on the Rights of the Child is also printed as an appendix in the North Africa and the Middle East volume. The volumes are divided into chapters organized alphabetically by country or in a few instances by regional name (where countries are grouped together on a regional basis). The following outline includes the sub-sections for each chapter. In a few instances, particularly when information is unavailable or irrelevant to a specific country or region, the sub-section has been eliminated. NATIONAL PROFILE The information gathered for this sub-section may include general demographic information, a summary of recent historical and political change within the country or region, a summation of the general challenges that confront the population, and how they might affect children.
USER’S GUIDE
OVERVIEW A discussion of the issues that affect children within the population, highlighting the general state of their welfare and the changing nature of their circumstances. EDUCATION A discussion of issues of access, literacy levels, drop-out, opportunities for educational advancement, equity and fairness with regard to socioeconomic status, gender, ethnic and religious affiliation, and disability. PLAY AND RECREATION A discussion of popular forms of play, children’s use of toys and the media, their use of technology, sports, games, and other types of recreation. CHILD LABOR A discussion of relevant legislation to protect children, efforts to enforce such legislation, cultural norms, social values, and economic pressures involving the use of child labor, the type of work children are expected to complete, the effects of globalization tendencies upon child labor abuses. FAMILY A discussion of relevant family structures, gender roles within the families, demographic trends regarding family size, effects of divorce, intergenerational relationships, effects of poverty and general socio-economic status upon family organization and behavior, rites of passage. HEALTH A discussion of issues related to infant and child mortality, vaccination and childhood disease, the general quality of medical care provided to children, access to clean water, exposure to air and other forms of pollution, and relevant sex education programming. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS A discussion of how the country’s legal system affects children—what protections they are given under the law, and how legal safeguards are guaranteed. The nature of the juvenile justice system, if one exists, how gang activity is handled, conditions for children and youth who are incarcerated.
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RELIGIOUS LIFE A discussion of prevailing religious practices and their meanings for children, forms of religious training, the role of religious organizations in children’s lives. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT A discussion including statistics that illustrates the scope of child abuse and neglect within the country or region, types of abuse and neglect and the reasons for their occurrence, and preventative measures that have been taken; how specific issues such as child soldiering, child trafficking, and child pornography are addressed. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY A discussion summarizing findings from other sub-sections of the chapter while offering assessments as to future prospects as well as what further measures will have to be taken in order to significantly improve children’s lives in the immediate and near future. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested readings, relevant video, film and media sources, web sites, and relevant NGOs and other organizations are listed in this section. Whenever possible, sources are annotated. MAPS AND INDEXES A regional map accompanies each volume, and each chapter has its own country or regional map. Each volume includes an index consisting of subject and person entries; a comprehensive index for the entire set is included at the end of the North Africa and the Middle East volume.
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INTRODUCTION Jyotsna Pattnaik
As the largest and the most populous region in the world with more than 60 percent of the current human population, Asia/Oceania is also the largest shareholder of issues facing children. Data reported from surveys and census on children’s issues may be over- or under-represented; they suggest, however, a significant failure and lack of commitment on the part of national governments to address these issues. Social exclusion of children as a group (and subgroups in particular) continues to marginalize children in the region. All countries in the region have ratified United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) and promised commitment to formulating and pursuing goals that would eliminate malnutrition, ensure basic education, water, sanitation, and immunization, and protect children against exploitation. However, periodic reviews by transnational agencies reveal a range between astounding progress in some countries and stagnation and dismal decline in others. A majority of the countries in Southeast Asia and Central Asia will fail to meet most of the eight Millennium Development Goals (MDG) by 2015. Experts cite many factors—economic, cultural, and social—that contribute to slow progress in the region. While many issues facing children are historically rooted, new and emerging challenges arise under the influence of globalization, technology explosion, and urbanization. Globalization’s economic impact is highly visible in the form of child labor in the export industry, sex industry, and non-formal sectors, plus growing consumerism among children. Its cultural colonization is equally visible in the popularity of western youth cultures (forms of entertainment, dress habits, and values) and loss of local languages, entertainments, games, and sports. While open market and immigration policies have increased diversity and plurality within countries, they have also paved the way for cross-border sex and drug trafficking, illegal immigration, and terrorism. According to the Protection Project, a human rights research institute in Washington, DC, between 50,000 and 70,000 Thai females participate in Japan’s commercial sex market alone
INTRODUCTION
(Bower 2005). These issues, individually and in concert, prevent children’s access to basic capabilities, such as the ability to be healthy, well housed, well fed, and integrated into the community (Sen 2002). Lack of political will and/or an inability to implement effective social policies by national governments also serve as barriers to addressing children’s issues in the region. Corruption at all levels of society has led to misappropriation of funds received from national and international aid agencies. National governments’ spending on social service sectors is inadequate and is overshadowed by military expenditures. For example, the ‘‘2003 State of the Child’’ (UNICEF 2003) reported that, in South Asia, the percentage of central government expenditure allocated to health was 2 percent; education, 3 percent; and defense, 17 percent. As a percentage of their total expenditures the South Asian governments’ defense expenditures are highest among all the world’s regions. It is appropriate to mention here that, while many internal developments have pushed governments in the region to make efforts to address children’s issues, the major push for action has come from outside the region––international trends, research, debates/discussions, and mandates. Although not legally binding, international policy documents such as UNCRC; Declaration of the World Summit for Children (1990), the Beijing Platform for Action of the Fourth World Conference on Women (1995); Education for All (EFA), and the Millennium Declaration leading to the eight MDGs 2000 (for more information on MDG goals, see the UN Millennium Project website), have contributed to setting global norms and standards for member countries. They have also forced national governments to introduce new laws or modify existing laws, such as the introduction of Compulsory Education Act and the Family Law Act in Fiji. In the present context of the world’s preparation to meet EFA and MDG goals, this volume is timely and will inform readers of the current developments and challenges facing individual countries in the region; it will also provide a comparative perspective on commonalities and uniqueness in issues facing children in the region. Although alphabetically presented, the chapters in this volume fall under the following major sub-regions: East Asia, Southeast Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, and Oceania. ISSUES FACING CHILDREN IN ASIA/OCEANIA There are myriad issues that challenge children’s well-being in Asia/ Oceania. The most salient of these issues are discussed here. Educational Issues The educational expenditure of national governments in Asia/Oceania has been steadily increasing, with budgets up by 80 percent on average.
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International financial support for EFA goals in Asia/Oceania increased from 3.8 billion US dollars in 1985 to 6 billion dollars in 1990 and 7.4 billion dollars in 1995 (UNESCO 2000). There has been a steady growth in primary school enrollment. In addition, preschool education has been expanded with enrollment in nurseries, kindergartens, and daycare centers (UNESCO 2000). However, there is a need for improving the quality of education, including improving curriculum and pedagogy, teaching materials, teacher training, and evaluation methods. Primary school dropout rates in the region are alarming, and retention measures are not adequate. Disparities exist in educational participation among children based on their regional, rural/urban, gender, socio-economic, religious, and caste/ethnic affiliations within a country. Government initiatives to address discrimination against children with disabilities and to supply provisions to meet the needs of these children in schools and society are minimal. Government spending on education has not matched the need for free primary education in some countries in the region. For example, China has not achieved the nine years of free and compulsory education required by laws introduced in 1986, and there is not enough money to meet the growing demand for tertiary education in the country. Indonesia ranks lowest among its Asian neighbors in public education expenditures. Most of the countries in East and Southeast Asia have adopted the policy of decentralization, transferring fiscal responsibilities from central government to local areas and relying on local resources for educational management. Experts maintain, however, that such a policy has widened educational gaps between areas with a strong revenue base and those with a struggling economy. For example, the literacy rate of China’s poorest regions lags almost 20 percentage points behind their most literate counterparts (King and Cordeiro 2005). Poverty Although the Asian economy has grown significantly in the last decade, a vast majority of Asia’s population live under unacceptably impoverished conditions. The Asian Developmental Bank (ADB 2006) estimates that about 46 percent of the population in the People’s Republic of China, 44.4 percent in the Philippines, 50.5 percent in Indonesia, 78 percent in India, and 72.6 percent in Pakistan lived on $2.00 a day in 2003. Household poverty has affected almost all aspects of children’s lives in Asia. The largest deficiencies in health and education occur among the poor. For example, between 2000 and 2003 in Indonesia, 52 percent of out-ofschool children (children who are eligible for but not attending school) were from the bottom quintile, compared with only 6 percent of children in the richest households (UNESCO 2006). Alberto Minujin and Enrique Delamonica (2003) reported increased inequalities in mortality rates of children under five years between poor and rich families from the
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mid-1980s to mid-1990s in Bangladesh, Indonesia, Philippines, and Kazakhstan. Economic liberalization and growth did not accompany economic democracy in the region. Some East Asian countries such as Japan, Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore have established economic policies (such as land distribution in Japan, investments in education) that support people from various income strata. On the other hand, income distribution in India is highly skewed. While it ranks eighth among countries in the number of millionaires worldwide, it ranks 126th on the Human Development Index (Aiyar 2007). Moreover, economists in India lament that India’s booming economy (a gross domestic product [GDP] growth rate of 9.2 percent in 2006–2007) under the neo-liberal market policies has bypassed the rural poor, as evidenced by dwindling rural sector expenditures by the government and increasing rates of migration, poverty, unemployment, and suicide among Indian farmers. Health Issues Infant mortality in Asia and Oceania has declined from 171 deaths per 1,000 live births in 1955 to 52 deaths in 2000 (UN Economic and Social Survey of Asia and the Pacific 2007). Some countries in the region, such as India, Cambodia, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, and several Central Asian republics, are far from the MDG goal number 4: ‘‘Reduce child mortality.’’ Childhood under-nutrition and underweight are recognized as important public health problems with negative consequences on all aspects of children’s development, performance, and survival in the region. Between 1990 and 2015, the prevalence of under-nutrition in Asia/Pacific was estimated to decrease from 35.1 percent to 18.5 percent (de Onis et al. 2004), and the largest decline was estimated in Eastern Asia due to the gains in China, where underweight prevalence was reduced by more than half (UNICEF 2006). Child under-nutrition also remains high in the Philippines, Indonesia, and even in Sri Lanka, which has a history of great achievements in the social services sector. The highest levels of underweight prevalence are found in South Asia, where almost half (46 percent) of all children under five are underweight. South Asia is projected to have high levels of childhood underweight in 2015. AIDS is another concern in the region. Decades of government denial and neglect, plus societal stigma and hostility, have contributed to the growth of the epidemic in the region. At the end of 2006, about 7.8 million people were living with AIDS in South and Southeast Asia (World Health Organization 2007). There is an urgent need for prevention as well as intervention measures such as preventing mother-to-child transmission of the virus and addressing the needs of children orphaned by AIDS. According to the 2007 UN Economic and Social Survey of Asia and the Pacific report (UNESCAP 2007), the region has $7.3 billion in
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HIV/AIDS-related treatment costs in 2001, an amount that is likely to increase to $17.6 billion by 2010. The report maintains that the cost of response to HIV/AIDS is so high that some countries in the region can no longer afford to bear it. Despite impressive economic growth, UNESCAP (2007) reports that the region is lagging behind all other regions on health spending and that about 20 developing countries in the region spend less than $20 per person per year on health-related expenses. Including both government and private expenditure, South Asia spends only 4.4 percent of its GDP on health, while East Asia and the Pacific spend 5.0 percent. In contrast, Sub-Saharan Africa spends 6.1 percent and Latin America and the Caribbean spend 6.8 percent. War and Conflict Children in many parts of the region face disruption, displacement, and death because of prolonged sectarian conflict. Children are also forcefully recruited into armed conflicts in Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, Myanmar, Nepal, and the Philippines. Up to one quarter of the world’s child soldiers are in East Asia and the Pacific (UNICEF 2003). By 2007, all the countries in the region have ratified the Optional Protocol to UNCRC on ‘‘Involvement of children in armed conflict,’’ which restricts the minimum age for compulsory recruitment and direct participation in armed conflict and other hostilities to eighteen years. However, child soldiers are still recruited by rebel forces in Nepal, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, and other countries in the region. In addition, after disarmament, limited measures have been taken to address the psycho-social needs of such children, even after the conflict is over. Millions of internally displaced people live in Myanmar, Nepal, and Sri Lanka. Asylum seekers from conflict-torn countries flee to neighboring countries, as witnessed in the case of Afghan refugees in Pakistan and Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh and Thailand. Refugee families and children continue to struggle for their rights because several countries in Asia have not ratified the UN Refugee Convention and/or do not follow the convention even after ratification. Discrimination Against Girls Girls in Asia and the Pacific face discriminations and violence from many fronts within and outside of their own families. Girls fall behind in every aspect of the Human Development Index (HDI) in the region. The female child worker is paid less than her male counterpart. In South Asia, girls are more likely to be underweight than boys. The legal system in many countries in Asia/Oceania discriminates against females. According to the 2007 UN Economic and Social Survey of Asia and the Pacific (UNESCAP 2007) report, with the exception of several Pacific island
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countries, there are wide gender gaps in primary school participation in the region. In Afghanistan, the enrollment of girls in primary schools is 47 percent lower than that of boys; in Pakistan, it is 29 percent, and it is more than 10 percent in Laos, Nepal and Cambodia. The gap further widens in secondary and tertiary levels of education. The gender ratio is deteriorating in the region. Millions of girls are missing in South and East Asia. The cultural belief of preference for boys over girls has contributed to harmful practices such as sex selective infanticide and feticide. Religious customs such as devadasis (female servants of god) in India and honor killings in Pakistan continue to threaten the girl child’s well-being. About one million Asian children, mostly girls between five and ten years old, are lured or forced to work in commercial sex markets every year (UNESCAP 2007). Intercountry sex trafficking of girls is a major issue in Asia. According to the 2006 GAP (Gender Achievement and Prospects in Education) report, which evaluates progress by countries toward the MDG goal number 3: ‘‘Promote gender equality and empower women,’’ most countries in the Asia/Pacific region failed to meet the goal by 2005, and with the current rate of progress, gender parity will not be achieved even by 2015. The 2007 UNESCAP report projects that an increase of even 1 percent in female secondary school enrollment rates would lead to a 0.23 percent increase in the region’s annual economic growth. The report also maintains that the entire region is losing $42 to $47 billion annually due to a lower labor force participation rate among women and another $16 to $30 billion annually due to gender gaps in education, which contribute to the lower productivity of women. Issues of Indigenous People’s Rights Asia and Pacific is home to about 250 million indigenous peoples. The goal of the first International Decade on the World’s Indigenous Peoples, 1994–2004, was to strengthen international cooperation to address problems faced by indigenous groups in such areas as human rights, the environment, development, education, and health. Some progress has been reported. For example, Bangladesh and Vietnam have included indigenous peoples’ issues in poverty reduction strategy papers, the Philippines passed the Indigenous Peoples Act in 1997, and tribal languages have been developed and used as mediums of instruction in primary schools in the region. However, experts maintain that indigenous communities and their children are still the poorest and most marginalized communities in the region. According to Ganesh Thapa of the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) in the year 2000, indigenous peoples constituted only 9 percent of the population but 40 percent of the poor in China and 11 percent of India’s rural population were indigenous peoples, but they comprised 48 percent of the country’s poor (GALDU 2007). Thapa notes that even with the halving of poverty (MDG number 1, ‘‘Eradicate
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extreme poverty and hunger’’) by 2015, the majority of the remaining poor will still be found among the indigenous people in Asia. Factors such as high family poverty, loss of land, displacement as the result of economic modernization policies, prolonged conflict between and among indigenous communities and national governments, as well as societal stigma affect children’s access to quality health and educational services. In addition, there has been an increase in HIV/AIDS infection among indigenous youth in the region. Commercial Exploitation of Children The majority of the world’s child laborers live in Asia/Oceania. There are laws that prevent children from working in formal sectors; however, a vast majority of the child laborers work in informal sectors. Domestic workers are not protected by labor laws. A high number of children, especially girls, serve as domestic workers in South Asia. The involvement of children in the sex industry is an area of great concern in the region. Thailand is the first country in the region to pass laws that impose greater penalties on customers than on sellers for involvement in commercial sex with underage partners. All countries in the region have ratified Article 12(1) of the optional protocol to UNCRC on ‘‘The sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography’’ passed in 2001. Many of them have also ratified related treaties such as the Protocol to the Convention against Transnational Organized Crimes on Human Trafficking and ILO’s Convention No. 182 on Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labor (2000). Based on the recommendations of the first and second World Congress against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children (held at Stockholm, Sweden, 1996, and Yokohama, Japan, 2001, respectively), some countries in the region have instituted domestic laws and national plans to address the issue. However, according to the UNICEF estimate, about one million children between ages twelve to seventeen work as sex workers in Asia, the highest rate among all regions in the world. Trafficking of children has been acknowledged as a labor issue, human rights issue, criminal issue, and public health issue. Asia is the most vulnerable region for sex trafficking because of its large child population, growing urbanization and industrialization, unemployment, and a large percentage of the population living in extreme poverty. Legal Issues A vast majority of the countries in the region have not aligned their domestic laws, including religious and customary laws, with the requirements of international standards. For example, children under sixteen can receive life imprisonment in Bangladesh. In Pakistan, the minimum age
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of criminal responsibility is seven. Juvenile and adult offenders are often kept in the same prison facility. The definition of a child has been inconsistently applied in legal documents across various aspects related to children’s life including labor participation, voting, and marital rights. In many cases, even the existing legal documents and constitutional mandates are not enforced. For example, in 2002, the Government of Pakistan passed the Juvenile Justice System Ordinance (JJSO). One of the provisions of JJSO is the abolishment of the death penalty. However, in 2002, there were 200 children on death row in the Punjab province alone (Amnesty International 2005). There is also a need for extra-territorial legislation to address issues such as cross-border sex trafficking of children and women in the region. Most countries in the region have been either source, transit, or destination countries or some combination thereof. Cross-border cooperation efforts meet a host of challenges when laws among countries differ and obtaining evidence is an arduous task. Corporal punishment in schools is not illegal in most countries in South Asia. It is also legally sanctioned in public schools in Pakistan. Corporal punishment within the family is not prohibited. While there has been a dramatic increase in the number of street children in all major cities in Asia/ Oceania, there are not enough legal safeguards and enforcement mechanisms to protect the rights of street children––not even to protect them from police brutality. Street children in India and most countries in the region are routinely detained illegally, beaten, tortured, and sometimes killed by police, and the law allows de facto immunity of police officers from prosecution. TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY: PROMISES AND CHALLENGES The twenty-first century poses both promises and challenges to the region. Issues facing particular sub-regions are presented here. The subregional trends and statistics presented need to be read with caution as there are wide variations among countries. East Asia Among all the sub-regions in Asia/Oceania, East Asia has made the most significant progress. The Human Development Index (HDI) trend for East Asia has inclined sharply from 0.5 in 1975 to 0.78 by 2004 (United Nations Development Programme 2006). Some countries in the sub-region have done a better job of converting income into education and health opportunities. For example, with a GDP of $6,000 (less than half of Saudi Arabia’s GDP of $14,000), China has achieved an HDI of 0.77 (compared to Saudi Arabia’s HDI of 0.78; UNDP 2006). Most countries in this sub-region have established nine years of compulsory schooling for children. The enrollment number in secondary
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schools for most of the countries is much higher compared with other sub-regions in Asia. China reports about 78 percent enrollment in junior high schools (twelve to fifteen years), and in Japan and Hong Kong more than 90 percent of children complete upper secondary or an equivalent vocational education. Children’s access to technology is widespread and in fact has become a concern with the rise of internet child trafficking and child pornography cases. However, compulsory schooling did not accompany free schooling provisions as in the case of China and Laos. Therefore, countries in the region need to address issues of equity, quality, and educational funding, especially for children from underserved communities. UNESCO (2000) rightly points out that making education free of cost dramatically enhances a country’s progress toward universalization of primary education, as in the case of Uganda and Malawi. With the exception of Taiwan, educational provisions for children with special needs are far behind the developments in the western world. Countries in East Asia need to make efforts toward early diagnosis of children’s needs, mandate inclusive education to incorporate children with mild disabilities in regular educational institutions, design curricula that address needs of children with disabilities, and provide ongoing support services for these children and their families. To counter excessive emphasis on academics, countries in East Asia have been implementing some form of curriculum reforms focusing on overall development of the learner: balancing academics with creativity, relevancy, and personal choice; and focusing on national as well as individual interests. The transition phase is critical and the countries in East Asia need to focus on changing the educational beliefs and expectations of parents, teachers, and administrators and on training teachers to move from a product-oriented focus to a process-oriented one. The sub-region needs to address the uneven developmental progress among countries. For example, among 177 countries in the world, the HDI ranking for Japan is 7 and for China, 81 (UNDP 2006). According to UNICEF (2006), Singapore has the lowest mortality rate in the world for children under five, lower than all industrialized countries except Iceland, and East Asia (and Pacific) has the highest level of household iodized salt consumption in the developing world after Latin America/ Caribbean. The government spending on education in 2001 exceeded US$16.31 billion, or roughly 5.89 percent of the GNP (4.22 percent for public schools and 1.67 percent for private ones) in Taiwan (Government Information Office, Republic of China, 2004). However, in all aspects of life and society, the region faces continuing challenges in achieving gender equality and preventing intra- and intercountry commercial sexual exploitation of girls. Parental abuse of children in Japan is drawing world-wide attention (for more information on the topic, see the award-winning
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documentary, Conquering the Darkness—The Fight against Memories of Abuse, 2006). The decentralization process in East Asia has been uneven and in many cases has not benefited children and families in poor communities. To reap the potential developmental benefits of a decentralized government system, the central governments in the region need to implement effective accountability systems to monitor and evaluate the activities of local governments, ensure intergovernmental transfers of funds in a timely fashion, and strengthen local fiscal and financial structures (White and Smoke 2005). Southeast Asia The sub-region has experienced rapid economic progress in recent decades, except in Cambodia, which is considered one of the poorest countries in the world. Countries in Southeast Asia have experienced higher primary school enrollment and lower infant mortality. However, in Cambodia, the male population has an average schooling of 4.17 years in contrast to females with 2.54 years. Cambodia has very high rate of child mortality and is least likely to reach the target set for MDG goal number 4, ‘‘Reduce Child Mortality.’’ There are also growing gaps between rich and poor and boys and girls in the sub-region. Issues such as ethnic conflicts, discrimination against minorities and refugees, and internal political unrest are recurring challenges in the region. Child labor is a problem in most of the countries in Southeast Asia despite legal safeguards. There are growing numbers of street children in major cities in Southeast Asia. Children from indiginous communities in mountain areas and from ethnic minority communities remain among the poorest and lack adequate access to education, health care, and other life needs. Children with disabilities, for the most part, are excluded from society and from school. Trafficking of children is an ongoing issue that Southeast Asian countries need to address. It is estimated that nearly one third of all global trafficking trade occurs in Southeast Asia (Richard 1999, cited by Derks 2000); about 60 percent are trafficked within the region and 40 percent are trafficked outside the region (Derks 2000). About 60 percent of the trafficked people in the U.S. are from Southeast Asia (Richard 1999, cited by Derks 2000). Thailand has been identified as a source as well as a receiving country. A common and dangerous form of trafficking in the region deals with parental consent and involvement in the process. Efforts have been made at the national, regional, and international level to address the issue. Governments have introduced policies such as the extension of compulsory education from six to nine years. Thailand also prohibits the sexual abuse of children through the Prevention and Suppression of Prostitution Act, 1996. Bilateral agreements have been signed with other countries. International organizations have been actively
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involved in the region to address the issue. Although some progress has been made, countries are far from implementing the key recommendations of the 1999 Bangkok Declaration on Irregular Migration. A large number of children in Southeast Asia are infected or affected by HIV/AIDs. Many children live at high risk of being infected by HIV as well. National and international NGOs and other organizations have launched successful programs to deal with the issue. For example, the Educational Development Center (2007) in Thailand has implemented comprehensive and locally tailored programs linking research and practice in three Southeast Asian countries: HIV prevention education and vocational training to youth in hill tribe villages in Thailand; working with HIVaffected street children in Cambodia; providing care and support to HIVaffected and infected children in Vietnam. There is a need to replicate such projects in the sub-region while simultaneously implementing preventive measures that are comprehensive, multisectoral, and sustainable to address the root cause of the issue. South Asia Five of the fifty Least Developed Countries (Afghanistan, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Maldives, Nepal) in the world are located in South Asia. South Asia is also home to the majority of the world’s children. However, South Asia falls behind other sub-regions in almost all aspects of children’s development and well-being. A stagnant economy in most of the countries accompanied by weak governance and corruption, insufficient infrastructure, internal conflict, and natural disasters pose challenges in meeting children’s rights to even the most basic needs of life. Social exclusion based on gender, social class, caste, ethnicity, geographical location, religion, disability, and/or language further marginalizes children. According to the International Food Policy Research Institute researchers, Smith and Haddad (2000), half of the world’s underweight children live in South Asia, and by 2020 South Asia will still have 37 percent of the world’s underweight children. A 2006 World Bank report titled India’s Undernourished Children: A Call for Reform and Action cited that, with approximately 60 million underweight children, India had the world’s highest number of underweight children, nearly double of that of Sub-Saharan Africa (Gragnolati 2006). With a significant number of children in need of quality services in health and education, one of the major balancing tasks for South Asian governments in the twenty-first century will be the challenge of balancing quantity and quality of service. The share of public spending on education in the GNP has declined since the EFA declaration in South Asian countries. The poor quality of education, including a shortage of teachers particularly qualified and unqualified teachers, endangers the chance of attaining EFA goals by countries in the sub-region including India as documented in the Public
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Report on Basic Education in India (De and Dreze 1999). The subregion has high dropout rates, and about 40 percent of children drop out before completing primary school. Nepal has the highest dropout rate in the world, and about 43 percent of students repeat grade one (UNESCO 2007). In most countries in the region, the length of compulsory education is up to age fourteen or grade eight. However, some countries in South Asia (Bangladesh, Nepal, and Pakistan) require only five years of schooling. Educational policies among countries vary. There is no constitutionally guaranteed free education in Maldives; Bhutan and Nepal charge fees despite legally guaranteed free education; other South Asian countries provide free education although secondary expenditures are burdensome for families Education funding in South Asia is lowest among all other sub-regions in Asia. According to the EFA Global Monitoring Report (UNESCO 2007), total public expenditure on education (as a percent of GNP) by the sub-region was 3.3 percent in the year 2004. For individual countries, the public expenditure on education in the year 2004 was 8.6 percent for Maldives, 2.0 percent for India, and 2.1 percent for Bangladesh. Six South Asian countries (Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Pakistan, and Nepal) were among the twenty-five countries in the world selected for the ‘‘25 by 2005’’ acceleration campaign by UNICEF. Under the microscopic scrutiny of world organizations and the international pressure to meet UNCRC mandates and MDG and EFA goals, South Asian countries will be required to intensify their efforts to reach out to all children. Birth registration is also a problem in South Asia. Bangladesh has introduced an electronic program that aims to achieve 100 percent birth registration by 2008. Birth registration impacts laws related to child prostitution, early marriage, and youth detention. South Asia is one of the lowest performing regions in the world in the area of gender equality. The 2006 Gender, Institution, and Development Index, compiled by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD 2006), which evaluated 161 countries on an array of 60 indicators of gender discrimination reported low rankings for South Asia countries: India, 95; Pakistan, 108; and Bangladesh, 101. An example of gender discrimination is Pakistan’s legal age for marriage—sixteen for girls and eighteen for boys. Central Asia Since their independence from the former USSR, countries in the subregion have faced many challenges. On a positive note, economic performance and stability for the region has been increasing steadily since the 1998 Russian economic crisis, especially in countries that successfully launched market economies. However, rising living standards, corruption at both the institutional and individual levels, and lack of democratic
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participation and social services pose serious challenges for children’s well-being. Overall levels of public expenditure on health and education remain low in many countries and have not increased since 1998. Kazakstan and Turkmenistan experienced increased child mortality rates from 1990 to 2004 (Asian Developmental Bank 2006). Factors such as the dissolution of the Soviet Union, internal conflicts, territorial disputes, and cross-border migrations have left thousands of families and children without determined nationalities and consequent denial of services, including enrollment in schools in their country of residence. Regional cooperation among Central Asian governments is needed to solve issues of nationality. According to the UNICEF’s social monitor (UNICEF 2003), the rate of infant death in Central Asia is twelve times greater than in western industrialized countries, 89 deaths per 1,000 children in Tajikistan. The survival of the child is a continuing concern despite a plummeting birth rate. Factors such as extreme poverty, parental unemployment, erosion of state-funded social services, violence and sexual abuse at home, and family abandonment have pushed many children to prostitution. Other issues such as child trafficking, illegal adoptions, and violence at home, community, school, and residential institutions need serious attention as well. Central Asian governments need to institute social services, in addition to community-based educational programs, to engage youth in meaningful activities. Child abandonment is a growing social issue in Central Asia. Central Asian governments have been placing thousands of neglected and abandoned children in institutions. However, experts recommend an increase in public spending on social services including health and education, higher levels of social transfers to families with young children; and supporting families in crisis rather than placing children in institutions. Severe physical punishments at home and in schools, along with police brutality are accepted and widely practiced in Central Asian countries. The participation of street children in illegal economic activities including selling drugs, smuggling, and prostitution will continue to grow unless governments upgrade the quality of their education systems and adopt poverty reduction measures. There are unresolved issues surrounding gender inequality and gender discrimination in education, employment, and health care in Central Asian countries. There is a need to institute and enforce anti-discriminatory legislation to protect girls. Governments in the sub-region need to organize educational awareness campaigns for parents to help them understand the value of their girls’ education and institute incentive programs to stop premature dropping out of girls from school. Central Asian countries need to increase their education spending, currently very low ranging between 2–3.7 as a percentage of GNP, compared to 4–6 percentage for countries with higher educational achievement.
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Oceania Oceania has the highest inter-country variations in almost all issues that affect children’s well-being. While Australia and New Zealand have made significant progress in addressing children’s issues, many Polynesian, Micronesian, and Melanesian countries lag behind. For example, the mortality rate for children under five per 1,000 births ranges from as low as 6 (per 1,000) in Australia and 7 in New Zealand, to as high as 98 in Papua New Guinea and 134 in Timor-Leste (UNESCO 2007). The 2006 HDI ranking for Australia was 3 and for New Zealand was 20. Other countries in Oceania were in the medium range: Fiji, 90; Solomon Islands, 128; and Papua New Guinea, 139. In some parts of Oceania, childhood obesity is a growing trend and health concern in Oceania. In other parts of Oceania, moderate (19 percent in Vanautu) to severe stunting (as high as 49 percent in Timor-Leste) is reported. With the exception of Australia and Papua New Guinea, HIV infection levels are low in other Oceania countries. Papua New Guinea has the highest HIV infection rate in the South Pacific. However, infection from other sexually transmitted diseases among pregnant women is a disturbing trend in some countries in the sub-region. For example, UNAIDS (2005) reports that about 43 percent of women receiving antenatal services were infected with at least one sexually transmitted disease in Apia, the capital city of Samoa. There have been significant negative reversals in immunization coverage in Oceania: from 70 percent coverage in 1990 to 48 percent coverage in 2004 (The United Nations Association of the United States of America, 2007). According to the 2007 EFA global monitoring report for the Pacific region, pre-primary school enrollment is more than 90 percent in Australia, New Zealand, and Tuvalu, and below 20 percent in Fiji and Timor-Leste (UNESCO 2007). In 2004, the net enrollment ratio (NER) for pre-primary school education was above 90 percent except in the Solomon Islands, where it is about 80 percent. However, the primary school completion rate (according to available data for 2003) is as low as 25 percent, and grade repetition is high as well. The average GER (gross enrollment ratio) for secondary education for the entire sub-region was 104 percent in 2004. Disparity exists among countries, ranging from 104 percent in Australia to less than 30 percent in Papua New Guinea and Solomon Islands. There is concern over the low enrollment of boys in secondary and tertiary levels in some countries. Gender parity is nearly achieved in Oceania. In 2001/2002, gross enrollment ratio for girls and boys in primary school was 93/100 and in secondary school was 91/ 100 (UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs Statistics division, 2005). The alarming dropout rates in some countries point to the need for upgrading the quality of education, instituting special programs for older children, and reducing the cost of schooling. Except for a few
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countries, children with disabilities are highly excluded from society across Oceania, and there is almost no provision for the education of children with special needs in the school system. The first decade of the Asian and Pacific Decade of Disabled Person, 1993–2002, did not bring much improvement in raising the status of children with disabilities. Therefore, by resolution 58/4, UNESCAP proclaimed the extension of the Asian and Pacific Decade of Disabled Persons to another decade, 2003–2012. Public spending on education is high across Oceania, at 7 percent (in GNP) or above in the majority of countries, ranging from 4.3 percent in Samoa to about 12 percent in the Marshall Islands. However, governmental spending on pre-primary education is low, representing between 0.01-0.2 percent of GNP in countries such as Australia, Fiji, and New Zealand (UNESCO 2007). The sub-region also suffers from low external aid to education as compared to South Asia. An increase in external aid may help some countries to reach EFA goals. Many countries in the sub-region have very poor juvenile justice systems. Even amidst recent juvenile justice reform efforts, police violence against children remains very high. Domestic violence against children, especially against women and girls, is rampant across Oceania. New Zealand has a poor record of abuse and neglect of children in comparison with other developed countries. The Micronesian Islands have witnessed extraordinarily high incidences of youth suicide. In 2007, a controversial law, effectively banning parents from striking their children, was passed by New Zealand’s parliament. CONCLUSION Childhood in Asia and Oceania is changing fast. In coming decades, Asia and Oceania will continue to deal with existing and emerging challenges from within and without as well as in overlapping spaces of the global and the local. Differentiated measures will be required to offset the evils of modern technology, such as internet pornography and trafficking, and traditional evils, such as domestic violence, social class/caste division, child labor, underage marriage, harmful health-related beliefs and practices, and other rituals, as well as the negative impact of the global economy on local childhoods. The region will witness more intensive interregional cooperation efforts because of the nature of issues common to the region as well as the need to share effective practices. There will be a greater need to collect qualitative information on the process and quality of schooling rather than quantitative data on enrollment, retention, and dropout rates only. In addition, the growing internal and cross-border conflicts, existing social and economic inequity, and exclusionary practices, as well as moral issues affecting children’s lives will necessitate the inclusion of human
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rights discussions and moral and ethical issues in the school curriculum. The growing awareness of the rights of indigenous children, the widening gap between indigenous and non-indigenous children, and the pressure by international organizations to meet the goals of the second UN International Decade of the World’s Indigenous Peoples, 2005–2015, will push governments to divert funding and resources to secure the rights of indigenous children. Based on similar logistics, we can also project that national legislation, strategies, policies, and plans for education in the region will include specific targeting of children with disabilities. Because the majority of the world’s out-of-school girls reside in Asia, and with rising incidences of child prostitution and trafficking involving girls, the governments in Asia will be pressured further by world leaders and organizations to build gender-sensitive and gender-equal societies, to continuously monitor and report progress through gender-disaggregated data, and to facilitate regional dialogues on the issue. Constant criticisms by internal and external evaluators on the region’s poor record of progress, despite legislation, will require governments to institute strict monitoring and evaluation procedures and to upgrade their accountability requirements from individuals and organizations. Governments in Asia and Oceania are obligated to institute rights-based approaches to programming, as required of all UNCRC signatories. Rights-based approaches to programming will focus on budget allocations for children’s programs and services at the local, state, and national levels. Such programming, accompanied with program-evaluation studies, will make children more visible in policies and decision-making processes, especially those related to budget and resource allocation. REFERENCES Aiyar, Mani Shankar. 2007. I was always Leftist. Economic Reforms Made Me Completely Marxist. http://www.indianexpress.com/story/29112.html. Accessed May 2007. Amnesty International. 2005. PAKISTAN: Protection of Juveniles in the Criminal Justice System Remains Inadequate. http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/ engasa330212005. Accessed May 12, 2007. Asian Developmental Bank. 2006. Part I—Special Chapter—Measuring Policy Effectiveness in Health and Education: Introduction and Background. http:// www.adb.org/documents/books/key_indicators/2006/pdf/Special-Chapter2006.pdf. Accessed April 20, 2007. Asian Development Bank. 2006. Key indicators 2006: Measuring Policy Effectiveness in Health and Education. http://www.adb.org/documents/books/key_ indi cators/2006/pdf/Special-Chapter-2006.pdf. Accessed February 23, 2007 Bhagwati, Jagdish N. 2004. In Defense of Globalization. New York: Oxford University Press. Bower, Bruce. 2005. Childhood’s End: In Thailand, Poverty Isn’t the Primary Reason that Girls become Prostitutes. Science News Website. http://findarticles.com/ p/articles/mi_m1200/is_13_168/ai_n15722045. Accessed February 23, 2007.
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Callaway, Rhonda L. and Julie Harrelson-Stephens, eds. 2007. Exploring International Human Rights: Essential Readings. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers. De, Anuradha and Jean Dreze. 1999. The Public Report on Basic Education in India. Oxford: Oxford University Press. de Onis, Mercedes, Monica Bl€ ossner, Elaine Borghi, Edward Frongillo, and Richard Moris. 2004. Estimates of Global Prevalence of Childhood Underweight in 1990 and 2015. Journal of the American Medical Association, 291, no. 21: 2600–606 Derks, A. 2000. Combating Trafficking in South-East Asia: A Review of Policy and Programme Responses (International Organization for Migration, IMO, Research series). Geneva. Switzerland: IOM. Education Development Center. 2007. EDC Health and Human Development Programs in Asia. http://asia.hhd.org/about.php. Accessed June 12, 2007. Estifania, Edna A. 2004. A Civic Service in East Asia and the Pacific. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, 33. no. 12: 127S–147S. Ferguson, Kristin M. 2006. Responding to Children’s Street Work with Alternative Income-Generation Strategies. International Social Work, 49: 705–17. GALDU. 2007. Fundamental Rights of Asia’s Native Peoples Increasingly Violated, Situation Long Neglected, UN Forum Told. http://www.galdu.org/web/ index.php?odas¼2038&giella1¼eng. Accessed May 2, 2007. Giri, Birendra. 2005. Mourning the 15th Anniversary of Crisis: The Plight of Bhutanese Refugee Women and Children. Journal of Asian and African Studies, 40. no. 10: 345–69. Gooneseker, Savitri. 1998. Children, Law and Justice: A South Asian Perspective. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Government Information Office, Republic of China. 2004. A Brief Introduction to Taiwan. http://www.gio.gov.tw/taiwan-website/5-gp/brief/info04_15.html. Accessed March 24, 2007. Gragnolati, Michele, Caryn Bredenkamp, Meera Shekar, Monica Das Gupta, and Yi-kyoung Lee. 2006. India’s Undernourished Children: A Call for Reform and Action. Washington DC: World Bank Publications. Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR). 2005. Lost children of Central Asia. Underage Prostitution in Kazakstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan (An IWPR special investigation). http://www.essex.ac.uk/armedcon/story_id/ 000170.doc. Accessed May 10, 2007. The Internet Center for Corruption Research. 2006. Transparency International (TI) 2006 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI). http://www.icgg.org/corruption. cpi_2006.html. Accessed April 26, 2007. King, Elizabeth M., and Susana Cordeiro Guerra. 2005. Education Reforms in East Asia: Policy, process, and impact. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/ INTEAPDECEN/Resources/Chapter-9.pdf. Accessed December 2006. Lanuza, Gerry. 2004. The Theoretical State of Philippine Youth Studies: Current Trends and Future Directions. Young, 12. no. 1:357–76. Minujin, Alberto, and Enrique Delamonica. 2003. Mind the gap! Widening child mortality disparities. Journal of Human Development, 4. no. 3: 397–418. Minujin, Alberto, Enrique Delamonica, Alejandra Davidziuk, and Edward D. Gonzalez. 2006. The Definition of Child Poverty: A Discussion of Concepts and Measurements. Environment and Urbanization, 18, no. 10: 481–500. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). 2006. Gender, Institutions, and Development Index. http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/57/ 20/36240233.pdf. Accessed May 12, 2007.
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Pattnaik, Jyotsna, ed. 2005. Childhood in South Asia. Greenwich, CT: Information Age Publishing. Reynolds, Pamela, Olga Nieuwenhuys, and Karl Hanson. 2006. Refractions of Children’s Rights in Development Practice: A view from anthropology– Introduction. Childhood, 13. no. 8: 291–302. Roby, Jini L. 2005. Women and Children in the Global Sex Trade: Toward more Effective Policy. International Social Work, 48. no. 3:136–47. Salmon, Claire. 2005. Child Labor in Bangladesh: Are Children the Last Economic Resource of the Household? Journal of Developing Societies, 21. no. 6:33–54. Seabrook, Jeremy. 2001. Children of Other Worlds: Exploitation in the Global Market. London: Pluto Press. Sen, Amrtya. 2002. Health: Perception versus Observation. British Medical Journal. 324:860–861. Smith, Lisa C. and Lawrence Haddad. 2000. Overcoming Child Malnutrition in Developing Countries: Past Achievements and Future Choices. http://www. ifpri.org/2020/briefs/number64.htm. Retrieved April 20, 2007. Stark, Barbara. 2006. International Family Law: An Introduction. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing. UNAIDS (2005). AIDS Epidemic Update: December 2005, Oceania http:// www.unaids.org/epi/2005/doc/EPIupdate2005_pdf_en/Epi05_12_en.pdf Accessed June 10, 2007. UNA-USA. 2007. Easing Their Plight. http://www.unausa.org/atf/cf/ percent 7B49C555AC-20C8-4B43-8483-A2D4C1808E4E percent7D/Spr percent 2007 percent20ID percent20pp percent2013-25.pdf UNDP. 2006. Human Development Index. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ flash/statistics_trends.cfm. Accessed February 12, 2007. UNDP. 2006. Human Development Report. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/pdfs/ background-docs/Issue_Notes/Unicef.pdf. Accessed May 17, 2007. UNDP. 2006. How HDI relates to GDP. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ flash/statistics_hdi.cfm. Accessed April 12, 2007. UNDP. 2006. Human Development Report. 2006 HDI Ranking. http://hdr.undp. org/hdr2006/statistics/. Accessed May 23, 2007. UNESCO. 2000. Gains, Losses in Education for All in Asia and the Pacific. http:// www.unesco.org/education/efa/wef_2000/press_releases/bangk_12_01.shtml. Accessed January 2007. UNESCO. 2006. EFA Global Monitoring Report: Regional Overview: South and West Asia. http://portal.unesco.org/education/en/ev.php-URL_ID¼49642&URL_ DO¼DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTION¼201.html. Accessed May 10, 2007. UNICEF. 2003. UNICEF urges Demobilization and Reintegration of Child Soldiers. http://www.unicef.org/newsline/02pr58soldiers.htm. Accessed June 10, 2007. UNICEF. 2003. The State of the World’s Children, 2003. Washington, DC: United Nations. UNICEF. 2004. Gender Achievement and Prospect in Education. The GAP report: Part one. http://www.ungei.org/gap/reportPacific.php. Accessed March 10, 2007. UNICEF. 2006. Progress for Children: East Asia/Pacific: China Leads the Way. http://www.unicef.org/progressforchildren/2006n4/index_eastasiapacific.html. Accessed May, 10, 2007.
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UNICEF. 2003. UNICEF Report Finds Child Survival Crisis in Caucasus and Central Asia. http://www.unicef-icdc.org/presscentre/presskit/sm2003/sm03_ pr_en.pdf. Accessed March 19, 2007. The United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (UNESCAP). 2007. Economic and Social Survey of Asia and the Pacific 2007. http://www.unescap.org/survey2007/. Accessed April 20, 2007. van Heeswijk, Jan P. M., ed. 2004. Combating Trafficking of Women and Children in South Asia: Regional Synthesis Paper for Bangladesh, India, and Nepal. Chicago: Asian Development Bank. White, Ronald and Paul Smoke. 2005. East Asia Decentralizes. http://siteresources. worldbank.org/INTEAPDECEN/Resources/Chapter-1.pdf. Accessed December 18, 2006. World Health Organization. 2007. HIV-AIDS in the Southeast Asia region. http:// www.searo.who.int/LinkFiles/AIDS_SEARO-Report07.pdf. Accessed June 10, 2007.
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AUSTRALIA Merlyne Cruz, Glenda MacNaughton, and Sharne Rolfe NATIONAL PROFILE Australia is a federation of six state and two territory governments with three tiers of government—commonwealth, state, and local government. It has a parliamentary democracy that draws from British and North American models of liberal democracy. Australia has a population of approximately 20 million people of whom 3.9 million are children (birth to fourteen years of age) (ABS 2003), with 78 percent of Australia’s child population living in its three most populated states: New South Wales, Victoria, and Queensland (AIHW 2005). Sixtyfour percent of children live in major cities. Children living in remote areas account for only 3 percent of the total child population, and the majority of those children (51 percent) live in the Northern Territory. The Australian population is ethnically and culturally diverse with peoples from an Oceanic, North-West European, Southern and Eastern European, and North African and Middle Eastern ancestry, with almost one-quarter of the population born overseas.
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Around 40 percent of Australia’s culturally and ethnically diverse population is made up of first- or second-generation migrants, mostly from Europe, New Zealand, and Asia. Australia is ranked thirty-second in the world in the numbers of refugees it takes in, averaging 12,000 refugees a year. While Australia is culturally and ethnically diverse, the Anglo-Celtic population makes up almost 80 percent of the population, and English is the most widely spoken language. The three most common languages other than English spoken at home in 2001 were Chinese languages, Italian, and Greek (ABS 2001). Australia also has an indigenous population that constitutes approximately 2 percent of the population. However, indigenous children form 4 percent of the total child population, with one-third of all indigenous children living in New South Wales, 28 percent in Queensland and 11 percent in the Northern Territory. A total of 5.8 percent of the child population was born overseas (ABS 2001). Australia is a relatively wealthy county. In 2006, it had the eight highest standards of living in the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, and an average per capita income per gross domestic product (GDP) of 30,897 in 2005. This placed it fourteenth in the world in the International Monetary Fund’s rankings. It has had an average growth of 3.5 percent in its economy over the past ten years. Its GDP is predicted to reach a trillion dollars in 2006– 2007 for the first time in its hisKEY FACTS – AUSTRALIA tory. In 2006, its employment Population: 20,434,176 (July 2007 est.) rate sat around 5 percent with Infant mortality rate: 4.57 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) approximately equal rates of Life expectancy at birth: 80.62 years (2007 est.) unemployment for man and Literacy rate (age fifteen and over): 99 percent women. Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 96 percent (2000–2005) Most people in Australia (87 Internet users: 14.664 million (2006) percent) live in a family with 60 People living with HIV/AIDS: 14,000 (2003 est.) percent of all families including Human Poverty Index (HPI-2) Rank: 14 children. In 2003, there were Sources: CIA World Factbook: Australia. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ 5.5 million families in Australia. publications/factbook/geos/as.html. April 17, 2007; UNICEF. A majority of those families Australia at a Glance–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ were in a one-family household infobycountry/australia.html. April 26, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report averaging 3.1 people in size. 2006–Australia. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ Only 4 percent of Australians countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_AUS.html. April 26, 2007. live in multifamily households. OVERVIEW While Australia is a relatively wealthy country and children on the whole are very healthy, children’s life chances vary according to socioeconomic and racial background and geographical location. Major issues confront the
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well-being of indigenous Australian children, particularly in rural and remote areas of Australia. In recent times, there has been a focus on the effects of homelessness on children’s health and well-being and increasing concern with children as victims of domestic violence. These issues are emerging in a wider context of rapid social change and the specific ways in which this is affecting children. Specific issues in relation to education, health, and children’s rights are outlined in the sections that follow. EDUCATION Education is the responsibility of state and territory governments in Australia. There are differences in the formal starting age for school between the states and territory governments, but since 1930 schooling between the ages of six and fifteen has been compulsory throughout the country. School education consists of thirteen years generally divided into a one-year preparatory year, six or seven years of primary schooling, and up to six years of secondary schooling. Now, 98 percent of all children complete a full course of primary education in Australia, and 96 percent of all children enroll in secondary school. Australia’s schooling system consists of private, nongovernmental schools and government schools. Churches are involved in the provision of schools. Approximately 30 percent of children attend nongovernment schools associated with religious organizations (Christian Research Association 2006). Religious schools in Australia have both a religious and a social mission. The formal language of education is English, but many schools offer programs for students to study other languages. There are some bilingual schools and preschools. All states and territories provide specialist programs for children with disabilities, and efforts are being made to address the specific needs of indigenous students within the government school system. All states and territories have a curriculum framework based on key learning areas and outcomes for each level of schooling. The National Goals for Schooling in the 21st Century focus on improving learning outcomes and provide a framework for national reporting on student achievement. In line with these goals, the Australian government instituted a nationally comparable system of reporting student achievement at years three, five, and seven of schooling. Literacy and numeracy outcomes are now reported in a National Report on Schooling annually. Assessment processes in addition to these national reports differ from state to state but involve a combination of school-based assessment and some state or territory-wide assessment in the final year of schooling. Since 2006, all schools have been required to provide parents with individual student report cards that show student achievement relative to the achievement of other students. Though it is not compulsory, a majority of Australian children receive some form of preschool education. In Australia, play has been an integral part of the early childhood curriculum. Challenges to the traditional notion
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of the value of play have multiplied in recent years. The development of early childhood policies in relation to the needs of parents, workplace, and economy and the emphasis on raising the standards of literacy and numeracy of Australian schoolchildren are seen as potential contributing factors in devaluing play. In particular, the OECD argues for a curriculum that integrates the best traditions of preschool and primary education and focuses on children’s cognitive, socio-emotional, and physical development. PLAY AND RECREATION Australia places a higher value on leisure activities than many societies. The 2003 Survey of Children’s Participation in Culture and Leisure Activities (Australian Bureau of Statistics) estimates that in the twelve months prior to April 2003: .
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Almost all children (99.8 percent) participated in at least one of the selected leisure activities surveyed; most frequent were watching television or videos, reading for pleasure, and playing electronic or computer games. 62 percent participated in organized sport. 29 percent were involved in selected organized cultural activities. 29 percent did not participate in organized sport or selected organized cultural activities.
As well as formally organized activities, children take part in a range of leisure activities. The most common leisure activity was watching television or videos (97 percent of children aged five to fourteen years), playing electronic or computer games, and bike riding. Some of the Australian television shows enjoyed by most preschool children are Play School, The Wiggles, Bananas in Pajamas, and Hi-Five. The Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s share of children’s audiences is particularly high among children in the four- to twelve-year age group. Walking and bike riding are two of the most popular family active leisure pursuits. Favorite family recreational activities are generally passive or nonactive, and tend to occur in the home. Television and video watching are favorite family pastime activities. Australian Bureau of Statistics 2003 surveys on recreation patterns indicate that Australian children devote inordinate amounts of time to technology, causing concern over isolation and detachment from social interaction and communication. Other negative consequences linked to the increased use of entertainment technology (such as computers, television, the internet, mobile phones, CD players, and electronic games) include the following: . .
Further segregation of the lives of children and parents Reduction of time spent by children in imaginative play; focus on mechanical, solitary play
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Exposure to violence and graphic sex Children being targeted as consumers of technology themselves Less time for physical activity that contributes to the dramatic rise of obesity and overweight problems among Australian children
Article 31 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child provides the right to rest and leisure, to engage in play and recreational activities appropriate to the age of the child, and to participate freely in cultural life and the arts. As Australia is signatory to the Convention, it has a responsibility to actively pursue the right of the child for play and recreation in legislation, policy, and practice. The government recognizes the profound detrimental effects of limited independent exploration and physical activity on children’s total development. In June 2004, ‘‘The Building a Healthy, Active Australia’’ initiative was launched to address the growing problem of declining physical activity and poor eating habits of Australian children. The initiative consists of four key components: Healthy School Communities, Healthy Eating and Regular Physical Activity—Information for Families, Active After-School Communities, and Active School Curriculum. The Australian Department of Health and Aging (2005) has recommended the adoption of the following guidelines: .
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All children and youth should be physically active daily, as part of play, games, sports, work, transportation, recreation, physical education, or planned exercise, in the context of family, school, and community activities. All children and youth should engage in physical activity of at least moderate intensity for sixty minutes or more on a daily basis. Children and youth should avoid extended periods of inactivity through activities such as television watching, video, computer games, and surfing the internet. Children and youth who currently do little activity should participate in physical activity of at least moderate intensity for at least thirty minutes daily, building up to sixty minutes daily.
The Department endorses the utility of the National Association for Sport and Physical Education (NASPE) guidelines for infants, toddlers, and preschoolers. The most popular organized sport for boys (in the year ending April 2003) was outdoor soccer, swimming, and Australian Rules football. For girls, netball, swimming, and tennis were predominant. Bike riding, skateboarding, and roller-blading rank high as favorite non-organized sport activities. Junior sport in Australia has different paths for young people, including school-related sports, local clubs or national sporting organizations. Some sports have talent identification programs across the country. The
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Australian Institute of Sport and some state and territory institutes and academies of sport also conduct talent identification programs that aim to recognize and tap into the potential that young people display for specific activities. In addition, school sport is an integral part of the Australian education system. Sport, including health and physical education, is one of the eight key learning areas in school curriculum. CHILD LABOR In Australia, the rights of workers of any age and legal requirements pertaining to employment are addressed in legislation at both federal and state/territory levels. Although Australia is a democratic, developed, and unionized nation with a relatively high standard of living, there are no federal laws setting a minimum age for employment or prohibiting forced or bonded labor by children. State and territory laws indirectly regulate the employment of children through laws setting minimum ages for leaving compulsory education (fifteen years), claiming unemployment benefits, and entering particular occupations. This means children can be employed full-time in a job at the age of fifteen. To work full-time before the age of fifteen, children must be exempted from school by the Department of Education and Training and be granted a permit by the Secretary of the Department of Human Services. But these provisions do not prevent the exploitation of children. Research by the Textile, Clothing and Footwear Union of Australia in 1995 uncovered examples of child labor, including young children working on industrial sewing machines after school, until late at night, and for twelve-hour shifts on weekends and during school holidays in home-based outwork within the clothing and textile industry. General occupational health and safety legislation in Australia does not specifically consider the special needs of children in workplaces due to their particular anatomical, physiological or psychological characteristics. The International Labour Organization (ILO) has repeatedly criticized Australian labor laws for falling short of international core labor standards and has regularly reviewed child labor laws across world regions (for example, ILO 2006). Regarding child labor specifically, Australia is one of only 20 out of 177 ILO member countries that have not yet ratified ILO Convention 138 establishing a minimum age for employment or ILO Convention 182 on the worst forms of child Labor. Australia does have laws against slavery and sexual servitude—the Criminal Code Amendment (Slavery and Sexual Servitude) Act of 1999—with those found guilty of perpetrating conditions of slavery facing penalties of up to twenty-five years’ imprisonment. Forcing, or intending to force, a child under eighteen years to provide sexual services or having knowledge of such activity warrants a penalty of nineteen years’ imprisonment.
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From January 27, 2006, the Department of Families, Community Services and indigenous Affairs is responsible for social policies and support affecting Australian society and the living standards of Australian families and the Office of indigenous Policy Coordination (OIPC). Various reports detail examples of exploitative child labor in Australia and/or injuries sustained by children at work. One of the more extensive of these recent reports, submitted by the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organisations (AFL–CIO) in 2003, reported that: .
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Approximately 450 children across Australia every day are believed to be engaged in commercial or quasi-commercial sexual activity (Grant, Grabosky, and David 1999) In 1999–2000, a total of 29,000 young people aged fifteen to nineteen years experienced work-related injury (Australian Bureau of Statistics 2000) Over a two-year period to December 2001, there were 21,000 workrelated problems in persons under fifteen years (National Occupational Health and Safety Commission 2001)
Newspapers have presented even more graphic statistics, including deaths of children involved in farm work (Sydney Morning Herald, November 4, 2000) and burns, fractures, and amputations in the teenaged work force (The Herald Sun, January 25, 2002). As just one example of state-level initiatives in this area, in 2003, the Victorian Government enacted the Child Employment Act 2003, which aims to protect the health, safety, and moral welfare of children under fifteen years of age who are working in Victoria. Before then, child employment in Victoria was regulated by provisions in the Community Services Act 1970, and this Act had not been substantively amended in thirty years. The new act recognizes that working children have particular needs and rights and establishes conditions that must be met before someone can employ children. Although the new act retained the child employment permit system that existed under the Community Services Act for the employment of children under fifteen, family businesses no longer require a permit to employ children, Child Employment Permits are free of charge, and parents are responsible for applying for permits. There is also a new mandatory requirement for a police check of the criminal record of those people employing and directly supervising children in the workplace. FAMILY Most children in Australia live at home with their families. Families with children make up 60 percent of all families in Australia. In 2003, there were 2.5 million families with at least one child younger than
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eighteen years old, and the majority of these (1.8 million or 71 percent) were from intact couple families, 22 percent (542,600) were from oneparent families, and 176,700 were from stepfamilies or blended families. As a proportion of all families with children under eighteen years, oneparent families are increasing (from 17 percent in 1992 to 22 percent in 2003), with most being single-mother families. In 2003, just over 1 million children under eighteen years lived with one parent and had a birth parent living elsewhere, mainly due to separation and divorce. This represented 22 percent of children in this age group, a similar proportion to that in 1997 (ABS Document 4102.0 Australian Social Trends 2006). Most Australian families live as one-family households, with only 4 percent of families living in multi-family households. The average size of Australian family households is decreasing, from 3.3 persons in 1992 to 3.1 persons in 2003. While the extended family is very important in Australian family life, many Australian families live long distances from their relatives, or as recently arrived immigrants, may have few if any extended family in Australia. This, accompanied with the increase in single-parent families, means that many Australian families rely on informal friendship networks or formal services such as child care and after-school care to assist them with their parental responsibilities. Use of informal care (nonregulated child care, including care by friends, extended family, or babysitters) is most common, especially for infants, but the proportion of children in formal care has also increased, from 19 percent in 1993 to 25 percent in 2002. While grandparent families with children under the age of eighteen years represented only 1 percent (22,500) of all families with dependent children in 2003, grandparents provided 58 percent of informal care to children aged younger than twelve years. Children living in low-income families are more likely to be from single-parent families, indigenous families, some families of non-English speaking backgrounds, and rural or remote families. The extent of family and child homelessness in Australia has been a contentious issue for many years, and it is very difficult to estimate the number of homeless children in Australia. However, most statistics indicate a significant increase in youth homelessness since 1991. Women’s participation in the labor force is increasing in Australia and in 2001, around 43 percent (867,700) of all families with children aged less than fifteen years were couple families where both parents were employed. The proportion of traditional ‘‘sole breadwinner’’ families is decreasing in Australian society. This, and the increase in one-parent families, means that a growing proportion of Australian families face particular challenges combining family and paid work responsibilities. ‘‘Family friendly’’ arrangements (including parental leave or flexible working hours) are available in some workplaces, and part-time work is the most common form of employment for most women up until their youngest
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child reaches early high school age. Reflecting these patterns, work is the most commonly cited reason for using childcare. However, personal reasons, such as to undertake study, to go shopping, or to give parents a break or time alone, are also commonly given, especially for children receiving informal care. Family life for indigenous children is different in many respects from that of non-indigenous children. In terms of family type, as just one example, in 1994 nearly 13 percent of indigenous people lived in households shared by two or more families compared with 2 percent of the non-indigenous population. Only 64.1 percent of indigenous young people aged fifteen to nineteen lived with a parent, although there has been a growing trend in Australia generally for young people to continue to live with their parents for longer periods of their childhood. Marriage rates (per 1,000 of unmarried population) have fallen over the last two decades, and in 2003 there were 106,400 marriages registered in Australia. Marriage data for 2003 confirms the thirty-year trend for more Australian couples to cohabit prior to entering a registered marriage. Over the last ten years, the proportion of divorces involving children under eighteen years has fallen slightly from 53 percent in 1993 to 50 percent in 2003. The actual number of children involved in divorce in 2003 was 49,900. Of these divorces involving children, the age of the youngest child was between zero to four years of age for 26 percent of divorces, five to nine years of age for 36 percent of divorces, and ten to seventeen years for 38 percent of divorces. The proportion of divorces involving children varies between states and territories according to the 2004 Australian Bureau of Statistics. Parents have the legal obligation to provide for their children’s needs—provision of food, shelter and clothing, education and protection—until they are eighteen years of age, and parents have the right to decide what is in their child’s best interests. Only recently have children in Australian courts been able to enter into a direct relationship with their legal representatives, rather than having another adult, usually the parent, acting as go-between child and lawyer, and this has only occurred in some jurisdictions. Parental powers stop completely (along with their legal responsibility toward their children) when a young person attains eighteen years of age. Parental responsibility also ceases when a child marries or is in a de facto relationship. In all states and territories of Australia, the age of majority is eighteen. Under the Federal Marriage Act 1961, the legal minimum age for marriage is eighteen years. However, with court approval in exceptional circumstances, a marriage may take place if one of the parties has attained sixteen years. In Australia, children have rights of inheritance from their parents in all states/territories whether their parents are married or not. If a parent dies without making adequate provision for a child, an application can be made to the courts for child maintenance from the estate.
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Family violence is a serious social issue in Australia, and the Family Violence Committee was established by the Family Court of Australia in 2002 to review all court polices and practices in relation to family violence. A major consultation was conducted resulting in the Family Violence Strategy launched in March 2004. The court also must ensure that any orders made are consistent with any family violence order and do not expose a person to an unacceptable risk of family violence. The family court program seeks to promote justice for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in the jurisdiction of family law and to assist the court in adapting its processes and operations to accommodate the specific needs of indigenous families in conflict on issues of children, family breakdown, and separation. There is a range of government payments—most means-tested—made to Australian families to assist them in caring for their children, including benefits paid through the taxation system, the Child Care Benefit to help families who use approved and registered child care, the Large Family Supplement, Maternity Payment, Maternity Immunisation Allowance and rent assistance. Child support for children of divorce is paid by one parent to the other based on residency of the children and is collected and administered through the Child Support Scheme. HEALTH Australia’s infant mortality rate was 4.57 per 1,000 live births in 2007. The major causes of infant mortality include perinatal conditions (50 percent) and congenital malformations, deformations, and chromosomal abnormalities (23 percent). Nearly 17 percent of postneonatal deaths are associated with sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS). The infant mortality rate for indigenous Australian infants is three times higher than for the general population, and it is generally higher for infants in rural and remote areas than for infants in metropolitan areas. Forty-seven percent of all deaths of children one to fourteen years of age occur in the early childhood years (one to four years of age), with the major external causes, such as injury or poisoning, accounting for 40 percent of these deaths. Again, there are differentials in the death rate between indigenous and non-indigenous children. In the age groups one to four years of age and ten to fourteen years of age, indigenous children are three time more likely to die than non-indigenous children. In 2003, approximately 8 percent of the child population (zero to fourteen years of age) had a disability, with more than half of these children deemed to have a severe disability, and the 2001 population census suggests that approximately 7 percent of the child population has a longterm mental health problem or disorder. In all states, there are private and not-for-profit organizations that offer private health services and public services that receive state government assistance that can provide
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support and assistance to children, youth, and families where a child has a disability or mental health problem. For most low-income families, it is possible to access public services free of charge if their local health practitioners are prepared to charge the recommended government fee for their services. However, not all practitioners will do this. Although the number of reported AIDS deaths peaked in Australia in 1985, by the end of 2005, thirty-four Australian children between the age of one and twelve had died of the disease. As there is no mandated sex education in Australian schools, discussion on HIV-related issues is ad hoc, and controversy surrounds the inclusion of issues related to lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) youth in school-based sex education classes. There are several ways in which children and youth can access counseling services in relation to pregnancy, sexuality, HIV/AIDS, and related personal relationship and health issues. There are several nongovernment counseling services available to youth on pregnancy and related issues, including HIV/AIDS, and several telephone hotlines such as the AIDS hotline, Abortion Grief Counselling, Online Kids Counselling, and Gay and Lesbian Switchboard Counselling services. In addition, most state governments have an online health information directory that provides information about government and nongovernment counseling and health services that are available within their state. One of the issues faced by families, youth, and children is the potential confusion their diversity can create about where to go for help. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Australia was one of the first countries to ratify the United Nation’s Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989). It became binding on the Australian government on January 14, 1991, and is incorporated in federal law as part of the human rights responsibilities of the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission. Australia’s National Framework for Human Rights: National Action Plan (NAP) launched in December 2004 (available at http://www.dfat.gov.au/hr/nap/nap_2004.pdf). This document details many areas in which the policies and laws of Australia address children’s rights. These include Federal Parliament legislation that makes unfair discrimination on the basis of age unlawful; the development of integrated policy and programs to strengthen families and prevent child maltreatment; income support and policy for those caring for children; a national child care policy; and the Family Law Act 1975, which prioritizes a child’s best interests in family law decisions. The NAP also draws attention to the new position, created in 2002, of Minister for Children and Youth Affairs to promote an integrated approach across the spectrum of Australian government policies and programs for children and young people.
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The Australian government has reported twice on its performance of obligations under the Convention on the Rights of the Child (December 1995 and September 2003). In addition, the Australian Law Reform Commission and the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission in 1997 produced Seen and Heard: Priority for Children in the Legal Process and the National Children’s and Youth Law Centre (NCYLC) in 2004 produced What’s up CROC? Australia’s Implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child raising concerns about Australia’s record in regard to children’s rights. Established in 1975, the Australian Law Reform Commission (ALRC) is a permanent, independent federal statutory corporation, operating under the Australian Law Reform Commission Act 1996 (Cth). The NCYLC is an independent, nonprofit community legal center established in 1993, which advocates the legal rights and responsibilities of children and youth. These major reports raised many serious concerns about the legal status of children in Australia and Australian laws pertaining to children. For example, the NCYLC report notes that under Australian law, the fundamental civil liberties described in Articles 2, 13, 14, 15, and 16 of CROC, with the exception of the nondiscrimination provision in Article 2, are not guaranteed. While decisions affecting children are made daily by federal, state/territory, and local government agencies, it is rare for children to be consulted in these processes. There are legal restrictions on those younger than eighteen years old entering into contracts, thus disadvantaging children by precluding them from entering tenancy agreements or mobile phone contracts unless someone over the age of eighteen years is willing to sign their contract or go guarantor. Australian children have no right of participation in school decision-making, and under section 40 of the Victorian Equal Opportunity Act (1995), schools are allowed to set and enforce reasonable standards of dress and appearance even if these discriminate on the grounds of sex, race, or cultural background. Australian children suffer discrimination in relation to minimum and junior wage rates under industrial laws and workplace agreements that are not subject to antidiscrimination legislation. It has been estimated that about one-third of all crime in Australia is committed by juveniles, costing the community an estimated $1.5 billion a year. In Australia, juvenile offenders under the age of seventeen years are generally incarcerated in youth detention or training centers but can be sentenced to custody in an adult prison if convicted of a serious criminal offense, such as homicide. Data indicate there has been a general decline in the number of persons aged ten to seventeen years in juvenile detention over past years. On June 30, 1981, 1,352 young people were detained in juvenile detention facilities, whereas on June 30, 2003, only 640 juveniles were recorded as detained. Indigenous status is only available from 1994, but the rates of detention for both indigenous and nonindigenous young people have been declining since then. In 2003,
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Aboriginal juveniles accounted for 47 percent of those between the ages of ten to seventeen years in juvenile correctional institutions (U.S. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices–2005, March 8, 2006). Indigenous children and their families are the most disadvantaged group in contemporary Australian society and continue to experience inequality in access to services and benefits compared with non-indigenous Australians, with these inequities being widely recognized contributing factors to the extent of criminal offending. In terms of gender, young men have always been highly overrepresented in juvenile detention, with young women consistently comprising only a small proportion of the total persons detained. On June 30, 2004, young males were twelve times more likely than young females to be in detention. There have been reports of children in juvenile justice centers being subjected to abuse and inadequate safeguards established in law and policy to protect them. Figures from South Australia (Government of South Australia, Office of Crime Statistics, Fact Sheet No. 1, December 2000) provide some insights into the types of offenses for which young people are apprehended. In 1999, larceny and receiving (mainly shoplifting and theft of motor vehicles) was the major offenses (30.3 percent), followed by good order offenses (16.4 percent); burglary, break and enter (12.2 percent); drug offenses, mainly possession and use of cannabis (10.7 percent); offenses against the person, excluding sexual offences (10.2 percent); and damage to property and environmental offenses (10 percent). Robbery and extortion (2.1 percent), fraud and misappropriation (0.9 percent) and sexual offenses (0.7 percent) were rare. Two SA apprehension reports in 1999 listed murder as the major offense, with three reports of attempted murder. Recent research into the lifetime offending and substance use patterns of 371 juveniles incarcerated in Australian juvenile justice centers has shown that young people sentenced to detention often have extensive offending and drug use histories. The research showed that almost all juvenile detainees had used alcohol (97 percent) and cannabis (94 percent), half had used amphetamines, and one-third had used ecstasy and nearly one in three juvenile offenders were regular polysubstance users in the months prior to detention (Australian Institute of Criminology, Crime Facts Information Sheet No. 111: Drug use by young serious offenders, November 22, 2005). Another major concern in recent years is the forced detention of children and their families in immigration detention centers. Australia is the only Western country that has a policy of mandatory detention of all ‘‘unauthorized arrivals,’’ including children. In February 2002, there were 365 children in mainland Australian immigration detention centers, including thirteen unaccompanied minors. Children in Australian immigration detention centers do not enjoy the same rights under the Convention as those outside of detention. Australia penalizes asylum-seeking
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‘‘unauthorized arrival’’ children by detaining them for long periods of time, which further exacerbates their vulnerability and development. In July 2005, all children were released from indefinite detention and the Migration Act was amended to say that detention of children is an action of last resort. In regard to child trafficking, the Criminal Code Amendment (Trafficking in Persons Offences) Bill became law on August 3, 2005. Criminal offenses include general trafficking (bringing a person to Australia by means of threats, force or deception) punishable by up to twelve years imprisonment, or twenty years if the offender intends that the victim will be exploited, or the victim is subjected to cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment. The legislation also includes the specific offence of trafficking in children, with penalties of up to twenty years. Consistent with the Protocol, it is not necessary to prove the offender used force or threats, and the consent of the child is not relevant (http://www.dfat.gov.au/illegal_ immigration/laws.html). As noted earlier, under the Criminal Code Amendment (Slavery and Sexual Servitude) Act of 1999, those found guilty of forcing, or intending to force a child under eighteen years to provide sexual services or having knowledge of such activity warrants a penalty of nineteen years imprisonment. The Criminal Code Act also mandates a penalty of ten years for use of a carriage service (such as the internet) to access, obtain, or distribute child pornography (http://www.aba.gov.au/internet/overview/pornography. shtml). In addition, ISP or Web hosts also face monetary penalties if they are made aware that their service can be used to access child pornography, and they do not refer the information to the federal police. Corporal punishment in schools is banned in all Australian states, although in Queensland, this is still not legally binding. As a result, teachers can defend a charge of criminal assault if their conduct is considered ‘‘reasonable under the circumstances,’’ falling back on a Queensland law on Domestic Punishment dating back to 1899. Whether parents should be allowed to smack their children is a controversial issue, and appears to be still supported by a majority of Australians. For example, Tucci, Saunders, and Goddard (2002, cited in Australian Psychological Society, InPsych Highlights, October, 2002), reported that 75 percent of Victorians (as opposed to 88 percent of British respondents) agreed that: ‘‘Parents should be allowed by law to smack a naughty child who is over five years old,’’ with figures dropping to 50 percent and 16 percent respectively for ages two to five and below two years. The legal working age for children in Australia is fifteen years, and the ADF observes a minimum recruitment age into the armed forces of seventeen years. In regard to the age of criminal responsibility, since the publication of The Age of Criminal Responsibility (Urbas 2000, as cited in Australian Institute of Criminology Crime Facts Sheet No. 106, The age of criminal responsibility, September 13, 2005), some Australian
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jurisdictions have revised their legislation, confirming a trend over the last twenty years toward uniformity in age limits for criminal responsibility. For example, from July 1, 2005, in Victoria, the age jurisdiction of the criminal division of the Children’s Court has increased from seventeen to eighteen years. In Queensland, per the 1992 Juvenile Justice Act, a child is a person who has not turned seventeen years. Doli incapax means a presumption that a child is ‘‘incapable of crime’’ under legislation or common law. Recent Australian reviews (Bradley 2003 and Crofts 2003, as cited in Australian Institute of Criminology Crime Facts Sheet No. 106, The age of criminal responsibility, September 13, 2005) have discussed amending the doli incapax presumption, including reversing the onus of proof and changing its application to ages twelve and under. RELIGIOUS LIFE There is no official religion in Australia. The Constitution allows all Australians to follow any religion they choose or to have no religion. Religious practice, however, must conform to Australian laws. The Australian Constitution does not define religious minorities. There are no specific provisions in the Australian Constitution to protect human rights. Australia’s human rights obligations are largely derived from Australia’s international obligations under the various human rights treaties. It is arguable that Section 116 of the Constitution allows the free exercise of any religion and protects religious minorities (and majorities) from discrimination, but this section is more about restrictions on the powers of the legislature than a Constitutional guarantee of rights of individuals. Religious faith has been a vital part of Australian life since the early European settlement. Prior to that, the Aboriginal inhabitants followed their religions involving beliefs in spiritual forces and interrelationships between human beings, nature, and deities. Faith traditions have been influential in the formation of Australian multicultural society and have contributed immensely in the formation of Australian values. In Australia, the family remains the primary agent of a child’s religious development. There are also ties between religious institutions and family life. For newly arrived immigrants, participation in familiar religious observances and rituals in Australia operates as an integrating and connecting force. In some immigrant communities, religious institutions have played an important role in people’s spiritual, social, psychological, and cultural needs. The Australian Bureau of Statistics 2001 Census identified affiliations as follows: 70 percent Christians of different denominations and 5 percent non-Christian religions. Extensive immigration from the Middle East and Southeast Asia has increased the ethnic diversity of existing Christian denominations. It has also expanded Buddhist (now the largest nonChristian religion in Australia) and Muslim numbers significantly. The rise
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of new spiritualities alongside ethnically diverse traditional Christian denomination and the increase of people claiming no religious affiliation (16.5 percent) are shaping Australia to become, paradoxically, both a more secular and more multi-faith society. Australia also faces the challenges of continuing the traditions of Christian faith and of combining the need for community with strongly individualistic attitudes and behavior. More recently, a proliferation of full-time schools sponsored by ethnic and religious communities has occurred, some motivated by religious faith, others by concerns for cultural and linguistic maintenance. Examples of these are Greek Orthodox, Armenian, Jewish, Turkish Muslim, and Coptic Orthodox schools. There are several early childhood centers with a spiritual orientation. Steiner preschools, for example, aim to awaken the child’s ‘‘natural reverence for the wonder of life.’’ Jewish early learning centers in New South Wales and Brisbane introduce children to Jewish values and traditions and aim to develop caring members of the Jewish community and Australian society. Schools with a religious affiliation are a significant feature of the Australian educational system, and religious groups have played a major role in supporting the establishment and growth of nongovernment schools. For example, Australia has a significant sector of systemic Catholic schools, which enrolls about 20 percent of the school-age population. The Salvation Army and Uniting Care provide community services in the areas of aged and community care, children, youth and family, disability, employment, and rural and remote communities The 1959 Convention on the Rights of the Child requires Australia to protect children’s rights to cultural identity, language, and religion. Every child staying in Australia, whether citizen, temporary resident, or refugee seeking asylum, has the right to profess and practice his/her religion. In Australia, most religious denominations use communal centers and places of worship that hold spiritual significance for their believers. There are many Aboriginal sacred sites, which are generally places in the landscape. Religious activities and ritual ceremonies encompass a range of activities, including eating religiously appropriate food; baptism; fasting; prayer; religious meditation; religious text; visiting a burial site; worshipping at a sacred place; going to a wedding, funeral, confirmation, coming of age or rite of passage ceremonies; and other religious initiations. Rites of passage for children practiced by different religious groups include baptism, first communion/first confession for Christians, circumcision and bar mitzvah/bat mitzvah for Jews, and upanayana (‘‘sacred thread ceremony’’) for male Hindu children. Some Australian Aboriginal rites of passage include tooth pulling for males and food taboos for girls. The emergence of an era of terrorism has triggered debates on the contribution of religion and religious schools to cultural diversity and social cohesion. The role of education in promoting interfaith understanding in
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Australia is recognized as essential to a culture of harmony, justice, and nonviolence. Australians schools adopt the National Framework for Values Education that gives emphasis to freedom, respect, integrity, tolerance, and inclusion. Results from the 2004 National Church Life Study indicate that Australians are united in affirming these values. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT In Australia, the term child maltreatment includes four types of abuse: physical, sexual, emotional/psychological, and neglect. The total number of Australian children who have experienced maltreatment cannot be accurately known, with the best approximations based on the number of reports of suspected child abuse made to statutory child protection authorities. In Australia, this statutory responsibility resides with state and territory governments—not federal government—and there is inconsistency between the states in definitions of abuse, mandatory reporting requirements and processes, and child protection legislation. According to the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW) in 2002–2003, there were 198,355 reports received by state or territory authorities of suspected child maltreatment, and of these, about one in five (40,416) were substantiated through subsequent protective services investigations. These figures underestimate the extent of the problem, as much child maltreatment is not reported. In Australia, any person can report in confidence to protection authorities if they believe a child is being maltreated, and certain professional groups are required by law (mandated) to make such reports. This varies from state to state. In Tasmania, for example, every adult is mandated, whereas in Victoria, police, doctors, nurses, and teachers only are mandated. Recent AIHW statistics reveal that school personnel, police, and parents/guardians are those who most commonly report. Other available statistics indicate that boys are more likely than girls to be physically abused, whereas girls are more likely to be sexually abused. Australia’s indigenous children (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders) are more likely to be the subject of a substantiated report, and in one state (Victoria), this rate is ten times that of non-indigenous children. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are also overrepresented among children who have been removed from their homes due to child maltreatment, constituting in 2002, 23 percent of all children in care (of a total of 20,297 in care in 2002–2003). Most children removed from their homes are placed in community, home-based foster care placements (92 percent), with very few children (5 percent) placed in residential-type care (that is, group care settings with paid carers). Statistics in Victoria give some sense of trends, with the number of children removed from homes due to protective issues increasing by 27 percent between 1996 and 2004. The length of time children
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spend in placements has also increased, from an average of 1.5 years in 2000–2001 to 205 years in 2003–2004. Accurate statistics on fatal child maltreatment, where a child’s death results from physical violence or neglect by a parent or carer, are not available for Australia because comprehensive information is not collected currently in all Australian states. Some states have established a Child Death Review Committee (for example, Victoria and NSW). The review work of the NSW Committee revealed that of the seventy-five deaths over the period January 7, 1999, to June 30, 2002, that were attributed to maltreatment, forty children were found to have died from abuse and thirty-one from neglect. Infants and young children up to the age of four years were the most likely to suffer fatal abuse or neglect, and over half the deaths occurred in the child’s home. In 85 percent of cases, parental illicit substance abuse, domestic violence, and/or poverty were evident and in 47 percent of cases reviewed, criminal proceedings were commenced as a result of the child’s death. The ‘‘Cinderella Effect’’—where children living in families with a stepparent are at greater risk—has been reported in Australia for both intentional and unintentional childhood fatalities. Scott (2006) described child protection services as ‘‘demoralized, investigation-driven bureaucracies which trawl through escalating numbers of low income families to find a small minority of cases in which statutory intervention is necessary and justifiable, leaving enormous damage in their wake’’ (p. 1). Scott notes the diminishing resource of alternative within-family or community-based placements for children removed from their parent(s) and the fact that two-thirds of children removed from parental care have had four or more previous placements. As a new legislative approach to child protection in Australia, the Victorian government recently set out a new policy framework that aims to create a more integrated system of services that will connect vulnerable families to accessible and flexible community-based prevention support services more quickly, with local service networks redesigned to facilitate a shared approach to responding to children and families at-risk. The new approach, which also strengthens the investigative powers of Victorian child protection services, is enshrined in new legislation, the ‘‘Children’s Bill’’ that was introduced into the Victorian Parliament in late 2006. An important aspect of the new legislation is that all actions and decisions taken under it, including in the children’s court with respect to child protection, will be subject to a ‘‘best interests of children’’ test, focusing on the need to protect children from harm, to protect their rights, and to promote their development. Stable care is to be a key goal of case planning. The new legislation also aims to strengthen the cultural responsiveness of services so they are more inclusive of children from Aboriginal and other cultural backgrounds. With regard to age of recruitment into the military, the Australian Defence Force (ADF) observes a minimum age of seventeen years.
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GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Growing up in Australia in the new century presents a picture of a high degree of economic well-being and greater access to opportunities but also an atmosphere of complexity and uncertainty about the future for many children. The visible affluence, greater access to education and health and welfare support, as well as seemingly better opportunities for success brought about by urbanization, technology, and globalization conceal some serious problems. Many of the social and economic trends and changes to society—falling birth rate, an aging demographic structure, smaller households, older parents, increase of mothers in the workforce, parental separation, divorce, and high mobility—have had significant impact on the quality and provision of care for children. Many forces compete with raising children, including difficulties of combining work with family and changing social values. There are more children living in stress and trauma of marriage breakdown. Incidents of family violence and abuse are high. Isolation, disconnection, and abandonment are issues families face due to changing family structures and family life patterns. The issue of providing high-quality, affordable, and equitable access of early childhood education and care for all children remains a challenge. Provision of inclusive approaches for children requiring special support (indigenous children, children from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds, children with disabilities, children from low socioeconomic backgrounds, children from rural and remote areas, and children at-risk) still needs improvement. Australia, a highly multicultural society, is becoming a paradoxically multi-faith and secular society. However, ethnocentrism, racism, and xenophobia are prevalent in some sections of the population. The fear of terrorism has become the dominant issue in Australian politics. An atmosphere of suspicion pervades as the population witness the influx of new refugees from Middle East and African countries. Antagonism towards indigenous Australians continues to persist. Social inequalities exist. The indigenous population is recognized as the most economically and educationally disadvantaged. The infant mortality rate for indigenous infants is three times higher than from non-indigenous infants. Indigenous children are overrepresented in outof-home care. Increasing proportions of children suffer from obesity, partly due to the trend in sedentary and unhealthy patterns of living. There are more children suffering from asthma, mental health problems (such as depression and anxiety), and behavioral disorders (such as attention-deficit disorder and hyperactivity). There is increasing recognition that the health, development, and wellbeing of children cannot be addressed in isolation from the family,
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community, and broader socioeconomic, political, and cultural environments in which children live. In recognition of the importance of early years of a child’s life and in response to the challenges of living in the twenty-first century, the Howard/Anderson Government has identified early childhood as a priority area for action in its third term. In September 2001, a Task Force on Child Development, Health and Wellbeing was established to develop a whole-of-government approach to the early years of life. A National Agenda for Early Childhood was formed to bring together policy makers across government departments to coordinate efforts to improve outcomes for children. In June 2004, a draft policy framework that focuses on four key action areas—healthy young families, early learning and care, supporting families and parenting, and creating child-friendly communities—was created. Other government initiatives are the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children, Stronger Families and Communities Strategy, and the Australian Early Development Index: Building Better Communities for Children project. In some nongovernmental sectors, child advocates are lobbying for children’s rights and citizenship participation of children. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Australian Institute of Family Studies. 2006. Growing Up in Australia: The Longitudinal Study of Australian Children. AIFS: Melbourne. A very current analysis of children’s lives in Australian families, with a specific focus on parenting and parental leave, work–family balance, and childcare patterns for children. Bowes, J. M. 2004. Children, Families and Communities: Contexts and Consequences. 2nd ed. Melbourne, Victoria: Oxford University Press. A good multi-disciplinary examination of current issues for families and children within Australia covering a diverse range of topics and influences on children’s lives. It includes treatment of controversial issues including the treatment of children stolen from indigenous families. Brennan, D. 2003. The Politics of Australian Child Care. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. A thorough and important analysis of how childcare developed over time in Australia, its history, its politics, and its philosophies. Hartley, R. 1995. Families and Cultural Diversity in Australia. Sydney: Allen & Unwin in association with AIFS. This book provides an insight into the diverse characteristics of family life of key groups in Australia: Aborigines, Anglo-Celtic, Chinese, Filipino, Greek, Italian, Latin American, Lebanese, and Vietnamese. It examines the differences between immigrant groups in relation to family life and changing social and political circumstances in Australia. Stanley, F., Richardson, S. and Prior, M. 2005. Children of the lucky country? How Australian society is turning its back on children and why children matter. Sydney: Pan MacMillan Australia. This book identifies the lack of improvement in key indicators of the health, well-being, and development of children in Australia as the inequalities between the advantaged and disadvantaged grow.
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Nonprint Resources The United Nations. 2005. What’s Going On: Indigenous Children in Australia. DVD. The United Nations. A DVD exploring the lives of indigenous children living in outback Australia and urban Australia.
Web Sites Australian Association for Religious Education, http://www.aare.org.au/. Australian Bureau of Statistics, http://www.abs.gov.au. Australian Institute of Criminology, http://www.aic.gov.au/. Australian Law Reform Commission, http://www.alrc.gov.au/. Australian National Occupational Health and Safety Commission and European Agency for Safety and Health at Work, http://www.nohsc-eu.gov.au/. Australian Research and Alliance for Children and Youth, http://www.aracy.org.au. Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs, http://www.immi.gov.au/. Growing Up in Australia—The Longitudinal Study of Australian Children, http:// www.aifs.gov.au/growingup/. UNICEF—Statistics regarding Australian children and families, http://www.unicef. org/infobycountry/australia_statistics.html.
Organizations and NGOs Australia Institute of Family Studies, National Child Protection Clearinghouse 300 Queen Street Melbourne, Vic 3000 Australia Web site: http://www.aifs.gov.au/nch Australian clearinghouse of information, publications, and resources on child protection issues and the prevention of child abuse and neglect. Australian Bureau of Statistics Web site: http://www.abs.gov.au The official organization for the collection and dissemination of statistics on all aspects of life in Australia, including families and children. Australian Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission GPO Box 5218 Sydney NSW 2001
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Australia Web site: http://www.hreoc.gov.au An organization that administers federal legislation and handles complaints in relation to human rights, anti-discrimination, social justice, and privacy. Australian Institute of Health and Welfare: Children and Youth Index GPO Box 570 Canberra ACT 2601 Australia Web site: http://www.aihw.gov.au/childyouth/index.cfm A source of statistical information and data in relation to child and youth health and well-being and children’s services (childcare and preschools), child protection services, adoptions, and family support services. Family Court of Australia Family Law Courts National Enquiry Centre GPO Box 9991 Parramatta 2124 Australia Web site: http://www.familycourt.gov.au/ The Family Court of Australia presides over family law matters, including custody of children in the event of marriage breakdown. Federal Department of Families and Community Services and Indigenous Affairs National Office Box 7788 Canberra Mail Centre ACT 2610 Australia Web site: http://www.facsia.gov.au The commonwealth government department responsible for social policies and welfare support for Australian families, including childcare support. The National Children’s and Youth Law Centre c/o University of NSW Sydney NSW 2052 Australia Web site: http://www.ncylc.org.au This organization is a nongovernment organization that addresses human right issues for children and young people.
Selected Bibliography Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). 2002. Census of Population and Housing: Selected Social and Housing Characteristics, Australia 2001 [Catalogue No: 2015.0]. Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics. Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). 2003a. Culture and Leisure: Children’s Out of School Activities. The ABS web site. http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/
[email protected]/2f762f95845417aeca25706c00834efa/a92e7d04746803ccca2570fe 00198566!OpenDocument. Accessed October 30, 2006.
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Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). 2003b. Children’s participation in organised cultural activities 2003. The ABS web site. http://www.abs.gov.au/Ausstats/
[email protected]/94713ad445ff1425ca25682000192af2/0186CB55C35783E5CA256 F720083301B?opendocument. Accessed October 30, 2006. Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). 2003c. Children’s participation in organised sport. The ABS web site. http://www.abs.gov.au/Ausstats/
[email protected]/94713ad 445ff1425ca25682000192af2/57E1C764BFA85942CA256F7200832FBC?open document. Accessed October 30, 2006. Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). 2003d. Children’s participation in selected leisure activities. The ABS web site. http://www.abs.gov.au/Ausstats/
[email protected]/ 94713ad445ff1425ca25682000192af2/EE480A67897DDD23CA256F72008 33043?opendocument. Accessed October 30, 2006. Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). 2004a. Marriages, Australia [Catalogue No: 3306.0.55.001]. Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics. Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). 2004b. Divorces, Australia [Catalogue Number: 3307.0.55.001]. Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics. Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). 2006. Australian social trends 2005. The ABS web site. http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/
[email protected]/mf/4102.0?OpenDocument. Accessed October 30, 2006. Australian Government. 2006. Country Education Profiles. Australia: Canberra: Australian Government. Australian Institute of Family Studies (AIFS). 2005. What can we learn from the Growing Up in Australia study? The AIFS web site. http://www.aifs.gov.au/ growingup/new.html. Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW). 2005a. A Picture of Australia’s Children. http://www.aihw.gov.au/publications/index.cfm/title. Accessed October 10, 2006. Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW). 2005b. Australia’s welfare 2005. The AIHW web site. http://www.aihw.gov.au/publications/index.cfm/title/ 10186. Accessed October 10, 2006. Australian Law Reform Commission and the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission. 1997. Seen and Heard: Priority for Children in the Legal Process The Christian Research Association web site. http://www.cra.org.au/pages/ 00000089.cgi. Accessed October 27, 2006. Bouma, G. 2003. ‘‘Religion and Spirituality.’’ In Eds. I. McAllister, S. Dowrick, and R. Hassan. The Cambridge Handbook of Social Sciences in Australia. New York: Cambridge University Press. 626–37. Cahill, D. and M. Leahy. 2004. Constructing a multi-faith network. ACT: Commonwealth of Australia. Cahill, D., G. Bouma, H. Dellal, and M. Leahy. 2004. Religion, Cultural Diversity and Safeguarding Australia. ACT: Commonwealth of Australia. Christian Research Association. 2006. Australian Schools: Growth in the Independent Sector. The Christian Research Association web site. http://www.cra.org.au/ pages/00000089.cgi. Accessed November 30, 2006. Crotty, R. 2006. Reform of religious education curriculum: a cross national opportunity. The Australian Association of Religious Education web site. http:// www.aare.edu.au/96pap/crotr96120.txt. Accessed November 30, 2006. Department of Education, Science and Training (DEST). 2006. National Framework for Values Education in Australian Schools. http://www.valueseducation. edu.au/values/. Accessed November 30, 2006. Department of Education, Training and Youth Affairs (DETYA). 2000. Numeracy, a Priority for All: Challenges for Australian Schools. Canberrra: DETYA.
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Department of Education, Training and Youth Affairs (DETYA). 1998. Literacy for all: the challenge for Australian schools. Canberra: DETYA. Department of Families, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs. 2006. Towards the development of the National Agenda for Early Childhood. The FACS web site. http://www.facs.gov.au/internet/facsinternet.nsf/family/early_childhood. htm. Accessed October 30, 2006. Department of Family and Community Services. 2000. Tomorrow’s children: Australia’s national plan of action against the commercial exploitation of children. Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia. Department of Health and Ageing. 2005. Discussion paper for the development of recommendations for children’s and youths’ participation in self-enhancing physical activity. The Department of Health and Ageing web site. http:// www.health.gov.au/internet/wcms/publishing.nsf/Content/phd-physical-discussioncnt.htm. Accessed October 15, 2006. Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs (DIMA). 2006. Religious values and principles. The Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs (DIMA) web site. http://www.immi.gov.au/settle/states/values.htm. Accessed October 12, 2006. Earle, L. and R. Fopp. 1999. Introduction to Australian Society. Orlando, FL: Harcourt Brace. Early Childhood Australia. 1990. Code of ethics. ACT: Early Childhood Australia. Goumas, D. 2003. ‘‘Religion and spirituality.’’ In Eds. D. Dowrick, R. Hassan. and I. McAllister. The Cambridge Handbook of the Social Sciences in Australia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Grant, A., P. Grabosky, and F. David. 1999. The commercial sexual exploitation of children. Paper presented at the Children and Crime Victims and Offenders Conference, Brisbane, Australia. Hartley, R. 1995. Families and Cultural Diversity in Australia. New South Wales: Allen & Unwin. Hay, D. and R. Nye. 1998. The Spirit of the Child. London: Fount. Howe, J. 1999. Early Childhood, Family and Society in Australia: A Reassessment. Katoomba: Social Science Press. Hughes, P. 2006. Christianity in the twenty-first century: reflections on the challenges ahead. The Christian Research Association web site. http://www.cra.org. au/pages/00000182.cgi. Accessed October 30, 2006. Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission. 2006a. A last resort? The report of the National Inquiry into Children in Immigration Detention. The Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission web site. http://www.hreoc .gov.au/human_rights/children_detention_report/report/index.htm. Accessed October 27, 2006. Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission. 2006b. Religion, culture and language for children in immigration detention. The Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission web site. http://www.hreoc.gov.au/Human_Rights/ children_detention_report/report/chap15.htm. Accessed October 27, 2006. International Labour Organisation. 2006. The end of child labour: Within reach. Global Report under the follow-up to the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work. International Labour Conference, Geneva. Jureidini, R. and M. Poole. 2000. Sociology: Australian Connections. NSW: Allen & Unwin.
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Ministerial Council on Education, Employment, Training and Youth Affairs. 2006. National goals for schooling in the twenty-first century. Victoria: MCEETYA. National Accreditation Childcare Council. 2005. Quality Improvement and Accreditation System Handbook. NSW: National Accreditation Childcare Council. National Catholic Education Commission. 2002a. The contribution of religion and religious schools to cultural diversity and social cohesion in contemporary Australia; submission to the Australian multicultural foundation. The National Catholic Education Commission web site. Accessed October 29, 2006. National Catholic Education Commission. 2002b. The church community in multicultural Australia. The National Catholic Education Commission web site. http://www.ncec.catholic.edu.au.multi.htm. Accessed October 29, 2006. The National Children’s and Youth Law Centre. 2004. What’s up CROC? Australia’s implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. A background briefing paper. http://www.ncylc.org.au/croc/images/backgroundbriefing. pdf. Accessed September 28, 2006. National Church Life Survey Research. 2006a. Mum’s the word. The National Church Life Survey web site. http://www.ncls.org.au/default.aspx?do cid=3551. Accessed October 27, 2006. National Church Life Survey Research. 2006b. Overseas migrants. The National Church Life Survey web site. http://www.ncls.org.au/default.aspx?do cid=2298&track=1664. Accessed October 27, 2006. National Church Life Survey Research. 2006c. Exploring what Australians value. The Christian Research Association web site. http://www.cra.org.au/pages/ 00000251.cgi. Accessed October 26, 2006. New South Wales Commission for Children and Young People. 2005. Kids speak out about life in immigration detention centers. The New South Wales Commission for Children and Young People web site. http://www.kids.nsw.gov.au/ ourwork/immigrationdetention.html. Accessed October 29, 2006. New South Wales Department of Community Services. 2006. NSW Curriculum Framework for Children’s Services: The Practice of Relationships. Essential Provisions for Children’s Services. New South Wales: Department of Community Services. Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). 2001. Early childhood education and care policy in Australia. The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development web site. http://www.oecd.org. Accessed September 28, 2006. Scott, D. 2006. Sowing the seeds of innovation in child protection. Paper presented to the 10th Australasian Child Abuse and Neglect Conference, February, Wellington. Stanley, F., S. Richardson, and M. Prior. 2005. Children of the Lucky Country? How Australian Society is Turning its Back on Children and Why Children Matter. Sydney: Pan MacMillan Australia. Swee-Hin, T. 2004. ‘‘Interfaith dialogue: signs of hope.’’ Faith and Religion in South Australia, South Australian Multicultural and Ethnic Affairs Commission. Adelaide: Multicultural Australia. Tooley, G.A., M. Karakis, M. Stokes, and J. Ozanne-Smith. 2006. ‘‘Generalising the Cinderella Effect to unintentional childhood fatalities.’’ Evolution and Human Behaviour 27:224–230.
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BANGLADESH Mesbah-us-Saleheen and Khondaker Mohammod Shariful Huda NATIONAL PROFILE The People’s Republic of Bangladesh, previously known as East Pakistan, emerged as an independent and sovereign state from what was then Pakistan on December 16, 1971, following a nine-month-long War of Liberation. Bangladesh, run by a parliamentary form of government, is situated in the northeastern part of South Asia and is bordered by India to the west, north, and east, Myanmar to the southeast, and the Bay of Bengal to the south. Except for the high lands in the north and hilly regions in the east, the country is mostly low, flat, and fertile. Some of the world’s largest rivers flow through the country to form the largest delta on earth, and floodplains occupy 80 percent of the country. With a population of more than 150 million (CIA World Factbook 2007), in an area of 147,570 square kilometers (about the size of Arkansas or Wisconsin in the United States of America), the land is one of the most densely populated
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countries in the world with approximately 900 persons per square kilometer (Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics [BBS] 1994). Historically, the country is a transition zone between southwest and southeast Asia. Ethnically, the country is homogeneous, and the language of the vast majority of the people is Bangla (Bengali), except for a small tribal population of about 1.2 million (BBS 1994). Nearly 89.7 percent of the population’s religion is Islam. Hinduism, Buddhism, and Christianity are the religions of the rest of the population. The total population of Bangladesh is 150 million, 13 percent of which (about 16.9 million) is under age five, and 39.5 percent of which is under age fifteen (BBS 2003). The average number of persons per household is 4.9, and the population growth rate is 1.5 percent per annum. About 28 percent of the population lives in urban areas. The age distribution of younger children age five to nine and ten to fourteen is 13.6 and 12.8 percent, respectively (B.B.S. 2003). In 2007 the sex ratio was 1.052 male(s)/female. The birth rate per 1,000 population was estimated at 29.36 and infant mortality rate was 59.12 per 1,000 live births (CIA World Factbook 2007). Total fertility rate (TFR) is currently estimated at 2.6. Life expectancy for men and women was estimated at sixty-three and sixty-four years respectively in 2005 (BBS 2003). Child mortality rate under the age of five was estimated at 4.1 per 1,000 live births and the maternal mortality ratio (MMR) is 3.8 per 1,000 live births in 2001. Stunting among girls has declined from 65.9 in 1989– 1990 to 49.1 percent in 2000. Prevalence of underweight girls declined from 67.8 percent in 1989–1990 to 50.9 percent in 2000 (BBS 2003). There has been a steady increase in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita from US$273 in 1990–1991 to US$441 in 2004 (Ali, 2006). The country demonstrated a steady economic growth by an average of 4.75 percent per year throughout the 1990s. The Human Poverty Index for Bangladesh was ranked at 85 in 2006 (UNDP 2006). Sixtythree million people in Bangladesh continue to live below the poverty line. Compared with male-headed households, female-headed households are more likely to live in extreme poverty. Bangladesh ranked 110 among 144 countries on the UNDP Gender Development Index (GDI) for 2004, an increase of thirteen positions since 1999. There has been a narrowing of the gender gap in most social MDG (Millennium Development Goals) indicators in general and in the education sector in particular. For example, with targeted government policies, recent female enrollment rates in primary and secondary schools have exceeded that of males. Yet critics maintain that much work is needed in terms of women’s economic and political participation and adult literacy. Except in some ethnic minority groups, the family system in Bangladesh is patriarchal. The father, as legal guardian, is responsible for taking care of the children, though by nature they may remain close to their
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mothers. In Bangladesh, boys and girls under the age of fourteen are considered children. The UN Convention of the Rights of the Child treats every person younger than eighteen years old as a child, although the convention also allows every society to consider its own laws and customs. Generally, children in Bangladesh are grouped into three categories: Sishu—a child under five years of age, Balak (male) or Balika (female)—a child of six to ten years, and Kishor (male) or Kishori (female)—a child of age eleven to fourteen.
KEY FACTS – BANGLADESH Population: 150,448,339 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 59.12 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 62.84 years (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 43.1 percent (2003 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 84 percent (2000–2005) Internet users: 300,000 (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 13,000 (2001 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 85 (2006 est.) Sources: CIA World Factbook: Bangladesh. http://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/geos/bg.html. April 17, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Bangladesh. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/ statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_BGD.html. April 26, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Bangladesh–Statistics. http:// www.unicef.org/infobycountry/bangladesh_bangladesh_ statistics.html. April 25, 2007.
OVERVIEW Public commitment to children’s welfare and children’s rights has a long tradition in Bangladesh. Article 28 (4) of the country’s Constitution, adopted in 1972, the Bangladesh Children’s Act of 1974, and the Bangladesh Shishu Academy (Bangladesh Children’s Academy, BSA) Ordinance of 1976 bear testimony to such early special attention. Currently, the government is deliberating on a comprehensive national policy on children. The government’s social policy attaches highest priority to the survival, protection, and development of children in the country. It has taken up a number of activities that directly impact the welfare of children. The Ministry of Social Welfare (MSW) oversees all welfare activities pertaining to children in the country. To give more importance to the development of children, the Ministry of Women’s Affairs has been renamed as the Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs. This Ministry is responsible to the National Council for Children Affairs, the National Awards for Children, and matters relating to the BSA, leaving child welfare and coordination of activities of other ministries and organizations in connection with social welfare. UNICEF and other international bodies/foreign agencies coordinate with MSW. The Ministry manages its own programs and monitors programs initiated by other government departments and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). The definitions of a ‘‘child’’ given by different acts and statutes in force in Bangladesh are inconsistent. For example, while the Bangladesh Majority Act of 1875 defines a person below the age of eighteen years as a
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child, the Guardians and Wards Act of 1890 allows a child to remain a ward under the court until age twenty-one. The age of majority is twenty-one years for boys and eighteen for girls. Under Muslim law, a child becomes an adult at puberty, which varies with gender. Childbirths are usually attended by female members of the family along with perhaps an untrained villager or a friend to help. Ten percent of rural births and 45 percent of urban births are attended by people trained in modern obstetric practices. Twelve of every 1,000 newborns die immediately from birth injuries, often caused by untrained attendants, premature birth, and other causes. Low birth weight babies have a high risk of mortality. Approximately half of all newborn babies weigh less than 2,500 grams. Maternal malnutrition, small stature of the mother, infections during pregnancy, anemia, and closely spaced pregnancies contribute to low birth weight. In the first week of life, an additional 23 babies of every 1,000 die due to premature birth, neonatal tetanus, and other causes. Throughout the first year, another 75 per 1,000 live births die from tetanus, acute respiratory infections including pneumonia, diarrhea, and other causes (BBS 2003b). Mortality for children under five between the years 1992–1996 was 116 per 1,000 births, meaning that one in nine children born in Bangladesh dies before reaching their fifth birthday. The infant mortality rate was 82 deaths per 1,000 births, and the child mortality rate was 37 per 1,000 each year. During infancy, risk of death in the first month of life (48 per 1,000) was greater than in the next eleven months (34 per 1,000 [BBS 1998]). The figures suggest that child survival in Bangladesh has improved since the mid-1980s. Under-five mortality has declined by one-third from 173 deaths per 1,000 births in the period ten to fourteen years before the survey (approximately 1982–1986) to 116 for the period zero to four years before it. The pace of decline was faster for child mortality than for infant mortality; child mortality rate declined by 42 percent (from 63 per 1,000 births ten to fourteen years before the survey to 37 per 1,000 during the period zero to four years before the survey), while infant mortality rate declined by 30 percent over the same period (from 117 to 82 per 1,000 births). It is interesting to note that neonatal mortality rates have fallen more sharply than postnatal mortality in the recent past. EDUCATION There are four separate systems of education in Bangladesh: government-run schools, private schools, madrassas (Islamic religious schools), and schools run by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Currently, more than 400 NGOs in Bangladesh are involved in the basic education sector. Formal education consists of five years of primary education, five years of secondary education, two years of higher secondary education, and three to five years of higher education.
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According to the Primary Education Act of 1992, the compulsory age of entry into a primary school is six years, although many children enter at four to five years. Tuition fees and textbooks for all children up to grade five and up to grade eight for female children are supplied free of cost by the government. To increase primary school enrollment, the government of Bangladesh introduced the Food For Education (FEE) program in 1993, allowing poor families to receive a free monthly ration of rice or wheat for sending their children to primary school. There are about 37,000 government schools in the country with a student enrollment number of approximately 12 million students (BBS 2003). The total budget allocation of 2 percent of the GDP for education in Bangladesh is the lowest of all the South Asian countries. Many parents in Bangladesh consider female children a family burden and are less likely to send them to school; male children are given educational preference. Despite this, education is a high priority of the government, and special importance has been attached to primary education. Stipends have been introduced at the primary level for ensuring education of underprivileged and poor children. Consequently, the dropout rate has decreased, and the enrollment rate has increased. The government introduced the Reaching Out of School Children Project in order to bring underprivileged children under the purview of primary education. Half a million children would get educational opportunities under this program. At present, 90 percent of school-aged children are now being enrolled in schools. Education for girls is now free up to grade twelve to promote female education. In addition, 20 million girls receive a stipend for continuing their education. Preschool education is mostly confined to the urban and suburban areas of the country through kindergarten. Preschool education is divided into playgroup, nursery, kindergarten one, and kindergarten two. These are all privately owned, and kindergarten programs are not financed by the government. PLAY AND RECREATION The government is highly aware of the recreational and cultural needs of the children. There are various types of institutional and noninstitutional facilities for recreation and cultural activities. Private groups, government organizations, and children’s groups provide facilities for recreation. One leading organization in the government sector is the Bangladesh Shishu (Children) Academy (BSA). Objectives of the academy include the development of patriotic feelings, a sense of discipline, and love for the national heritage. It organizes countrywide cultural activities, including songs, dances, drama, and children’s films, holds countrywide competitions, and publishes a children’s magazine. Other private children’s organizations, such as Kochi Kachar Ashar (meaning ‘‘children’s
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party’’ or ‘‘get together’’) and Khelaghor (meaning ‘‘playhouse’’) also organize cultural activities. Schools and colleges also organize games and cultural activities for children in the country. Generally, children in Bangladesh do not have adequate access to facilities for games and sports. Not all educational institutions have sufficient arrangements for outdoor activities. Some urban communities provide open spaces and parks, but those are diminishing due to increased population. Many urban parks are now occupied by vendors or used for other purposes. In rural areas, almost every school has an open field and students play there. Soccer and volleyball, apart from some traditional games, like Daria Bandha, Golla Choot, and Ghuti (mainly played by girls), are very popular in rural areas while cricket is very popular with urban children. Every year competitions in games, music, dance, oratory, painting, and acting are organized at national and district levels. There are about sixty television channels available to the public, including nine channels broadcast in Bengali. Every channel offers children’s programming, and several organize nationwide competitions. Some western childrens’ programs like Sesame Street, Tom & Jerry, Baby Loonytoons, Pingu, Scooby Doo, Bob the Builder, and Postman Pat are popular among children, particularly in urban areas. CHILD LABOR In Bangladesh’s agrarian economy, the connotation given to child work may be problematic, because children take part in various activities and for different reasons. They perform household activities and various work within the family enterprise, and work as wage laborers outside the household. They work to assist their parents, to learn certain skills, or purely for reasons of survival. Whether such activities should be considered deleterious to their physical and mental development depends on the length, intensity, and the nature of the work. Light household work may be beneficial to the extent that work does not interfere with school attendance. Child labor is not illegal in Bangladesh, although different laws discourage employment of children below fourteen years of age. In 1996, the National Sample Survey of Child Labor in Bangladesh, conducted by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS) defined child laborers as children five to fourteen years old who worked either one or more hours for profit or without pay in a family enterprise during the twelve-month survey period, or were not found working but were absent from a job during the reference period. According to BBS, the number of child laborers was 6.6 million in 1995–1996. Nineteen percent of the total child population (five to fourteen years) was found to be economically active. A total of 11.6 percent of the child labor force belonged to the five- to nine-year age group and the rest to the ten- to fourteen-year age group; 95.6 percent of the child labor force was employed. Of the employed child
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workers, males constituted 59.8 percent and females 40.2 percent (BBS 2003a). Child workers were scattered all over the country. Seventeen percent of the child labor force lived in the urban areas and the rest in rural areas. Child workers were present in almost all the sectors of the economy with the exception of mining and utilities. Agriculture accounted for 65.4 percent of the child workers, followed by services (10.3 percent), manufacturing (8.2 percent), and transport and communication (1.8 percent). Other activities including household work accounted for 14.3 percent of the working children (BBS 2003a). The second National Child Labor Survey (NCLS) 2002–03 was conducted by the BBS, which followed international concepts and definitions as adopted by the Statistical Information and Monitoring Program on Child Labor (SIMPOC) of International Labour Organization (ILO) IPEC (International Program on the Elimination of Child Labor) for the measurement of child labor parameters. The survey covered the entire country and aimed at providing reliable estimates of economically active children aged five to seventeen years and child labor at the national level, both urban and rural (BBS 2003a). A comparison of the two surveys indicates noticeable changes in some important aspects of child population in the country and its participation in the work force. It is expected that with the increase in population, child population will also increase. However, child population as a percentage of total population declined during the same period as evident by both Population Census 1991 and 2001 and Child Labor Force Survey 1995–96 and 2002–03. Children’s participation in the labor force declined between the two survey periods. The proportion of working children in the total child population aged five to fourteen years dropped from 18.3 percent in 1995–1996 to 14.2 percent in 2002–2003. Girls largely contributed to these changes; the percentage of working girls aged five to fourteen has declined from 15.2 to 8.5 percent. The decline was faster in rural areas than in urban areas, possibly because of introduction of female secondary stipend program at the secondary schools in the country. Significant redistribution also occurred in the major occupations of working children, which shifted largely from the agricultural sector to other sectors. The proportion of working children in the agricultural sector has declined from 71 percent in 1995–1996 to 56 percent in 2002–2003. On the other hand, the proportion of working children in production and transport laborers has increased from 5 percent in 1995–1996 to 25 percent in 2002–2003. Boys largely contributed to these changes, and the girls’ share remained almost unchanged. The proportion of sales workers has also increased significantly (from 6 to 14 percent), and both boys and girls have shared the increase almost equally. A research report conducted in six divisional cities showed that children were involved in 430 types of economic activities and 67 of these were hazardous (BBS 2003a). In 1990, Bangladesh became one of the signatories to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and the ensuing Summit Declaration
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and Plan of Action. Also in 1990, the government began taking measures to attract poor children and their families to primary education, and to tackle the high dropout and low attendance rates in the formal school system. This trend provided a sustainable solution to the primary education problem and made a substantial impact on solving the child labor issue. In March 2001, the government of Bangladesh ratified the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention No. 182 and, in December 2001, the Ministry of Labor and Employment took the initiative to begin developing a national policy on child labor. On a more practical level, the Ministry of Labor and Employment is trying to implement a USAID-funded project titled ‘‘Eradication of Hazardous Child Labor in Bangladesh.’’ Interventions under this ‘‘demonstration’’ project, which covers areas in Dhaka and Chittagong Municipal Corporations, include nonformal education and skills training for working children and micro credit support for their guardians/parents. FAMILY Kinship is the core of social life in Bangladesh. A family group residing in a bari (home or house) functions as the basic unit of economic endeavor, landholding, and social identity. In rural areas, the chula (kitchen) defines the effective household—an extended family exploiting jointly held property and being fed from a jointly operated kitchen. A bari might consist of one or more such functional households, depending on the circumstances of family relationship. Married sons generally lived in their parents’ household during the father’s lifetime. Although sons usually built separate houses for their nuclear families, they remained under their fathers’ authority, and wives under their mothers-in-law’s. Death of the father usually precipitated the separation of adult brothers from their united households. Such a split generally caused a little change in the physical layout of the bari, however. Families at different stages of the cycle would display different configurations of household membership. Girls in Bangladesh are discriminated against socially, psychologically, and economically, although discrimination against girls/women is against the law. In poor families, a girl child is considered a burden and transitory member of the family, and is married off with a huge dowry. The parents, for economic reasons, are reluctant to send her to school, giving preference to the male child, the family heir and future breadwinner. Girls are expected to help with all household chores, fetch water, cook, bring fuel and fodder, and look after the animals and siblings. Girls who work outside the home are paid less than boys. The Family Courts Ordinance of 1985 regulates the maintenance of children in case of separation or divorce of parents. A father is bound to maintain his sons until they have reached puberty. He is also bound to
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maintain his daughters until they are married, but he is not bound to maintain his adult sons unless infirmity or disease disables them. The fact that the children are in the custody of their mother during their infancy does not relieve the father of the obligation to maintain them. If the father is poor and incapable of earning by his own labor, the mother—if she is able—is bound to maintain her children as the father would. If the mother is also very poor, the obligation to maintain children lies with the grandfather, provided he is in easy circumstances. Divorce still is not a growing phenomenon. In urban areas in particular, extended family structure is diminishing in favor of nuclear family. Females are the core members of a family in child rearing. There are several family customs that have been observed methodically. For a Muslim boy/girl, aqiqa, a function of naming the child, is performed after sacrificing one goat/sheep for a girl and two goats/sheep for a boy. For a Hindu boy/girl child, annaprashan (the first intake of solid food) is performed. For a girl, it is done in an even month, either sixth or eight months after birth, and for a boy, it is done in an odd month, either seven or nine months after birth. HEALTH The Bangladesh Demographic Health Survey (BDHS) in 2004 showed that neonatal, postneonatal, infant, child, and under-five mortality rates are improving. Comparison of the 2004 data with the earlier BDHS survey results, show a substantial (20 percent) improvement in child (one to four years of age) survival, but no recent evidence of progress in infant mortality rates. In conjunction with the World Health Organization guidelines, the government calls for all children to be vaccinated against tuberculosis, diphtheria, pertussis and tetanus, polio and measles. A pilot program on hepatitis B vaccination is also underway. As many as 73 percent of Bangladeshi children aged twelve to twenty-three months can be considered to be fully immunized. Only 3 percent of children aged between twelve and twenty-three months do not receive any childhood vaccinations. Deficiencies in vitamin A can be avoided by giving children supplements of vitamin A, by capsule, every six months. About 82 percent of the children aged between nine and fifty-nine months receive vitamin A supplementation. Dehydration from diarrhea is an important contributing cause of childhood mortality. The data show a slight decline in the prevalence of diarrhea over time: from 8 percent of children under five in 1996–1997 to 6 percent in 1999–2000, and an increase in the use of oral rehydration solution (ORS) from 49 percent in 1996–1997 to 61 percent in 1999–2000. The data from 2004 BDHS also show that about 40 percent of children under five had fever, and around 21 percent suffered from acute respiratory infection (ARI). The proportion of families seeking care from a trained provider
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for children with ARI was only 20 percent in 2004, compared with 27 percent in 1999–2000. In 1998, the Government of Bangladesh adopted the Integrated Management of Childhood Illnesses (IMCI) strategy for reducing child mortality and morbidity. By December 2004, IMCI interventions were introduced in 48 new upazilas (police stations). The government of Bangladesh is committed to accelerating the implementation of IMCI as a key strategy to reduce childhood mortality. The Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (MOHFW) is responsible for health policy formulation, planning, and decision making at the macro level. Under MOHFW, the Directorate General of Health Services (DGHS) is responsible for the implementation of all health programs and providing technical guidance to the Ministry, and the Directorate General of Family Planning (DGFP) is responsible for implementing Family Planning (FP) programs and providing FP-related technical assistance to the Ministry. There has been an epidemiological transition of mortality patterns in Bangladesh. Due to the relative decline in infectious disease-related deaths, injuries and accidents now account for a higher percentage of deaths. Recent studies show that injuries and accidents cause 8 percent of all under-five deaths. Injuries and accidents contribute to 30 percent of total deaths among children younger than one to four years. Malnutrition has declined in rural Bangladesh and with it, strong disparities by gender have been reduced. The increase in female education and the reduction of high-order births have increased children’s chances for good health. Although not fully eradicated, sex bias in nutrition, documented in the past, has been greatly reduced. Factors such as mothers’ educational and income levels as well as household resources have significantly contributed to positive childhood nutritional practices within the family. Children’s health is going through demographic transition in Bangladesh, being characterized by declining fertility and higher rates of child survival. Education of girls and women is on the rise, and women demonstrate increasing autonomy at home. Despite these positive developments, many children remain at serious risk of malnutrition. Therefore, there is a serious and immediate need for targeted efforts to improve treatment and education. For the first few months of life, the mortality rate of girls is lower than that of boys. This is the norm around the world. However, the growth of infant girls in Bangladesh begins to falter at about seven or eight months of age, and their mortality rate surpasses that of boys. On average, the incidence of severe malnutrition among girls under five is two to four percent higher than that of boys. There are a number of reasons for this reversal in trend. First, once weaning begins, girls are given less food than boys. Second, parents generally are slower to seek medical help for a sick girl. There is a strong belief among mothers that boys get sick more often; therefore, they need more medical help. Once malnourished, a child is at greater risk from a host of childhood diseases. If a girl lives until the
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age of five, she has survived the hardest period. By the time she reaches school age, her likelihood of dying has decreased. Nevertheless, the mortality rate for girls after the age of five, even before the childbearing years, remains higher than for boys. The government has adopted no specific measures to effectively evaluate, identify, track, or monitor children with disability. This can mainly be attributed to the much-reduced number of children with disabilities and the lack of awareness and sensitization among policy makers. The government runs several schools for children with disabilities. Apart from this, several NGOs have programs for these children. The public health service system is not very bright. Poor families can go to the public hospitals for their treatments, which can be done without cost in many cases. A number of NGOs are very active and provide free health care to poor people. Children working in some industries are exposed to environmental health hazards. At present, there is no specific law to protect children from such hazards. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The legal protection and welfare of children in Bangladesh is present in various laws and statutes enacted at different periods, from the British rule of the undivided India up through the present day. A number of laws in Bangladesh contain specific provisions dealing with the protection, maintenance, and well-being of children. The age of majority varies as well. According to the Constitution of Bangladesh, a child remains a child until the age of sixteen, while according to the National Child Policy the age is fourteen. In the factory law, the age of a child is fixed at sixteen, while in the Shops and Establishment Act it is twelve. The Mining Law fixes the age at less than fifteen, the Law of Contract at eighteen and the Child (Labor Registrar) Law at fifteen. There are numbers of laws and acts relating to the protection and welfare of children in Bangladesh. Some of the main points are summarized below: .
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The Penal Code (1860) provides that nothing done by a child under twelve is an offense, and the age of consent is twelve. The Contract Act (1872) makes a contract by a minor absolutely void. The Guardians and Wards Act (1890) empowers a court to appoint a guardian for a minor if he/she is in agreement. The Mines Act (1923) prohibits employment of a child (under fifteen years of age) in a mine and regulates the employment of those above fifteen years but below seventeen years. The Child Marriage Restraint Act (1929) provides punishment for a male adult marrying a child below sixteen years of age. The Suppression of Immoral Traffic Act (1933) provides punishment for forcing a girl under eighteen years into prostitution.
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.
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The Children (Pledging of Labor) Act (1933) provides for penalty for parent or guardian making agreement to pledge the labor of a child below fifteen years. The Employment of Children Act (1938) regulates the employment of children in specified industries. The Maternity Benefit Act (1939) regulates the employment of women for certain periods before and after childbirth. The Minimum Wages Ordinance (1961) prohibits employers from payment of workers under eighteen years of age below the minimum rates fixed by the board set up under the act. The Factories Act (1956) regulates secure and healthy working conditions for children or adolescents. The Children’s Act (1974) and Children’s Rules (1976) provide for the custody, protection, and treatment of children, and trial and punishment of youthful offenders by juvenile courts.
In addition to these formal laws, a number of personal and religious laws that relate to social customs, such as marriage, divorce, guardianship, adoption, and inheritance, also affect children. Some have even been modified by special legislation to provide greater rights to women and children. More concerted attempts to review the children’s laws of Bangladesh are in the active agenda of the government. There is a subcommittee on child legislation within the MSW designed to review existing child laws and make recommendations for their amendment or for the introduction of new laws. The committee has commissioned a number of reviews of existing laws related to children, and the MSW has also prepared a review of legislation affecting the girl child. The formation of the Bangladesh Shishu Adhikar Forum (Bangladesh Child Rights Forum, BSAF) represents the most important development in the NGO sector toward harmonizing national policy with the convention. This forum, a network of organizations and the people in the country, has been established to coordinate child rights activities of different NGOs working for children in Bangladesh. By maintaining links with national and international bodies, the forum aims at upgrading the rights and privileges enjoyed by children, especially the most disadvantaged. The BSAF’s relationship with the government is one of partnership. Bangladesh is a signatory to the ILO Worst Forms of Child Labor Convention (No. 182), ILO Forced Labor Convention (No. 29), ILO Abolition of Forced Labor Convention (No. 105), and UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC). Existing legislation deals only with children working in the formal sector. There is no single code or law dealing with children working in informal areas. Cooperation is necessary between the Ministry of Labor and Employment and the ILO’s International Program on the Elimination of Child Labor (IPEC) to review the existing child labor laws with a view to removing anomalies. Fixing a
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uniform minimum age for admission to work at fourteen years (eighteen years for hazardous occupations) and prohibiting employment of children in hazardous operations in shops and other establishments is essential. RELIGIOUS LIFE The people of Bangladesh are deeply religious but not guided by any extreme ideology or intolerant philosophy. It is manifest in the rich cultural diversity that they celebrate throughout the country on important occasions, irrespective of religious affiliation. Freedom of religion is enshrined in Article 2A of the Bangladesh Constitution, which guarantees all citizens of Bangladesh equal rights and privileges and equal protection under the law. Article 28 of the Constitution prohibits any type of discrimination on religious or other grounds while the contents of religious freedom have been detailed in Article 41. The government of Bangladesh is committed to meet the obligations that flow from the above-mentioned constitutional provisions. Schools remain closed for religious holidays of different religions. There is freedom for religious rights in schools. Religious books, according to different religions, are incorporated in school curriculum. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The government estimates that approximately 6.6 million children between the ages of five and fourteen years work. Working children were found engaged in 200 different types of activities, of which 49 were regarded as harmful to children’s physical and mental well-being. Out of 31 million children between the ages of five and fourteen years, 6.13 million were economically active, of which 1.9 million were between five and nine years. Child workers represent about 12 percent of the total labor force of the country. For the year 2000, the ILO projected 4,846,000 economically active children: 2,300,000 girls and 2,547,000 boys between the ages of ten and fourteen, representing 27.7 percent of this age group. At the 1996 Third SAARC Ministerial Conference on Children, the government statistics indicated the figure to be only around 6 million for all children aged between five and fourteen. Of the 34.5 million children between five and fifteen years, 6,584,000 (19 percent) are child workers. More than 9,000 girls are trafficked each year from Nepal and Bangladesh into bondage in India and Pakistan, often with the acquiescence or cooperation of state officials. Human Rights Monitors report that child kidnapping and trafficking for labor bondage and prostitution continue to be serious and widespread problems. Children who work in the domestic sector may work in conditions resembling servitude and prostitution. It was reported that 168 children were trafficked, 369 children were missing, and 295 children were kidnapped in the year 2001. Human Rights Monitor estimates that in
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a year more than 20,000 women and children are trafficked from the country for the purpose of forced prostitution. It is estimated that there are anywhere from 100 to more than 1,000 underage South Asian camel jockeys currently working in the United Arab Emirates alone; while many are from India and Pakistan, a growing number come from Bangladesh. A joint study report prepared by the Ministry of Home and Social Welfare and Women’s Affairs shows that over the last five years at least 13,220 children have been smuggled out of the country, and only 4,700 have been rescued. Trafficking of children consists of all acts involved in the procurement— transportation, forced movement, and/or selling and buying of children within and/or across borders by fraudulent means, deception, coercion, direct and/or indirect threats, abuse of authority for the purpose of placing a child against her/his will without his/her consent in exploitative and abusive situations, such as commercial sexual abuse, forced marriage, bonded and forced labor, begging, camel jockeying, and other sports and organ trade. Causes of trafficking and the factors leading to this apparent increase are multiple and complicated. These factors are embedded within the socio-economic structure of the country. Traffickers adopt different strategies and tricks to allure and enroll young children and women (and their families) into the trafficking process (Gazi et al. 2001). Bangladesh’s police department estimates that there are about 20,000 children currently engaged in street prostitution. About 10,000 girls are active in prostitution inside the country. Over the last decade, more than 200,000 Bangladeshi girls were lured under false circumstances and sold into the sex industry in countries including Pakistan, India, and the Middle East. About 40,000 children from Bangladesh are involved in prostitution in Pakistan. Bangladeshi girls are also trafficked to India for commercial sex trade. Ten thousand Bangladeshi children are in brothels in Western India. An estimated 35,000 to 45,000 children are believed to be involved with criminal gangs engaged in arms and drug trading. An estimated 13,000 children in Bangladesh are prey to the commercial sex industry of the country. More than 20,000 children are born and live in the eighteen registered red-light areas of Bangladesh. Here, they see their mothers being exploited, and they ultimately resign themselves to the same exploitation. Small children help their mothers in household chores and bring refreshments for their mothers’ clients. Boys tend to become pimps once they grow up and girls continue their mothers’ profession. Most girls enter the profession before the age of twelve. Of all child workers, about 3 percent work as domestic servants. According to a survey conducted by SHOISHOB—an organization working with child domestic labor in Bangladesh—of more than 10,000 middle-class households in Dhaka, there are between 250,000 and 300,000 resident child servants in the Dhaka metropolitan area alone. More than 20 percent of child domestic servants were between five and ten years age.
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The BBS conducted Quick Count Survey (QCS) of Street Children in November–December 2002. According to the QCS estimate, there were 2,573 street children in Bangladesh. To create an accurate and verifiable database of street children, BBS-ILO conducted a base line sample survey of Bangladesh’s street children and entrusted the Foundation for Research on Education Planning and Development (FREPD) to carry out the study in April–May 2003. Among all surveyed street children, 97.56 percent were boys and 2.44 percent were girls. An overwhelming 55 percent of street children were found in Dhaka. Many of the country’s poorest children migrate to urban areas, particularly to the metropolitan cities of Dhaka and Chittagong. Among the street children covered in the survey, 48.7 percent were between eleven and fourteen years old, 26 percent were between fourteen and seventeen years old, and 25 percent were between five and eleven years old. Girls were relatively younger (average age: 11.5 years) compared with boys (average age: 12.2 years). The first job of 33.78 percent of street children was a street-related job, while 66.22 percent had other jobs before becoming street children. While the list is quite long, domestic servants, agricultural workers, beggars, porters, paper pickers, and flower sellers feature prominently as being typical of the ‘‘first job.’’ Street children are involved in a wide variety of activities, including collecting old papers, working as porters and hawkers, begging, shoe-polishing, selling flowers, and so on. A small percentage of street children are, as reported by key informants, involved in theft, snatching, pick-pocketing, sex work, drug business, informer, and so on. Age variation is also noticeable. Begging was predominant among younger children, while porter and paper pickers are common activities among the elder children. However, regardless of age, children frequently work as porters and paper pickers. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The most important step of the government towards harmonizing national law and policy with the convention was the formulation of the National Children Policy in December 1994. Divided into eight chapters, the policy’s principal objectives are to formally harmonize all child development activities in the country with the provisions of the Convention. It declares six general objectives in the light of the Convention objectives. These are related to: (a) safe birth and survival; (b) proper educational and psychological development; (c) ensuring family environment for development; (d) providing assistance to children in difficult circumstances; (e) ensuring the best interest of the child; (f) protecting children’s legal rights and, thus protecting them from discrimination. To achieve these objectives, specific measures elaborated in the policy document are to be taken. A proposed National Council will monitor the application of these specific measures to government development activities as well as other
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children-related welfare activities. The council will be the highest police body working for children in the country. The minister in charge of the Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs will be the ex-officio vicechairperson of the Council and the secretary of the Ministry will act as the member-secretary. A separate Ministry is being developed for the welfare of women and children. The government has already implemented two National Plans of Action. The Third National Plan of Action for the period 2004 to 2009 has focused on five specific areas: food and nutrition; health; education and empowerment of the girl child; protection from abuse, exploitation and violence; and physical environment. The program, a high priority of the government, also focuses on education for all children, especially girls. It has introduced stipend programs for the students at primary and secondary levels. The main focus of the program is to increase enrollment and prevent dropouts. Bangladesh figures among the low prevalence countries affected by HIV/AIDS. However, as a precautionary measure, the country has adopted a National Policy on HIV/AIDS giving particular focus to children affected by HIV/AIDS and an all-party Parliamentary Committee to monitor the situation in the country. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Ackerman, P., M. S. Thormann, and S. Huq. 2005. Assessment of Educational Needs of Disabled Children in Bangladesh. Creative Associates International Inc. for USAID. Contract No. HNE-1-00-00-00038-00. The study provides the results of a desk study analysis, informational site visits, and a research study to assess preschool and primary education in Bangladesh for children with disabilities. Ahmad, A., and M. Quasem. 1991. Child Labor in Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh. The Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies. The report analyzed the child labor scenario of Bangladesh. Ali, Z. 2006. Do Child Labourers Come from the Poorest? Working Paper Number 11. Programme for Research on Chronic Poverty in Bangladesh (PRCPB). Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies (BIDS), Dhaka, Chronic Poverty Research Centre (CPRC), Institute for Development Policy and Management (IDPM), University of Manchester, UK. An in-depth study on the child laborers of Bangladesh. Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS). 2003. Statistical Pocketbook. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Government of Bangladesh. The volume gives the Statistical Data of Bangladesh on some relevant topics. Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS). 2003a. Report on National Child Labour Survey 2002–2003. December. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Government of Bangladesh. The report presents detailed information on the size and composition of working children as well as child labor in broad occupation and industry groups, cross-classified by urban and rural areas.
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Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS). 2003b. A Baseline Survey of the Street Children in Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Foundation for Research on Education Planning and Development (FREPD). The report provides an in-depth study on the street children of Bangladesh. Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS). 1998. Statistical yearbook of Bangladesh (19th ed.). Dhaka, Bangladesh; Government of Bangladesh. The volume gives detailed statistical data on Bangladesh. Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS). 1997. Statistical Pocketbook. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Government of Bangladesh. The volume gives the Statistical Data of Bangladesh on some relevant topics. Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS). 1994. National Census Report of 1991. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Government of Bangladesh. Banglapedia (National Encyclopedia of Bangladesh). 2003. Volume 2, BAN-CHO. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh. The topic gives information on children’s issues in Bangladesh. Banu, N., S. Bhuiyan, and S. Sabhlok. 1998. ‘‘Child Labor in Bangladesh.’’ International Journal of Technical Cooperation 4(1):1–16. The article explains the nature of child labor in Bangladesh. Barua, S. K. 2005. Poor and Destitute Working Children in Bangladesh. Chittagong, Bangladesh: SPG Welfare Society. The paper discusses implementing child rights in early childhood. Conticini, A. and D. Hulme. 2006. Escaping Violence, Seeking Freedom: Why Children in Bangladesh Migrate to Street. Working Paper Number 10. Programme for Research on Chronic Poverty in Bangladesh (PRCPB). Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies (BIDS), Dhaka, Chronic Poverty Research Centre (CPRC), Institute for Development Policy and Management (IDPM), University of Manchester, UK. The paper explores the argument that children abandon their families and migrate to the street because of economic poverty through the analysis of detailed empirical research. Frankenberg, E. and R. Kuh. 2004. The Implications of Family System and Economic Context for Intergenerational Transfers in Indonesia and Bangladesh. Los Angeles, CA: California Center for Population Research, University of California at Los Angeles. The paper examines the transfers of money and goods between parents and adult children, using extremely detailed similar data from Indonesia and Bangladesh. Gazi, R., Z. H. Chowdhury, S. M. N. Alam, E. Chowdhury, F. Ahmed, and S. Begum. 2001. Trafficking of Women and Children in Bangladesh: An Overview. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Centre for Health and Population Research. ICDDR,B. The report includes a discussion on the context of trafficking from the global, regional, and Bangladesh perspectives. South Asia is one of the most vulnerable regions for trafficking because of its large population, largescale rural-urban migration, the large population living in conditions of chronic poverty, and recurrent natural disasters. Khan, Z. R. and H. Arefeen. 1990. The Situation of Child Prostitutes in Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Dana Publishers. This book gives a detailed study on the nature of the child prostitutes in Bangladesh. Maitra, P. and S. Pal. 2004. Early Childbirth, Health Inputs and Child Mortality: Recent Evidence from Bangladesh. AHES Annual Conference, Melbourne, Australia. This paper examines the relationship between early childbearing, parental use of health inputs and child mortality in Bangladesh.
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Web Sites The Children Trust, http://www.childrentrust.org/child_law/index.htm. The Children Trust organizes strategically important activities related to development, which in turn will facilitate a sustainable and equitable improvement of life specially for children, women, and the disadvantaged population of Bangladesh through their increased participation in the socioeconomic, cultural, and civic life of the country. Consortium for Street Children: Bangladesh, http://www.streetchildren.org.uk/ resources/details/?type=country&country=35. The mission of the Consortium for Street Children is to improve the lives of street children worldwide in the areas of prevention and early intervention, HIV/AIDS, violence, street child-centered education, and child participation and empowerment. The International Development Research Centre. Environment and Child Survival: Bangladesh, http://www.idrc.ca/en/ev-83008-201_900082-1-IDRC_ADM_INFO.html. The international Development Research Centre (IDRC) is a Canadian Crown corporation that works in close collaboration with researchers from the developing world in their search for the means to build healthier, more equitable, and more prosperous societies. An extensive number of risk factors are examined within the themes of water and sanitation; household environment; and parental behavior factors related to children. Save the Children Denmark, http://www.redbarnet.dk/Default.asp?ID=2200. Save the Children Denmark is working together with UDDIPAN to improve living conditions for mothers and children in rural districts in Bangladesh. SOS Children’s Villages, http://www.sos-childrensvillages.org/cgi-bin/sos/jsp/wherewe help.do?cat=/Asia/Bangladesh&lang=en&nav=2.3&site=ZZ. SOS Children’s Villages is an independent, nongovernmental, and social development organization, which has been active in the field of children’s needs, concerns, and rights since 1949. Its activities focus on neglected and abandoned children and orphans, as well as disadvantaged families. UNICEF. Bangladesh: Newsline, http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/bangladesh_ 22673.html. This is the Web site for the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF). UNICEF is the driving force that helps build a world where the rights of every child are realized. UNICEF. Bangladesh: Statistics, http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/bangladesh_ bangladesh_statistics.html.This is also the website for UNICEF where statistics on children are found.
Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Ministry of Chittagong Hill Tracts Affairs Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 4 (6th Floor) Dhaka Phone: 7163639-43, 7163645-49 Fax: 880-2-7160781/9365300. Task Force on Repatriated Tribal and Internal Refugees Rehabilitation Chittagong Hill Tracts.
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Ministry of Cultural Affairs Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 6 (10th Floor) Dhaka Phone: 7163639-43, 7163645-49 Fax: 880-2-7160290, 7169008 Bangla Academy, Bangladesh Shilpokala Academy, Bangladesh National Museum, Nazrul Institute for Arts & Culture. Ministry of Disaster Management & Relief Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 4 (2nd floor) Dhaka Phone: 9110111-2-9118306 Fax: 880-2-7174148. Directorate of Relief and Rehabilitation, Disaster Management Bureau. Ministry of Education Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 6 (18th floor) Dhaka Phone: 9110111-2-9118306 Fax: 880-2-7167577 National Academy of Education Management, National Curriculum and Text Book Board, Bangladesh National Commission for UNESCO, Directorate Secondary and Higher Secondary Education, University Grants Commission, Directorate of Technical and Vocational Education. Ministry of Health & Family Welfare Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 2 (3rd floor) Dhaka Phone: 7163639-43 Fax: 880-2-7169077/8571301 Directorate of Health Services, Directorate of Family Planning. Ministry of Labor and Employment Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 7(4th & 5th Floor) Dhaka Phone: 7163639-43, 7163645-49 Fax: 9660688 Department of Labor, Office of the Chief Inspector of Factories, Labor Appeal Tribunal. Ministry of Law Justice & Parliamentary Affairs Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 4 (7th floor) Dhaka Phone: 9110111-2-9118306
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Fax: 880-2-7168557 Email:
[email protected]. Ministry of Primary and Mass Education Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 6 (6th Floor) Dhaka Phone: 7163639-43, 7163645-49 FAX: 880-2-7168871 Directorate of Primary Education, Directorate of Compulsory Primary Education, National Primary Education Academy. Ministry of Science and Information and Communication Technology Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 6 (9th floor) Dhaka Phone: 7163639-43, 7163645-49 Fax: 880-2-7169606 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.mosict.gov.arg Bangladesh Computer Council, National Museum of Science and Technology. Ministry of Social Welfare Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 6 (3rd floor) Dhaka Phone: 7163639-43, 7163645-49 Fax: 7168969 Department of Social Service, Bangladesh National Social Welfare Council, Jatiya Protibandhi Unnayan Foundation (National Disabled Development Foundation). Ministry of Women and Children Affairs Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 6 (2nd floor) Dhaka Fax: 7162892 Department of Women Affairs, Bangladesh Shishu Academy (Bangladesh Children’s Academy) Ministry of Youth and Sports Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 7 (5th floor) Dhaka Phone: 7163639-48,7163645-49 Fax: 880-2-7160664 Department of Youth Development, Bangladesh Krira Shikkha Protishtan (Bangladesh Sports Educational Institute), National Sports Council, Diectorate of Sports Nongovernmental Organizations Active Implementing Sub-network on Child Labor Plot 09, Road 16
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Gulshan 01, Dhaka–1212, Bangladesh Project interventions to improve the living conditions for group of child laborers and victims of prostitution and trafficking, with the goal to increase the knowledge and change the attitude on children’s rights. Assistance for Slum Dwellers (ASD) 12-A Mohammadi Road Mohammadpur, Dhaka-1207, Bangladesh ASD aims to improve the life of slum dwellers, especially women and children, through access to basic facilities. Bangladesh Coalition for Child Rights Plot 09, Road 16 Gulshan-01, Dhaka-1212, Bangladesh Project interventions to improve the living conditions for group of child laborers and victims of prostitution and trafficking. Bangladesh Mohila Unnayan Sanghstha (Bangladesh Women Development Organization) Ratanganj, Narail 7501, Bangladesh The main activities are child rights, human rights and legal aid, implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, and poverty alleviation. Bangladesh Shishu Adhikar Forum (Bangladesh Children Rights Forum) House No 24B (2nd Floor), Road No 14A Dhanmondi Residential Area, Dhaka-1209, Bangladesh Apex body of 235 NGOs in Bangladesh working in the child rights sector. BIKASH P.O. Box 64 Kamtapara, Panchagarh 5000, Bangladesh Bikash is committed to the development of disadvantaged children, women, and poor families. Blind Education and Rehabilitation Development Organization (BERDO) 3/1 Road No 11 Rupnagar, Section #5 Mirpur, Dhaka, Bangladesh BERDO is involved with the development of the disabled community in Bangladesh— children, adolescents, and adults suffering from visual, physical, and intellectual impairment—through education, training, social awareness, and treatment. Center for Development Communication 50 Purana Paltan Line, 3rd Floor Dhaka-1000, Bangladesh Raises awareness through radio, television, publications, workshops, seminars, study circles, and networking activities and to produce films, television programs, and television spots that focus on child rights, social development, the environment, and gender and development issues.
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Children’s Television Foundation of Bangladesh (CTFB) Flat # A-3 (3rd Floor) Oriental Log Cabin Mirpur Road Dhaka-1205, Bangladesh CTFB aims to erect a platform for children to understand diverse cultures and the socioeconomic scenario, with a view of overcoming the artificial barriers created out of tension and conflict among some nations. Child Rights Information Network (CRIN) 1 St. John’s Lane London EC1M 4AR A global network that disseminates information about the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and Child Rights among NGOs, UN agencies, IGOs, educational institutions, and other child rights experts. Chinnamul Shishu Kishore Sangstha (Organization for Destitute Children and Adolescents) 3rd Floor, Road No 5 Dhanmondi, Dhaka, Bangladesh Provides outreach workers to contact and build relationships with street children. Commitment for Advancement Learning Society Colonel Rahman Sarak Arappur, Jhenidah 7300, Bangladesh Creates a learning society in Bangladesh by protecting the rights of children, youth, and disadvantaged poor people through various development projects and activities. Cultural Movement for Human Development 37, Road-14, Rupnagar, Mirpur Dhaka-1216, Bangladesh Focuses on combating poverty, illiteracy, unemployment, malnutrition, and disease with the age groups between birth and eighteen years of age. Human Development and Research Organization No 47/48 Rahmatpur Colony PO Natun Bazar, Chandpur, Bangladesh Helps poor and disabled children; educates poor children of rural and urban areas and on the streets; and provides health care, education, nutrition, assistance, and treatment and rehabilitation to those children. Human Rights–First the Child Esha Garden, House 23A, Road 113A Gulshan-2, Dhaka-1212, Bangladesh To alleviate the sufferings and thus improve the living condition of millions of underprivileged children/orphan care and to provide safe home and family environment to orphans and children living in difficulties. Institute of Neglected and Oppressed Children’s Environmental Networking and Training 156/1 Shuvechya, Ground Floor (West Side)
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East Subid Bazar, Sylhet-3100, Bangladesh To build a child friendly Bangladesh and to establish child rights on the basis of UNCRC. Integrated Social Development Effort (ISDE) Bangladesh House No 339, Road No 14, Block-B, Chandgaon R/A Chittagong-4212, Bangladesh The major activities are nonformal education, human and skill development training, and women and child development. Jesh Foundation Alta Plaza, House No 1, Road No 10 Dhanmondi, Dhaka Ensure social justice through awareness building on fundamental human rights and child rights. Implement CRC in Bangladesh. Parbatya Bouddha Mission (Hill Buddhist Mission) Pilotpara, Kamalchari, Khagrachari Sadar, Khagrachari Hill Tracts, Bangladesh The organization working for the socioeconomic education and cultural development of minority indigenous peoples of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, emphasizing children. Rural Development Society P.O. Daspara, Bauphal, Patuakhali, Bangladesh Improves awareness of child rights, primary education, and nutrition education. Save the Children Australia–Bangladesh House No 3/1, Road No 8 Dhanmondi, Dhaka, Bangladesh Aims to place the children and anticipate their needs, interest, and perspectives at the center of socioeconomic and political programs. Save the Children UK–Bangladesh House No 28, Road No 16 (New) Dhanmondi, Dhaka, GPO Box 55, Bangladesh Working with local partners (NGOs and government agencies) to promote children’s rights in Bangladesh. Save the Children US–Bangladesh House No 35A, Road No 9A Dhanmondi, Dhaka, Bangladesh Working with local NGOs and research organizations. Social Advancement Society Vedvedi, Rangapani Road Rangamati-4500, Rangamati Hill Tracts, Bangladesh. Aims to provide need-based support to disregarded hill peoples. Social Welfare Advancement Brilliant Association Mirashi, Chunarughat, Habiganj-3320, Bangladesh
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Aims are to assist poor people, especially women and children, through various activities. Underprivileged Children’s Educational Programs (UCEP) Plot No 2 & 3 Mirpur-2, Dhaka-1216, Bangladesh One of the premier national nongovernmental development organizations. Has been providing services to the underprivileged working children of the country for the last twenty-seven years: four to five years general education, six months to two years technical training assistance in job placement assistance for students. UNICEF Bangladesh BSL Complex 1 Mintoo Road Dhaka-1000 Universal primary education, nonformal education, and adult literacy Work Development Center Razzak Mohori House Terokhadia, Rajshahi Cantonment Rajshahi-6202, Bangladesh. Coordinate activities involving child rights, women rights, primary education, child health, and anti child-trafficking.
Selected Bibliography Ahmed, A. 1996. Bangladesh Struggles to End Flesh Trade. Outlook 8 in Bangkok Post. Bangkok, Thailand. Ahmed, F. 2002. The Girl Child: Bangladesh Scenario. Steps Towards Development. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Adhunika. Ali, A. K. M. M. and R. Sarkar. 1997. Misplaced Childhood: A Study on the Street Child Prostitutes in Dhaka City. Integrated Community and Industrial Development Initiative, Dhaka, Bangladesh. Ali, S. 1998. Trafficking in Children and their Commercial Sexual Exploitation in Prostitution and Other Intolerable Forms of Child Labor in Bangladesh. Country Report Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: National Women Lawyers’ Association. Amin, S., M. S. Quayes, and J. M. Rives. 2004. Poverty and Other Determinants of Child Labor in Bangladesh. Southern Economic Journal 70(4):876–892. Bangladesh Ministry of Women and Children Affairs. 2000. Project Proforma (PP), Child Development: Coordinated Programme to Combat Child Trafficking (pilot project). Dhaka, Bangladesh: Ministry of Women and Children Affairs, Government of Bangladesh. Bangladesh National Women Lawyer Association. 1996. Movement against flesh trade: Beware of the Traffickers—Protect Women and Children. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Bangladesh National Women Lawyer Association. Bangladesh National Women Lawyer Association. 1997. Movement against flesh trade. Child Workers in Asia 13:9–11. Bangladesh National Women Lawyer Association. 1998. Special Bulletin. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Bangladesh National Women Lawyer Association
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Bissell, S. 2001. Young Garment Workers in Bangladesh: Raising the Rights Question. Development 44(2): 75–80. Bissell, S. 1997. Little women in Bangladesh—working children? Women in Asia 16:12–16. Blanchet, T. 1996. Lost Innocence, Stolen Childhoods. Dhaka: University Press Limited. Boyden, J. and W. Myers. 1995. Exploring Alternative Approaches to Combating Child Labor: Case Studies from Developing Countries. Florence: UNICEF. Child Workers in Asia. 1997. Regional Field Workers Exchange Programme on Child Domestic Workers. Bangkok, Thailand: Child Workers in Asia. Crawford, S. 1995. Child Labor in South Asia: A Review of the Literature. Kathmandu, Nepal: UNICEF. de Dios, A. J. 1997. Trafficking in Women in Asia: A Human Rights Crisis. In L. Akanda, F. Kabir, K. Salahuddin, and I. Shamim, eds. Proceedings of the Consultation Meeting on Trafficking and Prostitution in the Context of Violence against Women and Children Center for Women and Children Studies. Dhaka, Bangladesh. Delap, E. 2001. Economic and Cultural Forces in the Child Labor Debate: Evidence from Urban Bangladesh. The Journal of Development Studies 37(4): 1–22. Deolalikar, A. B. and W. P. Vijverberg. 1987. A Test of Heterogeneity of Family and Hired Labor in Asian Agriculture. Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics 49(3):291–303. Falkus, M., S. Blackburn, H. Brasted, A. Kaur, and D. Wright. 1997. Child Labor in Asia: Some Perspectives on Selected Countries. Canberra: Aus AID. Fauveau, V., A. Briend, J. Chakraborty, and A. M. Sarder. 1990. The Contribution of Severe Child Mortality in Bangladesh: Implications for Targeting Nutritional Interventions. Food Nutrition Bulletin 12: 215–19. Giani, L. 2006. Migration and Education: Child Migrants in Bangladesh. Working Paper Number 33. Sussex, UK: Sussex Centre for Migration Research. University of Sussex. Gupta, T. D. 2000. Preliminary Directory of Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) involved in Combating Trafficking in and Sexual Exploitation of Children and Women. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Action Against Trafficking and Sexual Exploitation of Children, Bangladesh Chapter. Hossain, H. 1997. Trafficking in Women and Children from Bangladesh: Causes and Measures for Combating Trafficking. Dhaka: Ain o Salish Kendro. ILO-IPEC and Karen C. Tumlin. 1998. Overview of Child Trafficking for Labor Exploitation in the Region. Working Papers on Child Labor in Asia. Vol 2. Bangkok: ILO, 2001. ILO-IPEC and HKW. 1998. Women and Media Seminar: Journalists’ Encounter on Child Labor in Asia. Bangkok: ILO-IPEC. Integrated Community and Industrial Development Initiative. Undated. Study on the Socio-Economic Dimensions of Trafficking in Girl Children. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Integrated Community and Industrial Development Initiative. Kabir, A. H. M. 2001. The State of Violence against Children in Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Law Watch, a Centre for Studies on Human Rights Law. Khan, M. R. Undated. Situation Analysis on Trafficking of Women and Children in Bangladesh. Shishu Angina. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Child and Women Development Center. Khan, Z. R. and H. K. Arefeen. 1989–1990. Report on Prostitution in Bangladesh. Dhaka Bangladesh: Centre for Social Studies, Dhaka University.
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Khatun, T. 1998. Child Labor in the Bangladeshi Commercial Sector. Child Workers in Asia 14:4–5. Kumar, D. 1989. Child Work and Family Life in South Asia. Bangkok, Thailand: ILO/LAPTAP. Lawyers for Human Rights and Legal Aid. 1993. The Flesh Trade: The Trafficking of Women and Children in Pakistan. Karachi, Pakistan: Lawyers for Human Rights and Legal Aid. Mahbub, A. and M. U. Rahman. 1996. Annotative Inventory and Mapping of Service Areas on Working Children in Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: BASF. Mhatre, S. 1995. Child Labor Legislation in South Asia 1881–1995: A Documentation and Analysis. Kathmandu, Nepal: UNICEF. Mia, A. 1989. Our Unfortunate Children as Laborers. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Underprivileged Children’s Educational Programs. Mia, A. 1990. Child Workers get Education and a way of Better Living. Dhaka, Bangladesh: UCEP–Bangladesh. Mia, A. undated. A Promising Path: UCEP Non-Formal Education in Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: UCEP. Mitra, S. N., Al-sabir Ahmed, A. R. Cross, and K. Jamil. 1997. Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey 1996–1997. Dhaka, Bangladesh: National Institute of Population Research and Training. National Institute of Population Research and Training. 2004. Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey (BDHS) 2004. (Preliminary Report). Dhaka, Bangladesh: Mitra and Associates and Macro International Inc. National Youth Bureau Office of the Prime Minister. 1988. Child Abuse and Neglect: Prevention and Protection of Working Children and Abandoned Children. Bangkok, Thailand: National Youth Bureau Office of the Prime Minister. Policy Research for Development Alternative. 1999. Fact-Finding Missions on Trafficking in Women and Children from Bangladesh to India and Pakistan. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Narigrantha Prabartana Pradhan, G. 1988. Working Children in South Asia: Realities and Challenges. First South Asian Regional Seminar–Workshop on Working Children. Child Workers in Nepal. Kathmandu, Nepal. Rahman, A. 1992. Disaster and Development: A Study in Institution Building in Bangladesh. In H. Hossain, C. P. Dodge, and F. H. Abed, eds. From Crisis to Development: Coping with Disasters in Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: University Press Ltd., 352–71. Rahman, M. M., R. Khanam, and A. Nur Uddin. 1999. Child Labor in Bangladesh: A Critical Appraisal of Harkin’s Bill and the MOU-Type Schooling Program. Journal of Economic Issues 33(4):985–1003. Research Evaluation Associates for Development. 2000. Need Assessment Survey of the Disadvantaged Women and Children in the Urban Areas of Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Concerned Bangladesh. Salmon, C. 2005. Child Labor in Bangladesh. Journal of Developing Societies 21(1– 2):33–54. Shamim, I. 1997. Proceedings of the Fact-Finding Meeting and the National Workshop on Trafficking in Women and Children. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Center for Women and Children Studies. Shamim, I. 1998. Trafficking and Sexual Exploitation of Children: Bangladesh Perspective. Cross Border Workshop to Combat Trafficking, November 16–18, 1998. Siliguri, Center for Women and Children Studies, Dhaka, Bangladesh.
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Shamim, I. 1993. Child Trafficking and Sale. Report submitted to Bangladesh Shisu Adhikar Forum as part of the Project of Case Studies on Child Abuse, Exploitation and Oppression. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Center for Women and Children Studies. Shamim, I. and F. Kabir. 1998. Child Trafficking: The Underlying Dynamics. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Center for Women and Children Studies. Siddiqui, F. and H. A. Patrinos. 1995. Child Labor Issues, Causes and Intervention. HR and Operations Policy working paper, World Bank. Washington, DC: World Bank. Souza, J.D. 1996. Trafficking from Bangladesh to other countries. Child Workers in Asia 12:16–19. Stalker, P. 1996. Child Labor in Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: UNICEF. Trapp, E. M., J. Williams, J. Menken, and S. Fisher. 2004. Disappearing Sex-Bias in Child Health in Bangladesh. Working Paper Number PAC 2004-003. Boulder, Colorado: Institute of Behavioral Science, Population Aging Center, University of Colorado at Boulder. UCEP. 1995. A Promising Path: Education, Skill Training and Employment. Dhaka: UCEP. UN High Commission for Human Rights. 1995. Convention for Human Rights of the Child: Bangladesh. Geneva, Switzerland: Committee on the Rights of the Child. UNICEF. 1997. The State of the World’s Children 1997: Focus on Child Labor. Oxford: Oxford University Press. U.S. Department of State. 2000. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices–1999, 25 February. Vlassoff, M. 1991. An Assessment of Studies Linking Child Labor and Fertility Behaviour in Less Developed Countries. In R. Kanbargi, ed. Child Labor in the IndianSubcontinent: Dimensions and implications. New Delhi: Sage Publications. Ward, Kathryn, Fahmida Rahman, A.K.M. Saiful Islam, Rifat Akhter, and Nashid Kamal. 2004. The Effects of Global Economics Restructuring on Urban Women’s Work and Income-Generating Strategies in Dhaka, Bangladesh. Critical Sociology 30(1):63–102. World Bank. 2005. Children and Youth: A Resource Guide. Washington, DC: World Bank. World Vision. undated. The Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Street Children: World Vision. http://www.cwa.tnet.co.th/References/ref_bangladesh.html.
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BHUTAN T. W. Maxwell The future of the nation lies in the hands of our younger generations. It is, therefore, crucial that they live up to our high expectations and ensure the continued well-being (of the people) and security of the nation. His Majesty former King Jigme Singye Wangchuck
NATIONAL PROFILE Bhutan is a small (about 300 miles east–west and 200 miles north–south), landlocked country sandwiched between two great populations: the People’s Republic of China (Tibet) to the north and India to the south. In the 1950s, Bhutan’s third Druk Gyalpo (King in Bhutan) led the country out of isolation. It remained an essentially medieval society until the 1960s, and traces of this harsh lifestyle remain even today. Bhutan was established as a hereditary and absolute monarchy in 1907, but in recent times Bhutan’s fourth king has moved toward democracy and toward establishing international relations. Since 1961, Bhutan
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has begun modernization using a series of Five Year Plans (5YPs) based upon foreign aid. At that time Bhutan was extremely poor, with a per capita annual income estimated in 1961 at US$51. Subsistence agriculture dominated the economy, as it still does in mountain regions. Very few children attended secular schools, as the only education system was via longestablished Mahayana Buddhist monasteries, set up mostly for boys. There were also virtually no drivable roads, and travel was largely on foot. Movement around the country was further hindered by the deeply incised, narrow valleys of the Himalayas, running north to south. Even now, it takes three days to drive 500 kilometers from the capital Thimphu in the west to the easternmost town. The people of Bhutan have many origins, but most are Mongoloid or Indo-Mongoliod. An influx of Nepali people, the Lhotshampas, also settled in the foothills in the twentieth century. Bhutan’s current population is estimated at around 672,425 (Bhutan Census). Mahayana Buddhism is the state religion. Buddhists comprise about 70 percent of the population. Maroon-robed monks and religious symbols such as chortens and prayer flags are common. Some lhakhangs (temples) remain from the seventh century. The head abbot, His Holiness the Je Kempo, leads the monastic bodies in Bhutan. He is highly revered. The Lhotshampas follow Hinduism. Remnants of religions such as Bon also remain integrated into Bhutan’s Buddhist tradition. The official language is Dzongkha. Dzongkha and English are the languages of instruction from the first days in school at age six. However, a range of other languages is spoken. Sarchopa is a notable minority language in the east, as is Nepali in the south. Educated Bhutanese often speak four or five languages. The government’s focus on Dzongkha reflects its goal to create a nation based upon Drukpa (eastern) cultural traditions, exhibited in traditional architecture, dress, and official language. English, meanwhile, is a key modernizing influence. Bhutan’s geography and diverse history have lead to considerable variations in both industry and cultural heritage. Women’s weaving of silk (in the east) and wool (central) is highly valued and now forms a cottage industry. Although more than 80 percent of the country is forest, agriculture is the main employment sector. This has decreased from threequarters (1998) to two-thirds (2004) as people find work in industry (6 percent to 10 percent in the same period) and services (9 percent to 16 percent). The private sector is undeveloped. Unemployment, virtually unknown in 1990, has risen from 1.4 percent (1998) to 2.5 percent (2004). Sixty percent of the latter is youth unemployment (5.5 percent in 2004), which will continue to grow. Females are twice as likely to be unemployed. More than 36 percent of those who are employed are unpaid family workers. Adult men and women roughly share workloads and responsibility for children. Life expectancy has grown from fifty-eight
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years (1990) to sixty-three years (2001). Women, more than men, inherit property in some areas. The gross domestic product (GDP) per capita has reached US$775 (2004). Although this represents a high rate of recent growth for Bhutan, about one-third of the population remains below the national poverty line (Nu740/month = US$16.51/month). This is largely a rural phenomenon, with 38 percent below the national poverty line (compared with 4.2 percent urban). Rural livelihoods are still made from subsistence agriculture in mountainous dispersed communities. Subsistence farming engaged 79 percent of population from just 8 percent of land under cultivation. Extreme poverty is, however, rare and few suffer from hunger or homelessness. Forty-two percent of the population is below the age of fifteen, and at 2.1 percent the population growth rate is one of the highest in Asia. This growth has been brought about by the halving of the infant mortality rate and doubling of the life expectancy between 1970 and 2000. These achievements in health are paralleled by those in education where, starting from close to zero in the 1950s, now more than 90 percent of children (48 percent girls) are enrolled in primary school. Secondary education statistics are not as spectacular (see Table 3.1). Despite its physical barriers and low incomes, the Kingdom of Bhutan has experienced rapid development, which can be attributed to the (a) dynamic leadership of the kings of Bhutan; (b) its rich resource base, such as hydropower and biodiversity, and low population density; (c) wellfunctioning administrative machine and community organization free of corruption; (d) long-term support of various donors; and (e) primacy of the Bhutanese culture (Ura 2003, pp. 2–3). The fourth king’s guiding notion of Gross National Happiness (GNH) has captured the imagination of many and is followed by Ministries in the Royal Government of Bhutan (RGoB). Following GNH, the nation’s prosperity is not gauged against its economic fortunes but ultimately by the happiness of its people. The government aims to encompass both cultural traditions and modern developments. Table 3.1. Percentage of Rural and Urban Education Indicators Education indicator
Rural
Urban
Gross primary enrollment rates Gross lower secondary enrollment rates Gross middle secondary enrollment rates Gross higher secondary enrollment rates School participation rate (six to twelve years old) School participation rate (thirteen to nineteen years old)
88.3 47.7 36.9 7.0 65.3 46.3
109.0 84.8 77.5 39.9 89.0 77.3
Source: RGoB 2005, p. 55.
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The series of Five Year Plans from 1961 has provided the basis for development in the following phases: 1. Road construction and internationalization of relations (1961–73) creating a single east–west road across the country. Bhutan joined the United Nations (UN) in 1971; 2. Establishment and expansion of health, education and agricultural services (1973–83); 3. Revenue-generating investment in hydroelectric and mineral-based projects (1983–87), including the Chukka hydro project; 4. Expansion of air links and digital communications (1988–98) to bring global communication to Bhutan. Satellite television was introduced in 1999, and 5. From 1998, the emphasis appears to be on democratization and globalization (Ura 2003, p. 4).
Several principles have guided development in the kingdom and reflect the characteristics of the Bhutanese. These include economic self-reliance, preservation of the environment, regionally balanced development to address rural poverty, and decentralization and community empowerment. Cultural preservation, the fifth principle, identifies the idea that the Drupkpa (western) heritage will characterize Bhutanese culture (Ura 2003, pp. 5–6; RGoB 1999). With the focus on development over the last five or six decades, the government has worked to provide families with basic support services. These include the development of a legal, health, and education infrastructure for a largely dispersed population in rugged terrains. The decentralized dual systems of traditional and western-style medicine are government initiatives. Health care, like education, is free and has seen substantial improvements (see Table 3.2). There are few Bhutanese agencies outside the government supporting children and families, but UN agencies, such as UNICEF, WHO, and UNDP, and NGOs, like Save the Children (US), Danida, and Helvitas, have been long-term supporters. India has provided continuing support and is Bhutan’s major bilateral development partner. Similarly, a legal system has been developed culminating in the adoption of a penal code. Bhutan is a signatory to the UN’s Elimination of the Discrimination against Women, and the Rights of the Child. Young people constitute 57 percent of the population. Three groups of children and youth are most vulnerable in Bhutan. First, many children, primarily in the southeast, will have to catch up on schooling because of unrest from insurgent camps built in Bhutan by those opposing the Indian government in Assam prior to 2003. Some families have been able to obtain schooling, however, by moving north into the central area. A second group includes children who live in the remotest parts of
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TABLE 3.2. Health and Related Statistics in Bhutan, 1984–2004 1984 (Alt. year)
1994 (Alt. year)
2004 (latest)
2.1 (1985) 5.9 7.7
2.9 (1990) 5.6 3.8
2.5 4.7 (2003) 2.6 (2000)
142
70.7
60.5 (2000)
162
97
84 (2001)
38 (1988) 38 (1989) 56 (1989) 4.1 (1989) 65 (1983) — — 46 (1979) —
17 (1999) 40 (1999) 2.6 (1999) — 45 (1990) — 59 (1992) 57 (1992)
19 (2000) — — — <5 (2005) 78 (2003) 88 (2003) 66 (2003) 66 (2003)
Annual population growth rate Total fertility rate (births/woman) Maternal mortality rate (per 1,000 live births) Infant mortality rate (below one year/ 1,000 live births) Under-five mortality rate (below one year/1,000 live births) Child malnutrition (% below age five) Under-five underweight (%) Under-five stunted (%) Under-five suffering from wasting (%) Goiter prevalence (%) Population with access to safe water (%) Population with access to sanitation (%) Life expectancy at birth–female Life expectancy at birth–male
Source: ADB 2005, p. 49, 50; RGoB 1999, p. 18; RGoB 2005, p. 28.
Bhutan where community schools have not yet been built. This is being addressed via a government Millennium Development Goal (MDG) aiming to create more community schools in remote areas. Urban, educated, out-of-school youth constitute the third group, where expectations and skills are mismatched. For these young people, work in the village is not appealing. This has created some social concerns in the towns. Additionally, up to 100,000 adults and children in United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) camps in southeast Nepal claim to be Bhutanese and have been the subject of ongoing negotiations KEY FACTS – BHUTAN between the Nepalese and Bhutanese governments since 1993. Population: 672,425 (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 47 percent (2003 est.) Article 7 of Bhutan’s draft Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 70 percent Constitution underscores equal (2000–2005) rights for men and women. People living with HIV/AIDS: <500 (2005 est.) There has been an increasing Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 71 (2006 est.) awareness and recognition of Sources: CIA World Factbook: Bhutan. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ violence against women, though publications/factbook/geos/bt.html. April 17, 2007; United more indirect forms of bias are Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development still a reality. Many older women Report 2006–Bhutan. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_BTN.html. April 26, 2007; are not literate, and women are UNICEF. At a Glance: Bhutan–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ underrepresented in governinfobycountry/bhutan_bhutan_statistics.html. April 25, 2007. ment. However, women often
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head households in Bhutan. A National Commission for Women and Children was established in 2004. There is guaranteed equal pay, many businesses are run by women, and the often matriarchal system of land inheritance has resulted in around two-thirds of holdings registered to women. The civil service has about one-quarter females. Disaggregated data are not very evident in Bhutan, and this includes employment. According to the 2005 census, 2.4 percent of persons older than eighteen were unemployed, and two-thirds of the economically active workforce were males. Employment rates for rural women are about twice those of their urban peers. About one-fifth of both men and women are employed in agriculture. OVERVIEW The fourth king, and so the government, has placed great store in the well-being of children and youth. While education is not compulsory, it is free. Great strides have been made since the large-scale introduction of secular education and the introduction of health measures. These have largely resulted from the resources provided through successive 5YPs since 1976. Still, student retention in primary, and particularly secondary, schools remains a problem. The establishment of the Royal University of Bhutan in 2003 brought together (now) ten institutes into a federated institution. Technical education remains a difficulty, but renewed efforts in this area can be expected, especially given present and projected youth unemployment as more young people complete some form of secondary education. Within the health sector, immunization programs have reduced deaths considerably. Nutrition has improved, and Bhutan is a ‘‘normal iodine nutrition country,’’ though iron deficiency is still a concern. Thanks to improved sanitation, the MDG target of safe drinking water for the entire country is likely to be reached by 2007. HIV/AIDS is considered nascent. The Human Development Index for Bhutan has grown steadily from 0.325 in 1984 to 0.583 in 2004, held back by low tertiary enrollments and low adult literacy rates (46 percent). Bhutan’s Human Poverty Index (2007) rates 71 of 103 developing countries. Bhutan benefits from a stable government and stable neighbor relations, the ongoing difficulties with Nepal (Bhutanese/Nepali citizenship for those in UNHCR camps) and some border concerns not withstanding. Indentured servitude is not present, though, as noted earlier, many family members work without pay in rural areas. As many as 45,000 children work as part of family activities. The definition of a child is under eighteen years in all matters of the state, and the legal age for voting in 2008 will be not less than eighteen years. The nature of childhood, especially in urban areas, has changed dramatically over the last decade, with major developments in education and health and the introduction of television.
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EDUCATION Education is now seen as both a basic right and a prerequisite for Bhutan’s far-reaching social, economic, and cultural goals to be achieved. Monastic education, for a small minority, was only available until the mid-twentieth century, when secular education was introduced. Initially, parents were reluctant to send their children to secular primary schools. Now parents plead to enroll their children, particularly in secondary schools. It is not unusual for rural primary-aged children to walk up to two hours to school. Other families build small shelters and may have a family member stay with the child(ren) during the week to attend primary school where the walk is too far. Boarding facilities at secondary schools are common. Children and teachers are required to wear national costume with the children’s school uniform color varying from school to school. Buildings also vary greatly. Some are stone and mortar, others concrete. Mostly, community schools are made of wood and may not have glass in the windows. Some schools in the mountains do not have heating, and many do not have electricity. Furniture is basic in most Bhutanese schools, and libraries are not well developed. Enrollment has increased dramatically in primary, secondary, and tertiary sectors over the last decade or so (see Figure 3.1) in the 408 schools and institutes, reaching 155,234 in 2004. At that time, there were about
Figure 3.1. Total secular enrollment in government institutions, 1961–2002 (RGoB 2003, p. 4)
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3,750 teachers, including about 700 non-Bhutanese instructors in secondary schools. By 2002, there were, in addition to 125,000 secular students, 15,000 students in monasteries or as private students in temples, 3,000 students in vocational education, and 10,000 young adults enrolled in nonformal literacy education. Over all eight 5YPs, the average budget set aside for education was 10 percent. Bhutan is working toward universal primary enrollment by 2007 and full adult literacy by 2012. Secondary education is free, including the supply of texts, with gross enrollment rates reaching 45.4 percent (49.4 for boys and 41.7 for girls). Early childhood education is only now beginning in some for-profit schools; no government-supported preschool institutions have been developed. The education of disabled children is being addressed, including a school for the visually impaired. It is interesting that nonenrollment in some rural areas, and a dropout rate of 5.5 percent to Class X across the country, together with a repeater percentage of 11.5, do not constitute a major problem at present according to the Ministry of Education. This is largely due to the recent difficulty in creating enough schools, but will change as education MDGs have been identified, rural to urban drift continues, and educated youth try to get jobs. Enrollment in public education requires a relatively small school fee from families, yet this is a barrier for the very poor. Poor children also suffer because they are often needed at home, especially on farms. To date, relatively more resources have been given to primary education. Net enrollment reached 62 percent in 2002, up from 35 percent in 1990. Given the virtual zero starting point fifty years ago, these data are spectacular. However, considerable disparities exist between rural and urban areas (Table 3.1), with urban enrollment more than five times the rate in rural areas. This is partially explained by the establishment of secondary boarding schools in urban areas. As has noted earlier, nonenrollment is a problem in remote areas where students must walk long distances to school. In the 1990s, in order to achieve Education For All (EFA) goals, Bhutan began developing community schools in remote and mountainous regions. It has been projected that more than 120 community schools will be developed during the ninth 5YP (2007–2012). As a result, many more children from minority ethnic groups can be admitted into the primary education system. In fact, the draft Constitution (Article 7) stipulates that there be no discrimination on the grounds of race, sex, language, or religion. The issue of language of early instruction is critical since most children’s first language is neither Dzongkha nor English. In many parts of Bhutan, local languages are used. The high urban primary gross enrollment (109 percent, see Table 3.1) reflects high pressure on primary places in towns and cities. The New Approach to Primary Education (NAPE) has been signaled as the reason for a shift from rote to activity-based learning, but teachers
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were not well equipped and resources were not sufficient for this strategic shift. By the year 2000, more than 60 percent of teachers had only passed Class X or even Class VIII. The integration of children with special needs (estimated at 3.5 percent of the population) into the primary education system is almost nonexistent. These students have received care through Health Department/Ministry community-based rehabilitation. UNICEF has begun a child-friendly schools project that incorporates the idea of inclusive education. The Ministry recognizes that quality is now the focus in primary and special education. The importance of early childhood education throughout the country is formally recognized, but few resources are directed to this sector. Nonformal education does provide broad support for many mothers. This illustrates the government’s intention to focus on the family through direct contact between parents and health workers in basic health units and outreach clinics. Entry by the private sector into urban early childhood has been encouraged. Private operators of nursery schools do so under a memorandum of understanding, but there is little regulation. They exist largely for wealthy urban families who want to give their children a ‘‘head start.’’ The success of primary education has resulted in pressure being placed upon secondary education. The gross enrollment rates for secondary rural and urban students vary markedly (see Table 3.1). Provision for secondary students in rural areas is accomplished by construction of boarding facilities, which at the same time take young people away from their homes and their family’s often subsistence farming. Many secondary schools are overcrowded and have inadequate facilities. Qualified secondary teachers are in short supply. The Bhutanization of the curriculum has already begun in the secondary sector and the Bhutan Board of Examinations has complete control of the secondary examination system. Provision of secondary places is the key secondary education issue of the immediate future. The modern Bhutan will need substantially higher numbers of tertiary graduates. In 2003, the first university, the Royal University of Bhutan (RUB), was created. Tuition is free, and students are provided a small weekly payment as a government incentive. Gross enrollment is about 8.3 percent, with males at 10.8 percent compared with 6.4 percent for females (though female enrollment is expected to increase). Of the 3,000 students at RUB, only 1,000 are enrolled in degree programs. The RUB is working to increase enrollment and resources through the addition of more qualified staff and supplementary arrangements with other universities. Vocational education and training (VET) is not yet overtly linked to secondary education; VET does occur in the traditional arts and crafts, but few apprenticeship programs have been initiated. Formal VET is slated to increase more than fourfold by the end of the ninth 5YP. Adult
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literacy continues to be low. The Ministry of Education puts women’s literacy as low as 20 percent. Nonformal education in Dzongka is provided for many rural and urban women. Rates of female adult literacy are important because literate mothers have a greater tendency to support primary school education for their children. PLAY AND RECREATION As a signatory to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, Bhutan has affirmed its commitment towards ensuring the emotional, intellectual, and physical growth of its children. The modest play and recreation facilities throughout Bhutan are a matter of concern given present and projected youth unemployment and underemployment in the towns and cities. In recent years, the Department of Youth, Culture and Sports (DYCS) of the Ministry of Education has implemented programs such as scouting. The DYCS also undertakes guidance and career counseling, as well as games and sports including intra- and inter-Dzongkhag (district) sports. Due to the lack of funds for such activities, a Youth Development Fund was established in the late 1990s. It aims to address the current and future development of the nation’s youth. Schools encourage sports and contribute to intra- and inter-Dzongkhag competition in such sports as football (soccer), basketball, volleyball, athletics, table tennis, badminton, and taekwondo. Children can be seen playing with makeshift balls and the like in schools and in the streets where cricket has become popular amongst young, urban boys. Even rural schools have an area carved out of the hill to use as a field for sports. Often the school space is the only flat area for children to play on. Even in the towns and cities, there are few specially created outdoor play areas for children. Khuru, a form of long distance darts and not requiring a flat area, is happily played by boys (and also men) in villages and towns. Bhutan has a well-developed oral tradition. Indeed, many local languages are not written, thus an oral tradition is the means of carrying the wisdom and history of the local cultures. Amongst many oral forms in Bhutan, the proverb (dpe gtam) is singularly important. It is possible to see Bhutanese (and other) proverbs written on the walls of many schools. This tradition puts the wisdom of such proverbs daily in front of primaryand secondary-aged students. Some commentators are concerned about the loss of other, traditional cultural forms of recreation, such as art and nursery rhymes, and it is indeed quite easy to see them fall against the relentless pressure of Bollywood (the movie industry in India), western music, and television. Since most rural areas do not have electricity, the introduction of television in 1999 has not yet reached many rural children. Bhutanese television airs only two hours per day, but residents are able to watch the India package of television, where cartoons and MTV are popular. There are
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clear concerns about their combined impact, especially on children. Bollywood movies are not often seen in rural towns, but they are popular in the movie houses found in bigger towns and cities. Kuensel, the official newspaper of Bhutan, comes out in Dzongkha, English, and Hindi and has a significant section of the paper devoted to children such as comics, quizzes, and articles by children. The first edition of Bhutan’s first private newspaper, The Bhutan Times, came out on April 30, 2006. CHILD LABOR Bhutan has not yet established a minimum age for employment in conjunction with the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. However, eighteen years of age is considered the minimum age for employment. The Ministry of Labor has informally linked the minimum employment age with the end of a child’s compulsory education. This is reflected in the 2005 census where the participation rate in employment for rural fifteen- to nineteen-year-olds is about 40 percent for both males and females and in urban areas around 20 percent for both males and females. Some children also do household or field work before and/or after school. Remembering that only fifty years ago Bhutan came out of isolation, traditional values will take some time to work through. Similarly, secondary education (and to a lesser extent, primary education) has not yet been able to accommodate all children up to the age of fifteen years old, let alone those up to eighteen. Many families value children and youth as part of the family labor force in agriculture and see this as a reasonable option for their children if they have left school. Being ‘‘needed at home’’ gives directions to some young lives. Such agricultural work for children includes tending animals, carrying firewood, ploughing wet and dry fields, and planting crops and for some females in weaving. In urban areas, children help in shops, wait on tables, assist in vehicle workshops, or act as domestic workers. Children above the age of fifteen are permitted to join the army, but there is little if any child labor in factories. UNICEF has reported foreign children as young as eleven employed with road-building teams. As with many areas of Bhutanese society, there is a lack of disaggregated data on child labor and sexual exploitation. The minimum age of criminal responsibility is ten years. FAMILY The family remains a tightly knit unit, often with senior family members living at home and receiving care. Some families have become extended especially among educated people where both mother and father are in paid employment. The family, together with the school, is
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seen as the keeper of Bhutan’s driglam namzhag, that is, its way of life and etiquette based upon a moral tradition that can be traced back to Lord Buddha’s teachings. Roles remain quite strongly defined in many homes. Women and girls, particularly those who do not speak English, may remain in the kitchen when guests are present. Men and women cook. Traditional rural chores for boys include taking animals to and from the fields and protecting crops and animals. Typical chores for girls include water carrying and cleaning. Both mothers and fathers generally value education for their children. Women may be the heads of the family making decisions about the home and about the work in the fields. Clearly, the major changes in education and health over recent decades have altered family structures and ways of life, but other changes are evident. Urban drift has affected many, and the problems of urban youth unemployment are still to be dealt with. There are statutes that protect men’s and women’s rights in the family. Marriage is customary. Polygamy and polyandry are present but not common, especially the latter. Marriage is legally permitted above the age of eighteen, but common law marriages below this age are present. There are no great social taboos associated with divorce. The rate of divorce has not been established. The extended family structure is presently becoming more nuclear as families take up employment opportunities in urban areas, leaving older members to take care of the traditional family home and farm. Some families are also separated as men take up work elsewhere, leaving the women and children at home. Female inheritance, which occurs in some parts of the country, means that a woman is head of the household and of the family land. In such situations, the male partner comes to live in the woman’s house. The female head of a central Bhutan household, for example, makes decisions about what is to be done in the house and fields and what to buy. She also arranges finances and receives any income made by male members of the household, but does not pay for her husband’s medicine or funeral expenses. These costs are borne by his original family. The woman makes decisions about religious rituals and the level of engagement in community projects like the building of another family’s house, liaison with government officials and political influence. Inheritance is carefully arranged. Many rural places in Bhutan are poor. For the one-third of Bhutanese families in this situation, it is a daily struggle to ensure that there is enough food. Many that do have enough food still earn less than US$1 per day. This lack of income occurs mostly in rural areas and is likely to be those families with larger households of six to eight people. Poorer families are less likely to enroll their children in school. Many poor families cannot afford meager school fees and uniforms. Some poor people can be found in the towns and cities living in shanties. Support for needy families is provided more though family structures than from religious
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bodies. However, the gains in basic health provision over the last fifty years have been significant for families, including those that are poor. HEALTH Improvements in basic health surpass those in the education sector. Health care, like education, is free to all citizens. There are no private physicians or hospitals. In Bhutan, both the traditional and western styles of medicine are supported by the government. The biodiversity of Bhutan has, over the years, underpinned the development of an extraordinary level of expertise in Bhutan in the practice of traditional (Tibetan) medicine. A traditional teaching hospital has been established in the capital city of Thimphu and is associated with the National Institute of Traditional Medicine of the RUB. Thimphu is home to the major westernstyle hospital, the Jigme Dorji Wangchuk National Referral Hospital, which contains operating rooms and specialists. Dzongkhag headquarters towns have hospitals (twenty-eight in all) but for a dispersed community the policy of developing strategically placed Basic Health Units (145) and also 450 Out Reach Clinics appears to have been most effective. More than 1,000 trained village health workers complete the decentralized structure. The Bhutanese population suffers from such diseases as cholera, malaria, rabies, tetanus, tuberculosis, diarrhea, and some forms of hepatitis, though these are declining rapidly. Some sense of the gains made in Bhutan over the eight 5YPs can be gauged from Table 3.2. Starting from a low base, major progress been made to improve quality of health, and all major indicators are improving. Particularly notable are the maternal, infant and under-five mortality figures. The differences are seen clearly in the changed life expectancy rate. Health has been improved by better sanitation and access to safe water (Table 3.2). From 1987 to 1995, rural access to safe water increased from 31 percent to 58 percent. Sanitation has improved in rural areas, and piped sanitation systems are being developed in Thimphu, Phuntsholing, and other towns. Immunization covers more than 90 percent of children. Polio, neonatal tetanus, and diphtheria are no longer seen, while malaria and leprosy are under control. MDGs in health, to be achieved by 2015, are to (a) reduce under-five mortality by two-thirds, (b) reduce the maternal mortality by three-quarters, and (c) halt the spread of HIV/AIDS. As of February 2005, seventy-two individuals were identified as HIV-positive. Data on abortions in Bhutan are not known. Generally, abortion is not supported in Bhutan except in the cases where a woman’s life can be saved. Since December 17, 2004, there is a complete ban on tobacco sales, although some smoking is still seen in the streets. Lifestyle diseases have increased as infectious diseases have declined. Leading causes of death
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include cardiovascular disease (14.5 percent) and cirrhosis of the liver (9.3 percent). The Ministry of Health has been supported by UN organizations and also nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Save the Children has been active in the Zenghang Dzongkhag, one of the most remote regions in Bhutan. UNICEF has established emergency obstetric care centers and supported the prevention of mother-to-child transmission of HIV/AIDS. UNICEF has also helped establish voluntary testing, counseling, and support facilities in all Dzongkhags and the development of life skills programs for 10,000 scouts (male and female) as peer educators on HIV/ AIDS. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Bhutan has a range of laws that cover the legal rights of children and youth. Generally, the courts consider persons younger than eighteen years as children. The Penal Code of Bhutan sets out penalties for law breaking. The code covers rape, child molestation, sexual harassment, incest, abandonment, child abuse, endangerment of a child, pedophilia, and trafficking of a child. Specific examples of laws directly pertinent to children include ten as the age at which a child may be formally charged. Penalties for children are generally half those of the adult population. The court may consider other kinds of facilities or correctional institutions instead of imprisonment for a child. There has been some research into child crime. Lham Dorji analyzed the public record of juvenile and youth crime from 1984 to 2003 because of the growing concern about delinquency in the towns and cities. He found that delinquency is largely a male phenomenon, and that juvenile crime has increased overall since 1999. Delinquency/crime generally increases with age starting at about twelve and peaks at age twenty-three. There is a clear link between unemployment and crime statistics. Bhutan is a signatory to two of the seven major UN human rights instruments, namely, The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Committee for the Rights of the Child (CRC). Both committees have expressed concern about the inadequacy of legislation and the lack of disaggregated data for children in Bhutan. Bhutan is developing a legal framework to conform to UN recommendations. An exception to this is in the area of nationality, particularly in the case of those of Nepali origin who were expelled from or left Bhutan in the 1990s; their status is still uncertain. RELIGIOUS LIFE Buddhism is practiced throughout the country by as many as threequarters of the population. Many of the Lhotshampas (from the south)
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follow Hinduism. Mahayana Buddhism, of the Drukpa Kagya school, is the official religion of Bhutan, although a majority of Bhutanese follow the Ningmapa school. Although some people in the north still follow Bonism, an animist religion, and 1 to 2 percent of Bhutanese are Christian, Buddhism is a key aspect of life for the majority of Bhutanese. There are about 12,000 monks, mostly male, in Bhutan, and about one-third of these are financed by government. Monasteries are a separate educational system; the students do not take part in secular schooling. Those who drop out of monastic education can encounter social problems, as their skills are limited to those associated with the Buddhist texts and rituals. Many houses in Bhutan have shrines; in some cases the best room is set aside as a place for an altar. Many children have daily reinforcement of the place of Buddhism or Hinduism in their lives, not only in this symbolic form, but also in the discourse and actions amongst many of the people. Rituals are also an important part of the Buddhist daily life. Again, many children habitually take part in these rituals. These include invocation of local deities and incense burning and, on special occasions, the placing of prayer flags. During a visit to a lhakhang, Buddhist children will see Bhutanese prostrate themselves three times, receive holy water and a blessing from a monk, and make a gift offering. Names of babies are usually given by the head monk at the local lhakhang, not by the parents. Traditionally, families would send one child (usually male) to a monastery, but this practice has decreased due to the availability of secular education. Children also take part in annual festivals celebrated across the country. Schools are closed for such occasions so that school children can participate with their families. Tsechu festivals celebrate Guru Rinpoche and take place over several days. Most dzongs and monasteries have one each year. Dances, performed by the monks, depict the biography of the Guru and are interspersed with comic relief and traditional dances performed by local women. The children are especially entertained by the monks dressed up as clowns. People attend the festival to learn more about the Buddhist way of life. It is also an important social gathering for families. Hindu holidays are also celebrated in the south of the country. Cities and major towns have religious tsechus each year and these are wellattended family occasions. There are also other days commemorated such as the accession to the throne of the fourth king, the death of the third king, Blessed Rainy Day, and so on. Buddhism shares many of its ideas and deities with Hinduism. Hinduism is practiced by the majority of Lhotshampas, perhaps as many as one quarter of the population of Bhutan. The draft Constitution permits freedom of religious expression. However, in practice, non-Buddhist religious gatherings are discouraged. Proselytism of other faiths is illegal. The fourth king made the point of making one Hindu festival a public holiday and his example of observing it also is likely to have had a positive effect upon public attitudes.
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CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Bhutan was one of the first countries to ratify the Convention of the Rights of the Child in 1990. It did not sign the optional protocols on the sale of children, child prostitution, child pornography, and children in armed conflict until September 2005. As is consistent with the tenets of Buddhism, child abuse is thought to be rare in Bhutan. There are no recorded instances of female infanticide or dowry deaths. Child slavery, although not specifically prohibited by law, is thought not to exist in Bhutan. There have been occasional reports of child trafficking for forced labor and kidnapping for sale into the sex trade, but there are no official reports of trafficking to, from, or within the country. In 2003, the RGoB ratified the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC) protocol combating and preventing trafficking in women and children. The UN Committee for the Rights of the Child is maintaining pressure on Bhutan to complete its legislation consistent with UN statutes. There has been no official data collected on child abuse in Bhutan. The situation of around 45,000 ethnic children expelled or who voluntarily left Bhutan in the early 1990s continues to be a problem. Child abuse, including rapes, domestic violence, and physical and sexual assaults, has been reported in the Nepalese camps. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY It is unlikely that the changes for Bhutanese children in the twenty-first century will be as momentous as for those in the twentieth century. Nevertheless, change will have a considerable impact upon children and youth in Bhutan this century. Globalization will be felt strongly in Bhutan, especially for children growing up in a world brought to them via television. Greater prosperity and increased travel will also play a role. It is likely that traditional forms of family life and the importance of Buddhism and the driglam namzhag will be threatened. These will not be evenly felt across Bhutan as social imperatives, such as family traditions and the importance placed upon GNH. Thanks to Bhutan’s mountainous topography, some children will be less affected than others. As Bhutan will achieve its MDGs and beyond in the twenty-first century, education and health will continue to improve the lives of many children. Multigrade schools will bring primary education to all schoolage children. The quality of the primary school experience will be addressed through the development of the quality of teachers. Primary schooling is likely to become compulsory. The key issue for secondary education is the expansion of places largely in urban areas. Free secondary education to Class X will continue. Enrollment projections are impressive as the numbers of children successfully completing seven years of primary increase. More than 20,000 new secondary institutions, as well
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as increased teacher education, are planned. The curriculum is increasingly being viewed as too academic and traditional, producing graduates who do not have the required skills for the work force and a globalized world. More attention will be given to the idea of dignity of labor, meaning that all work, however menial, is worthwhile. The dignity of labor will be complemented by a renewed emphasis upon what has been termed ‘‘wholesome education,’’ meaning values that should be enshrined in the primary and secondary curriculum. It is anticipated that all students will progress to Class VIII, and many will go on to Class XII and beyond. Children of the twenty-first century will also have better-educated parents. Children will increasingly consider play and recreation as a normal part of their day, although child labor in agriculture before and/or after school is likely to continue. Improvements in health care and water quality will mean less suffering and unnecessary death among infants and children. Parents and grandparents will be more likely to die of diseases borne of lifestyle choices. These trends, together with the impact of television, will create tremendous pressure on local customs, especially languages. This will be particularly felt in rural areas. The government and the people will be pressed to create worthwhile activities for the increasingly educated youth of Bhutan. Much of these pressures will be played out in urban areas. To this end, the ideas of values education and the dignity of labor, already becoming a part of the secondary education curriculum, will be increasingly important. Parents too in the twenty-first century will have an important role to play in assisting their children to find fulfilling directions in life. Coupled with the impact on urban areas, it can be anticipated that the Bhutanese government will continue to address rural poverty. Together with the rise of the private sector, the government should be able to do this increasingly from its own resources. Major hydropower schemes will be implemented. Markets for Bhutanese specialties, such as those from its biologically diverse resources, will be brought to an international market. There will be less subsistence farming. Accordingly, farm labor by young, rural family members is bound to decrease further continuing the structural changes in family life in rural Bhutan. The children of the twenty-first century in Bhutan will grow up in a more democratic society. Although it is not certain what directions the fifth Druk Gyalpo will influence, the democratization of Bhutan has been set on an irrevocable path by the fourth Druk Gyalpo and the constitution. The first democratic elections will take place in Bhutan in 2008, and formal election practices took place starting in 2006. Children are likely to grow up to take part in elections where the candidates are attached to different political parties. Almost certainly they and their children will live in a land whose legislation is attuned to most, if not all, key statutes of the UN. The importance or influence of the king will probably decrease
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as democratic institutions take hold. The issue of refugees in eastern Nepal will likely be resolved, thus ending the plight of many children presently found there. Given the continuing importance of Buddhism during the twenty-first century, child abuse and neglect will remain low, although there will be pressures upon these too as the society increasingly gears itself to attain materialist goals. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Dorji, Jagar. 2005. Quality of Education in Bhutan: The Story of Growth and Change in the Bhutanese Education System. Thimphu: KTM Publisher. This book contained a passionate plea for the importance of education for Bhutan’s future. It also recounts lessons from the past. Dorji, Lham, and Sonam Kinga. 2005. Youth in Bhutan: Education, Employment, Development. Thimphu: Monograph #14, The Center for Bhutan Studies. This monograph contains three recent studies about youth in Bhutan. Hutt, Michael. 2003. Unbecoming Citizens: Culture, Nationhood, and the Flight of Refugees from Bhutan. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. This is an authoritative account of the refugee question in Bhutan. Royal Government of Bhutan (RGoB). 1999. Bhutan 2020: Vision for Peace, Prosperity and Happiness. Thimphu: Planning Commission, RGoB. This document sets out the government’s goals twenty years hence. It also presents the government’s view, ministry by ministry, about the state of development at that time. Royal Government of Bhutan. 2005. National Human Development Report 2005: The Challenge of Youth Employment. Thimphu: Finance Ministry, RGoB. As the title suggests, this report addresses the major issues that are apparent to the youth of Bhutan and their implications for government. Schicklgruber, Christian, and Francoise Pommaret, eds. 1997. Bhutan: Mountain Fortress of the Gods. New Delhi: Bookwise (India) Pvt Ltd. This beautifully illustrated and written glossy also contains excellent chapters from experts on aspects of Bhutanese culture. Tabuchi, Satoru, Mynak Tulku, Karma Ura, and Yoshiro Imaeda. 2002. Festival and Faith at Nyimalung. Tokyo: Hirakawa Shuppan Inc. This book contains a wonderful photo essay of religious life at Nyimalung in central Bhutan. There are also several essays about religious life. Ura, Karma. 2003. ‘‘The Bhutanese Development Story,’’ Monograph # 15, Centre for Bhutan Studies. This is an authoritative account of the economic and political development story of Bhutan. Ura, Karma, and Karma Galay, eds. 2004. Gross National Happiness and Development. Thimphu: The Center for Bhutan Studies. This is a major work where authors explore the impact of the idea of gross national happiness as it relates to the consideration of such issues as economics and politics. Wangchuck, H.R.H. and Dorji Wangmo. 2000. Of Rainbows and Clouds: The Memoirs of Yab Ugyen Dorji as Told to His Daughter. New Delhi: Bookwise (India) Pvt Ltd. This marvelous autobiography tells the story of the development of Bhutan over much of the twentieth century from the perspective of the wellto-do.
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Web Sites Bhutan Census, http://www.bhutancensus.gov.bt/census_results_6.htm. This site provides summary statistics of the recent census, as well as other information from the census. Bhutan Education, http://www.education.gov.bt. This site presents more information about the education system in Bhutan and current matters of interest. Bhutan Health, http://www.health.gov.bt. This site presents more information about the dual health system in Bhutan and related matters such as recent statistics. Bhutan Portal, http://www.bhutan.gov.bt. This Web site is well organized, and contains a search engine and a large amount of information about the government and its activities. The second draft of the Bhutanese Constitution can be found at http://www.constitution.bt. Reading the draft constitution gives a strong idea of the important values of the Bhutanese people. Bhutan Sports, http://www.education.bt/Departments/Department_YCS/Youth_ Culture.htm. Some ideas about sport and recreation in Bhutan can be found together with other activities encouraged for youth in Bhutan. Centre for Bhutan Studies, http://www.bhutanstudies.org.bt/index.htm. The Centre for Bhutan Studies focuses on research into Bhutanese culture. A number of research studies are published on this website. The Journal of Bhutan Studies is a biannual publication of the Centre for Bhutan Studies. It is available electronically at http://www.bhutanstudies.org.bt/journal/journal.htm. Kuensel, http://www.kuenselonline.com. Kuensel is the national newspaper of Bhutan. Recently, two other private newspapers have developed in Bhutan. World Bank, South Asia Region (SAR) Bhutan, http://www.worldbank.org/bt. At this site a number of reports by the World Bank on South Asia countries can be found.
Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Election Commission of Bhutan Post Box No. 2008 Thori Lam, Lower Mothithang Thimphu, Bhutan Web site: http://www.election-bhutan.org.bt/ This commission has the responsibility for ‘‘Ensuring Free, Fair and Democratic Elections and Referendum.’’ Ministry of Agriculture P.O. Box 252 Thimphu, Bhutan Web site: http://www.moa.gov.bt/
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The Ministry’s mission is to achieve an adequate supply of food, shelter, clothing, clean air and water for the people of Bhutan while protecting their spiritual heritage and environmental surroundings. Ministry of Education Royal Government of Bhutan Thimphu, Bhutan Web site: http://www.education.gov.bt/ The MoE oversees all educational matters in Bhutan, including early childhood education and development and primary and secondary education. It contains the Department of Youth Culture and Sports. Ministry of Health Royal Government of Bhutan Thimphu, Bhutan Web site: http://www.health.gov.bt/ The Ministry is charged with supporting families and children for general wellness and for specific health issues using traditional and allopathic methods. Ministry of Information and Communications (MoIC) Post Box: 278 Thimphu, Bhutan Web site: http://www.moic.gov.bt/ ICT that assists the development of the country for the people is the focus of this Ministry. Ministry of Labour and Human Relations (MLHR) P.O. Box 1036 Thongsel Lam Lower Motithang Thimphu, Bhutan Web site: http://www.employment.gov.bt/ Labour and Human Relations intends to ensure that people are able to find work and also that they can develop within the workplace. Ministry of Trade and Industry P.O. Box No. 141 Thimphu, Bhutan Web site: http://www.mti.gov.bt/secretariat/secretariat.htm This Ministry oversees industry, trade, energy, and tourism. Royal Civil Service Commission (RCSC) Post Box No. 163 Thimphu, Bhutan Web site: http://www.rcsc.gov.bt The RCSC mission is to create a ‘‘dynamic and professional civil service committed to promoting Good Governance in pursuit of Gross National Happiness.’’ Nongovernmental Organizations Helvetas/SDC Coordination Office P.O. Box 157
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Hejo, Thimphu Web site: http://www.helvetas.org.bt/ Helvetas assists Bhutan particularly through its Education, Youth, and Culture programs. Save the Children (USA) P.O. Box 281 Chang Gedaphan Thimphu, Bhutan Web site: http://www.savethechildren.org/countries/asia/bhutan.asp Save the Children endeavors to meet the ever-changing needs and ensure positive physical, cognitive, and social-emotional development of all Bhutanese children and particularly of the isolated Zhemgang district. UNICEF P.O. Box 239 Lhaki Lam 1-11 Thimphu, Bhutan Web site: http://www.unicef.org/bhutan UNICEF has been intimately involved with children and youth development in Bhutan for many years.
Selected Bibliography ADB (Asia Development Bank). 2005. Country Strategy and Program 2006–2010: Bhutan. Thimphu: South Asia Regional Department, Asia Development Bank. Basu, Gautam Kumar. 1996. Bhutan: The Political Economy of Development. New Delhi: South Asian Publishers. Beyer, Yannick. 2005. The Convention of the Rights of the Child (CRC) and the Development of Child Friendly Schools (CFS) in Bhutan. CAPSD Newsletter Issue 33, March, pp. 21–23. Bhutan DYCS. http://www.education.bt/Departments/Department_YCS/Youth_ Culture.htm. Accessed May 1, 2006. Bidha, Sangay. 2004. Nursery rhymes: Out the window? Rabsel V, Autumn, pp. 90– 105. Binney, Janee. 2001. Towards a Framework for Early Childhood Care and Development in Bhutan. Draft paper for the UNV project funded by UNICEF for Early Childhood Care and Development, October 21. Bloom, Alexis. Journey to the Hidden Kingdom. http://www.pbs.org/frontline world/stories/bhutan/journey.html. Accessed April 11, 2006. Brauen, Martin. 1997. A village in central Bhutan. In Christian Schicklgruber and Francoise Pommaret, eds. Bhutan: Mountain Fortress of the Gods. Delhi: Bookwise (India) Pvt Ltd. Dorji, Jagar. 2003. Fostering values and traditions in schools. Rabsel III, Autumn. Dorji, Jagar. 2005. Quality of Education in Bhutan: The story of growth and change in the Bhutanese education system. Thimphu: KTM Publisher. Dorji, Lham. 2005. Determinants of School-dropout and Non-enrollment: From the Young People’s Perspective. In Dorji, Lham, and Sonam Kinga, eds. Youth in Bhutan: Education, Employment, Development. Thimphu: Monograph #14, The Center for Bhutan Studies.
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Dorji, Lham. 2005. Juvenile Delinquency as an Emerging Problem in Bhutan. In Dorji, Lham, and Sonam Kinga, eds. Youth in Bhutan: Education, Employment, Development, Monograph #14. Thimphu: The Center for Bhutan Studies. Dorji, Lham, and Sonam Kinga. 2005. Youth in Bhutan: Education, Employment, Development. Monograph #14. Thimphu: The Center for Bhutan Studies. Dorji, Tshering C. 2003. Shadow around the Lamp. Thimphu: Deki Pema Publication. European Commission (EC). 2003. Country Strategy Paper: Bhutan and the European Community Co-operation Strategy, 2002-2006. Geneva: EC, p. 11. http:// europa.eu.int/comm/external_relations/bhutan/csp/index.htm. Accessed April 8, 2006. Gyeltsen, Yang. 2002. The role and place of children’s art in Bhutanese primary schools. Rabsel, Autumn. Hutt, Michael. 2003. Unbecoming Citizens: Culture, Nationhood, and the Flight of Refugees from Bhutan. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Kinga, Sonam. 2005. Youth and Unemployment in Bhutan. In Dorji, Lham, and Sonam Kinga, eds. Youth in Bhutan: Education, Employment, Development. Thimphu: Monograph #14, The Center for Bhutan Studies. Laird, D., T. W. Maxwell, W. Tenzin, and S. Jamtsho. INSET within Bhutan 1996– 1998 and the INSET Framework within Bhutan 2000–2004/6. Thimphu: Royal Government of Bhutan. Mathew, Joseph C. 1999. Ethnic Conflict in Bhutan. New Delhi: Nirala Publications. Maxwell, T.W. 2001. International Collaboration for In-service: the Bhutanese Multigrade Attachment Program. Asia-Pacific Journal of Teacher Education 29(3): 289–96. Miko, F. T. and G. Park. 2002. Trafficking in Women and Children: The U.S. and International Response. CRS Report for Congress, Washington: Foreign Affairs, Defense and Trade (updated March 18, 2002). http://fpc.state.gov/ documents/organization/9107.pdf. Accessed October 16, 2006. National Library of Bhutan. 1998. Handbook of Bhutan’s Driglam Namzhag. Thimphu: National Library of Bhutan. Ninnes, Peter, T. W. Maxwell, Wanchuck Rabten, and Karchung Karchung. 2007. ‘‘In Pursuit of EFA: Expanding and Enhancing Multigrade Schools in Bhutan,’’ In Wiseman, A., and A. Baker, eds. Education For All: Global Promises, National Challenges. New York: Elsevier. Protection Project. 2003. Outline for Human Rights Report on Trafficking in Persons—Bhutan. http://www.protectionproject.org/bhutan.doc. Accessed October 16, 2006. Royal Government of Bhutan (RGoB). 1999. Bhutan 2020: Vision for Peace, Prosperity and Happiness. Thimphu: Planning Commission, RGoB. Royal Government of Bhutan. 2003. Education Sector Strategy: Realising the Vision 2020. Policy and Strategy. Thimphu: Ministry of Health and Education, RGoB. Royal Government of Bhutan. 2004. Penal Code of Bhutan. Thimphu: RGoB. Royal Government of Bhutan. 2005. National Human Development Report 2005: The Challenge of Youth Employment. Thimphu: Finance Ministry, RGoB. Schicklgruber, Christian, and Francoise Pommaret, eds. 1997. Bhutan: Mountain Fortress of the Gods, New Delhi: Bookwise (India) Pvt Ltd. Scott, Cathy, and Adrian Levy. 2003. Small screen, big trouble. Good Weekend, insert to Sydney Morning Herald, July 26, pp. 26–27, 31–32.
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Tabuchi, Satoru, Mynak Tulku, Karma Ura, and Yoshiro Imaeda. 2002. Festival and Faith at Nyimalung. Tokyo, Hirakawa Shuppan Inc. Thinley, Dorji. 2005. The Boneless Tongue. Samtse, Bhutan: Dorji Thinley. Tulku, Mynak. 1997. Religion and Rituals. In Schicklgruber, Christian, and Francoise Pommaret, eds. Bhutan: Mountain Fortress of the Gods. New Delhi: Bookwise (India) Pvt Ltd. UN Committee on Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). 2004. Press Release Wom/1426, dated 16/01/2004; and WOM/1429, dated 01/ 22/2004. UNICEF. 2005. Meeting with the Minister for Labor. Note for the record, UNICEF Office, February 2. UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCR). 2005. Country Profile of Bhutan and the international human rights system. Report to UNDP representative, Thimphu, March 17, Annex II, paras. 58–9. Ura, Karma. 2003. The Bhutanese Development Story. Monograph # 15, Centre for Bhutan Studies. Ura, Karma. 2004. Deities, Archers and Planners in the Eras of Decentralization. Thimphu: Karma Ura. Ura, Karma and Karma Galay, eds. 2004. Gross National Happiness and Development. Thimphu: The Center for Bhutan Studies. U.S. Department of State. 2006. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices– Bhutan. Washington, DC: Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (Released March 8, 2006) http://fpc.state.gov//g/drl/rls/hrpt/2005/ 61706.htm. Accessed October 16, 2006. Van Driem, George. 1994. Language Policy in Bhutan. In Aris, Michael, and Michael Hutt, eds. Bhutan: Aspects of Culture and Development. Gartmore: Kiscadale Publications. Wangchuck, H.R.H., and Dorji Wangmo. 1999. Of Rainbows and Clouds: The Memoirs of Yab Ugyen Dorji as told to his daughter. New Delhi: Bookwise (India) Pvt Ltd. World Bank. South Asia Region (SAR) Bhutan. http://www.worldbank.org/bt. Accessed April 16, 2006.
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CAMBODIA Jeffrey S. Weaner, Joann Burkhardt, and Aaron Weaner NATIONAL PROFILE Modern Cambodia is descended from the Angkor Empire, which between the tenth and thirteenth centuries dominated much of Southeast Asia. Throughout the ensuing years, the power of the empire gradually diminished and the region became part of French Indochina near the end of the nineteenth century. Following World War II, Cambodia gained its independence from France. Bordering Vietnam during the Vietnam War left Cambodia vulnerable to incursions into both its land and air space, as well as to a communist insurgency, which triumphantly marched into Phnom Penh in 1975. At that time, one of the most horrific periods of the country’s history commenced: the Pol Pot era, the time of the Khmer Rouge. After four years of persecution, forced labor, torture, and the killing of more than 2 million people, Cambodia has slowly emerged from occupation by Vietnam and internal conflict to forge a constitutional monarchy whose final incarnation is still taking shape (CIA 2006).
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Cambodia, with an area of 181,040 square kilometers, is slightly smaller than the state of Oklahoma. It shares its borders with Thailand, Laos, and Vietnam, and the country abuts the Gulf of Thailand, giving it sea access. The topography is mostly low, flat plains, with mountains found in the southwest and north. Twenty-one percent of the land is arable, principally used for paddy farming (CIA 2006). Cambodia has a relatively homogeneous population, with 90 percent of the people being Khmer, 5 percent Vietnamese, 1 percent Chinese, and the remaining 4 percent of other descent. Khmer is the official language and is spoken by 95 percent of the country’s inhabitants (CIA 2006). The country has a population of approximately 13.9 million people, with nearly 1 million people living in the capital of Phnom Penh. Life expectancy in Cambodia is 61.29 years. The annual growth rate is 1.729 percent. The birth rate is 25.53 births per 1,000 people and the death rate is 8.24 per 1,000. The total fertility rate is 3.12 children born per woman. The median age of the population is 21.3 years; the population under age five is more than 1.8 million, or approximately 13 percent. Forty percent of the population is younger than fifteen. In contrast, only 10 percent of the population is more than fifty years of age (CIA 2006). The country’s constitutional definition of a child is consistent with UNICEF’s Convention on Children’s Rights: a person eighteen or younger. This legal status of children is evident in the constitutionally mandated consideration of age in punishment and reduction of sentences for minors. As inhabitants of one of the poorest countries in Asia, approximately 37 percent of Cambodians live below the poverty line and on less than US$1 per day. The per capita gross domestic product (GDP) is US$2,100 and the GINI index (measure of income inequality) is estimated to be 40 (CIA 2006). Approximately 61 percent of the people over age seven are KEY FACTS – CAMBODIA employed in Combodia, split 48– 52 percent between men and Population: 13,995,904 (July 2007 est.) women. Nearly two-thirds of Life expectancy at birth: 61.29 years (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 73.6 percent (2003 est.) unemployed persons are women Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 65 percent (2000–2005) (NIS, CIPS 2004). Street chilInternet users: 41,000 (2005) dren are estimated to number as People living with HIV/AIDS: 130,000 (2005 est.) many as 22,000 in Phnom Penh Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 73 (2006 est.) alone. While a difficult populaSources: CIA World Factbook: Cambodia. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ tion to count, UNICEF estipublications/factbook/geos/cb.html. April 17, 2007; United mates do provide an indication Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development of the numbers of vulnerable Report 2006. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ data_sheets/cty_ds_KHM.html. April 26, 2007; UNICEF. At a youth at risk of violence and Glance: Cambodia–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ exploitation (‘‘What are Street infobycountry/cambodia_statistics.html. April 25, 2007. Children’’).
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OVERVIEW In the aftermath of the Pol Pot regime, Cambodian society has experienced years of internal turmoil as a result of loss of life significant in both number and the positions the deceased occupied in the society. The educated, the literate, and the professionals were specifically targeted for extermination along with others in the country, leaving those who remained to rebuild since the removal of that regime. The changes occurring over the span of those years displaced the population, disrupted families, and destroyed the economy and the education system within the country. It is not coincidental that the major issues impacting the children of Cambodia today are all related to those disruptions. Poverty is the overarching problem for the children because of the need to work at an early age, or, especially in the case of young girls, being sold by the family into prostitution or other indentured positions in order for families to survive. The access to adequate education is also a significant issue, as Cambodian schools are extremely underfunded and taught by underqualified teachers. Despite being one of the most heavily mined countries in the world, the number of deaths and injuries is small and generally related to persons attempting to salvage landmines to sell for scrap metal. And finally, the health problems resulting from malnutrition and lack of resources for medical care seriously impede the quality of life for the children of this country. EDUCATION Under the rule of the Khmer Rouge, approximately 2 million of 7 million people died (Sodhy 2004). In addition, it was during this time that more than three-quarters of Cambodia’s teachers were either executed, subjected to working conditions that resulted in their deaths, or fled the country. Included in the death and destruction were Cambodia’s college professors and lecturers. None of the professors remaining in Cambodia during the period from 1975–1979 survived (Kiernan 2004a, History Today). Furthermore, the Khmer Rouge destroyed school buildings, scattered libraries, and burned books (Kiernan 2004b, Comparativ). It was during this time that more than half of the written materials in Khmer, the Cambodian language, were eliminated (Ledgerwood 2005). It was important to begin to develop an understanding of the effects of such death and destruction on the state-sponsored school system and more importantly, on the human resources, the teachers. The rebuilding of the education system began with the overthrow of the Khmer Rouge by the Vietnamese communist army and the establishment of the People’s Republic of Kampuchea (PRK) in January 1979 (Kiernan 2004a, History Today), The PRK began a restructuring of the educational system, but
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their effort was hampered by lack of resources, and most importantly, lack of teachers. At this time, the PRK encouraged almost anyone with any level of education to work as a teacher. These new ‘‘teachers’’ were given short-term training for up to a month, but sometimes as little as one week (Ledgerwood 2005). Currently, less than 1 percent of the primary teachers have completed their secondary education. Approximately 60 percent of these teachers have completed only eight years of the state-sponsored nine year education program (Sodhy 2004). According to the literature, it became apparent that the teachers in the state-sponsored one through nine education system were undertrained and underpaid. Teachers in Cambodia are poorly paid and earn between RM75 and RM115 (US$20) per month (Nagu 2005). Furthermore, Nagu (2005) stated that the teachers in Cambodia’s state-sponsored schools are often ‘‘too busy taking on second jobs to concentrate on teaching.’’ Low wages, combined with poor schools lacking physical resources (only 13 percent of 698 secondary schools in Cambodia have electricity [Xinhua News Service]), and severely undertrained teachers, result in a quality of education that is considered one of the poorest in the world (Sodhy 2004). The challenges facing the Ministry of Education, Youth, and Sport within the Kingdom of Cambodia are substantial, but school attendance continues to increase. Although adult literacy is 70 percent for the overfifteen years of age demographic, the rate for the fifteen- to twenty-fouryear bracket is 80.5 percent (76.6 percent for women). The Kingdom of Cambodia is making efforts to improve the quality of education (NIS, CSES 2003). PLAY AND RECREATION Cambodian children enjoy a variety of sports and games. Soccer is being played by people living in both the rural areas and the city. Rice paddies, after harvest, are often converted to soccer fields in the countryside. Others sports played include volleyball and badminton. The National Sports Centre located in Phnom Penh is a government facility that people use for these sports, in addition to swimming. People in the country take pleasure in swimming at the beaches, rivers, and in pools (Sports and Recreation web site). Schools have little in terms of recreational facilities and usually provide only an open space for free play. Basketball nets are available in some of the schools, as well as soccer goals. Urban stores and markets do offer sport equipment, and western-style toys are available. These items are not, however, widely used because of the poverty level of most families. Three traditional games played by children are heoung, a mostly boys’ game similar to baseball, and tress and baycon, which are popular among
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young girls. Tress is similar to pick-up sticks, and baycon is a variation of an ancient African game more commonly known as Kalaha. Significant holiday festivals include Khmer New Year, a three-day festival in mid-April marking the end of the harvest and the three days of celebration during October or November when the Tonle Sap River reverses the direction of its flow (Cambodia Culture Profiles Project). There is a renewed interest in other types of traditional recreation forms participated in by children, such as folk plays, shadow puppetry, and dance. These activities have reemerged since the Pol Pot era and are receiving support from both the Cambodian government and international groups (Sports and Recreation web site). Mass media including radio, television, and the Internet are present in the country, with seven Cambodian television stations and numerous internet cafes to be found in the urban areas. Even in the rural areas, it is common to find television antennae attached to homes. Popular viewing includes a variety of international, regional, and local shows. Perhaps the most popular show is professional wrestling from the United States. CHILD LABOR As could be expected, child labor is among the myriad of social problems besetting the Kingdom of Cambodia in the first decade of the new millennia. A number of reasons exist for this. Primarily, Cambodia is an agricultural society, with 75 percent of the population surviving by subsistence agriculture, specifically the cultivation of rice. As rice farming is a highly labor-intensive activity and very little in the way of mechanization has reached the rural areas of the country, it is essential that every possible hand be put to the basic task of growing food. This reality brings the second factor into play: demographics. Due to the genocide of the Khmer Rouge years and the dislocations and periodic unrest recurring subsequently, Cambodia’s prime working-age population (fifteen to sixty-four years old) is disproportionately female (CIA 2006). Even when compared with other neighboring countries, Cambodia’s percentage of males in that age group is visibly diminished; Thailand, Vietnam, and Laos all reported an average of 0.98 males per woman, whereas the figure for Cambodia was 0.92 (CIA 2005). As a substantial number of the remainder have been physically or mentally impaired by mines, posttraumatic stress disorder, other conflict-related causes, or the region’s highest HIV/AIDS rate (2.6 percent vs. 1.5 percent in Thailand), the reality is that a very large percentage of Cambodian families are thus deprived of the traditionally principal breadwinner and, therefore, the contribution of any able-bodied family member is essential. Fifty percent of the population is under the age of twenty, with 37 percent being under fifteen (figures for Thailand and Vietnam are 23.9 percent and 27.9 percent for the birth to fourteen years old age bracket) (CIA 2006). Thus, it can hardly
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be surprising that, especially in rural areas, children are frequently enlisted to help in the fields or perform any number of occupations to assist in the survival of the family. Cambodia is a poor country and as such, has a large number of children saddled with responsibilities beyond their years. It has been estimated that more than 44 percent of Cambodia’s children between the ages of five and fourteen years are working, with the figure lower for Phnom Penh (38.9 percent) and higher for rural areas (54 percent) (NIS; CCLS 2001). Of these, some 86 percent were described as ‘‘unpaid family workers,’’ largely working on the family farm or in their parents’ business. The nature of child labor in Cambodia reflects the agricultural nature of the society as a whole: 71 percent of underage laborers in the country are reported to be engaged in agriculture, chiefly in the planting, tending, and harvesting of rice on family farms, largely under the supervision of relatives (NIS, CCLS 2001). Another 4 percent work in the industrial sector. Their occupations are diverse. Many work in the fisheries industry: peeling shrimp, cleaning anchovies, and preparing seafood for shipment and sale. Some, mainly boys, even go out to sea on the fishing boats for days at a time. Others were observed working in brick factories, loading and unloading bricks from the kilns and doing other menial tasks (Te 2005). Children were also reported to be working in salt fields with their parents in Kampot Province and on rubber plantations, where they collected latex and prepped trees (U.S. Department of Labor 2002). Other children do domestic work in the homes of more affluent families than their own. These children numbered around 28,000 (NIS, CCLS 2001) in the capital and were roughly evenly split between males and females. In 2003, the Cambodian Ministry of Social Affairs, Labor, Vocational Training, and Youth Rehabilitation (MOSALVY) estimated this to be 9.6 percent of the children aged ten to seventeen in the area (NIS, CCLS 2001). In most cases, the children were given over to their employers for reasons stemming from poverty, the two most commonly cited being the parents’ inability to provide for the child’s education and the inducement of meals for the child at the employers’ expense. Granted, conditions for such domestic workers vary widely and discrepancies in reporting can be great. The aforementioned Cambodian government’s study had 70 percent of respondents working one to five hours per day (NIS, CCLS 2001), whereas researchers from World Vision Cambodia reported that most respondents in its study stated they worked from 5 A.M. to 10 P.M. daily (Te 2005). Most of these workers are also paid money in addition to food and lodging, with a figure between US$7 to US$12 per month being typical (Te 2005). Most of this is generally remitted home to the child’s parents, with most children interviewed claiming to keep around $1 for personal use. As could be expected, most of these workers are no longer able to continue attending school (NIS,
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CDWS 2003). Last, there is the informal sector. This encompasses the most tragic realities of child labor in Cambodia, as the children consigned here perform occupations that are especially unsafe, grueling, or illegal. Scavenging in garbage dumps and on the streets is common in large cities such as Phnom Penh and Battambang, where children clad in rubber boots wielding long metal rods wade through heaps of refuse salvaging items for resale. These children are obviously subject to a host of diseases and toxic agents and many of the street scavengers are easy victims for local criminals, but they claim to earn between R$2 to $5 per day for their efforts (Te 2005). A similar figure was given by the child beggars who throng the boulevards and by the host of other children hawking every sundry imaginable, from newspapers to snacks. Along the Thai border, hundreds of children are engaged in smuggling, trekking heavy loads through the arduous woodland paths, and Thai authorities claim to detain and deport 400 to 500 Cambodian minors per week. Finally, there is the commercial sex industry, which although it is not the focus of this chapter, still merits mention due to its scope and tragedy. More than 15 percent of the country’s prostitutes are believed to be between nine and fifteen years old, and there is a lively traffic in children both to and from neighboring countries for this purpose. (U.S. State Department 2002). The Cambodian constitution provides for children’s rights and has made the welfare of children a goal, but inadequately funds such efforts and has depended on modest external funding for most programs. The Cambodian Constitution includes a number of provisions specifically dealing with child labor. Article 177 sets fifteen years as the basic minimum age for employment, with eighteen being the minimum age for hazardous work. Children twelve to fifteen can do ‘‘light work’’ that doesn’t interfere with their schooling (U.S. State Department 2002) However, adequate definitions of ‘‘light’’ and ‘‘hazardous’’ work still have yet to be provided by the responsible official agency (MOSALVY) (NIS, CCLS 2001). Further relevant provisions include Article 175, which forbids children from performing night work, but then gives a list of industries for which exceptions may be made (metalworks, glassworks, sugar, and paper mills) (NIS, CCLS 2001). And, finally, Article 177 gives MOSALVY the fiat to make further exceptions on a case-by-case basis. As for implementation, Cambodia’s record is also less than ideal. Monitoring of various industries occurs, but it is selective and focuses largely on the high-visibility garment sector (unclassified telegram no. 001719). Not surprising, only one instance of child labor was found in the 64 factories inspected since 2001. In rural areas and the brick-making plants, investigation is sporadic at best and usually only comes as a response to a complaint (unclassified telegram no. 001719). Finally, and most egregiously, there is the commercial sex industry, which is prominently listed by the International Labour Organization (ILO) as one of the ‘‘worst forms of child labor.’’ Commercial sex is big
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business in Cambodia, where an estimated 14,000 prostitutes ply their trade in every imaginable circumstance. Of these, Tearfund estimates 31 percent to be between the ages of twelve and seventeen. This number is reflected by the preponderance of minors represented in the Cambodian government’s annals of prosecuted cases involving sex trafficking: in 2004, 433 of 636 recorded prosecutions involved underage victims (Miles and Varin 2005). Due to its poverty and reputation for lawlessness, Cambodia has become a popular destination for sex tourists, many of whom are from Europe, the United States, or other developed countries. In addition, there is also a brisk cross-border trade among the Southeast Asian nations themselves. Thai police deport between 400 and 500 Cambodian children every month, many of whom are working as prostitutes, and there is also considerable commerce in Vietnamese women and children, who now account for up to 30 percent of the sex workers in Cambodia (LICADHO). The Cambodian government has taken stringent measures to combat this in recent years. The Law on Suppression of the Kidnapping, Trafficking, and Exploitation of Human Beings clearly defines all sexual contact with minors, regardless of the minor’s consent, as debauchery (punishable by ten to fifteen years in prison) and the Tourism Law of 2004 provides further protections, prohibiting minors from entering an adult’s hotel room (Chapter 12, Article 44) and forcing hotelkeepers to comply with this restriction (Chapter 12, Article 45). However, despite these laws, the number of arrested and convicted perpetrators seems very small considering the scope of the problem. Childsafe Cambodia notes that in a five-year period from 2000–2005, only sixty pedophiles were arrested, forty-six of them foreign. Additional legal assistance has been provided by foreign governments and by NGOs. The United States government enforces the Protect Act, which enables the U.S. government to prosecute American citizens for overseas child sex crimes the moment they return to U.S. soil (the first successful case was in March of 2005), and other countries such as Australia have similar measures (Childsafe). In Cambodia, Childsafe Cambodia is active in coordinating a campaign involving taxi drivers, moto drivers, innkeepers, and guesthouse and bar owners to identify and report perpetrators as the offenses occur. This type of grassroots action will be crucial in the future, as the tragic results of this commerce are already being seen. Cambodian street children have an estimated 30 percent rate of HIV infection (Childsafe), not to mention the horrific psychological scars they will no doubt bear for a lifetime. FAMILY The nuclear family, often extended to include grandparents, is the fundamental unit of Cambodian society and within it, new members of the
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society are produced and socialized into the culture. Besides being the source of both social and psychological support for one another, the family is also the major economic unit in Cambodia in terms of production and consumption. The family, adults and children, join in economic cooperation in the sharing of labor and also the sharing of produce and income. Although households may extend to include grandchildren, uncles, aunts, cousins, nieces, and nephews, family organizations and ties between related families are weak (Wetzel 1995). Particularly in rural areas, while family and close friends constitute the closest support system for Cambodians, the members of the local community are also very important as a source of support, affiliation, and pride. The nominal head of the family is the husband, who is responsible for feeding and sheltering his family. His wife often manages the family finances and is the religious and ethical model for the children. When couples marry, women take their husbands’ first and last name in addition to their own (Cambodia [Kampuchea] Cultural Info). Inheritance is awarded to both the male and female family members, irrespective of birth order. Legal children can inherit equally from both parents, but the usual practice is the eldest child inheriting a greater share (Family Structure). Fictive relationships are a unique way in which Cambodians bolster interpersonal and interfamily ties. A thoa is a fictive parent–child or sibling relationship. One person seeks permission of another to establish a thoa relationship, and the relationship can become as close as both parties agree to make it. A less common form of fictive relationship between males is a kleou, very much like that of a blood brother and involves a ceremony and ritual drinking of water mixed with blood in front of witnesses. While a stronger bond than the thoa, kleou is far more rare and limited to only a few rural areas of the country (Family Structure). HEALTH Health care standards in Cambodia are a reflection of its overall level of development, as well as a weak health infrastructure. The Cambodian government expenditures for health care were 2.1 percent of the 2002 GDP according to UNICEF’s 2005 HDR and only 9.9 percent in private health care expenditures for that same year. Just 44.2 percent of the population has access to safe water (72 percent in urban areas and 39.9 percent in rural areas). The figures for sanitation are worse at 21.9 percent for the total population (55.4 percent for urban dwellers and 16.4 percent for the countryside) (World Health Organization). Cambodia’s child mortality rate for children under five is the highest among the twenty-six countries in the western Pacific region as defined by the World Health Organization. The infant mortality rate is estimated at 95 deaths per 1,000 live births and the under-five rate is 124 per 1,000 live births. Poor infant and child feeding practices and having
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limited access to medical care are leading factors contributing to this high rate. The leading causes of mortality are identified as pneumonia and other acute respiratory infections, diarrheal diseases, and neonatal conditions including tetanus. In spite of these statistics, the figures for immunizations have steadily improved over the last five years for diptheria, pertussis and tetanus, tuberculosis, measles and polio. Government estimates of the percent of the population immunized or innoculated range from a low of 80 percent for the measles virus to a high of 95 percent for tuberculosis. Another significant health problem affecting children is malnutrition, resulting in 53 percent of children aged three to five experiencing stunted growth (World Health Organization Western Pacific Regional Office). UNICEF estimates the number of children (birth to fourteen years) living with HIV to be 7,300 (At a Glance). The latest reports suggest that while knowledge of the disease has increased among the population (You and Aids), that knowledge is lower among the rural and poor population. Condom use has substantially increased among sex workers under the age of twenty, and transmission of the disease has shifted to husbandto-wife and mother-to-child as reported in UNAIDS Update 2005. The government has stepped up its efforts to combat HIV/AIDS by specifically referencing it in its third Five-Year National Strategic Development Plan. The Ministry of Education has introduced HIV/AIDS education into the national curriculum (You and AIDS). The National Abortion Law of 1997 allows for first-trimester abortions for all pregnant women who request them. Special case criteria exist for requests after the twelfth week. In cases of rape, the parents or the girls’ tutors must request the procedure (Long and Ren 2001). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Article 31 of the Kingdom of Cambodia’s Constitution explicitly recognizes the application of all ‘‘covenants and conventions on human rights,’’ including the Convention on the Rights of the Child (Egger 2005). However, while a broad legal framework is thus provided, an adequate system of clearly defined rights and guidelines regarding minors is sorely lacking. Cambodia’s legal structure pertaining to juveniles is largely based on the UNTAC law, a series of statutes intended to shepherd the country through the transitional period in the early 1990s and be amended subsequently. These contain many basic provisions, such as establishing ages of consent (sixteen), military eligibility (eighteen), and marriage (eighteen for females, twenty for males), and protections (prohibiting pretrial detention for children under thirteen) (Egger 2005). However, this code cannot be considered sufficient as, most significantly, it does not provide for separate judicial systems and incarceration facilities for juveniles, as is specifically stipulated by Article 40 of the UN Convention on the Rights
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of the Child (UNCRC) (Vibol 2005). Thus, juvenile offenders in Cambodia face the same charges, appear in the same courts, are detained in the same holding facilities, and, horrifically, serve time in the same decrepit prisons as their adult counterparts. Children represented 4.2 percent of Cambodia’s prison inmates in 2004, up from 3 percent in 1997. In addition, minors are much more likely to be held in detention pending their trials than adult defendants (53 percent of child inmates reported this vs. 33 percent of adults). Conditions in custody are predictably bad; only 45 percent of Legal Aid’s survey respondents confirmed that their parents had been contacted following their arrest and 45 percent had been threatened or beaten while in police custody. In regard to legal representation for minors, Article 76 of the State of Cambodia Law mandates an attorney for several categories of persons, including disabled and children, as well as dictating that presiding judges clearly explain charges to the defendant. In practice, conditions remain less than ideal, as a Legal Aid survey found that 67.7 percent of juvenile defendants had counsel at their hearings (Egger 2005). Cambodia is an exceptionally violent society, and juvenile crime has continued to be a major social problem. Government statistics from the Ministry of the Interior, as Egger notes, are often unavailable (the age of the suspect is not recorded), but useful data can be gleaned from other sources. The Bar Association of the Kingdom of Cambodia reports prosecuting 320 underage perpetrators in the period between May 2000 and September 2003, with theft and robbery accounting for 55 percent of the cases and rape encompassing another 8 percent. Comparing these figures with those of Legal Aid intimates a disturbing trend in juvenile crime, as the Juvenile Litigation Project represented 147 underage offenders in 2005 alone. This perceived trend could be the result of several factors, not least among them, the government’s recent ‘‘Iron Fist’’ policy (Annual Report). This campaign, initiated by the Prime Minister, urges judges to be much stricter on all who run afoul of the law, thereby throwing into the maw of the system a large number of petty offenders who might have avoided this fate in a more lenient sociopolitical milieu. In addition, there are the growing social ills of drug use and gangs, which have infected Cambodia in recent years. A total of 68 percent of high school students interviewed in a 2002 Gender and Development (GAD) for Cambodia survey reported being afraid or ‘‘worried’’ about assaults by gangs, while 62.4 percent had actually witnessed beatings or robberies by gang members. Also, drugs, particularly yama (methamphetamine) have gained a new prominence on the social scene, with 54 percent of respondents stating methamphetamine use was popular at their school. In a 2001 survey of street children, Mith Samlanh/Friends found that 51.9 percent of the surveyed children reported using drugs. Among them, glue sniffing was the method of choice.
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Of further value in understanding the rise in juvenile crime can be the easy attitude towards violence ingrained in Cambodia. Family violence is pervasive (25 percent of married women interviewed in a 2000 government survey reported this), and many students are often known to engage in a practice called bauk, where several young males engage the services of a prostitute and escort her back to a room to be set upon by a group of additional waiting cohorts. Disturbingly, more respondents in the GAD survey viewed this practice as ‘‘fun’’ rather than ‘‘rape.’’ Until the society rids itself of such mores, a rise in juvenile crime is hardly inexplicable (Egger 2005). Many NGOs are actively involved in seeking justice for juveniles in Cambodia, particularly Legal Aid of Cambodia with its Juvenile Litigation Project. The government itself is also engaged, mandating more severe penalties for a wide variety of sex industry-related crimes involving juveniles (fifteen to twenty years in jail for abducting girls under age fifteen for prostitution, ten to twenty years for ‘‘debauchery’’ with minors under that age, and a five to ten-year stint for pimping) (Egger 2005). Further, the government has stated that separate legal systems, as enjoined by the UNCRC, will be in place by 2008 (Vibol 2005). However, as human rights groups have observed, enforcement and prosecution efforts are significantly hampered by police, judicial, and governmental corruption. RELIGIOUS LIFE It is estimated that 95 percent of the people of Cambodia are Theravada Buddhist, the state religion. The presence of this religious and cultural tradition is pervasive throughout the country and is most visible by its nearly 4,100 pagodas and the omnipresent saffron-robed monks. Buddhism is inseparable from both the country’s ethnic and cultural identities. The religious orientations of the remainder of the population include Islam and Christianity. The 1 percent of the population that is Christian is subdivided into more than 1,000 separate congregations affiliated with more than 100 different Christian denominations and organizations. There are parochial and other missionary schools in operation. The influence of Buddhism is felt through its impact on the values of the culture. Cambodians are raised to accept and follow the personal code of conduct set forth through Buddhist teaching. Respect and deference between people of higher and lower class ranks is observed. The Cambodian Buddhist tradition also emphasizes harmonious relationships with others, as well as humility and self-discipline. The needs of the group or community supersede the interests of the individual, as do ancestors and rulers, and respect is the result of good conduct and services to the community (Cambodia Religion, undated).
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Freedom of religion is guaranteed to all Khmer citizens, male or female, to practice their beliefs under Article 43, Subsection 1, of the Constitution. There are limitations however. The freedom of belief and worship is conditional upon its not affecting the beliefs of others nor it violating the public order or security of the country (Cambodia [Kampuchea] Cultural Info, undated). Thus, minority religions do not have the freedom to promote their beliefs or proselytize. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Child abuse is believed to be widespread in the country. It is a largely unacknowledged problem. According to many children’s advocates, parents see it is a necessary tool for disciplining their children (Ball 2002). The problem is further compounded, in terms of enforcement as children are economic contributors to the family and separation because of removal of the abusive adult or the victim may result in severe financial consequences. As in most societies, the common response on the part of victims is ultimately to run away and escape the abuse. In families where abuse is inflicted on girls, the most common form is molestation and sexual abuse. In a 2002 study of 198 cases of female child abuse, a clear two-thirds of the cases were rape or indecent assault (LICADHO). For girls, options are fewer because they are shamed, and running away is both culturally unseemly and considerably more dangerous. Unfortunately, as with issues of domestic abuse, child abuse continues to be viewed as a ‘‘family matter,’’ and authorities remain reluctant to interfere. In Cambodia, as in many other Asian societies, physical discipline for wives and children is very much the norm in both the household and the school. A 2004 Child Rights Foundation study found that in 56 percent of respondents’ homes, ‘‘people were hit sometimes,’’ and Tearfund reported in an exhaustive 2005 study that 50 percent of boys and 36 percen of girls interviewed reported being physically disciplined or beaten by their parents (the line remains thin here). Significantly, more than 80 percent of each stated they had seen violence in other homes, which can be construed as meaning the problem is more commonplace than the students’ self-reporting indicates (Miles and Varin 2005). A similar pattern was discerned in Project Against Domestic Violence’s 1994 survey of Cambodian women, which found that 74 percent of the women acknowledged knowing an abused woman but only 16 percent admitted being victims themselves (Zimmerman 1994). Cambodia did not even have a domestic violence law on the books until 2005, and many NGOs complained that they were not even consulted in the law’s drafting (Ball 2002; Seng 2006). The new law is similar to U.S. domestic violence law in that it obliges police to intervene,
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even preemptively, if they witness violence, anticipate that it might occur, or receive a complaint from a third party. The law also provides for protection orders and the relocation of abuse victims. Neglect of one’s children is also criminalized, with up to one year in jail and a 2 million riel (US$500) fine stipulated as punishment (3 years and 5 million riel if the child dies) (Ball 2002). Regarding violence in schools, the law is very clear. Article 25 of the Ministry of Education’s ‘‘Internal Regulations of General Knowledge for Secondary School’’ enumerates the series of punishments for misbehavior as (1) advice, (2) verbal discipline, (3) the incident is recorded in the report card, (4) suspension, and finally (5) expulsion. No provision for corporal punishment is listed. However, it appears that this practice continues to be prevalent, as 41 percent of boys and 34 percent of girls surveyed in the Tearfund study acknowledged being beaten by their teachers (Miles et al. 2005). Cambodian attitudes toward domestic violence and corporal punishment are deeply ingrained in the society’s traditional culture and will be extremely difficult to change. One Cambodian proverb states ‘‘Plates in a basket will rattle’’ while another, establishing the status of teachers, notes, ‘‘When I give my child to the teacher, all I ask in return is their eyes and their bones.’’ For generations, Cambodian girls were taught a set of norms and mores known as Cbab Srey, or ‘‘Rules for Women.’’ These enjoin Confucian-style submissiveness in the home and no doubt greatly inhibit the reporting of crimes like domestic violence, or even viewing it as wrong. A 1994 survey of Cambodian parents found that 67 percent believed in physical discipline (Zimmerman 1994), while Tearfund’s 2005 study reported that 40 percent of the children themselves believed it was ‘‘sometimes OK.’’ In the context of the classroom, the figure rose to 50 percent of children conceding the teacher’s right to impose corporal punishment (Miles and Varin 2005). However, despite these daunting circumstances, work is still being done to combat the problem. The government has initiated a campaign of television and radio advertisements, and the NGO community has been very active at the grassroots level with a number of projects, such as World Vision’s establishment of Children’s Clubs, involving 12,000 Cambodian children in classes educating them as to their basic human rights and exposing them to positive role models to break the cycle of abuse (World Vision). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The outlook for the majority of Cambodian children growing up in the twenty-first century is challenging. The country is mired in such widespread poverty that meeting the basic needs for survival becomes a constant pursuit for many. For the situation to improve, economic
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options that provide above subsistence wages need to be developed. The current economy has difficulty absorbing even educated Cambodians, so that underemployment is a reality for many who have persevered and achieved in their studies. In the absence of economic development, the problems of child labor, trafficking, lack of schooling, and poor public health will continue. The societal infrastructures of education, government, and health care are all seriously underfinanced and in need of attention. The current economic expansion is benefiting the few and denying the many. True reform and government expenditures on health, education, and the public good are the true challenges for the current and the upcoming generation. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings At a Glance: Cambodia. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/cambodia_statistics. html. Accessed March 22, 2006. Cambodia Cultural Profiles Project. http://www.cp-pc.ca/english/cambodia/holi days.html. Accessed March 3, 2007. Coates, Karen J. 2005. Cambodia Now: Life in the Wake of War. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co. Stagg, Sophal Leng. 1998. Hear Me Now: Tragedy in Cambodia. Tampa, FL: Mancorp Publishing.
Web Sites Cambodian Information Center (CIC), http://www.cambodia.org/. The main purpose for CIC is to provide relevant and informative information about Cambodia and its people. Mekong Network, http://www.mekong.net/cambodia/index.htm. The site provides information on Southeast Asia. The Southeast Asia pages contain information on Cambodia and Burma. Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, Kingdom of Cambodia, http:// www.moeys.gov.kh. Information and statistics about education, schools and training.
Organizations and NGOs Cambodia Baseball 16 Riverview Drive Newton (Wickburg), AL 36352 Phone: 334-790-8382 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.cambodiabaseball.com Nonprofit group dedicated to bringing baseball to young people in Cambodia.
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CamboKids #21, Ar 492 Sangkat Phsar Deurm Tkov Khan Chamkarmon Phnom Penh, Cambodia Phone: 855-23-224-007 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.online.com.kh/~cambokids/main.htm Volunteer organization dedicated to stopping the cycle of violence through play and the arts. Children of Cambodia Phnom Penh Office Phone: þ855 23 883 826 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.childrenofcambodia.com Works to help orphans and victims of child prostitution. ChildSafe Cambodia Web site: http://www.childsafe-cambodia.org This web site provides background information about the situation in Cambodia and the laws protecting children. Friends-International 9a, Street 178 P.O. Box 597 Phnom Penh, Cambodia Phone: 855-23-986-601 Email:
[email protected] NGO organized to meet the essential needs of Cambodian street children. Friends of Street Children Web site: http://www.streetfriends.org A nonpolitical, nondenominational NGO that runs twelve interlinked programs for homeless and vulnerable street children. Hagar Project Email:
[email protected] or
[email protected] Nonsecular organization working with exploited and destitute women and children NYEMO Numbers 14 and 33, Street 310 Phnom Penh, Cambodia Phone: 855-23-213-160 Fax: 855-23-216-944 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.nyemo.com A Cambodian NGO aiming to help the vulnerable and poor women and their children who are victims of abuse to regain their dignity.
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Protection of Juvenile Justice (PJJ) P.O. Box 859 Phnom Penh, Cambodia Phone: 855-23-959-516 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.pjj.org.kh Local NGO provides legal services and services to child victims and juveniles in trouble. Save the Children Cambodia Web site: http://www.crin.org/Organisations/viewOrg.asp?ID=815 Organization forms partnerships and provides technical and financial assistance to local organizations for long-term projects Sharing Foundation: Helping to Care for the Chidren of Cambodia Web site: http://www.sharingfoundation.org/ The mission of the Sharing Foundation is to help meet the physical, emotional, educational, and medical needs of orphaned and seriously disadvantaged children in Cambodia. Southeast Asian Children’s Mercy Fund P.O. Box 283 Palm Harbor, FL 34682-0283 Web site: http://www.cambodiamercyfund.org A not-for-profit corporation founded April 28, 1997, dedicated to providing humanitarian aid to the children of Cambodia.
Selected Bibliography Ayres, D. M. 2000. Tradition, modernity and the development of education in Cambodia. Comparative Education Review 44: 440–63. Ball, Molly. December 2002. With Brave Faces. http://www.camnet.com.kh/cam bodia.daily/selected_features/abuse.htm. Accessed March 20, 2006. Cambodia (Kampuchea) Cultural Info. http://asiarecipe.com/camculture.html. Accessed March 15, 2006. Cambodia Religion. http://www.cambodiazone.com/cambodia/culture/cambodiareligion.htm. Accessed March 15, 2006. Childsafe Cambodia. http://www.childsafe-cambodia.org. Accessed February 12, 2006. CIA World Factbook. 2006. http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/. Accessed March 13, 2006. Coe, Michael D. 2003. Angkor and the Khmer Civilization. Ancient Peoples and Places Series. New York: Thames and Hudson. Egger, Sandra. 2005. An Assessment of the Situation of Children in Conflict with the Law in the Kingdom of Cambodia. The Research Institute for Asia and the Pacific, University of Sydney. Family Structure. http://cambodiaportal.com/index.php?mymenu=aboutcambodia& submenu=familystructure&submenutitle=family%20structure. Accessed March 23, 2006.
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Kiernan, B. 2004a. Coming to terms with the past. History Today 54, no. 9: 16–19. Kiernan, B. 2004b. Recovering history and justice in Cambodia. Comparativ, 14: 76–85. Ledgerwood, J. 2005. Education in Cambodia in Cambodian Recent History and Contemporary Society: An Introductory Course (syllabus). http://www.sea site.niu.edu/khmer/Ledgerwood/Contents.htm. Legal Aid of Cambodia. 2005. Annual Report. http://www.lac.org.kh/main.htm. Accessed November 22, 2006. LICADHO. Briefing on Child Abuse, Violence and Exploitation in Cambodia. http://www.licadho.org/reports/files/22BRIEFING%20ON%20CHILD. Accessed February 12, 2006. Long, Chhun, and Neang Ren. 2001. Abortion in Cambodia: Country Report. http://www.ipasihcar.net/expacc/CambCR.htlm. Accessed November 1, 2006. Miles, Glenn, and Sun Varin. 2005. Stop Violence Against Us. Tearfund. http://www.crin.org.org/docs/rdf.pdf. Accessed February 12, 2006. Nagu, S. U. 2005. Where teachers toil. News Straits Times (Malaysia), January 16, p. 17. National Institute of Statistics, Ministry of Planning Royal Government of Cambodia. 2001. Cambodia Child Labor Survey. http://www.nis.gov.kh/ SURVEYS/CCLS2001/index.htm. Accessed February 12, 2006. National Institute of Statistics, Phnom Penh. 2004. Cambodia Inter-Censual Population Survey. http://www.nis.kh/Surveys/cips2004/table8.htm. Accessed November 6, 2006. National Institute of Statistics, Phnom Penh. 2004. Cambodia Socio-Economic Survey. http://www.nis.gov.kh/SURVEYS/CSES2003-04/table11.htm. Accessed February 10, 2007. National Institute of Statistics, Phnom Penh. 2003. Child Domestic Workers Survey. http://www.nis.gov.kh/SURVEYS/CDWS2003/Introduction.htm. Accessed February 12, 2006. Seng, Ratana. 2006. Lawyers and NGOs Discuss How to Implement Domestic Violence Law. Voice of America News, August 31. Sodhy, P. 2004. Modernization and Cambodia. Journal of Third World Studies 31: 153–74. Sports and Recreation. http://www.cp-cp.ca/english/cambodia/sports.html. Accessed March 27, 2006. Te, Holly. 2005. How and Why We Work: Child Workers in the Informal Economy in Phnom Penh and Battambang, World Vision Cambodia, Combating the Worst Forms of Child Labor Project Peace and Justice Programme. Phnom Penh: World Vision, Cambodia. Unclassified Telegram no. 001719. US Embassy Phnom Penh. September 12, 2000. U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of International Labor Affairs. 2002. Advancing the Campaign Against Child Labor: Efforts at the Country Level http:// www.dol.gov/dol/topic/youthlabor/intlchildlabor.htm. Accessed February 13, 2006. U.S. State Department. 2002. Country Report on Human Rights. http://www. state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2002/18238.html. Accessed March 13, 2006. Vibol, Op. 2005. Implementing the CRC in Cambodia: Experiences in Research and Training. Legal Aid of Cambodia. Wetzel, Linda. 1995. Cambodian Cultural Profile. http://ethnomed.org/ ethnomed/cultures/cambodian/camb_cp.html. Accessed March 02, 2006.
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What Are Street Children. http://www.streetfriends.org/CONTENT/background/ what_are_sc.html, Accessed November 3, 2006. World Health Organization. http://www.who.int/immunization_monitoring/en/ globalsummary/countryprofileresult.cfm?C=’khm’. Accessed March 18, 2006. World Health Organization Western Pacific Regional Office. Undated. http:// www.wpro.who.int/countries/05cam/health_situation.htm. Accessed March 18, 2006. World Vision. http://www.wvi.org/wvi/country-profile/profiles/cambodia.htm. Accessed March 20, 2006. Xinhua News Service. Lack of electricity hampers teachers’ lessons in Cambodia. April 26, 2005. You and AIDS. Cambodia at a Glance. http://www.youandaids.org/Asia%/20Pacific %20at20a%20Glance/Cambodia/index.asp. Accessed November 1, 2006. Zimmerman, C. 1994. Plates in a Basket Will Rattle: Domestic Violence in Cambodia. Project Against Domestic Violence, The Asia Foundation. USAID.
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CHINA Heidi A. Ross with Jingjing Lou, Lei Wang, Ran Zhang, and Yuhao Cen NATIONAL PROFILE Confucius said, ‘‘A youth must be regarded with respect. How do we know that his future will not be equal to our present?’’
China is the world’s most populous country, with more than 1.3 billion people. Stringent family planning has resulted in a lower population growth rate (0.6 percent) and higher median age (32.7 percent) than most developing countries. Still, China’s 2000 census indicated that children under the age of fifteen numbered nearly 290 million (National Bureau of Statistics 2006). China’s huge landmass (3.7 million square miles) spans subarctic, desert, and tropical ecological zones. China is a ‘‘unified, multi-national country,’’ home to fifty-six nationalities, including Han Chinese, who comprise 92 percent of the population. Childhoods vary across ethnicity, region, and socioeconomic background, complicating aggregate portraits of children’s lives (Ross et al. 2005). Yet all children share in common the likelihood that their futures will surpass, not equal, the present. Chinese childhoods are being transformed by the impact of ‘‘reform and opening’’ policies, responsible since the late 1970s for globally unprecedented
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economic and social reform. China has sustained an annual growth rate of between 8 and 10 percent for twenty-five years, creating a middle class as large as the total population of the United States. A quadrupling of per capita income has lifted 250 million people out of poverty, improving most children’s standard of living. However, disparity has accompanied prosperity, and 45 percent of the population lives on less than US$2 per day. Census reports show that the disposable income of urban citizens climbed from two times their rural counterparts in 1985 to more than three times by the early 2000s (State Statistical Bureau 2006; China Statistical Yearbook 2006). Three key factors influence children’s access to economic and social resources. First, Chinese Communist Party (CCP) ‘‘fourth generation’’ leaders advocate the creation of a ‘‘harmonious society’’ based on balanced development. Recent state policies include rebalancing income distribution, maintaining economic growth while protecting the environment, and improving education, medical care, and social security for rural residents. Second, China may be more predisposed than any other country to support education for the cultivation of individual talents and mutual social action. Faith in schooling for social mobility and progress, coupled with a millennia-old view that children are the future, place children at the forefront of social policy. Third, China plays a leading role in the complex geopolitical, economic, demographic, technological, cultural, and ecological changes we have come to associate with globalization. Chinese policy makers have embraced global development standards and frameworks for children, China’s educational system is looked to for inspiration by scholars and teachers worldwide, and the increasing engagement of Chinese scholars and activists in international organizations and NGOs have lead to an explosion of research on Chinese children and youths. These trends insure that what happens to Chinese children will have a KEY FACTS – CHINA profound impact on children Population: 1,321,851,888 (July 2007 est.) around the world. Infant mortality rate: 22.12 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 72.88 years (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 90.9 percent (2002 est.) People living with HIV/AIDS: 840,000 (2003 est.) Internet users: 123 million (2006) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 26 (2006 est.)
OVERVIEW
Sources: CIA World Factbook: China. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/geos/ch.html. April 17, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–China. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_CHN.html. April 26, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: China–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/china_statistics.html. April 25, 2007.
China is generally viewed by the development community as a friend to the world’s children. In addition to rapid economic growth and rising average per capita income, achievements on behalf of children have been the result of state policies that emphasize cooperation across social
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sectors, enhanced monitoring of children’s well-being, and the universalization of basic education. Although state expenditures on education have remained well below world averages for five decades, educational expenses get first priority in family budgets, along with health and housing. The value of social exchange, the social meaning of learning that includes seeing oneself in relation and obligated to family and community, is a persistent characteristic of socialization that brings schools and families into commensality on behalf of academic achievement. Yet, challenges to children’s well-being remain, including disruption and violence (lack of school access, exploitative child labor, trafficking) associated with massive internal migration; the shape of ‘‘new’’ poverty compressed into ever more difficult-to-reach pockets of need; and gaps in capacities (early childhood education, health care) to provide safe and nurturing environments to all children. Rural, minority, female, disabled, and migrant children are particularly at risk of malnutrition and inadequate schooling and health care. The reform era paradigm shift in social and cultural values that stress individual goals rather than collective responsibility, coupled with economic inequality and changing patterns of child-rearing that leave some children without strong adult role models, have increased public concern regarding juvenile socialization and crime. Water and air pollution have been blamed for rising numbers of birth defects, and persistent if declining son preference results in discrimination against girls. EDUCATION The scale of China’s school system is staggering. More than 20 million (or 40 percent of) three- to six-year-olds attend preschool. Two hundred twenty-five million children and youth study in the nine-year compulsory primary and junior secondary school system, in which 10 million teachers teach in half a million schools. Ministry of Education data show that compulsory school enrollment rates, nearly 99 percent of six- to elevenyear-olds and more than 78 percent of twelve- to fifteen-year-olds, are the highest among the world’s nine countries with the largest numbers of illiterates. Indeed, China’s success during the last two decades in implementing nine-year compulsory schooling and expanding literacy may represent the single greatest educational effort in human history (Ministry of Education 2005a; Ross et al. 2005). The release of China’s 1982 census marked a turning point in education policy. Stalled literacy rates and what at the time was considered illadvised expansion of secondary schooling touched off a firestorm of debate regarding ‘‘quality’’ education. Officials called the failure of basic education one of three ‘‘big mistakes’’ of CCP policy. Since then, the education system has undergone reform on a scale never before seen internationally, including (1) decentralization of funding, (2) expansion
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of compulsory education to nine years, (3) improved teacher education and in-service training, (4) replacement of community-paid teachers by qualified, public-paid professionals, (5) reformed curricula to support high standards and innovation, and (6) support for private schools. Responding to policies to adapt education to the needs of the twenty-first century, schools are increasingly diverse, including specialty public and private schools for foreign language training, all-girls’ schools, and the highly effective national system of sports schools, which train more than 300,000 carefully selected students in a hierarchy of institutions for regional, national and international competition. Expansion of the private school sector is a particularly potent symbol of education’s exchange value within the market economy. In 2000, there were more than 50,000 non-state educational institutions at all levels, and by 2005 the postsecondary system had radically transformed, with 1,400 public and 1,300 private universities (Ministry of Education 2005a; Study Group 2005). As school enrollment and attainment rises, ‘‘examination-oriented education’’ (EOE), the bete noire of Chinese education, is sharply criticized. In contrast to EOE, which is blamed for endangering children’s psychological and physical health, ‘‘quality education’’ is characterized as student-centered teaching and learning that upholds high standards while emphasizing practical knowledge that assists students to cope with rapidly changing social values, expectations and opportunities. As China’s babyboom echo generation matriculates into and beyond secondary school, declining primary-school enrollments in major metropolitan areas have allowed officials to close poor schools, reduce class size, and raise teaching standards. New standards for the primary school curriculum, for example, are designed to facilitate well-rounded training in language arts, social studies, mathematics and sciences, physical education, and art and music. English-language and information-technology instruction begin in grade three (and sometimes earlier) in schools with adequate resources. Continuous media attention on funding irregularities and student workload indicates how competition for educational resources extends to the lowest levels of schooling. Shanghai’s regulations are typical in prohibiting donations linked to entrance, mid-year tuition increases, and extra fees for supplementary courses for all students. At the same time the Ministry of Education urges lightening the oppressive workload of school children, measures promoting that end (including restrictions on homework) can prove unpopular with parents who fear jeopardizing their children’s educational future. China’s basic 6-3-3-4 schooling system (see Figure 5.1) is preceded by up to six years of early childhood education. Preschool has been a majority experience for urban children since the 1980s, reflecting the mobilization of women’s labor outside the household and the one-child or, more accurately, one-son family policy. Children under three years attend daycare centers; children between the ages of three and six attend preschools.
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Figure 5.1. China’s schooling system.
Preschools can be half-day, full-day, hourly, boarding (with mid-week and/ or weekend home visits), or a mixture of these forms. Generally run by local governments or public-service units, preschools may also be established by businesses, citizen groups, and individuals. According to the Ministry of Education, by 2004 China had achieved a gross preschool enrollment rate of 45 percent for three- to five-year-olds, and 60 percent for children in their last year of kindergarten (Ministry of Education 2005a). Compulsory schooling includes six years of primary and three years of junior secondary school. The vast majority of children aged six to fourteen belong to the Young Pioneers, an organization that has changed dramatically since its inception in 1949. To signify membership, children wear red scarves (symbolic of the Chinese flag) and present these to adults on ceremonious occasions. In the reform period, Young Pioneer activities focus less on political indoctrination and more on all-round moral education and collaborative school learning, including servicelearning projects in the local community.
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Generally, the primary, junior, and senior secondary school year is thirty-eight, thirty-nine, and forty weeks long, respectively. Students generally go to school five days each week. About 64 percent of junior secondary school students enter high school, the real bottleneck to educational equality in China, particularly in rural areas where access is still limited. In 2005, 36.5 million students were enrolled in senior secondary academic, vocational, and technical schools, which in response to concerns about both equity and the need for a more educated workforce, are expected to expand dramatically by 2010 (Ministry of Education 2005a; China Statistical Yearbook 2006). China’s system of higher education is now the largest in the world, educating more than 23 million students, one-quarter of the age cohort, up from 7–8 percent just a decade ago. This transition from elite to mass higher education has increased children’s aspirations and expectations of attending postsecondary schooling but has also created a growing number of unemployed and disgruntled college graduates. In the context of system-wide expansion, equality of opportunity is compromised by four educational gaps: between genders, ethnicities, geographic regions, and rural and urban communities. Children with disabilities and migrant children face additional barriers to education. Gender Female enrollment has steadily increased at every level of schooling, with parity achieved at the primary school level. Most but not all studies predict that gender parity in secondary education will be reached by 2015. The proportion of female students in postsecondary institutions exceeds 40 percent (in contrast to 19.8 percent in 1949 and 24.1 percent in 1978), and first-year female college students outnumber males in cities like Shanghai and Beijing. Nevertheless, according to the Ministry of Education, in 2005, 3 million girls were not completing five years of primary school, and more than 70 percent of dropouts were female (Seeberg et al. 2007). Ethnicity, Region, and Rural Poverty In 2003, as many as 27 million children (10 percent of school-age children) were unable to attend various levels of compulsory schooling. Seventy-seven percent of youths completed compulsory education in western China, 14 percent under the national average. Poverty is concentrated in the west, with grave implications for the educational opportunities of minority populations, a disproportionate number of whom live in that region. With some notable exceptions, educational attainment of ethnic minorities is lower than that of Han Chinese, and minority students are hampered by national language policies that privilege Chinese.
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In China’s poorest villages in 2000, nearly all girls and one-half of boys did not attend school. Dropout rates in rural junior secondary schools were as high as 40 percent. The major factor explaining low attendance was the prohibitive cost of schooling. When financial responsibility for schooling was shifted from central to local levels in the 1980s, local schools were prohibited from requiring tuition payments. They resorted to out-of-budget charges like fees and ‘‘voluntary’’ contributions that in turn exacerbated dropout rates. In 2006, more than one-third of all west China households could not afford junior secondary school fees. Pressured to respond, the state abolished compulsory school and textbook fees for rural children and provided boarding school subsidies to students in poor communities, the first step in what is to become free compulsory education for all by 2015 (Ross et al. 2005). Migrant Children The complex set of restrictions that prohibited rural residents from internal migration during the pre-reform period has broken down during the past two decades, and more than 200 million workers have left farming for city-based service and manufacturing jobs. In 2006, 150 million migrant workers, 11.5 percent of the population, were on the move. Migration reshapes family relationships and the configuration of households, and nearly 70 million children are ‘‘left behind’’ in homes with one or no parents. In 2000, 20 million migrant children under 18 years of age also lived in cities. All China Women’s Federation studies show that many of these children work as child laborers and almost one in ten receive no schooling (Ministry of Education 2005a; China Statistical Yearbook 2006). Until recently, migrant children had three options for schooling: enrolling in urban schools that charged high fees; enrolling in private, friendlier, but often substandard and unlicensed migrant schools; or enrolling in hometown (often poor quality) schools where they were separated from one or both parents. In 2003, the State Council ordered local governments to provide public school education for migrant children, but cash-strapped localities balked. Heavy-handed migrant school closings and limited access to public schools continue as local educational authorities wrestle with state regulations against substandard schools and public schools’ discrimination against migrant children. Children with Disabilities Nearly 10 million of China’s official disabled population of 60 million is under the age of fourteen. More than one-half are not enrolled in school, and those who are enrolled are concentrated in eastern cities. National policy since the mid-1990s has included children with
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disabilities in ‘‘education for all’’ goals. Depending on the severity of disability and the ability of a school to accommodate the disability, students are placed in a regular classroom, a special class within a regular school, or a special institution. However, the development of special education services remains hampered by low public awareness, due in part to the tradition of relying on families, not state institutions, to take care of disabled children, lack of trained teachers and teaching materials, and lack of funding. According to the Ministry of Education, by 2000 only 4.5 percent of disabled children received specially designed education services. China is far from reaching its 2000 target to extend schooling to 95 percent of children with disabilities residing in cities, 85 percent residing in rural areas that have achieved universal compulsory schooling, and 60 percent in impoverished areas where compulsory schooling has not been universalized (Ross et al. 2005; Study Group 2005). PLAY AND RECREATION Children’s play and recreation mirror the contradictions inherent in rising living standards and material expectations of China’s urban middle class. The increased decision-making power of single children within the household has been described as the ‘‘four-two-one syndrome’’ or ‘‘filiarchy,’’ where the respect and filial piety due to elders by children are turned on their heads in favor of pampered ‘‘singletons’’ who are the suns around which four grandparents and two parents orbit (Tobin et al. 1989; Chan and McNeal 2004; Fong 2004). Urban parents spend from one-quarter to one-third of total family income on children, and advertising to them is a big business. The snacks, educational supplies, pay-to-play video games, brand-named clothing, and sporting goods marketed to children construct a world of play and consumption unimaginable a generation ago. The common experience of ‘‘eating bitterness’’ or enduring hardship then is today fathomable only to impoverished children (Croll 2006; Xi et al. 2006). Middle-class childhood is perceived as a mixed blessing. Play is recognized as crucial to child development, yet is also tamed as ‘‘healthy leisure’’ in the moral training of schools. In physical education classes, students play basketball and football, run, jump rope, and are engaged in flexibility and strength exercises. Educators and parents are concerned about safety and sometimes restrict children from engaging in sports that have a high risk of injury. But they still view recess with little adult supervision as an essential means for students to recoup their energies after intense concentration on lessons shaped by high stakes tests. During recess time between classes, girls engage in what children worldwide have come to colloquially call ‘‘Chinese jump-rope,’’ and children of both genders play hacky sack, ping-pong, and chat about their favorite cartoon or television show.
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Children in China’s small contemporary households are perceived to need emotional independence. Viewed as peer-focused and materialistic, they are nevertheless thought to be deprived of the companionship of siblings and cousins. According to the China Youth and Children Research Center, they participate in housework much less (twelve minutes each day) than children in developed countries, yet they also have more homework and less free time (about one hour each day) to pursue Chinese children’s two most common leisure activities, television viewing and playing with friends (Special Issue on Chinese Children 2003). The pattern of intense cultivation that professional families use to rear achievement-oriented children constrains play. Even as parents and educators criticize the competition and frantic schedules that deprive children of childhood, they support after school enrichment and tutoring programs. Youth and children activity centers (qingshaoniangong) sponsored by local Chinese Youth League committees used to be a major venue for these activities, but now a wide variety of commercial programs are readily available. During holidays and weekends, a number of middle-class urban parents take their children traveling or to visit museums, amusement parks, and zoos, which increasingly cater to children. And although rural children are less regulated by adults, even when they spend long hours working in fields, they are depicted as lacking the cultural and material capital (adult mentoring and libraries) to ‘‘understand healthy leisure.’’ Rural play is increasingly deemed potentially dangerous and in need of adult supervision. Traditional Chinese toys and pastimes that remain popular with children include whistles and bamboo flutes, tiny clay figurines and dolls, marbles, kite flying, diabolo juggling, elaborate paper cutting, playing with shadow puppets, and making and eating holiday snacks. While these are still favored at festivals and often featured in schools and extracurricular programs at holidays, they are rapidly giving way to the modern toy industry, sports, and television watching, with Japanese cartoons and fantasy shows particularly popular. Changing perceptions of appropriate recreation for children are most clearly reflected in the rapid development of children’s media. Television viewing, for example, is thought to both educate children and exacerbate sedentary life styles. Television (and film) is also seen as a less objectionable (and more controllable) leisure pursuit than computer games and the internet, which is criticized for exposing children to on-line gambling and pornography (Croll 2006). Concern about the corrupting influence of computer culture was one of the catalysts for the establishment of China’s first children’s television channel in 2003. Shortly thereafter the State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television required that all provincial stations launch at least one children’s channel to provide programs suitable for young viewers, and internet cafes were banned within 200 meters of primary and secondary schools.
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CHILD LABOR Numerous policies and regulations protect children from exploitative child labor. ‘‘Juvenile workers,’’ defined as youths between sixteen (the age most students complete compulsory education) and eighteen, are protected by regulations that stipulate appropriate jobs, training and benefits. Regulations on the Protection of Minors and The Prohibition against Child Labor define ‘‘minors’’ as citizens under the age of eighteen, consistent with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, which China signed in 1991. China adheres to the International Labour Organization’s Minimum Age Convention and has ratified the Convention Concerning the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labor. Despite a strong policy environment, exploitative child labor exists, with female children largely working in homes and restaurants (and sometimes textiles), and boys largely working in construction. Census estimates of child laborers vary from 10 percent of the 20 million migrant children in cities who are under the age of eighteen to 60 percent of all migrant children between the ages of twelve and fourteen. Conservatively, 10 million children work, primarily in food, toy, and textile production and construction, not including an estimated 150,000 working street children (China Statistical Yearbook 2006). Media attention to the trafficking of child workers, the contracting out of children by schools under the guise of ‘‘work-study,’’ and the deaths of working children have cast a spotlight on China’s child labor challenge. Its persistence despite increased penalties is related to lopsided development, lack of enforcement, and rural poverty. With work sometimes an appealing alternative to inadequate schools, underage workers obtain falsified identification cards in a large black market, and local officials fail to check young workers’ birth certificates. Until economic deprivation among rural communities is mitigated and free and quality compulsory schooling is available to all children, exploitative child labor will continue. FAMILY ‘‘Family’’ is a root metaphor of Chinese culture, defining moral sentiments based on kinship ties that anchor values related to appropriate human relationships and good governance. Filial piety, the indissoluble bond and reciprocal obligation to obey, nourish, and care between child and parent, is at the core of traditional, Confucian-inspired ideals for an appropriately ordered society. For two millennia, children have learned these lessons through family practice and morality tales inscribed in language primers. Global modernization and industrialization processes have interacted with China’s volatile political history to reform marriage laws, equalize
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inheritance laws, and increase participation by women in formal education and the labor force. The one-child family planning policy, changing economic patterns, global human rights discourse, and more equitable gender roles have had profound and contradictory impacts on the structures and values which bind Chinese families and households, the average size of which in 2006 was 3.44. Greater equality between parents, changing notions of child discipline, and increasing economic power of children within the household have created what psychologists describe as more friendly, supportive parent-child relationships. Yet, a new marriage law in 2003 that simplified divorce procedures precipitated a recent rise in divorce rates and anxiety about the well-being of single-parent children. Likewise, researchers have shown that families are thought to pay a high social price for the state’s strategy to create a generation of ambitious singletons. Single children are depicted as living in precarious positions at the center of ‘‘fragile’’ families, carrying on their shoulders unrealistically high familial and social expectations. While the majority of families have more than one child, public perceptions about singletons reveal the changes and the contradictions in the cultural production of childhood as China becomes embedded in the world economy, as community structures are uprooted through migration to towns and cities, and as social classes diverge. While the one child (or in rural China, one son) policy ‘‘spared’’ the country an estimated 390 million births, low birth rates and longer life spans are also creating a dependency crisis between young and old, and some couples are now allowed to have two children. In addition, the traditional association of many children with blessings, fecundity, and a protected old age has lost its appeal for urban parents who struggle to support and pay for the upbringing of even one child. While the one-child policy has raised the status of urban girls, in rural areas, where public healthcare is scarce and parents want a son to provide old-age support, son preference has led to selective abortions, underreporting of female births, female infanticide and abandonment, and a skewed sex ratio at first birth of approximately 120 boys born for every 100 girls. The state has responded by prohibiting selective abortion in the 2001 Law of Population and Family Planning, and initiating in 2003 a ‘‘Care-for-Girls Campaign’’ to protect girls’ rights and enhance their status within households (Xi et al. 2006; Seeberg et al. 2007). HEALTH According to the Ministry of Health, between 1949 and 1978 China’s average life expectancy increased from thirty-five to sixty-eight years. By 2006, this figure had climbed to seventy-two years. In the last fifteen years, the quality of life for mothers and children has greatly improved. From 1990 to 2006, the infant mortality rate fell from 65 to 22 per 1,000. Maternal mortality rates dropped more than 25 percent from
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2000–2005 to a current figure of about 53 per 100,000 (China Statistical Yearbook 2006). These impressive figures obscure regional disparities exacerbated by the collapse of rural health and insurance programs in the 1980s, the marketization of medical services during the 1990s and 2000s, and the compounding impact of the consequences of rising tobacco use (one in three of the world’s cigarettes are smoked in China), the relatively low but growing prevalence of HIV/AIDS, and overall increased levels of air and water pollution. Since 1986, China’s per capita spending on health has fallen to the lowest level in Asia, standing in 2005 at less than 3 percent of gross domestic product (GDP), compared with a global average of 4.2 percent. China ranks near the bottom of the world’s nations in terms of equality of medical resources, and almost two-thirds of government health funding goes to urban areas. The number of Chinese without health insurance ranges from about 60 percent in urban areas to more than 90 percent in the countryside, where many residents cannot afford and therefore forego medical treatment (Ministry of Health 2004; Donald and Benewick 2005). Inequality in health care has created a crisis for all poor children, but rural children and their mothers are at greatest risk. By the early 2000s, child immunization coverage, an area in which China receives high international marks, was just over 84 percent in rural areas compared to nearly 95 percent in urban areas. In comparison to a national maternal mortality ratio of 53 deaths per 100,000 live births, Shanghai’s rate of less than ten contrasts sharply with Tibet’s rate of 466. Eleven percent of children under five are moderately to severely underweight, and malnutrition and micronutrient deficiencies remain a problem in the west. Migrant and children with disabilities and children born ‘‘out of plan’’ are much less likely to receive preventive health care, and rural children are also more vulnerable to road and work-related injuries (Donald and Benewick 2005; Ross et al. 2005; China Statistical Yearbook 2006). Meanwhile, 18 percent of Beijing’s primary and junior secondary school students are obese, more than double the percentage ten years ago, and 25 percent of urban boys aged seven to eighteen are overweight. This trend stems from the changing composition of the Chinese diet. Forty percent of Chinese consume a diet composed of 30 percent fat, and most take in 400 percent more edible oil, eggs, and meat than they did a generation ago. Both rural and urban children’s health is seriously impacted by pollution. Seven of the world’s ten most polluted cities are in China, and respiratory and heart diseases related to air pollution are a leading cause of death. Half of the population lacks access to clean water, and 90 percent of urban water bodies are severely polluted (Ministry of Health 2004; Donald and Benewick 2005). Mental health problems among children and teenagers are also significant. The Ministry of Health estimates that 30 million teenagers under
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seventeen years of age suffer from psychological problems. Suicide is the leading cause of death among twenty- to twenty-five-year-olds, and is particularly high among rural females and young urban professionals. Psychological services are inadequate, with a shortage of trained specialists and no professional standards. Both migrant children and youth at risk of exploitation and materially advantaged but pressured urban singletons are called ‘‘victims of a changing society.’’ Nearly 20 million children reach puberty each year at an average age of twelve to thirteen—four to five years earlier than in the 1970s. Premarital sexual activity is rising, as are reported incidents of child sexual abuse, and undergraduate students are now allowed to get married before graduation. Parental consent is required for an abortion for girls under the age of eighteen. While virtually no attention has been paid to sexuality education and the issue of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) issues among the youth population, sex education has become a widely discussed and more frequently implemented curricular reform in secondary school classrooms in major cities. China’s first officially published comprehensive textbook on sex education was released in 2002, and the government has launched a fiveyear AIDS education project (Ministry of Health 2004; Xi et al. 2006). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Although the CCP continues to direct state policy and legislation, significant efforts begun in the 1990s to establish rule of law have been accompanied by an increase in the general population’s access to information and rights consciousness. In 1991, China ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, recognizing the need to protect children from violence, maltreatment and neglect. The convention provided the framework for the National Plan of Action for Children, 2001–2010. This plan, in tandem with other laws, has created a national policy context that is expanding the rights and protection of children. China’s Basic Civil Law prescribes guardianship procedures for children, as well as children’s rights from the age of ten to the legal age of majority at eighteen. China’s Criminal Law deals with juvenile crime (of which there were about 70,000 cases in 2004) and crimes against children including abduction, trafficking, and sexual abuse (Drissel 2006). Children who are under the age of eighteen are exempt from the death penalty. Those who induce juveniles to commit a crime (such as using or selling illegal drugs) are subject to heavy penalties. Those who traffic more than three children or are involved in cross-border trafficking are subject to sentences that range from ten years in prison to death. Although China has one of the lowest overall crime rates in the world, crime increased dramatically (20 percent annually) during the first reform decade of the 1980s, which also saw a particularly steep rise in juvenile delinquency. While cases of juvenile crime have dropped since that period,
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nevertheless, the percentage of overall crime committed by fourteen- to twenty-five-year-olds in China, in 2005, 44 percent, and the percentage of all violent crimes, as high as 70 percent, is much higher than most countries. For example, 17 percent of all arrests in the United States involved juveniles, dropping to 15 percent of all arrests for violent crimes (Drissel 2006). Juvenile crime in China, which takes place in largely urban and low income neighborhoods, is blamed on a number of social and economic factors associated with reform, including lack of family guidance due to high levels of migration and divorce; the increase in youth subcultures; the expanding gap between the rich and the poor; inadequate education; ‘‘addiction’’ to the internet; the spread of violent video games and films, pornography, and drugs; and inadequate enforcement of laws in protecting minors. The Law on the Protection of Minors safeguards the physical and mental health, lawful rights and interests, and all-round development of minors. The Law on Preventing Juvenile Delinquency allows sending juveniles to correctional work-study schools for drug use or incorrigible behavior, including fighting, theft, gambling or carrying certain prohibited knives. China’s Constitution and the Education Law stipulate the right and duty of all children to be educated, based on the principle of equal educational opportunity. The Law on the Protection of Disabled Persons protects children with disabilities and ensures their equal and full participation in social life and their share of the material and cultural wealth of society. The Compulsory Education Law mandates that all six- or seven-yearolds (depending on the material resources of the region of the country) must attend school and receive nine years of education. An amendment to the Compulsory Education Law in 2006 extended equal protection to migrant children and imposed this responsibility on local governments. Many of these laws emphasize the principle of equality, and stipulate that no child is to be discriminated against for reasons of ethnicity, religion, gender, family income, or disability. In practice, however, a lack of public awareness of the importance of children’s rights, protection and welfare to overall development remains. Furthermore, the lack of a comprehensive national social insurance program, the continued underfunding of education, and discrimination against girls, children with AIDS and disabilities, and minority and migrant children will continue to undercut the promise of laws protecting children. RELIGIOUS LIFE China is a largely secular society influenced by half a century of CCP policies that have advocated Marxist materialism and atheism and labeled religious beliefs and practitioners as superstitious, backward, and even counterrevolutionary. While most people do not claim formal religious affiliation, the reform period has allowed for more open practice of
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China’s five officially recognized religions, Buddhism, Taoism, Islam, and Catholic and Protestant Christianity, and China’s cultural revival and tourism have lead to massive renovation of religious sites and the flowering of and scholarly study of folk beliefs and practices. Religious teaching and religious activities are prohibited in public and private schools, and the Compulsory Education Law stipulates that religion may not impede the implementation of state mandated education policies. Religious academies, including special high schools for the training of Buddhist monks and nuns, can be established if approved by the State Council. The practice of Buddhism, Islam, Taoism, and Christianity, while constitutionally protected, is tightly regulated, and millions of believers who practice their faiths outside of registered venues are subject to intimidation and harassment. Despite such restrictions, religious adherents number much higher than China’s official figure of 100 million, and state-recognized religious organizations are actively involved in philanthropic activities that aid impoverished, minority, and orphaned children and children with disabilities. Likewise, centuries-old philosophical, spiritual, and folk beliefs related to understandings of family and social relationships have fundamentally shaped conceptions of childhood. In fact, China has a written record spanning two millennia on the care and upbringing of children. Reflected in the Chinese pictograph for child (zi), which represents a swaddled infant, and the traditional word (tong) for children under the age of fifteen, which originally meant young lambs or calves with no horns, the belief in the vulnerable yet promise-filled child plays a central role in religious writings and practices (Bai 2005). This belief conveys an optimistic conviction in the innate human capacity for positive development, and the consequent need of families to provide children optimum environments for physical, moral, and social growth. A cluster of values associated with the Confucian heritage has had an enduring impact on childhood and childrearing practices. These include the significance of the unbreakable bond between child and parent; that good manners and daily rituals of reverence and obedience will through habitual practice become embodied in the individual; that education essentially involves moral learning about the correct ordering of human relationships and self-cultivation; and that human beings have almost infinite capacity to develop if afforded healthy familial, social, and educational environments (Kinney 2004; Bai 2005; Hsiung 2005). Such beliefs remain evident in policies regarding education and are central to the public’s faith in education as vehicle for both social mobility and stability. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The benchmarks established by China’s 2001–2010 Program for the Development of Children present a model policy environment for the
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protection of children. However, policy and practice diverge for migrant and street children; trafficked, abandoned or orphaned children; and rural, disabled, and minority children, particularly girls. The majority of China’s 20 million migrant children are still without access to education and other public services. An important 2006 amendment to the Compulsory Education Law declares equal protection for migrant children but leaves specific institutional design and implementation up to provincial governments. How effectively provincial authorities carry out these responsibilities remains to be seen. Internal migration and the collapse of village economies have also led to an increase in the number of urban street children, now estimated at 150,000, who face increased risk of trafficking. Tens of thousands of children (mainly boys under five) are domestically trafficked from China’s western to coastal regions. A prominent cause of trafficking of girls is China’s skewed sex ratio. Cross-border trafficking victims are brought into China from Vietnam, North Korea, Mongolia, Russia, and Nepal, and trafficked out of China to Thailand, Malaysia, Taiwan, Japan, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Macau. Despite campaigns and policies to protect the interests and rights of China’s official (and underestimated) 10 million children with disabilities, they are denied adequate access to social services. Girls with disabilities face double discrimination. Compared with the national primary school enrollment rate of 99 percent, the Ministry of Education reports that the rate for children with disabilities remains 76 percent, and roughly 100,000 children (primarily girls and children with disabilities) are abandoned each year (Ministry of Education 2005a). New laws easing restrictions on domestic adoption and tightening restrictions on international adoptions, and improved conditions at Child Welfare Institutes, have led to new approaches to caring for these children. National policy mandates that by 2010, all regional-level cities must establish a children’s welfare institution capable of providing foster care, medical treatment, rehabilitation, and education. Meanwhile, there are some 10,000 community organizations and 100 charitable welfare institutions operated by individuals and work units providing services to orphans or children with disabilities (Ministry of Education 2005a; State Statistical Bureau 2006). Nearly one-third of children in cities show signs of physical or emotional neglect, explained by the strains of development. Incidents of neglect are highest among children of single-parent families, with boys exhibiting the strongest evidence of physical and emotional neglect (Xi et al. 2006). One of the most proactive groups taking a leadership role in ameliorating violence against children is the All China Women’s Federation, which in collaboration with international organizations has assisted in the development of regulations for the prevention of family violence in twenty-two provinces. While corporal punishment in schools is prohibited by the Compulsory Education Law, the Law on
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the Protection of Minors, and the Teacher Law, it (and ‘‘softer’’ forms of violence like verbal harassment and taunting) remains a widespread problem. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY China’s current five-year plan (2006–2010) marks a critical period in the development of public policies that will affect the future of children. In 2000, China became a lower-middle income country. With a growing middle class, expanded educational opportunities, and strategic national development plans, the outlook for China’s children is generally much brighter than it was two decades ago. Yet there are shadows on the horizon. Development policies have unintentionally left the poorest communities with broken economies, low-quality schools, and absent parents who have migrated to cities for wages. While urban children struggle to cope with stress and overnutrition, poor, female, rural, and migrant children, children with disabilities, and ethnic minority children confront inadequate schooling and social services. China has changed from one of the world’s most egalitarian societies to one of the most unequal, and more attention must be paid to the moral dislocation and political consequences of inequality. Children of all social classes are negatively impacted by the pollution associated with unbalanced development, constraints on democratic participation in civil society, and lack of clear policies on how to sustain a safety network for China’s elderly population. In this context of contradictory social pressures and needs, a number of new policy initiatives and social problems bear watching. One is the goal to make compulsory schooling free for all children. The new Compulsory Education Law prohibits elementary and junior secondary schools from charging fees, but how quickly this goal can be achieved depends on the political will of government at all levels. Most importantly, the national government will have to make good on its promise to increase educational funding as part of the national budget. Coupled with the implementation of ‘‘childfriendly’’ schools in rural communities and improved teacher education and in-service training, increased government spending on education will widen access to and engagement in quality education. Two particularly important ‘‘education for all’’ policies are China’s Girl Care Program and the decision to require public schools to open their doors to migrant children. While significant steps to achieve gender parity in compulsory education have been taken, including allocating funds especially earmarked for impoverished girls, gender attitudes derogating girls continue in and out of school. The child-friendly school campaign has the potential to help educators look beyond access and focus on how girls (and ethnic minority and migrant students) are treated in and experience schools (Seeberg et al. 2007).
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In the end, relative to the size of China’s budget, expenditure on children is low and inequitably distributed. To ensure that children’s futures surpass the present, increased support is especially critical in two key areas, early childhood education and maternal and child health care services. Providing both will be a challenge as China struggles with soaring health and welfare pressures of the elderly. Nevertheless, reducing disparities in child and maternal mortality and improving access to preventive health care services and the resources to succeed in school must be a top priority.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Chinese Education and Society. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe. Offers unabridged translations of articles from Chinese journals, newspapers, and collections of articles published in book form. Six issues each year provide insight into educational policy and practice, educational reform and development, pedagogical theory and methods, colleges and universities, schools and families, and education for diverse social groups across gender and youth, urban and rural, mainstream and minorities. Donald, Stephanie Hemelryk, and Robert Benewick. 2005. The State of China Atlas, Mapping the World’s Fastest Growing Economy. Berkeley: University of California Press. Vivid, comprehensive and imaginative presentation of a multitude of facts, information, and analyses of changing China and the complex sociopolitical and environmental factors shaping the lives of China’s diverse citizens, including children. Fong, Vanessa. 2004. Only hope: Coming of age under China’s one-child policy. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Examines the social, economic, and psychological consequences of China’s one-child policy. Includes a review of China’s family planning policies, its impact on China’s fertility transition, and the contemporary challenges facing China’s ‘‘singletons’’ and their families. Haski, P., ed. 2004. The Diary of Ma Yan, The Struggles and Hopes of a Chinese Schoolgirl. New York: Harper Collins. Young adult book chronicling the struggles of 13-year-old Ma Yan, who in the last year of primary school struggles to continue her education. Depicts the barriers confronting rural children, particularly girls, to educational access, and the lengths to which children and their mothers will go to help them realize their dreams for further education. Kroeber, Arthur, and Tom Miller. 2005. Education, schooling for the future. China Economic Quarterly 9(4): 19–32. Concise, comprehensible, and valuable analysis of China’s changing educational system and its economic and social impacts. Figures and charts especially useful. Postiglione, Gerard, ed. 2006. Education, Social Change, and Stratification in China, Inequality in a Market Economy. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe. Rich case studies provide detailed examination of educational stratification in China during the reform era. Topics include education for the new urban middle class, poor rural residents, the migrant population in urban areas, rural girls, and ethnic minorities.
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Special Issue on Chinese Children in a Transitional Economy. 2003. Journal of Family and Economic Issues. 24: 4. Rich information on the changing lives, education, health, pastimes, and futures of Chinese children, drawing on extensive data and analysis from five reports written by researchers affiliated with the China Youth and Children Research Center. Xi, Jieying, Yunxiao Sun, and Jing Jian Xiao, eds. 2006. Chinese Youth in Transition. Aldershot, England: Ashgate. Comprehensive overview of the lives of diverse adolescents as China undergoes dramatic socio-cultural and political-economic change. Topics include psychological development, parent-child relationships, the needs of rural youths, transition from school to work, youths and the labor market, juvenile delinquency, the transition to college, popular culture, and internet use.
Nonprint Resources The Blood of Yingzhou District. 2006. 38 minutes. Documentary directed by Ruby Yang and produced by Thomas Lennon chronicles the story of AIDS orphans in China and those who act on their behalf. China From the Inside. 2006. Jonathan Lewis’s outstanding documentary of changing China, her people, her past, her present. Program Two, ‘‘Women of the Country,’’ is particularly relevant to lives of children. http://www.pbs.org/ kqed/chinainside/about.html. The Dragon’s Backbone. 1994. Documentary about rural education and the life of children in a mountainous village in Guangxi. Gist of a Girl’s Diary. 2004. In this film a mother who sneaks a peek at her sixthgrade daughter’s diary learns more about life in an urban school, and about her daughter, than she bargains for. The Grass House. 1998. Film adaptation of novel by Cao Wenxuan depicts life in the 1960s and the unforgettable memories of days in one rural school. Not One Less. 1999. Sony Pictures. Producer: Zhao Yu. 106 minutes. Director Zhang Yimou’s moving film about a 13-year-old substitute teacher struggling to keep her rural students in their one-room school. Pretty Big Feet. 2002. Director: Yang Lazhou. Producers: Zhao Huayong, Zhang Huashan, Wang Zhan Liang. 103 minutes. Film describing moving story of rural teacher with her students and a young female volunteer from Beijing. The Ridge. 1997. A documentary depicting the life and teaching of a rural teacher in Taixang mountainous area. Senior Year. 2005. A documentary of rural senior high school students preparing for the college entrance examination. Small Happiness. 1984. Long Bow Films. Produced and directed by Carla Hinton and Richard Gordon. 59 minutes. Filmed under unprecedented circumstances, women of Long Bow village talk about marriage, birth control, work, and daily life. ‘‘Small happiness’’ refers to birth of a daughter. The Story of Xiaoyan. 2005. Director: Fang Gangliang. Producer Cui Bo. A Shandong Film Studio Production. 89 minutes. Film based on the true story of Ma Yan, a 13-year-old girl from impoverished Ningxia, who struggles to make money to attend school. Sweet Sixteen. 1990. TV series depicting life in a senior high school in Shanghai. Together. 2002. Director: Chen Kaige. Producers: Chen Hong and Lee Jooick. 21st Century Shengkai Film Production. 117 minutes. Chen Kaige film in which a
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thirteen-year-old violinist and his father travel to Beijing to find a tutor and pursue their dreams. Warm Spring. 2002. Film about a rural orphan, Xiaohua, being adopted by a grandpa in the face of a disapproving son and daughter.
Web Sites China Disabled Persons Federation, http://www.cdpf.org.cn/. China National Center for Children, http://www.ccc.org.cn/. China Youth and Children Research Center, http://www.cycrc.org. Chinese Association for the Prevention of STD/AIDS, http://www.aids.org.cn/ show.asp?uver=cn. Chinese Health and Family Life Survey, http://www.src.uchicago.edu/prc/ chfls.php. Chinese National Committee for the Care of Children, http://www.zgggw.com/. Maternal and Child Health Center, http://www.moh.gov.cn/menunews/A5.htm. Ministry of Health, http://www.moh.gov.cn/menunews/A7.htm. National Bureau of Statistics, http://www.stats.gov.cn/http://www.unicef.org/ china/index.html. National Working Committee for Children & Women, http://www.nwccw.gov.cn/ index.jsp.
Organizations and NGOs All-China Women’s Federation No. 15 Jianguomen nei Street Dong Cheng District Beijing, 100730 PRC International Liaison Department Fax: 8610-6513-6044 International Program Cooperative Division Tel: 8610-6526-6502 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.women.org.cn/ China Children and Teenager’s Fund No. 15 Jianguomen nei Street Beijing, 100730 PRC International Department
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Tel: 8610-6522-5319 6510-3497 Fax: 8610-6528-5128 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.cctf.org.cn/English/index.htm China Development Brief No. 15 Zhonggu Hutong Songzhuyuan Beixiang Beihe yan Dajie Dongcheng Qu, Beijing 1009, PRC Web site: http://www.chinadevelopmentbrief.com/ China Youth Development Foundation A-1 Houyuanensi Hutong Jiaodaokou Nandajie, Beijing 100009, PRC Tel: 8610-6403-3904 Fax: 8610-6403-3895 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.cydf.org.cn/gb/english/index.htm Song Qing Ling Foundation A-12 floor in Zhejiang Building 26 An Zhen Xi Li North Third Ring Zhong Lu Chaoyang district, Beijing 100029 Tel: 8610-6445-1011 Fax: 8610-6445-0056 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.sclf.org/ UNICEF, China 12 Sanlitun Lu Chaoyang District Beijing 10060 PRC Tel: 8610-6532-3131 Fax: 8610-6532-3107 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.unicef.org/china/
Selected Bibliography Bai, Limin. 2005. Shaping the Ideal Child, Children and Their Primers in Late Imperial China. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press. Chan, K. and J. McNeal. 2004. Advertising to Children in China. Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong. Chan, Kim-Kwong. 2004. China’s Socioeconomic Changes and the Implications for the Religion-State Dynamic in China. Brigham Young University Law Review, 325: 347.
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China Statistical Yearbook. 2006. Beijing: China Statistics Press. Country Report on Child Development in China, 2003–2004. http://www.china.org. cn/english/2005/May/130426.htm. Croll, Elisabeth. 2006. China’s New Consumers, Social development and domestic demand. London and New York: Routledge. Davis, Deborah and Stevan Harrell, eds. 1993. Chinese Families in the Post-Mao Era. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Drissel, David. 2006. Subterranean Sources of Juvenile Delinquency in China: Evidence from Birth Cohort Surveys. Asian Criminology 1: 137–54. Giskin, Howard and Bettye S. Walsh, eds. 2001. Chinese Culture through the Family. Albany: SUNY Press. Hannum, Emily. 2003. Poverty and Basic Education in Rural China: Villages, Households, and Girls’ and Boys’ Enrollment. Comparative Education Review 47(2): 141–159. ———. 2005. Market Transition, Educational Disparities, and Family Strategies in Rural China: New Evidence on Gender Stratification and Development. Demography 42(2): 275–99. Hsiung, Ping-chen. 2005. A Tender Voyage, Children and Childhood in Late Imperial China. Stanford: Stanford University Press. International Food Policy Research Institute. 2002. Growth, inequality, and Poverty in Rural China: The Role of Public Investments. Washington, DC. Johnson, Kay Ann. 2004. Wanting a Daughter, Needing a Son: Abandonment, Adoption, and Orphanage Care in China. St. Paul, MN: Yeong and Yeong Book Company. Kinney, Anne Behnke. 2004. Representations of Childhood and Youth in Early China. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Kwong, Julia. 2004. Educating Migrant Children: Negotiations between the State and Civil Society. The China Quarterly 80: 1053–1088. Law, Wing-Wah. 2002. Legislation, education reform and social transformation: the People’s Republic of China’s experience. International Journal of Educational Development 22, 579–602. Li, Danke, and Mun C. Tsang. 2003. Household Decisions and Gender Inequality in Education in Rural China. China: An International Journal 1:2, 224–48. Liu, Fengshu. 2004. Basic education in China’s rural areas: a legal obligation or an individual choice? International Journal of Educational Development. 24/1, 5–21. Logan, R. J., Fuqin Bian, and Yanjie Bian. 1998. Tradition and Change in the Urban Chinese Family: The Case of Living Arrangements. Social Forces, 76, no. 3: 851–882. Millennium Development Goals—China’s Progress, An assessment by the U.N. Country Team. 2003. United Nations Development Program. Ministry of Education. 2005a. From a country with a large population to a country with sound human resources [translation]. Chinese Education and Society. 13–16, 51–69. ———. 2005b. Annual Education Statistical Report, 1998–2005. http://www.moe. edu.cn/edoas/website18/level2.jsp?tablename=1068. Ministry of Finance and Ministry of Education. 2005. Provision Regarding Further Implementing the Policy of ‘‘Two Exemptions and One Waiver’’ in Key Counties for National Poverty Alleviation. http://www.moe.edu.cn/.
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Ministry of Health. 2004. Third Survey on National Health Service. Chinese News Agency, 12/08/2004. http://english.hanban.edu.cn/chinese/renkou/ 719592.htm National Bureau of Statistics of China [Guojia Tongji Ju]. 2006. http://www.stats. gov.cn. Rong, Xuelan, and Tianjian Shi. 2001. Inequality in Chinese Education. Journal of Contemporary China 10:107–24. Ross, Heidi (with contributions by Jingjing Lou, Lijing Yang, Olga Rybakova, and Phoebe Wakhungu). 2005. Where and Who are the World’s Illiterates: China. A Background Paper Submitted to UNESCO Global Monitoring Report. UNESCO: Paris. Ross, Heidi, and Jing Lin. 2006. Social Capital Formation through Chinese School Communities. In Emily Hannum and Bruce Fuller, eds. Children’s Lives and Schooling Across Societies, Research in the Sociology of Education. Vol. 15. Elsevier, Ltd., 43–69. Seeberg, Vilma, Heidi Ross, Jinghuan Liu, and Guangyu Tah. 2007. The Case for Prioritizing Education For Girls Left Behind In Remote Rural China. In David Baker and Alexander Wiseman. International Perspectives on Education and Society, Volume 8, Education for All: Global Promises, National Challenges. Oxford: Elsevier Science Ltd., 111–58. State Council of the People’s Republic of China. 2001. Program for the Development of Chinese Children, 2001–2010. Beijing. State Statistical Bureau. 2006. Population and Society Science Statistics Office. 2005 Chinese Statistical Yearbook. Beijing. Subject Group of Higher Education Research Institute of Beijing Institute of Technology. 2005. Opportunity to Receive Higher Education: Narrowing Gaps— Report of the Subject Group of Research on Equity in China’s Higher Education. Beijing: Ford Foundation. Tobin, Joseph, David Y.H. Wu, and Dan H. Davidson. 1989. Preschool in Three Cultures. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. UNESCO. 2006. China: Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) programmes. Geneva: International Bureau of Education. UNESCO. 2000. Education for All: The Year 2000 Assessment Final Country Report of China. http://www2.unesco.org/wef/countryreports/china/contents. html. World Bank. 2005. EFA and Beyond: Service Provision and Quality Assurance in China. Washington, DC: World Bank.
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THE FEDERATED STATES OF MICRONESIA (FSM) Robert W. Spegal NATIONAL PROFILE The Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) is a developing nation of 607 islands, spread across more than one million square kilometers of the Western Pacific Ocean, just north of the equator. The country is divided into four states, the easternmost Kosrae and (working westward) Pohnpei, Chuuk, and Yap. While the FSM covers a large ocean area, the total land area is only 702 square kilometers. Most of the FSM’s islands are volcanic in origin, including both high islands and low atolls. High islands have rainforest-covered mountains rising above 750 meters, flat coastal plains, shoreline mangrove swamps, and are fringed by coral reefs. Outer islands are low coral atolls, some tiny and at considerable distances (three days travel by ship) from the state centers. Atoll elevations reach to six meters above sea level, and the number of islets varies from three to more than sixty. Atoll populations usually reside on the larger islets. Within atolls
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and barrier reefs, there are more than 7,100 square kilometers of lagoon area. The capital of the FSM is located in Palikir, Pohnpei State. The national political arrangement is a three-branch government, with a unicameral legislature from which the president is selected. State governments are similarly set up and are further divided into municipalities. States are comprised of a state center island, and, except Kosrae, outer islands. The state government offices are situated here; it is also the center of commerce, post-primary education, transportation (airport/dock facilities), and the location of the state hospital. Primary schools and dispensaries are located in most of the municipalities and on the more populated outer islands. The 2000 FSM Census of Population and Housing indicates that 107,008 people inhabit sixty-five of the FSM’s islands. Of that total, 49.3 percent are female, and 40.3 percent are under fifteen years of age. An additional 12.3 percent are fifteen to nineteen years old, and 3.6 percent of the population is over age sixty-five. The median age for the country is 19.3 years, a 3.5-year increase from the 1973 census. The population’s annual growth rate increased in the 1960s and 1970s, averaging from 3.5 to 5 percent. However, the growth rate has slowed (1980–1989: 3.0 percent, 1989–1994: 1.9 percent, 1994–2000: 0.3 percent), due to outmigration. Since 1986, the beginning of the Compact of Free Association between the United States and the FSM, the growth rate has steadily declined. The ease of emigration to Guam, Hawaii, and the mainland has resulted in Micronesians leaving the FSM seeking better occupational, educational, and health care opportunities. The average population density for the nation is about 161 persons per square kilometer, with some islands sparsely populated, and the more urban-like state centers ranging to a density of nearly 2,000 persons. The census indicated a life expectancy in the federation of 66.7 years for males and 70.6 years for females, a dramatic improvement since WWII. The 2000 census found that nearly 60 percent of the population was presently, or had been, married. Persons divorced or separated comprised a small portion of the over-fifteen population, ranging from 5 percent in Yap, down to 1.6 percent in Kosrae. Single-parent families do exist, but are not common in the FSM, as cultural practices include ‘‘extended family’’ households. On some islands, children can reside at more than one household location and consider all of them ‘‘home.’’ The average household size is 6.8 people. The FSM economy is based largely on U.S. funding under terms of the Compact of Free Association. National income, other than Compact funding, is barely one-eighth of the total spent on imports. Statistics published by the Secretariat of the Pacific Community (SPC) report the nation’s 2004 imports valued US$104.3 million, while exports (primarily agricultural and marine products) were valued at US$14.4 million.
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Tourism is making an increasing contribution to the economy, as is the selling of fishing rights to foreign fleets. However, both industries are subject to extreme variations. SPC statistics also indicate an FSM 2004 gross domestic product (GDP) of US$228.3 million, and a per capita domestic product of US$2,113. It is important to note the considerable variations between states and individual islands, with portions of the populations involved only in subsistence level activities. The minimum wage is US$1.35 per hour. Governments are major employers (nearly half of all jobs), while agriculture, fisheries, tourism, handicrafts, construction, retail/wholesale, and services provide private sector employment. Typically, government employees receive better wages than employees in the private sector, and males have higher incomes than females. Census data from 2000 indicated that the work force (fifteen years and older) was approximately two-thirds male. Government support services to families include public safety and subsidized health care and education at government-operated facilities. FSM law prohibits denial of medical services due to inability to pay; however, no means test exists to determine ‘‘financial inability,’’ so the system is abused. Government ‘‘social affairs’’ offices provide technical and other assistance to youth groups. Other support to the disadvantaged comes from missionaries, international service organizations (Red Cross Society, Rotary and Lions Clubs), and aid/grant programs from the United States, Japan, Australia, and other countries. Local religious institutions support the needy through special collections and outreach programs. In the FSM, the terms ‘‘needy’’ or ‘‘poor’’ do not indicate the same level of deprivation as exists in other developing countries. There is the occasional case of heat exhaustion or sun exposure, but no one freezes to death or starves. Due to the favorable combination of climate and culture, very few residents suffer hardship from the elements or hunger. Temperatures rarely fall below 25 degrees Celsius, and plentiful rainfall provides ample fresh water on most islands. Unless contaminated, fresh water lenses on the atolls furnish potable water. The warm climate and abundant precipitation result in a wide variety of easily grown and harvested fruits, root crops, and other produce. Reefs provide edible marine foodstuffs that are literally there-for-the-taking to someone sufficiently industrious to gather them. Homelessness is rare but increasing slowly in the FSM. The extended family system usually offers shelter to relatives. The few persons who have for various reasons refused succor from their family or clan, usually find shelter in deserted buildings or at a friend’s house. There is currently no social unrest/warfare in the country. Oral histories indicate close historical affiliations and interactions among the island societies comprising the present-day FSM. In the 1500s, Spanish expeditions made the first European contact with several islands and claimed sovereignty until 1899 when Spain sold its Pacific
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interests to Germany. The German administration encouraged the development of trade, the production of copra, and a very significant social change—private ownership of land. Until this time, kings owned all land, and this modification marked the beginning of the power and influence decline of the traditional rulers. After World War I, by League of Nations mandate, Japan took possession of the islands. During this period, a Japanese population of nearly 20,000 resided on the FSM’s islands, while the Micronesian population was about 40,000. Sugarcane, mining, fishing, and agriculture became major industries. Although the indigenous populations were often treated as second-class citizens, the Japanese initiated government-operated schools and hospitals. Peaceful occupation lasted until the mid-1930s, when the Japanese military build-up commenced. World War II brought an abrupt end to the relative prosperity experienced during the Japanese civil administration. By the war’s conclusion most infrastructure had been laid waste by bombing, and the people had been exploited by the military to the point of impoverishment. The United Nations created the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (TTPI) in 1947. Pohnpei, Kosrae, Chuuk, and Yap, on July 12, 1978, following a Constitutional Convention, voted to form a nation under a Federated States of Micronesia Constitution. The FSM negotiated a Compact of Free Association with the United States, which entered into force on November 3, 1986. Under this agreement, the FSM controls its internal and external affairs, but defense responsibility is delegated to the United States, and no other nation may deploy KEY FACTS – FEDERATED STATES OF MICRONESIA military forces in the FSM. The (FSM) United States also provides finanPopulation: 107,862 (July 2007 est.) cial and technical aid. On SeptemInfant mortality rate: 28.15 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) ber 17, 1991, the FSM joined the Life expectancy at birth: 70.35 years (2007 est.) United Nations, and has signed/ Literacy rate: 89 percent (1980 est.) Internet users: 14,000 (2005) ratified various treaties and conventions, including the InternaSources: CIA World Factbook: Micronesia (Federated States of). https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/fm.html. tional Convention of the Rights of April 17, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Micronesia (Federated the Child (CRC) on November 3, States of)–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ 1992. Today, the FSM is recogmicronesia_statistics.html. April 25, 2007. nized by sixty countries.
OVERVIEW The children in the FSM have access to universal free education from grades one to eight (elementary school). Free secondary schooling is also available; however, limited high school facilities results in a smaller enrollment proportion of the secondary school age population. Private preschools, elementary schools, and secondary schools also exist in each of the states. The College of Micronesia—FSM grants associate and
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undergraduate degrees. The national campus is at Palikir, with branch campuses in each state. There are public and private educational institutions that respectively offer vocational and religious training. Child mortality in the FSM is due to both developing country causes such as poor sanitation and malnutrition, and developed country causes such as poor diet, substance abuse, and injuries. The national averages for the under-five mortality rate is 23 per 1,000 children. The crude birth rate for the FSM is reported at 28.1. FSM children have not been exposed to war since 1944. There are isolated disputes between families or clans; however, these events are rare. There are no refugees in the country, and travel by FSM citizens is not restricted in any way. Immigration by foreign nationals is monitored by entry permit requirements. FSM national laws do not address child exploitation, slavery, or indentured servitude. These situations do not exist or are extremely rare. The nurturing of children from infancy to young adulthood is a responsibility almost all parents consider high priority, and most families make the necessary sacrifices to ensure that children receive the best opportunity to grow in secure, happy environments. The nature of childhood for today’s youth is different from the childhoods experienced by grandparents, and in some families, the parents. Since the 1970s, many FSM islands have seen electrical power, piped water, and roads extend out from the towns to rural areas and outer islands. Fetching water, gathering food, building fires, cooking, laundry by hand, and caring for younger siblings, are tasks that fewer youth are responsible to do today. In the last ten years, more cars, washing machines, indoor plumbing, refrigerators, stoves, microwave ovens, telephones, cell phones, satellite television stations from all over the world, videos, computers, and daily airline service to international destinations, have changed the day-to-day living experience for children, and for most adults as well. The shift to a cash economy has caused family units to become more nuclear and the deterioration of the social support structure that cousins, aunts, uncles, and grandparents once provided, has had negative effects. Episodes of child neglect, nutritional deficiency, intentional violence, substance abuse, crime, and suicide are increasing. In the coming years, the FSM’s children will be affected by increasingly limited resources due to escalating energy costs; new health threats, including HIV/AIDS, dangerous drugs, and increased incidence of lifestyle related diseases (diabetes, cancers, heart disease); flooding of their homes by rising sea levels; and continuing loss of cultural identity caused by increased exposure to invading outside influences. Many children in the FSM today cannot read or write in their own language. EDUCATION The FSM has 131 public elementary schools. Instruction in the early grades in public schools is bilingual, the local language and English. By
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the fifth grade, most instruction is in English. Ten private elementary schools are all located in the state centers. School is compulsory to eighth grade, or fourteen years of age. Public high schools are located in state centers, plus one on Yap’s most populated outer island. Chuuk has six private high schools, Pohnpei has four. Private institutions, including nursery schools and kindergartens, are all operated by religious organizations. A publicly funded ‘‘Head Start’’ program provides preschool services to selected children. Since the 1980s, enrollment has steadily increased at all levels. Growth is attributed to the increased number of school-age children and the expansion of educational services. More children enroll in preschool educational programs at an earlier age than in past years. In 2000, more than 32,000 individuals were enrolled, pre-school to college. Slightly more males attend at all levels except high school, where 51 percent of students are female. Educational opportunities for many youth stop at grade eight; there are insufficient educational resources to accommodate all adolescents beyond that point. While more than 20,000 students were attending elementary schools in 2000, only about 8,000 were attending high school. The College of Micronesia—FSM, an accredited postsecondary educational institution, offers associate degrees in several fields, including early childhood and teacher education. An agreement with the University of Guam exists to provide an undergraduate degree in Elementary Education. Approximately 800 students (dormitory and day) matriculate at the national campus. The four state campuses offer extension services of the national curriculum, and other programs (vocational training, professional development, and general interest classes) tuned to the needs of each state. The state campuses serve fifty students in Yap, to more than 300 in Chuuk. FSM youth also attend colleges/universities in Guam, Hawaii, the U.S. mainland, Australia, Fiji, the Philippines, and Japan. In 2000, women comprised 52 percent of the FSM’s students studying abroad. Vocational education (business, agriculture, industrial arts, home arts) is a curriculum choice in secondary schools. A girls’ school with focus on home arts is run by nuns at the Catholic Mission in Pohnpei. Yap is home to the Micronesian Maritime and Fishery Academy, which teaches seamanship and marine resource topics. There are no racial, gender, ethnic, or economic barriers to enrollment in the FSM’s public schools. The proportion of women with a high school diploma increased from 12 percent in 1980 to 30 percent in 2000. Defined as the ability to read and write in a local language or English, literacy rates in the country are high, ranging from 89 percent in Chuuk to Kosrae’s 99 percent. Rates have improved as evidenced by the lower rates for the older population. In 2000, rates for females were lower than rates for males in the over-forty-five age groups, but are almost equal for the younger population, indicating an improvement in women’s education.
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State Education Departments have programs to assist children with disabilities, and annual campaigns identify children who would benefit. Teachers and staff have received minimal training, and instructional resources are limited, so these programs do not always provide all possible benefits. Programs vary from state to state. Nationwide, about 10 percent of children never attend school. Factors such as distance, sibling care, chronic illness, and parental concerns about the value of formal education, may influence the situation. Official efforts to enroll these children are almost nonexistent. As parents acquire an appreciation of the value of education to their children’s success in life, and contribution to their parents’ future well-being, the proportion of nonattending children will decline. PLAY AND RECREATION Most FSM children, toddler to adolescent, enjoy their lives. Most of the young are healthy, the dangers are few, they usually have many friends, and they are blessed with a unique mix of playground environments. Ample space exists for running around, climbing trees, swimming in streams and ocean, and playing on the beaches and reef. Many children have pets, including dogs, cats, pigs, and chickens. In extended family circumstances, older siblings usually have responsibility to watch over younger brothers, sisters, and cousins. However, in the nuclear families, this protection is absent. Younger children entertain themselves playing make-believe and other pastimes not always understood by older generations. Climbing small trees and swinging from branches is another popular activity. Playing in dirt, mud, or sand is another favorite pastime. Many islands experience frequent, sometimes heavy, rain. Children take advantage of the wet conditions to ‘‘surf’’ down slippery slopes on pieces of cardboard or coconut fronds. They also float ‘‘boats’’ (leaves, sticks, pieces of wood or Styrofoam) across the puddles and down the rivulets. Children’s group games vary from state to state. One Kosraean game (called eboy) involves a ball made from pandanus leaves. The children stand in a circle, toss the ball in the air, and must clap before catching it. Children in Pohnpei enjoy alesapw, a game between two teams in which each team tries to protect their base, while also attempting to step on the opposing team’s base. Youngsters in all the FSM states play a variation of the game ‘‘tag’’ in which the individuals who have been tagged join the effort to tag the remainder of the players, and the last one tagged becomes the new ‘‘it’’ and starts another game. Toys played with by Micronesian children at this age include improvised items such as pull-toys made from old zorries (footwear). Dolls are assembled from cloth scraps and pieces of coral. Shooting marbles, often called dorno from the Japanese, is a game played by grammar school-age
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boys and girls nationwide. Children on an island with a supply of old tires run down the road ‘‘driving’’ the tires with two sticks. Stilts made from sticks and nails can be seen on many islands. Imported toys (almost any item in the catalog) can be found in the stores on the main islands, and relatives send back toys from abroad. However, the harsh climate and large numbers of playmates usually keeps toys from lasting very long. Rarely is an intact toy inherited by a younger sibling. At elementary school, more organized games (hopscotch, jump rope, tag) are played. ‘‘Jump-rope’’ using vines or strips of bark is a favorite game among the girls. If sufficient open space is available, baseball (using only two bases) is played with teams ranging from two to more than ten on a side. The bat is usually an appropriate size stick, and the ball can be whatever is on hand, an old tennis or rubber ball if available. Volleyball is another popular team sport among elementary ages and older. It is well suited to islands and atolls with limited space. Substitutions may be made for both net and ball. A local game still played by boys on Pohnpei (and in the past on Kosrae) is called pei sihr. Participants throw a (meter-long) reed so that it bounces on the ground and then flies a distance of perhaps thirty meters. The thrower of the reed traveling the longest distance wins. During the 1980s, as more youth were exposed to movies, videos, and television, the sports of basketball, soccer, and tennis caught on. Basketball, like volleyball, needs minimal space and equipment. Governmentbuilt courts and informal backboards with hoops are found in almost every village. Soccer space is limited, but a match is played in each state at least one evening every week with older youth participating along with adults. Each state also has at least one tennis court, and in Pohnpei two instruction programs for youth are now in operation. Ping-pong is also popular among young and old alike. As interest in these sports increases, dedicated individuals have formed clubs to maintain facilities, organize competitions, and provide instruction. Each FSM state celebrates Liberation Day (World War II surrender) with sports: track and field events, swimming and canoe races, and playoffs for team sports. The vast majority of the participants in these games are young people. Many competitions include local events such as coconut tree climbing, coconut husking, and spear throwing. An FSM national competition among the states began in Pohnpei in 1995. Every four years, the states compete as separate jurisdictions in the Micronesian Games, a sub-regional competition among the ten Micronesian nations. In 2002, Pohnpei hosted the Fifth Micronesian Games, with 1,500 participants and 1,000 spectators. Again, a large percentage of the athletes were teenagers and young adults. The FSM’s first Olympic participation was a small delegation of mostly young people sent to the 2000 Sydney games. The country also participates in the South Pacific Games, a regional competition for Pacific
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nations held every four years. Various sport federations now function in the states and at the national level. The FSM National Olympic Committee/ National Sports Office, and sports offices in each state, help to organize sports programs, which include youth leagues. Each state has constructed at least one gymnasium, a track and field/soccer facility, at least one baseball field, and numerous courts for volleyball or basketball. Pohnpei built a 25-meter swimming pool in preparation for the Micronesian Games, and since 2002 the facility has been utilized for swimming lessons for youth. Each state also has an identified seaside location for swimming contests. Financial limitations often prohibit sports programs and facilities from being used to their full potential. Cable television is available in each state center, but does not extend far outside the main town nor to the outer islands. Pohnpei and Kosrae have more than a dozen channels and twenty-four-hour programming, including a full time cartoon network targeting children. Chuuk has fewer channels and Yap has one channel with limited hours of broadcasting. Educational programming aimed at youth is broadcast on one channel in Pohnpei and Kosrae and during certain hours in Yap. Young boys are often seen practicing karate and kickboxing moves, mimicking their favorite martial arts movie stars. No live theatrical presentations are performed in country, but there is a three-screen theater in Pohnpei that shows films from the United States. The U.S. rating system is publicized, but not enforced. All states have numerous video rental outlets, and almost any type of show can be rented. Thus, children may have the opportunity to view violence or sexually oriented material. While the female breast is not considered disturbing (until the early 1980s, it was not uncommon to see bare-breasted women walking through the neighborhood), one can only wonder about the effect of some of the other scenes on young minds. To date, there have been no mass murderers in the FSM. However, on more than one occasion, a student has stabbed a classmate. Schools and youth groups often put on ‘‘variety shows’’ as fundraising events. The performances run the gamut from hula to break dancing, singing groups, and skits. These shows may exceed three hours in duration, but audiences do not seem to mind the long hours and applaud heartily for their favorite acts. Almost all schools in the country present Christmas programs in December, with each grade level contributing an act. At some schools, many hours are spent in practice for these events. There are few family inclusive recreational activities. Families visit locations for picnics or barbecues on weekend afternoons, and adults will talk or play cards while children swim or are involved in other activities. Some families play games together. The Japanese card game Hana Fuda is popular among young people, as are other card games, checkers, and bingo. Article 31 of the CRC acknowledges a child’s right to play. Upon ratification of the CRC, the FSM officially recognized this right.
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CHILD LABOR Child labor is not an issue in the FSM. No national laws address child exploitation, slavery, or indentured servitude because these situations are extremely rare. No heavy industry or large manufacturing facilities exist in the country that might seek to exploit child labor. Globalization has not had any significant impact on child labor in the FSM. Children are expected to help perform family domestic chores and assist with gardening/farming/fishing activities. They may be expected to help out with family businesses, which are usually small stores where children may stock shelves or cashier. Children also help out in Kava markets, helping to prepare and serve the local drink. In the 1980s and 1990s, there was public concern regarding adoption of infants from the FSM by couples from other countries. This concern focused primarily on procedures and proper documentation. There has been little public discussion of this issue in the past several years. No recorded incidents of the selling of children exist; however, there are reports of teenage/young adult girls being encouraged by family to provide commercial sex services for crews from fishing boats. Most nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in the FSM provide forums for information exchange on social issues, or are local ‘‘branches’’ of international organizations. Women’s clubs and church groups will often become advocacy oriented if they perceive that there is a problem that they can successfully address. Child exploitation is almost nonexistent, and thus is not a common discussion topic. FAMILY Children of subsistence economy families have roles related to growing, harvesting, and preparing food, with girls helping their mothers, aunts, and sisters, and boys involved with their fathers, brothers, and uncles. Women’s jobs typically involve gardening, preparing food, and cooking, while the men fish and harvest breadfruit and other crops requiring strenuous effort. Older boys help with construction of buildings, seawalls, or other structures. Children are given younger siblings to look after. They also care for animals such as chickens, goats, pigs, and cattle. For children of families in the cash economy, day-to-day activities involve school, household chores, and interaction with friends, activities similar to their subsistence counterparts. Caring for siblings takes on added importance as the environment includes exposure to more potential dangers than life on an atoll or isolated rural community. Incidence of injury is increasing, and young people are at higher risk for certain health problems. Besides health and educational services, there are no government welfare programs.
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Rites of passage are a part of the culture on some islands. First birthdays and marriages call for a special gathering in many families, but are not traditional Micronesian events. In Pohnpei, men are hailed by their titles, receiving a title confers adult responsibilities, and the bestowing of a title involves a village feast. When a Yapese woman has her first menses, the girl will reside in a special house, men will fish, and a celebration will be held. The extended family, where it exists, provides care for children born out of wedlock or if parents have divorced. Divorce rates are less than 2 percent of the population (fifteen and older) in Kosrae, to around 5 percent in other states. Inheritance laws are similar in all states, with land transfer being the most important issue, as would be expected on small islands. Customary practice is that the oldest son will inherit land. Today, a will supercedes this custom. On some of the islands, there is only community ownership of land, with the village chief determining where a house may be erected. Land issues are approached with considerable interest and intensity. Chuuk’s Land Office was burned down by an unhappy individual. HEALTH National averages for children’s health indicators include the under-five mortality rate at 23 per 1,000 children, the infant mortality rate at about 40 per 1,000 births, and the neonatal mortality rate (death during the first twenty-eight days) is 12 per 1,000 infants. These rates compare favorably with lesser-developed Pacific island countries, but the more developed Micronesian islands (Guam, Saipan) have better rates. The crude birth rate for the FSM is reported at 28.1. The FSM children suffer from the worst of two worlds. Many common tropical and developing world infectious diseases, and poor nutrition problems, continue to prevail. At the same time, the various lifestyle diseases associated with more developed nations (overnutrition, inactivity, injury, poisoning, substance abuse) are placing a heavy burden on children (and adults). The leading causes of death among infants and young children are respiratory infections, prematurity, and undernutrition. With the addition of diarrheal diseases, these are also the leading causes of child morbidity. Water sources include piped systems, wells, catchment (tank or drum), springs, and steams in the higher elevations on the larger islands. In some locations access to clean water is problematic. Atolls receive little precipitation during certain seasons and El Nino droughts have severely affected the nation twice since the 1980s. In addition to generalized malnutrition, vitamin A deficiency is a significant contributor to child morbidity and mortality. Screenings discovered that nearly 95 percent of Chuukese children had below-normal levels of vitamin A, and 79 percent at levels low enough to put them at increased risk for poor health outcomes. Contemporary Micronesian diets
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are low in vitamin A content. Local foods are not always available for purchase and are expensive relative to less nutritious imported foods. In addition, atoll environments make it difficult to grow vitamin A-rich crops. In places where fruits and vegetables can be grown, agricultural development is limited, resulting in high prices, unreliable supplies, and minimal variety. For teenagers and young adults, injuries become a predominant cause of death, as they are worldwide. Concerning unintentional injuries, water-associated deaths are about equal to motor vehicle related deaths. Among intentional injuries, the high suicide rate is particularly notable, and may be related to the burden of cultural and economic dislocation, particularly on young adult males. Suicide rates for young adult males in Micronesia are among the highest in the world. Alcohol is often a contributing factor. Sexually transmitted infection prevalence is high among postadolescent FSM youth. Although in-country transmission is now occurring, the HIV/AIDS infection rates remain low. School health classes include sex education, and NGOs such as the Micronesian Red Cross train peer educators to make outreach services available to youth. Women’s groups, churches, and youth organizations are involved with various prevention programs. Female genital mutilation is not practiced in the FSM. There is intentional scarring of skin by knives or burning, as proof of toughness among men. Reports indicate that this practice is occasionally performed by couples on each other. Teenage pregnancy is a growing problem. In times past, the extended family was the young mother and the baby’s safety net. As this support system disappears, teen pregnancy will place a larger burden on the health systems. Children’s vaccinations follow the guidelines of the World Health Organization. School entrance requires an Immunization Certificate. Medical care is provided at the four state hospitals and at state-operated dispensaries on outer islands. Public facilities provide barely adequate health care; quality is hampered by distances, organizational issues, and the economic realities of small island countries. Private clinics are found in all states, save Kosrae. There are support programs, often privately funded, for parents and medical professionals assisting disabled children. Recently constructed public facilities are accessible by the disabled, but older buildings are not. Externally funded substance abuse and mental health programs exist. Substance abuse among children includes chewing betel nut, tobacco use, alcohol consumption, marijuana, and some gas sniffing. Hard drug use is rare. Houses range from luxurious two-story cement structures with five bedrooms, a modern kitchen, family rooms, and state of the art entertainment systems, to shacks made from old plywood and tin. Typical arrangements include a separate cookhouse, and sometimes, a large building for
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gatherings. Toilet facilities vary. In Kosrae, more than 90 percent of facilities are inside/outside flush toilets. In Chuuk, one-third of the houses have flush toilets. Air pollution is a problem in populated areas due to the burning of debris and improperly maintained vehicles. Municipal power plants are the only major producers of pollution. Small fiberglass fabrication and auto repair shops are other pollution sources. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The FSM Constitution gives equal treatment to all citizens. The unique customs, which evolved on each island, have created a nation of varied cultures. FSM citizens are usually tolerant and encourage people to practice their own language, religion, and culture. Children are legally children until the age of eighteen and are viewed as an important natural resource to be protected. Since CRC ratification, the country is fashioning laws to address potential threats to children. The courts treat children fairly, considering gender, ethnicity, race, and socioeconomic status. One does hear complaints, but usually about the slowness of the process. Gangs have existed on some of the islands for many years; however, their activities seldom develop into major problems. Juveniles are seldom incarcerated and, whenever possible, are separated from adult inmates. Juvenile defendants are provided council and cases are heard by judges, who, given the size of the community, often know the families of young offenders. Judges consider traditional methods of apology, and often, alternative sentencing is arranged. Sexual exploitation of youth does occur, but has not yet been addressed in the courts. RELIGIOUS LIFE The majority of the FSM’s children grow up in families practicing a Christian religion, Roman Catholicism or one of several Protestant denominations. Large differences exist between islands, depending on which missionaries first arrived. Kosrae is nearly 90 percent Protestant, while Yap is more than 80 percent Catholic. Pohnpei and Chuuk are more evenly split between the two. Other religions include Mormons, Seventh Day Adventists, Jehovah’s Witnesses, and Bahai. A small portion of the population (less than 0.1 percent in Chuuk, 5.7 percent in Yap) did not answer the census religion question, or stated that they did not practice any religion. Generally, children follow their parents’ footsteps in choosing a belief. However, as more new religions gain local recognition, families are being divided. Children take active roles in religious activities, including responsibilities during worship services, choir participation, and membership in youth groups. Religious events in the lives of children vary from faith to faith. Baptism, first communion, and confirmation are common for many
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of the faiths. Christmas and Easter holidays are enthusiastically celebrated. It is customary for congregations to travel to other churches (on-island or off-island) during these holidays for worship, feasts, and gift exchanges. Some families conduct family worship and prayers together, and some parents provide religious instruction within the family. There are religious training institutions located in each state, with programs geared to both adults and children. Schools operated by the Catholics, Protestants, and Seventh Day Adventists provide elementary and high school education. Students who attend these schools receive religious instruction, but church membership is not required for enrollment. Most churches have organized youth programs and weekly events, such as Bible study or youth night. Some faiths organize rallies which draw large crowds and may be recorded for television or radio broadcast. Radio stations run by the Baptist church operate in Pohnpei and Chuuk, and a Baptist station began in Yap in 2006. Visiting medical missions are organized by several faiths on an almost annual basis, and occasionally medical supplies and equipment are donated. The impact of such activities is not always completely positive. A donation of wheelchairs caused reduced treatment compliance and increased amputations among people with diabetes. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Statistics concerning child abuse and neglect do not reflect the actual situation. Awareness of these problems has increased in the last decade, following the creation of a position at the national health department to monitor children’s issues. The formulation of national and state laws dealing with such situations is a process that is currently underway. Ratification of the CRC and the CEDAW has been a catalyst for legislative action. Reports of cases of child abuse have appeared in the local media. Teachers have received training to identify abuse and neglect victims. The frequency of deliberate injury was appraised by the UNICEF report, ‘‘The State of Health Behaviour and Lifestyle of Pacific Youth: Pohnpei State,’’ which explained that 40 percent of students, and 70 percent of out-of-school youth, received a deliberate injury (requiring treatment) during the previous twelve months. The injury sources were father, mother, teacher, police, and boy/girlfriend. There are no reported cases of FSM employers mistreating children. Most employed children work for the family business. There have been cases where this kind of work has interfered with schooling. The U.S. military recruits in the islands, and more than 1,000 FSM youth have enlisted. No FSM youth are known to have been recruited by any other country. There is no forced conscription in the FSM. Incountry employment opportunities are limited, and many young adults emigrate for employment reasons.
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GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The future for the FSM’s children will see similar situations as exist today, but with growing disparity between socioeconomic divisions. The proportion of families living at subsistence level will decline, and outer island populations will include a larger percentage of those families. Healthy children will enjoy childhood years, and most will continue to enjoy life into adulthood. Financial issues, poor health, and substance abuse may diminish the quality of life as children move into the teenage/ young adult years. In-county employment opportunities will become more scarce, unless economic activity is seriously stimulated. In the years ahead, some FSM children will continue to suffer from tropical and poverty-related conditions, as pressures of increased population density partially offset improvements in housing and health care. A rural to urban population shift, driven by desire for access to the more ‘‘modern’’ life, will continue. For some families, with this move comes a daily struggle to obtain the basic necessities that were readily available back in the rural areas. Decreased nutritional intake, increased stress levels within the family, and weakening of the extended family support system are this demographic trend’s unfortunate results. If prevention efforts fail and HIV/AIDS prevalence reaches a critical point, the situation could worsen, following a pattern similar to Papua New Guinea. The threat of other conditions (bird flu, cholera, dengue fever) is always present. Children will be impacted should such ailments reach the FSM. The country has not completed an epidemiological transition, but is in the unenviable position of being afflicted by disease patterns of both a developing and a developed country. This reality is poignantly illustrated at the health center by an overweight, diabetic, tobacco-using mother who arrives carrying an infant with kwashiorkor and vitamin A deficiency. The influence of the ‘‘outside’’ world will intensify. To succeed in life, and to see their county grow, FSM youth will need communication skills (in English and Chinese), mathematical proficiency, computer literacy, negotiating abilities, and they will need to tenaciously hold on to their identity as Micronesians. As globalization expands, the FSM’s situation as one of the world’s smallest countries could also place it among the world’s most fragile. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Hezel, Francis X., and Beng, M. L., eds. 1979. Winds of Change: A Book of Readings on Micronesian History. Saipan: Omnibus Program for Social Studies Cultural Heritage, Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. This textbook, which is used in several of the educational facilities in Micronesia, contains both descriptive information as well as excerpts from original correspondence and reports,
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beginning with early external contact to the initial period of self-government for the various Micronesian jurisdictions. Ibarra, Lourdes M. 1994. Challenges for Eliminating Vitamin A Deficiency in Chuuk State, Micronesia. Pacific Health Dialog 1(2) 31–3. This report describes many of the difficulties facing a public health initiative to improve childhood nutrition in Chuuk State. Mihalko, Carole L. ed. History of Pohnpei. Kolonia, Pohnpei: Pohnpei State Department of Education. This textbook, used in secondary schools in Pohnpei, provides information on the history of Pohnpeian culture, society, and political development. Pacific Health Dialog. A semiannual publication that provides a platform for international exchange of experiences and opinions on all aspects of health in the Pacific. Many issues have articles on Micronesian health and children topics. Contact the Fiji School of Medicine at http://www.fsm.ac.fj. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 2000. The State of the World’s Children 2000. New York: UNICEF. This report provides information on health and social status indicators for the world’s children during the year 2000. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 2000. UNICEF Pacific Mid Term Review Report 1999. Suva, Fiji: UNICEF Pacific. This survey report describes the 1999 mid-term progress of UNICEF programs in the Federated States of Micronesia.
Nonprint Resources College of Micronesia-FSM, Palikir, Pohnpei, FSM, http://www.comfsm.fm. The website of COM-FSM provides information about the college’s programs and other local news concerning campus activities. Federated States of Micronesia National Government, Palikir, Pohnpei, FSM, http://www.fsmgov.org. The Web site of the National Government of the Federated States of Micronesia contains general information about the country and includes links to the states’ web sites. Micronesian Seminar, Kolonia, Pohnpei, FSM, http://www.micsem.org. Micronesian Seminar, known popularly as MicSem, is a private non-profit, non-governmental organization that has been engaged in public education for thirty years, and whose stated purpose is to stimulate people to reflect on current issues in their societies. The organization produces videos and publications. Secretariat of the Pacific Community (SPC), Noumea, New Caledonia, http://www. spc.int. An international organization, SPC works in partnership with its members, other organizations and donors to deliver priority work programs to member countries and territories. SPC’s work programs aim to develop technical assistance, professional, scientific and research support, and planning and management capability building. Our vision for the region is that of a secure and prosperous Pacific Community, whose people are healthy and manage their resources in an economically, environmentally and socially sustainable way. World Health Organization. 2003. The World Health Report 2003: Shaping the Future. Geneva: World Health Organization, 2003. http://www.who.int. This report provides select 2003 health status indicators for all of WHO’s member countries. World Health Organization. 2005. World Health Statistics 2005. Geneva: World Health Organization. This report provides 2005 health statistics for all of WHO’s member countries.
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Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Chuuk State Department of Education Phone: 691-330-2203 Fax: 691-330-2233 Chuuk State Department of Health Services Phone: 691-330-2210 Fax: 691-330-2320 Chuuk State Department of Public Affairs (Youth & Scouting) Mailing address for all offices: c/o Office of the Governor, Weno, Chuuk State, FM 96942 Phone: 691-330-4252 Fax: 691-330-2233 The Chuuk State government’s departments responsible for implementing health, educational, and social affairs (including youth and women’s programs) in the state. FSM Department of Health, Education and Social Affairs P.O. Box PS70, Palikir Station, Pohnpei, FM 96941 Phone: 691-320-2619/2643 Fax: 691-320-5263 Web site: http://www.fsmgov.org The national government’s department responsible for coordinating health, educational, and social affairs (including youth and women’s programs) in the FSM. FSM Department of Justice P.O. Box PS105, Palikir Station, Pohnpei, FM 96941 Federated States of Micronesia Phone: 691-320-2608/2644 Fax: 691-320-2234 The national government’s department containing the office of the Attorney General, the Division of Security and Investigation (national police), and the Office of Immigration and Labor. Kosrae State Department of Education Mailing address for all Kosrae offices: c/o Office of the Governor, Tofol, Kosrae State, FM 96944 Phone: 691-370-3008 Fax: 691-370-2282 The Kosrae State government’s departments responsible for implementing health and educational services in the state. Kosrae State Department of Health Services Phone: 691-370-3199 Fax: 691-370-3073
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Pohnpei State Department of Education Phone: 691-320-2102 Fax: 691-320-5510 Pohnpei State Department of Health Services Phone: 691-320-2214 Fax: 691-320-5394 Pohnpei State Office of Social Affairs Phone: 691-320-5412 Mailing address for all Pohnpei offices: c/o Office of the Governor, Kolonia, Pohnpei State, FM 96941 The Pohnpei State government’s departments responsible for implementing health, educational, and social affairs (including youth and women’s programs) in the state. Yap State Department of Education Phone: 691-350-2150 Fax: 691-350-2399 Yap State Department of Health Services Phone: 691-350-2115 Fax: 691-350-3444 Yap State Department of Youth & Civic Affairs Mailing address for all Yap offices: c/o Office of the Governor, Kolonia, Yap State, FM 96943 Phone: 691-350-2168 Fax: 691-350-3898 The Yap State government’s departments responsible for implementing health, educational, and social affairs (including youth and women’s programs) in the state. Nongovernmental Organizations Micronesia Human Resource Development Center P.O. Box 1298, Kolonia, Pohnpei State, FM 96941 Phone: 691-320-2328 Fax: 691-320-2305 The MHRDC’s past programs have focused on telemedicine and diabetes prevention and control. Present activities include HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment, tuberculosis control, and environment protection. Micronesian Red Cross Society P.O. Box 2405, Kolonia, Pohnpei State, FM 96941 Phone: 691-320-7077 Fax: 691-320-6531 Web site: http://www.redcross.int The MRCS’s programs focus on emergency preparedness and first aid, safe blood supply, and HIV/AIDS prevention.
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Selected Bibliography Chuuk State Branch Statistics Office. 2002. Chuuk State Census Report: 2000 FSM Census of Population and Housing. Weno, Chuuk State: FSM Department of Economic Affairs. FSM Department of Economic Affairs. 2002. FSM National Census Report: 2000 FSM Census of Population and Housing. Palikir, Pohnpei State: FSM Department of Economic Affairs. Kosrae State Branch Statistics Office. 2002. Kosrae State Census Report: 2000 FSM Census of Population and Housing. Tofol, Kosrae State: FSM Department of Economic Affairs. Pohnpei State Branch Statistics Office. 2002. Pohnpei State Census Report: 2000 FSM Census of Population and Housing. Kolonia, Pohnpei State: FSM Department of Economic Affairs. Secretariat of the Pacific Community, Statistics and Demography Program. 2005. 2005 Pocket Statistical Summary. Noumea, New Caledonia: Secretariat of the Pacific Community. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 1996. Federated States of Micronesia: National Report on Two Years Implementation on the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Suva, Fiji: The National Advisory Council on Children. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 2003. A Situational Analysis of Children and Women in the Federated States of Micronesia: 2003. Suva, Fiji: The Government of the FSM with the assistance of UNICEF. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 2001. The State of Health Behaviour and Lifestyle of Pacific Youth: Pohnpei State, Federated States of Micronesia. Suva, Fiji: UNICEF Pacific. Yap Branch Statistics Office. 2002. Yap State Census Report: 2000 FSM Census of Population and Housing. Colonia, Yap State: FSM Department of Economic Affairs.
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FIJI Sharon Bessell and Lynette Petueli NATIONAL PROFILE Located in the southwestern Pacific Ocean, the Republic of Fiji is an archipelago of approximately 330 islands. With a total land area of 18,300 square kilometers, Fiji is spread across 1.3 million square kilometers. The nation’s capital, Suva, is located on the island of Viti Levu. According to the most recent population census conducted in 1996, one-quarter of Fiji’s population lives below $1 (PPP) per day. The poorest 20 percent of the population represent 2 percent of national consumption. In 2005, Fiji ranked 92 on the United Nations (UN) Development Program’s Human Development Index, representing a decline from two years earlier. Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita in 2004 was US$2,684 (Carling 2004). Single-parent families tend to be economically disadvantaged, with this group accounting for more than 40 percent of recipients of the Government of Fiji’s Family Assistance Scheme in 1999 (Levett and Dunne 1999). The Family Law Act of 2003 entitles children born
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outside of marriage to maintenance if paternity is proven (Legal SubCommittee 2004). Government support to families is primarily through the Social Welfare Department. The Family Assistance Scheme provides cash transfers to families identified as being in need. The National Coordinating Committee on Children is responsible for overseeing the implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in Fiji. Nongovernmental organizations play a crucial role in the delivery of services—including education and support for children and their families—and in advocating on children’s issues. Fiji is a multi-religious society. The majority of the population identifies as Christian, Muslim, or Hindu. The major religion is Christianity, which is practiced through a number of denominations (Save the Children Fiji 2006). For the past two decades, little in-depth information has been collected on unemployment in Fiji (Ministry of Finance and National Planning 2004). From 1986 to 1996, unemployment rates for fifteento twenty-four-year-olds increased in both rural and urban areas, with higher rates for both males and females in urban centers. In 1996, youth unemployment, particularly among young urban women, was considerably higher than the general rate of unemployment. Each year, an estimated 17,000 people enter the labor market, with fewer than half securing employment in the formal sector. Young women face particular difficulties in gaining formal sector jobs (Ministry of Finance and National Planning 2004). Fiji ratified the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women in 1995 and the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1993. Domestic violence against women and children is a significant social problem in Fiji. Legislation relating to custody of children was adopted in 2005 through the Family Law Act. Custody guidelines are based on the principle of the best interests of the child and encourage parents to come to custody and access arrangements independent of the courts. Under the Family Law Act both mothers and fathers are entitled to seek custody of their children. Children’s citizenship is based primarily on the nationality of the father. The Asian Development Bank (2006) describes Fiji as ‘‘a society with deep inequalities but little absolute poverty in relation to destitution, hunger and homelessness.’’ The availability of housing in major centers, particularly Suva, is not, however, able to keep pace with rural-urban migration. In recent years, squatter settlements have increased markedly in Suva. The government now supplies infrastructure (water, electricity, and garbage collection) to these settlements. According to the most recent census, carried out in 1996, the population of Fiji then stood at 797,800. A recent estimate suggests that the population has increased to more than 900,000. The annual population growth rate is 0.9 percent. Fiji is the second most populous country amongst the Pacific Island states, after Papua New Guinea. Approximately 75 percent of the
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population lives on the two largKEY FACTS – FIJI est islands of Viti Levu and Population: 918,675 (July 2007 est.) Vanua Levu, with 59.6 percent Infant mortality rate: 11.99 deaths/1,000 live births living on Viti Levu. Fifty-one (2007 est.) percent of the population lives in Life expectancy at birth: 72.88 years (2007 est.) the urban areas and 49 percent Literacy rate: 93.7 percent (2003 est.) in rural areas. Current trends Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 96 percent indicate that by 2015, 60 per(2000–2005) Internet users: 61,000 (2004) cent of Fiji’s population will be People living with HIV/AIDS: 600 (2003 est.) living in urban areas. Children Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 45 (2006 est.) and young people make up a Sources: CIA World Factbook: Fiji. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ large proportion of Fiji’s populapublications/factbook/geos/fj.html. April 17, 2007; UN tion. Approximately 53 percent Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report of the population is under the 2006: Fiji. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ age of twenty-five years, with 35 data_sheets/cty_ds_FJI.html. April 26, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Fiji–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ percent under the age of fifteen fiji_statistics.html. April 25, 2007. years. The population of Fiji is multi-racial and multi-cultural. Fifty-one percent of the population is indigenous Fijian and 44 percent Fijian Indian, with the remaining percentage made up of Asians, Caucasians, and other Pacific Islanders. OVERVIEW In 2005, gross enrollment rates at primary level were 109 percent. Gross enrollment rates at secondary school level were around 80 percent. Since the introduction of the Compulsory Education Act in 1997, education has been technically free and compulsory for children aged between six and fifteen years, or until the completion of Form Two (also known as Class Eight). In 2000, the Government of Fiji extended tuition fee assistance grants to include Form Five and, in 2001, to Form Six (Ministry of Education Annual Report 2004). In reality, the cost of schooling remains a barrier to education for many children. Schools have the power to charge a range of fees, including admission and administrative charges, levies for construction and maintenance of school buildings, salaries for support staff, and extracurricular expenses such as library books, sport equipment, and excursions. The inability to pay these fees may result in children being sent home from school and/or being publicly humiliated. Added to the fees imposed by individual schools are a range of additional costs, including uniforms, books, and stationery supplies. The annual cost of these items ranges from $200 to $250 FJD for a primary school pupil and from $350 to $500 FJD for a secondary school student. The government provides small grants to isolated rural communities to offset the cost of transportation for both children and teachers, but for the majority of the population, transport costs fall to families (Ministry of Education
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Annual Report 2004). In general, the costs associated with school are higher in urban areas. Fiji’s infant mortality rate has steadily declined over the past three decades and is lower than in several other Pacific Island countries. Nevertheless, it remains a cause for concern with eleven children in every 1,000 live births dying before their first birthday. The under-five mortality rate is also an issue of concern at twenty deaths per thousand live births. There are differences between Fiji’s two main ethnic groups in relation to child mortality, with higher rates among indigenous Fijians. Fiji has not experienced war in its recent history. Political instability and violence has shaped the political landscape in the form of coups in May and September 1987, an attempted coup in 2000 and a military coup in December 2006. On each occasion the result has been social disruption, uncertainty, increased unemployment, and exacerbated racial tensions. As a result, children’s health and well-being were impacted deleteriously. Access to services, including health care, was limited in some areas in the wake of the 2000 coup attempt as the threat of racially motivated violence increased. The military coup in December 2006 reignited fears of similar impacts. Refugee arrivals and recent immigration are not major factors of Fiji’s political and social landscape. Only a very small percentage of the population has recently immigrated, usually from other Pacific Island countries. Fiji’s history of immigration has, however, shaped the nation’s identity, social structure, and politics. Fiji’s ethnic mix is a legacy of British colonial rule, whereby the British recruited indentured Indian workers to provide cheap labor on sugar and cotton plantations. Between 1879 and 1916, more than 60,000 Indian laborers were recruited to work Fiji’s plantations. Of these, almost half remained in Fiji. Today division between indigenous Fijians and Indo-Fijians has resulted in deep social cleavages and two major political crises in the form of a coup in 1987 and an attempted coup in 2000. In 2006, the coup leaders gave allegations of government corruption as the major reason for the military’s seizure of power. Two bills under consideration by the Parliament in late 2006 were also of concern to the coup leaders, one because it was considered to be discriminatory against groups who are not indigenous Fijians and the other because it would have pardoned those who instigated the coup attempt in 2000. In 2006, racial issues, particularly around land ownership, played a part in the coup, but a relatively minor part and manifested differently than in 2000, when coup leaders actively opposed a racially mixed government. In January 2007, one month after the military coup, there had been no reports of racially motivated violence. Fiji ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1993 and signed the two Optional Protocols in 2005 signifying its intention to ratify. Fiji submitted its initial report to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child in 1995. The Committee’s Concluding Observations
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commended Fiji on the establishment of several mechanisms to protect, implement and monitor the human rights of children, including the National Coordinating Committee on Children, the Child Abuse Unit within the Police Department and the Children’s Unit within the Ministry of Social Welfare and Health. The committee further welcomed the participation of nongovernmental organizations in the National Coordinating Committee on Children and their involvement in the development of the 1997 amendment to the Juvenile Act regarding the prevention of child pornography. The committee raised concerns about the absence of measures to harmonize national legislation on the Convention on the Rights of the Children, the lack of systematic and comprehensive data-collection mechanisms particularly for children belonging to minority groups, girls, children living in institutional care, and children living in rural areas. The committee also expressed concern at the lack of an independent mechanism, such as a Commissioner for Children, to receive complaints of violations and to monitor children’s human rights. The lack of conformity within Fiji’s system of birth registration was an issue of concern identified by the Committee, as was the situation facing children living with a disability, particularly in regard to access to health care, education, social services, and social inclusion. Other issues of concern raised by the Committee included: . .
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The age of marriage for girls, set at sixteen years; The absence of explicit provisions prohibiting the use of corporal punishment by teachers and parents; Insufficient legislation relating to the ill treatment of children and child abuse; The continuing prevalence of malnutrition, maternal mortality and early pregnancy; The incidence of sexually transmitted diseases among adolescents and of teenage suicide; Insufficient preventative measures against HIV/AIDS; and The insufficient mechanisms to support children who have been victims of ill treatment, sexual abuse or economic exploitation. (Concluding Observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child: Fiji, June 1998)
Fiji has ratified the key International Labour Organization Conventions relating to child labor. The Employment Act prohibits the employment of children under the age of twelve years and regulates the employment of children aged between twelve and fifteen years. There is no evidence to suggest that slavery or indentured servitude exist in contemporary Fiji.
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As the nature of Fijian society changes, so too does childhood. As a UNICEF report (2005) points out, urbanization and the breakdown of communal social structures are having a marked effect on children and their familial and social relationships. Mills and Davis (1999) suggest that kinship obligations and structures that once supported children are coming under pressure. According to Mills and Davis, the tradition of communal childcare is being abused as people of prime-wage earning age migrate to cities and leave their children in the village. As a consequence, there is a growing problem of children who move freely or ‘‘float’’ from one family to another, but often without the safety net of highly structured, traditional systems of social responsibility. The entry of increasing numbers of children into primary school and the introduction of the Compulsory Education Act, with its intention of progressively expanding the number of years that children spend in school, will change the nature of childhood that most children experience. Limited access to school in rural areas, combined with an expectation that children will attend school, appears to be resulting in some children being disconnected from their families. Surveys of Fijian secondary schools undertaken in the 1990s found that approximately 10 percent of secondary school children live away from their parents. EDUCATION According to Ministry of Education figures, Fiji’s gross enrollment rate at primary level was 109 percent in 2005, indicating that Fiji has achieved universal primary education. The gross enrollment rate at secondary level in 2005 was 80 percent. Cost remains a major factor in young people leaving school prior to the completion of their secondary education. Since 1973, successive Fijian governments have progressively sought to absorb tuition costs. The 1997 Compulsory Education Act provides for free education to Form Two (Class Eight). The Ministry of Education no longer imposes tuition fees for primary school, and basic education is formally free (Save the Children Fiji 1998). In reality, education—even at primary school level—is not free as schools are able to levy a range of fees. Fiji has a unique education system whereby local communities and organizations are partners with the state in the provision of education. Seventy-four percent of primary schools in Fiji are operated by communities, with a little over 18 percent operated by religious organizations. A small percentage is operated by cultural organizations (5 percent) and special education societies (2 percent). Private and government-owned schools together make up less than 1 percent of Fiji’s schools. Of the 714 primary schools in Fiji in 2004, only two were operated by the Ministry of Education, while only 12 of the 160 secondary schools were operated by the Ministry (Ministry of Education Annual Report 2004). The Ministry funds
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the salaries of most primary and secondary school teachers and provides grants for equipment and infrastructure. Nevertheless, significant costs fall to individual schools. As private organizations and local committees have responsibility for operating schools, fees may be levied for a range of expenses, including the construction and maintenance of school buildings, salaries for nonteaching staff, books and supplies, admission, and administrative charges. The decentralized nature of Fiji’s education system is a double-edged sword. On one hand, decentralization has been praised as allowing local involvement in and ownership of schools. This is sometimes presented as creating an environment within which schools are genuinely embedded in and valued by local communities. On the other hand, the decentralized system can lead to inequality between schools and inconsistent and confused policy and practice. For example, a 1998 study by Save the Children Fund Fiji found considerable confusion, including among head teachers, as to whether or not school fees are compulsory. While the Ministry of Education’s policy states that no child should be excluded from school for failing to pay fees, in practice some schools enforce the payment of fees. The Save the Children Fund Fiji study revealed that ‘‘many schools are inflexible about the payment of fees, being unsympathetic when parents cannot pay at the beginning of term, and sometimes humiliating non-paying children openly’’ (Save the Children Fiji 1998). Fiji’s literacy rates are relatively high, with little discrepancy between men and women. The adult male literacy rate is 95 percent, while the adult female literacy rate is 91 percent. For many years, compulsory education was resisted by successive Fijian governments on the grounds that ‘‘compulsory education and free education are seen to go together and the cost of providing free education to all children is prohibitive’’ (Coordinating Committee on Children 1995). With the adoption of the Compulsory Education Act in 1997, tuitionfree education was introduced for all children in primary school, with the aim of gradually introducing free, compulsory education. Fiji’s education policy currently requires children to attend school between the ages of six and fifteen years. Under the act, children are exempt from compulsory education only in special circumstances, for example, if they must travel great distances to attend school, if they are ill, or if they are attending some other form of organized education. During the decade between 1986 and 1996, school enrollments increased significantly. The percentage of six-year-olds not attending school dropped from 15.5 percent in 1986 to 1.3 percent in 1996 (Save the Children Fiji 1998). It should be noted that in 1986, only 3.6 percent of seven-year-olds were not attending school, indicating that children were commencing school slightly later. The requirement that children commence school at six years had a clear impact on the age at which children begin school in the period between 1986 and 1996. The
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percentage of thirteen-year-olds not attending school dropped from 15.5 percent in 1986 to 7.3 percent in 1996 (Save the Children Fiji 1998). Despite improvements in retention rates, the number of children enrolled in school drops significantly in the early teen years. The 1996 census indicated that while almost 96 percent of twelve-year-olds were in school, the figure drops to 92.7 percent among thirteen-year-olds and to 87.1 percent among fourteen-year-olds (Save the Children Fiji, 1998). The Education Act applies only to schools with more than ten children. Privately operated preschool and early primary schools with up to nine children are quite common, often run out of private homes. These schools are not subject to the regulation of curricula, teacher qualifications, or the safety and well-being of children. Educational opportunities diminish at the secondary and tertiary levels, particularly in rural areas. Of the 160 secondary schools in Fiji, thirty-eight are classified as rural, the majority of these have enrollments of fewer than 250 pupils (Ministry of Education Annual Report 2004). Gender gaps exist in education in Fiji, with boys faring worse than girls. While there are no marked differences in enrollment between boys and girls in the early years of primary school, boys are more likely to repeat a year or drop out. The gap between girls and boys begins to widen at the age of thirteen years. Between the ages of fifteen and seventeen years, girls outnumber boys by between six and seven percent. Indigenous Fijian boys are at particular risk of dropping out before the completion of secondary school. Fiji’s ethnic cleavage extends to the education system. Despite a growth in ethnically mixed schools in recent years, many schools remain either indigenous Fijian or Indian. The ethnic composition of a school is determined primarily by its location. As Shameem (2002) points out, the government has not actively intervened to break down the ethnic divisions among schools, and where multiracial schools have emerged, the process had been ad hoc. Government scholarships are available exclusively for indigenous Fijian children. A major area of educational disparity in Fiji is between rural and urban areas. Poor quality and limited access to education in rural areas has been identified as a contributing factor to rural-urban migration. The government has made significant efforts to overcome the barriers to education in rural areas in recent years, establishing more schools and providing transportation for children who travel from remote areas. Nevertheless, the state of rural education in a range of areas—including access, participation, student performance, infrastructure and facilities, quality of teaching, and resources—has been criticized as less than satisfactory, and is recognized by the Government of Fiji as a major challenge to be overcome. Children with disabilities are generally excluded from ‘‘mainstream’’ schools. Schools are under no obligation to accept children with any form
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of disability, and are not required to provide facilities to cater for children with a disability. The lack of building access and other facilities is used to justify the exclusion of children with a disability from schools. The 1996 Census revealed that the majority of people with a disability never enroll in school. Those who do attend school complete fewer years than the national average, and few people with a disability have ever attended secondary school. Children with disabilities from poor families face the greatest levels of disadvantage. In the mid-1990s, 840 children attended Special Schools, but only a school for the blind offered secondary education. By 2004, total enrollment of children in special schools had increased to 1,073 (Ministry of Education Annual Report 2004). Generally, there is little support available to children with any form of disability or special need. Notably, lack of access for the disabled extends beyond the education system. People with disabilities are generally unable to access public buildings or use any form of public transport. The Government of Fiji has recognized the lack of educational opportunities for children with a disability, arguing that efforts to improve the situation are hampered by financial constraints. Bureaucratic inflexibility compounds the problems, with the Ministry of Education unable to hire educational specialists because such posts are not designated by the Civil Service Commission. Recent years have seen some progress. By 2005, there were seventeen Special Schools operating across the country. Like the majority of schools in Fiji, Special Schools are operated by community groups in partnership with the state. With the establishment of Special Schools, debate has emerged as to whether children with disabilities should attend ‘‘mainstream’’ or special schools. Currently, however, there are few options open to children with disabilities, even mild disability, as ‘‘mainstream’’ schools do not cater for them. The National Education Summit held in 2005 addressed special education, and the issue is one component of the government’s affirmative action program in an effort to improve access to education for persons with disabilities. The Constitution of Fiji provides for freedom of religious belief and protects the right to culture and language. English, Fijian, and Hindustani languages are recognized as having equal status within the state. Section 35 (5) of the Constitution states that no person may be obliged to participate in religion instruction or in religious ceremonies without his or her consent, or the consent of a parent or guardian if a child is under the age of eighteen years. Early childhood education is not compulsory, but is increasingly recognized as an important part of a child’s development. Some urban primary schools now require a certain level of preschool experience as a condition of enrollment. By 2004, 481 recognized preschools were operating in Fiji. Preschools are operated by village community groups, nongovernmental organizations, religious groups, and private individuals, which are
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responsible for all infrastructure and operating costs. However, in 2004, the government contributed $450,000 towards the salaries of early childhood teachers in 281 rural and disadvantages centers. The government also provides advice on curriculum and administrative matters. Despite the growing recognition of the importance of early childhood education, Fiji’s Early Childhood Policy has not been revised since the 1970s (Ministry of Education Annual Report). Limited access to early childhood education contributes to the educational barriers facing many children from low-income families. In response to the demand for quality early childhood education, Save the Children Fiji, in association with the Fiji Early Childhood Association and the Ministry of Education, have established the Mobile Playgroup Project. Staffed by early childhood teachers and operating in the squatter settlements of Suva and Labasa, the Mobile Playground Project services communities who cannot otherwise afford early childhood education. The Ministry of Education coordinates all work concerning Education for All goals in Fiji. The National Education for All Forum was established in July 2001, with membership from relevant government ministries, controlling authorities of nongovernment schools and other stakeholders. The forum has developed a National Action Plan for achieving the goal of Education for All. In working towards the Education for All goals the Ministry of Education focuses on: . .
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Implementing the National Education for All Action Plan. Revising the Education for All Action Plan in line with international developments and concerns. Monitoring and reporting on the progress of the implementation of the action plan. Coordinating with donors funding for the implementation of programs in the action plan.
PLAY AND RECREATION The Government of Fiji recognizes children’s right to play and recreation. Sporting activities and physical education are generally part of the curricula in both primary and secondary school. Many children identify sport as an important part of their lives. In a 2005 study undertaken by Save the Children Fiji, more than 40 percent of boys aged between ten and seventeen years identified sport as the activity that they are best at. A significant percentage of girls—30 percent in the ten- to thirteen-year age group and 16 percent in the fourteen- to seventeen-year age group—also identified sports as the activity they are best at. The Save the Children report identified soccer, rugby, and volleyball as sports that boys valued and felt they were best at, while girls identified netball, volleyball,
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swimming, and running. Creative arts were also important in children’s lives, as were social activities among teenage girls. An increasing number of young people use the internet as a source of entertainment (in the form of music and games), information, and communication, with email and instant messaging both popular. Internet shopping is also increasing in popularity. However, access to the internet remains limited, and significant numbers of young people, particularly in more remote areas, have no access whatsoever. CHILD LABOR The employment of children in the formal sector is not identified as a significant problem in Fiji, although a recent report by the United States Department of Labor (2006) raises concerns about child labor. Children who do work are generally engaged in informal sector activities or as family labor, where children often make a significant contribution. Carswell’s (2003) study of smallholder sugar cane farming demonstrates that the sugar industry is largely reliant on family labor, with the unremunerated labor of family members—including children—essential to the production of sugar cane and the livelihood of farming families. Children are also known to work in the tobacco industry. Overall, children’s work and child labor remain under-researched issues in Fiji. The Employment Act (Section 59) prohibits the employment of children under the age of twelve years. Children aged between twelve and fifteen years are permitted to work, but are legally protected from ‘‘harsh working conditions or where there are long hours, night work, or hard or heavy work’’ (Coordinating Committee on Children 1995). Under Section 64 of the act, children aged between twelve and fifteen are prohibited from being employed for more than six hours a day. Section 60 of the Employment Act states that children may only be employed on a daily basis, for a daily wage, and must return to the residence of their parents or guardian each night. The Employment Act does not address enforcement, and no agency has responsibility for monitoring the employment of children. In 1999, the Government of Fiji has ratified the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention Number 182 on the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labor and Convention Number 138 concerning the Minimum Age for Admission to Employment, along with a number of other relevant conventions. The current Employment Act does not comply with ILO Conventions on minimum age and the employment of children. Notably, the Employment Act permits the employment of children from the age of twelve, with no restrictions on the employment of children in family owned businesses or agricultural undertakings. While International Labor Organization Convention 138 allows developing countries to set an initial age for
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employment in ‘‘light work’’ at twelve years, it requires that this age be periodically reviewed with the intention of revising it upwards. The draft Industrial Relations Bill currently under consideration will bring Fiji’s laws regarding the employment of children more closely in line with International Labor Organization Conventions. Key provisions of the draft bill include: .
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Increasing the minimum age for employment from twelve to fifteen years. Permitting the employment of children aged between thirteen and fifteen years in ‘‘light work’’ in businesses owned by family, tokatoka, mataqali, or yavusa, so long as employment does not interfere with a child’s schooling. Permitting children aged above fifteen years membership of trade unions. However, young people are excluded from holding an official position within a trade union until the age of eighteen years.
The Fiji Trade Union Congress advocates a coordinated effort on the part of government, employers, and workers to end the economic exploitation of children, arguing that children should be in school rather than in factories or other profit-driven enterprises. The Congress has also called on the Government of Fiji to take measures to remove children from the workforce and provide them with education and social services. In May 2003, the ILO established a Fijian committee to raise awareness about child labor. The committee includes representatives of relevant government departments, the Fiji Employers Federation and the Fiji Trade Union Congress. In recent years, the Fiji Police Force has increased its commitment to investigating all allegations of child abuse, including economic exploitation, and to raising community awareness on child protection issues. This commitment has manifested in the establishment of Child Protection and Child Abuse Units and Juvenile Bureaux within the Police Force. FAMILY Both indigenous Fijian and Indo-Fijian families tend to be patriarchal and patrilocal. In both indigenous Fijian and Indo-Fijian families, children occupy low status and are rarely included in family decisions, including on matters affecting them. Strict disciplining of children is common in both indigenous Fijian and Indo-Fijian families, with indigenous Fijian families more likely to use physical force as a means of disciplining children. In Indo-Fijian families, girls are subject to especially strict familial control. Traditionally, Fijian society has been based around communal structures with responsibility for caring for children shared across the community. As a result of social change and urbanization, children are
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increasingly members of nuclear rather than extended families or wider traditional communities. Family breakdown occurs among all ethnic groups and in both rural and urban areas. Levett and Dunne (1999) suggest that a relationship exists between family breakdown and poverty, both of which tend to be associated with communities whose social cohesion and economic purpose have vanished. Mills and Davis argue that as family breakdown has become more common, a significant number of children ‘‘float’’ between and within families, and are often left without strong family or communal ties. According to Mills and Davis (1999), this is a social problem that ‘‘has not been adequately addressed by research, social policy or child legislation’’. Established in 1968, but with its origins dating the 1920s, the Social Welfare Department has primary responsibility for family support within the Fijian bureaucracy. The Department of Social Welfare is located within the Ministry for Women, Social Welfare and Housing. In 1999, the department had a staff of sixty-nine and a budget of $7.5 million to provide income support to more than 11,600 destitute people. The department has a statutory obligation for administering parts of eight Acts of Parliament relating to the care and protection of children, probation and family matters. The department’s responsibility for the care and protection of children includes children in residential centers. The government provides assistance to families in need via the Family Assistance Scheme. This scheme provides for cash transfers of between $15 and $80 per month (based on 1999 figures). In 1999, the majority of beneficiaries received near the minimum amount of $15. Twenty percent of beneficiaries received between $60 and $80 per month. Families with children enrolled in school are also eligible for assistance with education fees and some medical expenses. HEALTH Fiji has made considerable progress in reducing child and infant mortality since the 1970s. In 1975, for every 1,000 live births, 41 children died before their first birthday. By the mid-1990s, Fiji’s infant mortality rate was 16 deaths for every 1,000 live births (Ministry of Finance and National Planning 2004). This is considerably lower than the average infant mortality rate for the East Asia and the Pacific, which stands at 33 deaths per 1,000 live births, but nevertheless remains a cause for concern. The under-five mortality rate is 20 deaths per 1,000 live births (Ministry of Finance and National Planning 2004). Fiji’s National Report on the Millennium Development Goals highlighted differences between Fiji’s two main ethnic groups for under-five deaths. In 1990 and 2000, rates were higher among indigenous Fijians. Acute respiratory infection, communicable diarrheal diseases, rheumatic
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heart diseases, malnutrition, meningitis, and asthma were reported as leading causes of death for children under five. Other contributing factors include poverty, inadequate sanitation, low levels of education, poor water supply, and poor living and environmental conditions, particularly in rural areas. Fiji’s Ministry of Health operates a comprehensive immunization program through its primary health care clinics and rural nursing stations. A free immunization program is available through primary schools. The Immunization Schedule in Fiji includes BCG, polio, diphtheria, pertussis, measles, hepatitis B, rubella, and tetanus. While official figures indicated that more than 90 percent of children were immunized in the mid1990s, the Millennium Development Goals draft report suggests that only 76.4 percent of one-year-olds are immunized against measles. This represents a significant decline from 1990 when 86 percent of one-yearolds were immunized against measles. Fiji now has a good network of basic health services, particularly for child and maternal-child health. Access is, however, more difficult in rural areas and is often restricted in areas where transportation is limited. The Ministry of Health indicates that a significant proportion of parents stop taking their children to the health center for check-ups once immunization is completed at around nine months of age. The Ministry describes the period between the end of the immunization schedule and the beginning of school as the missing years, when many children’s health goes unmonitored. In urban areas, the majority of the population has access to metered water. In rural areas, the picture is mixed, with the use of wells, tank, and river water continuing in the absence of metered water in some areas. While progress has been made over the past decade, poor health and preventable diseases continue to result from inadequate water supplies. In the mid-1990s, 11 percent of babies were born with low birth weight (less than 2,500 grams). Significantly, there is a marked ethnic difference in relation to low birth rate, with only 4 percent of indigenous Fijian children born weighing less than 2,500 grams, but 21 percent of Indian babies under that weight (Ministry of Finance and National Planning 2004). The high rate of anemia among pregnant women was identified as the main cause of low birth weight babies, accounting for 62 percent of Indian women and 52 percent of Fijian women. This pattern continues into early childhood (Ministry of Finance and National Planning 2004). In the mid-1990s, 19 percent of Indian children aged between one and five were found to be underweight, while only five percent of Fijian children in the same age group were found to be underweight (Ministry of Finance and National Planning 2004). As efforts continue to reduce infant mortality, infant and child morbidity have emerged as issues of concern, particularly as they relate to lifestyle. Poor nutrition among children is a major health concern, with
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particular focus on poor weaning practices, the high intake of ‘‘junk food,’’ and high levels of anemia. The government recently took steps to address anemia through the introduction of iron-fortified flour. The 1996 Census indicated that approximately 12,000 people in Fiji live with a disability. This figure has, however, been shown to be an understatement of the extent of disability. The 1999 Review of the Social Welfare in Fiji stated that up to 10 percent of Fiji’s population is affected by physical or mental disability. As infant mortality rates decrease and general health care improves, it is anticipated that the number of people with disabilities will increase as infants and children with disabilities will have a higher chance of survival. State-provided care for children with disabilities is limited and families are often required to develop their own coping strategies. Responding to Fiji’s report on the implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, the 1998 Concluding Observations of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child raised particular concerns about the position of disabled children and their exclusion from society. Several organizations are active in promoting public awareness of mental health care in Fiji. The National Committee on the Prevention of Suicide, which includes both government departments and non-government organizations and is steered by the Ministry of Health, is a direct response to an increase in the incidence of suicide. The Fiji School of Medicine, together with nongovernmental organizations, including Partners in Community Development, aims to reduce the incidence of stressrelated violence among young people. Save the Children Fiji, Family Support and Education Group and Women’s Action for Change are amongs the non-government organizations concerned with children’s psychological health. All operate projects aiming to strengthen the coping abilities and rehabilitation of children who have experienced trauma. Medical care is provided free of charge to children at public hospitals and health centers throughout the country. The Ministry of Health’s National Food and Nutrition Center operates programs aiming to improve children’s nutritional status and has developed guidelines for school canteens. Nutritional information is broadcast to schools via the Ministry of Education’s School Broadcasting Unit. Government priorities in the area of children’s health, identified in the Ministry of Health’s Strategic Plan for 2005–08, include reducing child mortality and improving adolescent health, including mental health. Several non-government organizations have initiatives designed to improve children’s health. One example is Project H.E.A.V.E.N. Inc., which operates through schools to identify and support children with hearing and visual impairments. Female genital mutilation has never been identified as an issue of concern in Fiji. The Sexual Minorities Project, a non-government organization, provides education and public awareness on issues around sexuality.
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UNAIDS reports little data on the rates of HIV and AIDS in Fiji, with no data on infection rates among children or the prevalence of children orphaned by AIDS. In 2003, UNAIDS reported HIV prevalence among adults as 0.1 percent, although underreporting and underdiagnosis may be an issue. Nongovernmental organizations, such as the Fiji Red Cross Society, play an important role in providing peer-education on HIV/AIDS. Homosexuality is a criminal offense under the Fiji Penal Code. The legal prohibition of homosexuality has support from a number of religious groups and political leaders. However, the High Court of Fiji has ruled the Penal Code’s provisions on homosexuality unconstitutional and a breach of individual privacy and the right of non-discrimination. Key nongovernmental organizations advocating for the rights of gays, lesbians, bisexuals, and transgender people include the Sexual Minorities Project and Women’s Action for Change. According to the Sexual Minorities Project (2004) violence against lesbians and gay males continues in many forms, including verbal and physical assault and intimidation. Rates of youth pregnancy remain high. In 2000, 10 percent of all births were to mothers aged between fifteen and nineteen years. Teenage mothers are more likely to be unmarried or without a partner. Abortion is a felony offence under the Fiji Penal Code. There has been recent discussion of the possibility of decriminalizing abortion under certain circumstances. The Fiji Law Reform Commission, charged with redrafting the Penal Code, has suggested that it will consider decriminalizing abortion in cases of rape or incest, when the mother’s life is at risk, when a contraception device has failed or when a mother is deemed mentally unfit to care for a child (Fiji Times, 2006). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The Constitution of Fiji entitles children to a range of civil and political rights, including freedom of expression, thought, conscience, peaceful assembly, association, access to appropriate information, and privacy. Children are entitled to legal protection against torture and other cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment or punishment. The protection of children in conflict with the law is governed by the Juvenile Justice Act, which defines a juvenile as a person under the age of seventeen years. Section 30 of the Juvenile Justice Act prohibits custodial sentences for children, stating ‘‘No child shall be ordered to be imprisoned for any offence’’ (Legal Sub-committee of the Coordinating Committee on Children 2004). Section 27 of the Constitution of Fiji requires ‘‘a detained child is, so far as practicable, to be kept apart from adults, unless that is not in the child’s best interests.’’ Cases against juveniles are generally dealt with via the Police Juveniles Bureau. Officers in charge of police stations across the country have the authority to caution juveniles without resorting to the courts. Children under the age of ten years are not
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criminally responsible, with children aged between ten and twelve years deemed criminally responsible only if it can be established that they have the capacity to understand the nature of an offense. Children who come into conflict with the law have the right to legal counsel. A child’s parents, guardian, or social welfare officer must be present during police questioning. The Legal Aid Commission provides legal assistance to juveniles who are unable to afford legal representation. Citizens of Fiji are entitled to vote upon reaching the age of twentyone years. Voting age has been a matter of debate for several years, both within Parliament and beyond. The Reeves Commission, which drafted the 1997 Constitution, recommended a voting age of eighteen years, and lobby groups continue to argue that the age should be lowered. It is something of an anomaly that young people assume a range of legal and social responsibilities before the age of twenty-one. Notably, the minimum age for recruitment into the Fijian Armed Forces is eighteen years. The age of majority in relation to justice issues is seventeen years; the rationale for this has been questioned by the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. Over the past decade, there have been several initiatives designed to strengthen legislation to combat the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children in Fiji. These include the following: .
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The amendment of the Juveniles Act 1997 deeming the making and trading of child pornography illegal. The amendment in the Penal Code Amendment Act No. 4 of 2003, which outlines an increase in penalties of offences against children. The review of laws by the Fiji Law Reform Commission relating to children, including laws relating to sexual offenses. A review of the Adoption of Infants Act relating to adoption procedures.
The Fiji Police, the Ministries of Health and Education, and the Department of Social Welfare have established a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to facilitate the reporting of child abuse cases. The MoU does not, however, legally bind any of the parties. In 1995, the Fiji Police established the Sexual Offences Unit to provide specialized support and services to the victims of sexual assault. Officers in the unit have undergone intensive child-specific training. There have also been initiatives by nongovernmental and community organizations to provide training, education, and awareness on children’s rights and child protection issues. Gender-based differences, and in some cases inequalities, are enshrined in various pieces of legislation. Section 12 of the Marriage Act sets the minimum age for marriage at sixteen years for females and eighteen years for males. Divisions between indigenous Fijians and Indo-Fijians, while not always enshrined in law, shape the reality of children’s lives.
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Fiji ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1993 and signed both Optional Protocols in 2005. Fiji submitted its first periodic report to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child in 1995, and has since introduced several new pieces of legislation including the Compulsory Education Act and the Family Law Act. The National Coordinating Committee on Children has responsibility for monitoring the implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. As discussed above, Fiji has ratified the key International Labor Organization Conventions relating to child labor. UNICEF is active in Fiji. RELIGIOUS LIFE Religion plays an important part in the lives of many Fijians. Religious beliefs and affiliations in Fiji are divided along ethnic lines. The indigenous Fijian community is predominantly Christian. The majority of the Indo-Fijian population (approximately 78 percent) is Hindu, with a significant Muslim minority (approximately 16 percent) and a small Christian community (approximately 4 percent). Religious training, including spiritual and values guidance, is provided through all major religions. The Constitution of Fiji guarantees freedom of religion, as well as the right to retain language, culture and traditions (Section 6). Reflecting the deep significance of religion in Fiji, Section 5 of the Constitution states ‘Although religion and the State are separate, the people of the Fiji Islands acknowledge that worship and reverence of God are the source of good government and leadership’. The separation of the State has been challenged periodically, with some Methodist lobby groups calling for the establishment of a Christian state. In recent years the leadership within the Methodist Church has moderated such expressions of religious nationalism. The Government of Fiji has provided support for an annual ecumenical prayer service. Among Christian (primarily indigenous) Fijians, familial and social traditions are heavily influenced by religious practices and ceremonies. Christina Toren’s (2003) ethnographic research in Sawaieke (central Fiji) demonstrates that children are well aware of the importance of religion in their lives, and its centrality to their families and communities. Daily prayer and attendance at Sunday school are central aspects of indigenous Fijian children’s lives, with Sundays observed as a day of rest among many Christian families. Customs around the observance of rest and prayer on Sundays have a gendered dimension, with the only work undertaken being the preparation of meals, which is carried out by women and girls. For many indigenous Fijians, religious observance— interwoven with the importance of kinship, respect for the chiefly system and connection to land—shape social and familial relations and are values that underpin children’s socialization. Christmas and Easter, marking the birth, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ, are the major religious
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festivals celebrated by Christian communities, with each marked by public holidays. Religion is an important aspect the lives of Indian Fijian families, and a significant marker of identity. While the large majority of Indian Fijians are Hindu, it is notable that the caste system does not shape the values and practice of Hinduism in Fiji. The major Hindu festival in Fiji is Diwali, the festival of lights, cleanliness, and devotion to Lakshmi the goddess of wealth and prosperity (Kelly 1988). Diwali is a public holiday across Fiji. While Diwali is of great religious significance to the Hindu community, the fireworks and decorated houses that mark the festival are celebrated by Fijians of all ethnic backgrounds. The birth of the Prophet Mohammad, of deep significance within the Muslim faith, is also celebrated with a national holiday in Fiji. The majority of religious groups have an organization to assist families in need. A great number provide disadvantaged children with educational needs such as school fees, textbooks, uniforms, school bags, and school shoes. Most religious groups also provide counseling for couples and families. Three of Fiji’s residential centers for children are run by Christian churches. Churches operating residential centers receive a state grant of $60 per child and considerable material support from their overseas counterparts (personal correspondence with Arieta Tagivetaua, Ministry for Women, Social Welfare and Poverty Alleviation, April 11, 2006). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Data relating to child abuse and neglect is generally inadequate. Despite the MoU that promotes cooperation between relevant agencies, there is no coordinated collection or sharing of data between police, hospitals, and the Department of Social Welfare. Data from the Fiji Police Force indicates that between 100 and 150 cases of child sexual abuse were reported annually between 1995 and 2001 (SCF 2001). In 2002, there was a marked increase in reported cases (232), with a dramatic fall to 121 reported cases in 2003. Reported cases of child sexual abuse are consistently higher among indigenous Fijians. The Penal Code Amendment Act Number 4 of 2003 led to increased penalties for offenses against children and gives magistrates increased powers when sentencing individuals found guilty of such offences. In 2006, the Fiji Law Reform Commission commenced a review of all laws relating to children. In general, efforts are made to keep children who are victims of abuse within their families. The relevant Department of Social Welfare policy states that ‘‘the victim of abuse shall not be removed from their natural family or extended family setting unless it is in the child’s best interests’’ (Carling 2004). Children who are removed from their families by a court order are placed in institutions operated by community or religious
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organizations. There are five institutions of this kind, which are approved by the Department of Social Welfare. Generally, the extended family system is the only security available to children who are abused or neglected. Traditionally, children were cared for communally, and orphans were looked after by kin. This tradition continues, and neglected and abused children may be taken in and cared for by relatives. However, social change and urbanization are undermining traditional structures, often without the provision of adequate alternatives to ensure the protection and care of abused and neglected children Generally, abuse of children is underreported in Fiji, and there is no mandatory reporting of child abuse. The Police, the Department of Social Welfare, the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Health have adopted a Mandatory Reporting protocol, designed to encourage—but not oblige—the reporting of child abuse. Violence against children is widely accepted as an appropriate form of discipline, both within the family and the school. The sexual abuse of children is often not reported. One explanation for this is the Fijian custom of bulubulu (apology), whereby a perpetrator apologizes for the abuse of a child and the matter is dealt with informally. While bulubulu is not recognized within the legal system, it is practiced in cases of child sexual abuse and often considered an appropriate form of repentance. The lack of enforcement mechanisms relating to child employment legislation and the absence of monitoring means that employers who mistreat children have, in practice, impunity from the law. There are no legal provisions and few social sanctions against the mistreatment of children who work as family labor. A 2006 Save the Children Fiji study of children’s experiences of physical and emotional punishment revealed that corporal punishment occurs within schools. Until recently, there have been no sanctions against the use of corporal punishment in schools and corporal punishment was also used against individuals convicted of certain crimes. However, a recent judgment by the High Court of Fiji found corporal punishment to be unconstitutional. In the case of Naushad Ali versus the State, Mr. Ali was found guilty of incest and sentenced to five years imprisonment and six strokes of the cane. Upon appeal, the High Court found that the judiciary’s power to make sentences of corporal punishment, although permitted by the Penal Code and the Criminal Procedures Code, breached Fiji’s Constitution and is therefore unlawful. The High Court further declared that the use of corporal punishment in schools is unlawful and in conflict with the Constitution of Fiji. In a separate case (Umesh Kumar versus The State) the Fiji Court of Appeal declared corporal punishment to be unconstitutional. Again, the Court emphasized the supremacy of the constitution over other laws. Following these judgments, the Ministry of
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Education banned the use of corporal punishment in schools (Save the Children Fiji 2006). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Rural-urban migration and changes to traditional family and communal life mean that children growing up in the twenty-first century will experience a childhood very different from that of their parents. Education will play a much greater role in the lives of children than was the case for previous generations. Consumerism and information technology will be a feature of children’s lives to an extent unimaginable when their parents and grandparents were children. Outside cultural trends have strong influence over children and young people, particularly through television and the mass media. Mobile phones are now a desirable item among some secondary school children. Access to computers within the home is generally limited to urban centers and to wealthier families, although hire purchase has made computers more accessible to those on lower incomes in urban areas. Access to computers remains extremely limited in rural areas, where access to electricity is not universal. In recent years, internet service providers have begun to offer packages to families, opening up access for minority children in urban areas and bringing with it the opportunities and concerns experienced across a globalizing world. While mass media and communications technology is reshaping the nature of childhood and adolescence for some in Fiji, poverty, limited access to basic services—including quality health care and education—and the changes wrought by social change and urbanization are more direct determinants of children’s experience of childhood. With the military coup in December 2006—the fourth such attempt in two decades— upheaval and uncertainty once again characterize Fiji’s political, social, and economic landscape, and the environment in which children live. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Carling, Mereia, and Colleen Peacock-Taylor. 2001. Study of the Impacts of the Political Crisis on Children and Families in Fiji. Suva: Save the Children/UNICEF. Provides an analysis of the impact of the 2000 attempted coup on children’s lives, well-being, and access to basic services. Also provides a useful overview of key issues confronting children, young people, and families in Fiji. Fiji Islands Education Commission Panel. 2000. Learning Together: Directions for Education in the Fiji Islands. Suva: Government of Fiji. Provides a comprehensive overview of education in Fiji. Legal Subcommittee of the Coordinating Committee on Children. 2004. Draft Report on the Progress of Making Our Laws Compliant with the Convention on
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the Rights of the Child, Suva: Government of Fiji. Provides an overview of the main laws relating to children, with commentary on the changes necessary to implement the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child in Fiji. Levett, Allan with Alison Dunne. 1999. Review of the Social Welfare in Fiji. Suva and Wellington: Government of Fiji. Provides a useful overview of the social welfare system in Fiji. Save the Children Fiji. 2006. A Study on the Physical and Emotional Punishment of Children in Fiji. Suva: Save the Children Fiji. Drawing on rights-based, participatory research with 536 children and 101 adults in Fiji, this report represents the only comprehensive study of the punishment and disciplining of children in Fiji.
Web Sites The Secretariat of the Pacific Community, http://www.spc.int. This Web site provides up-to-date information on a range of social, economic, and cultural issues in South Pacific countries, including Fiji. The web site includes information on the progress of South Pacific countries, including Fiji, in meeting the Millennium Development Goals. United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Committee on the Rights of the Child, http://www.ohchr.org/english/bodies/crc/follow-up.htm. This web site provides the concluding observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child, based upon consideration of the Government of Fiji’s report on the implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. Also available is the report of a 2006 workshop, held in Suva, to discuss the implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in Fiji.
Organizations and NGOs Coordinating Committee on Children Ministry for Women, Social Welfare and Poverty Alleviation P.O. Box 2127 Government Buildings Suva, Fiji The Ministry for Women, Social Welfare and Poverty Alleviation has responsibility for issues relating to children’s welfare. The Coordinating Committee on Children is located within this Ministry. The Committee is responsible for monitoring the implementation of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child in Fiji. Fiji Law Reform Commission P.O. Box 2194 Government Buildings Post Office Suva, Fiji Phone: 679 3303900 Fax: 679 3303646 Web site: http://www.lawreform.gov.fj/common/Default.aspx
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The Fiji Law Reform Commission was established under an Act of Parliament in 1979 and is responsible for reviewing Fiji’s laws for the purpose of reforming and developing the nation’s legal framework. Fiji Women’s Crisis Center (FWCC) P.O. Box 12882 Suva, Fiji Web site: http://www.fijiwomen.com/ The Fiji Women’s Crisis Center is one of Fiji’s major human rights organizations. It works to prevent violence against women and children and to promote the human rights of women and children in Fiji. The Fiji Women’s Crisis Center provides crisis counseling and legal, medical, and other practical support services for women and children who are sufferers and survivors of violence. The web site includes a section on children’s issues. Ministry for Education Marela House Suva, Fiji Phone: 679 331 4477 Fax: 679 330 351 Web site: http://www.education.gov.fj This Ministry is responsible for education in Fiji. The Ministry of Education Strategic Plan 2003–2005 sets out the Ministry’s vision, mission, and the strategic activities. Save the Children Fiji P.O. Box 2249 Government Buildings Suva, Fiji An organization that works to promote the human rights of children in Fiji. As well as carrying out advocacy work and providing support to children in need, Save the Children Fiji has undertaken a number of studies on the situation of children in Fiji. UNICEF Pacific 3rd and 5th Floors, FDB Building 360 Victoria Parade Suva, Fiji The United Nations agency with responsibility for children’s issues. UNICEF Pacific is located in Suva, Fiji.
Selected Bibliography Adinkrah, Mensah. 1995. Men who kill their own children: paternal filicide incidents in contemporary Fiji. Child Abuse and Neglect 27:557–68. Asian Development Bank. 2006. Priorities of the People: Hardship in the Fiji Islands. http://www.adb.org. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. 2006. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. East Asia and the Pacific. Washington, DC: Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor.
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Carling, Mereia, and Colleen Peacock-Taylor. 2001. Study of the Impacts of the Political Crisis on Children and Families in Fiji. Suva: Save the Children/UNICEF. Carling, Mereia. 2003. Child Rights Program May 2003–May 2004. Suva: Save the Children Fiji. Carling, Mereia. 2004. Assessment of Protective Environments for Children: Fiji, Kiribati, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu. Suva: UNICEF. Carswell, Sue. 2003. A family business: Women, children and smallholder sugar cane farming in Fiji. Asia Pacific Viewpoint 44:131–48 Chand, Vijay. 2005. Housing the Homeless. Fiji Government Online. http:// www.fiji.gov.fj. Committee on the Rights of the Child. Undated. Concluding Observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child: Fiji. para 40, http://www1.umn.edu/ humanrts/crc/fiji1998.html. European Union and Government of the Republic of the Fiji Islands. 2003. Fiji Rural Education Project Draft Final Report and Financing Proposal. Suva: Government of Fiji. Fiji Islands Education Commission Panel. 2000. Learning Together: Directions for Education in the Fiji Islands, Suva: Government of Fiji. Global Education Center and Family Planning International Development (FPAID). 2004. Just Next Door—Development Themes for Fiji and Samoa. Wellington: FPAID. Kelly, John D. 1988. From Holi to Diwali in Fiji: An Essay on Ritual and History. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 23(1):40–55. Lawrence, E. 2006. Border crossing and virtual voyaging: Youth participation and the use of the Internet to create change in Suva, Fiji. Wellington: Victoria University. Legal Aid Commission. 2004. Juvenile Justice. Suva: Legal Aid Commission. Legal Subcommittee of the Coordinating Committee on Children. 2004. Draft Report on the Progress of Making Our Laws Compliant with the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Suva: Government of Fiji. Levett, Allan, with Alison Dunne. 1999. Review of the Social Welfare in Fiji. Suva: Government of Fiji. McMurray, Christine. 2005. The State of Pacific Youth Report. Suva: UNICEF. Mills, Graham C. and Manugalo Davis. 1999. The Marginal Child: A Study of Socially Disaffiliated Children in the South Pacific. The International Journal of Children’s Rights 7 (March):239–58. Ministry of Education. 2005. Building a Strategic Direction for Education in Fiji— 2006–2015—Draft. Suva: Government of Fiji. Ministry of Finance and National Planning. 2004. Millennium Development Goals, Fiji National Report. Suva: National Planning Office. Ministry of Information, Communications and Media Relations. 2004/2005. Fiji Today. Suva: Government of Fiji. National Coordinating Committee on Children. 1995. The Rights of the Child: National Report on Two Years Implementation on the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Suva: Coordinating Committee on Children. National Food and Nutrition Center. 2005. Canteen Guidelines. Suva: Ministry of Health. Partners in Community Development Fiji; Fiji School of Medicine; and Foundation of the Peoples of the South Pacific International. 2005. Youth, Mental Stress & Violence in Fiji—Situational Analysis. Suva, Partners in Community Development.
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Save the Children Fiji. 1998. Keeping Children in School: Fiji School Enrollments and Save the Children Fund’s Child Sponsorship Scheme. Suva: Save the Children Fiji. Save the Children Fiji. 2006. Commercial Sexual Exploitation and Sexual Abuse of Children in Fiji: A Situational Analysis. Suva: Save the Children Fiji. Save the Children Fiji. 2006. A Study on the Physical and Emotional Punishment of Children in Fiji. Suva: Save the Children Fiji. Sexual Minorities Project. 2004. Your Rights. Suva: Sexual Minorities Project. Shameen, Nikhat. 2002. Multilingual Proficiency in Fiji Primary Schools. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 23: 388–407. Toren, Christina. 2003. Becoming a Christian in Fiji: An ethnographic study of ontogeny. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 9, no.4: 709–28 UNICEF. 2005. The State of the World’s Children 2006—Excluded and Invisible. New York: UNICEF. U.S. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. 2005. International Religious Freedom Report. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2005/51511.htm. U.S. Department of Labor. 2006. Bureau of International Labor Affairs (ILAB) report. http://www.dol.gov. World Health Organization. Regional Office for the Western Pacific, Fiji. National Health Plan and Priorities. http://www.wpro.who.int.
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HONG KONG Bianca Prather-Jones, Willie Elliott, and Elaine Jarchow NATIONAL PROFILE The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People’s Republic of China is located in eastern Asia bordering the South China Sea and China. With a total land area of approximately 1,100 square kilometers (425 square miles), it covers Hong Kong Island, the Kowloon Peninsula, and the New Territories, including 235 outlying islands. A British colony for 156 years, Hong Kong reverted to Chinese sovereignty on July 1, 1997. Although formally under Chinese rule, Hong Kong was promised a high degree of autonomy (at least until 2047) in all legal, social, political, and economic matters except foreign affairs and defense. The SAR is currently ruled according to the Basic Law of Hong Kong, which acts as a mini-constitution for the territory. However, in 2004, there were increasing concerns in regard to China’s interference in Hong Kong’s independent judiciary system, increasing censorship of the press, and intervention in public opinion research that was critical of the Chinese government.
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The population of Hong Kong in 2007 was estimated to be 66,980,412 (CIA 2007). Hong Kong is one of the most densely populated areas in the world, with approximately 6,250 people per square kilometer (Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs 2005). The ethnic makeup of this population is 95 percent Chinese, and 5 percent other; primary minorities include Filipinos, Indonesians, Americans, and Canadians (Funk & Wagnalls New World Encyclopedia 2002). The age of majority in Hong Kong is eighteen years; however, different ages apply in different circumstances. For example, individuals may vote or drink alcohol when they reach eighteen years of age; however, employment regulations define children as individuals under fifteen, and children as young as thirteen are permitted to work in certain settings. There are 1.3 million children under the age of eighteen in Hong Kong. This number comprises 20 percent of the total population (The Hong Kong Committee on Children’s Rights 2005). The population of Hong Kong is one of the most educated in the region, and the general education level has improved markedly since 1990. There has also been a significant rise in per capita income and the standard of living in Hong Kong over the past forty years. However, although the income of most citizens in Hong Kong has improved, income disparity has intensified. The Gini coefficient, which measures the inequality of a population, increased to 0.525 in 2001 (0 designates perfect equality, while 1 represents total inequality). This indicates that poverty is becoming a more serious issue in Hong Kong. The rate of homelessness, on the other hand, is decreasing. In December 2003, there were 529 homeless people in Hong Kong, a 60 percent decrease since 2001 (Hong Kong Council of Social Service 2005). By international standards, Hong Kong’s rate of unemployment is and has been relatively low. In 2005, Hong Kong’s average unemployment rate was 5.8 percent. Female participation in the work force has increased due to economic development, the need to supplement family income, and a change in attitude regarding female employment. Females make up nearly half (45 percent) of the full-time paid employees in the private and nongovernmental sectors. Their involvement is especially concentrated in the field of education/medical/community/social services, while males dominate in the construction and mining/electricity/gas industries. Women in Hong Kong are a clear minority in the country’s political positions. For example, in 2002, women held only eleven of sixty KEY FACTS – HONG KONG (18 percent) Legislator positions Population: 6,980,412 (July 2007 est.) and 72 of 518 District CounLife expectancy at birth: 81.68 years (2007 est.) cilor positions (14 percent). In Internet users: 4.879 million (2005) 2003, the median monthly People living with HIV/AIDS: 2,600 (2003 est.) income was $11,000 for emSources: CIA World Factbook: Hong Kong. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ ployed males, and $8,000 for publications/factbook/geos/hk.html. April 17, 2007. employed females (Census and
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Statistics Department of HKSAR 2005). This discrepancy is due to a range of factors, including educational levels, experience, and the types of jobs held. OVERVIEW Primary and junior secondary education is free and compulsory for children between the ages of six and fifteen. In 1997, approximately 98 percent of all school-age children were attending the school at the grade level relative to their official school age. One hundred percent of all children who start primary school stay in school until the age of fifteen. Approximately 74 percent of children go on to complete two years in secondary schools (Cheng 1997). According to statistics from Western Pacific Region Health Databank (2005), the infant mortality rate in Hong Kong is 2.26 deaths per 1,000 births. The under-five mortality rate is 3.27 deaths per 1,000 births. Both of these indicators are ranked among the best in the world. In fact, the infant mortality rate is the third lowest among 226 world countries. The life expectancy at birth for natives of Hong Kong is 81.6 years, one of the highest in the world. The adult literacy rates in 2005 were reported as 92 percent (95 percent for males, 88 percent for females). However, the literacy rate for children ages fifteen to twenty-four is more than 98 percent (United Nations Development Programme 2005), indicating that illiteracy is most common among older adults. A current area of concern in Hong Kong is the immigration of individuals from mainland China. The term ‘‘New Arrivals’’ was coined by the government of Hong Kong in reference to mainland Chinese who have been in Hong Kong for less than one year. The phrase ‘‘Newly Arrived Children’’ (NAC) refers to youth, through the age of twenty, who fall into this category. Only after the 1997 reunification of Hong Kong and China were dependent children of a Hong Kong resident and a mainland Chinese spouse permitted entry into Hong Kong. (Prior to that, Hong Kong operated under strict immigration policies and it maintained a quota of legal immigrants, none of whom could be between the ages of six and fourteen). Therefore, the needs of NAC have only recently become a concern. NAC face a number of challenges, including securing age-appropriate school placements, adjusting to a new educational system and new curricula, adapting to a new school and social environment, language barriers, and segregation and prejudice. In response to these challenges, Hong Kong has constructed new schools and provided assistance to parents in finding appropriate schools for their children. In addition, schools and nongovernmental agencies have provided induction and support programs, as well as developed instructional materials designed to meet the
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needs of immigrant children. However, more support is needed for these children. Public education campaigns are also needed in order to alleviate the negative stereotypes held by natives of Hong Kong toward immigrants from the Chinese mainland, so that the new environment experienced by Newly Arrived Children is a positive one. Hong Kong has also acted as a main port of asylum for refugees from Vietnam. In 1975, more than 200,000 Vietnamese people fled to Hong Kong. Most of these refugees were eventually either resettled elsewhere or returned to Vietnam. The refugees who remained in Hong Kong lived in refugee camps, and these children went to schools specifically for refugees. In 2000, the last Vietnamese refugee camp in Hong Kong (Pillar Point) was closed and approximately 1,400 remaining Vietnamese refugees and immigrants were permanently resettled in Hong Kong. The Vietnamese children within this group were permitted to attend Hong Kong schools, and would supposedly receive the same support as other Newly Arrived Children, although information about the existence and form of this support is scarce. Since the closing of Pillar Point, the number of undocumented Vietnamese immigrants arriving in Hong Kong dropped to less than 40 per month; the Hong Kong SAR Immigration Department reported a total of only 324 illegal Vietnamese immigrants for the year 2005. Since reverting to Chinese sovereignty in 1997, being Chinese in Hong Kong is ever changing. According to a 2004 study by the Chinese Committee on the Promotion of Civic Education, 73 percent of the Hong Kong community reported feeling proud of being Chinese and 51 percent indicated that they were happy to be a citizen of China. While Hong Kong residents are concerned about affairs in mainland China, they continue to have a strong sense of belonging to Hong Kong. Ninety-six percent of respondents identified Hong Kong as their home, a 4 percent growth from the survey results of 2000. Hong Kong residents are pleased with the economic development of China, but an overwhelming majority is not supportive of China’s rule of law. Residents of Hong Kong are supportive of China, but remain loyal to their country. In January 1999, articles of the Basic Law were interpreted by the Court of Final Appeal so that 1.6 million mainland China immigrants could enter Hong Kong. This created concern, so in June 1999 the National People’s Congress Standing Committee issued an interpretation overturning the court decision. There have been concerns of introducing the mainland’s idea of national security and there have been unsuccessful movements for universal suffrage. According to a 2004 study by the Chinese Committee on the Promotion of Civic Education, 85 percent of Hong Kong citizens do not agree with the mainland’s rule of law and feel as though they are not being unpatriotic by criticizing the Central Government. Hong Kong continues to work to preserve its autonomy as a Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China.
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EDUCATION Preschool education begins at age three or four and takes place in either kindergartens or nurseries. Most preschool education is self-financed and is supported primarily by fees paid by parents. Nurseries are intended for children age two and up. These are sometimes attached to kindergartens to which the child transfers at age four. There are also independent nurseries that are often operated by volunteer agencies, such as churches or charitable organizations. Nurseries are under the control of the Social Welfare Department and are often subsidized by the government. Kindergartens are intended for children between age four to six, and almost all kindergartens in Hong Kong are private, although they are under control of the Hong Kong Education Department. The majority of kindergartens run two half-day classes per day; however, there are some, catering to full-time working mothers, that offer full-day services. Primary school usually begins at age six and lasts for six years. At around age twelve, children progress to a three-year course of junior secondary education. These nine years of education are compulsory and have been required by law since 1978. These laws require children to stay in school until they have reached the age of fifteen or completed form three (the final year of junior secondary). Home schooling is not an acceptable alternative. The curriculum in primary schools is relatively uniform and comprised of eight or nine subjects, including Chinese, English, mathematics, social studies, sciences, health, music, physical education, and art. Approximately 90 percent of primary schools use Chinese as the language of instruction. The standard class size in primary school is 35 students. Currently, the majority of primary schools run two half-day classes per day. Morning school runs from 8:00 A.M. until 1:00 P.M., and afternoon school runs from 1:30 P.M. until 6:30 P.M. Hong Kong government policy includes a goal to gradually convert to whole-day schools. Current discipline policies in Hong Kong schools focus on logical, non-punitive consequences for students’ misbehaviors. Teachers are not permitted to administer corporal punishment. There is some competition to gain entrance into secondary schools. This is handled by the Secondary Schools Placement Allocation Scheme, which uses an integration of school internal assessments, aptitude tests, parental choice, and fair geographic distribution to determine admission. This results in better students going to better schools within a respective area. This system is generally endorsed by the community. Junior secondary schools offer a choice of subjects, however emphasis is on English language, Chinese language, and mathematics. Senior secondary classes are usually classified under arts, commerce, science, or general tracks. Most secondary schools deliver instruction in a mixed code of English and Cantonese, with exams delivered in English. This inconsistency has become
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an issue of concern, and the government is encouraging schools to adopt a particular language of instruction. A few Chinese-language and Englishlanguage secondary schools already exist. Class size in secondary schools is also around thirty-five. Most students stay on in secondary schools for an additional two-year senior secondary course (forms four and five), while some students go into full-time vocational training. According to Cheng (1997), more than 90 percent of children in Hong Kong complete upper secondary or equivalent vocational education. Most secondary schools also offer an additional two-year pre-university program (sometimes referred to as form six) to prepare students for higher education. This follows a narrow course of study of three to six subjects dictated by the entrance requirements of higher education institutions. Form six classes usually have thirty students. There are eight institutions of higher education in Hong Kong: the University of Hong Kong (HKU), The Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK), City University of Hong Kong (CityU), Hong Kong University of Science and Technology (HKUST), Hong Kong Baptist University (HKBU), Hong Kong Polytechnic University (PolyU), Lingnan College (LC), and the Hong Kong Institute of Education (HKIEd). Mainstream programs take three years; however, most professional degrees are longer than three years. A large number of Hong Kong students complete their higher education in overseas institutions. During the mid-1990s, at least 35 percent of Hong Kong residents in the postsecondary age group were receiving some type of higher education (including degree or nondegree programs, overseas study, and open learning opportunities). Children with physical, sensory, or intellectual impairment are usually segregated into special education schools. Special schools are currently funded to provide nine years of free general education to students with sensory disorders or physical impairments, and ten years for students with mental retardation. Children who are clearly diagnosed with designated categories of disabilities receive special instruction and services in separate settings intended for students with those disabilities. A small percentage of children with disabilities do receive their education in mainstream schools. While there are no official statistics on the exact number of students with disabilities being educated in mainstream schools, estimates cited by Wong (2002) indicated that there were 751 students with known special needs in 418 mainstream primary schools (out of 856 primary schools). This number accounts for only around 0.16 percent of the total primary school population of 467,718 that same year. Hong Kong teachers face the same challenges as other countries involved in inclusive education, such as the struggle between student achievement and the aspirations of integration. Under the current system, strategies for helping these students primarily focus on resource classes, which students attend in place of their normal classes in order to receive intensive remedial help in Chinese, English, and/or mathematics. These
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classes are generally small (eight to fifteen students), consist of students with a variety of abilities and needs, and are taught by teachers trained in teaching students with disabilities. Recent policies within the Education and Manpower Bureau focus on placing children with special educational needs in mainstream schools whenever possible, ‘‘so that they receive the fullest benefit of education from mixing and interacting with ordinary children in an ordinary environment.’’ To support this endeavor, various funding opportunities have recently been made available to provide support to these students, to pilot inclusive models, and to enhance teachers’ professional knowledge in working with students with special needs. Hong Kong’s educational system will see substantial changes in the coming years. One such change is a move from seven years of secondary education, with senior secondary education available to only one third of a cohort, to six years of secondary education, with nearly universal participation. In addition, beginning in 2012, university undergraduate programs in Hong Kong will increase from three to four years, with the intent of providing the opportunity to broaden the scope of learning in universities and postponing the process of specialization, as well as providing more time to develop ‘‘well-rounded graduates’’ (Olsen and Burges 2006). PLAY AND RECREATION Children in Hong Kong like to watch television, play video games, and go to the movies. They also enjoy trips to the beach and playing sports, such as basketball. Watching television is the most popular leisure activity in Hong Kong. More than 90 percent of the population has at least one television in their home. On average, Hong Kong residents watch more than three hours of television daily. Although a large proportion of television programming in Hong Kong is produced in that region, many programs are imported from other countries. Hong Kong has four local television channels, two delivered in Cantonese and two in English. Each channel offers a variety of programming including daily news, documentaries, dramas, talk shows, lifestyle, and sports. Cable and satellite television are also available in Hong Kong and offer a variety of specialized channels (that is, Children Channel, ESPN, CNN, Discovery Channel, STAR Movies, and MTV China), the majority of which are delivered in either English or Cantonese. Many children in Hong Kong have access to computers and the internet, and indicate these as other favorite leisure activities. In 2003, there were 3,212,800 internet users in Hong Kong (CIA 2005). In addition, Hong Kong has the highest rate of mobile phone ownership in the Asia-Pacific region, with 25 percent of youths between the ages of seven and eighteen owning one (Madden 1998). Youths in this age group cite McDonald’s as their favorite restaurant and Coca-Cola as their favorite drink.
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Many Children and Youth Centers are operating in Hong Kong and are provided on a neighborhood basis, with one center serving every 20,000-30,000 citizens. In 1995 there were 224 operating centers, most of whose 232,000 members were students between the ages of six and nineteen (Ho 1999). However, this figure represents only about 20 percent of the Hong Kong youths within that age bracket. The goal of youth centers in this region is to promote youths’ participation in a variety of programs, including friendship and volunteer groups, as well as to provide activities such as counseling, information sharing, and others with the intent of developing participants’ sense of citizenship and a preference for democracy. These centers also serve to prevent juvenile delinquency and to promote social integration. Hong Kong residents have access to a wide variety of sports and recreational facilities, including sports grounds and complexes, beaches, swimming pool complexes, soccer pitches, volleyball courts, tennis courts, squash courts, and children’s playgrounds. Many of these are built and managed by Hong Kong’s Leisure and Cultural Services Center, which seeks to ‘‘enrich the community’s quality of life through the promotion and provision of recreational and cultural facilities and activities.’’
CHILD LABOR The Employment Ordinance is the main piece of legislation that governs employment in Hong Kong. It was enacted in 1968 and has been continually revised to provide more and more coverage for potential and present employees. The Employment of Children Regulations under this ordinance protects children, defined as individuals under the age of 15, in all economic sectors. The most important pieces of this legislation are as follows: (1) children under the age of fifteen cannot work in an industrial setting; (2) children aged thirteen and fourteen may work in nonindustrial agencies; (3) children under thirteen are not allowed employment. The Employment of Children Regulations do not apply to any child registered as an apprentice under the Apprenticeship Ordinance. Hong Kong’s Employment Ordinance also regulates the hours of work and the conditions of labor for young people in industrial settings via The Employment of Young Persons Regulations. A ‘‘young person’’ is defined as anyone over the age of fifteen but not yet eighteen. The important pieces of this legislation state that young people: (1) can work only eight hours a day between the hours of seven in the morning to seven in the evening; (2) can only work forty-eight hours a week and only six days a week; (3) must be provided a time period of half an hour for lunch and rest; (4) there is no overnight working or working on holidays. In order to be sure these laws are followed, the Labor Department carries out regularly scheduled tours of worksites.
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The protections of these ordinances are reportedly not followed in more rural areas. One reason for this is because adult workers are going to the urban areas for better paying chances and children are being forced to replace them. This has been one impact of globalization; as more and more jobs are becoming technical in nature and moving to urban areas, more and more adults are leaving the rural areas. Another function is that some children in rural schools are forced to work during school hours in order to help schools meet the costs of the operation of the schools themselves, despite a policy to not prevent the successful completion of the nine years of compulsory education. There is no law against trafficking in children, but there are laws and ordinances against traffickers. Hong Kong is a point of transit and destination for children targeted for forced labor and/or sexual exploitation for children trafficked from Southeast Asia and China, even though the government makes many efforts to prevent activities of this nature. Some children have been lured to Hong Kong with fake promises of legal employment only to be forced into prostitution. Provisions in the Immigration Ordinances, the Crimes Ordinance, and other pertinent laws allow legal officials to prosecute trafficking in children. The legal system, specifically the courts, can impose heavy fines and prison sentences for up to fourteen years for activities of this kind. The Security Bureau is responsible for preventing children trafficking and directs the police, customs, and immigration departments in these matters. Law enforcement officials receive training in handling and protecting childhood victims of trafficking. Legal aid is provided for the victims and their parents who want to pursue legal action against fake employers. There are also many social services provided by the Social Welfare Department to childhood victims of trafficking. Because the trafficking of children is a very profitable business, laws must be enacted and enforced. FAMILY In the Chinese culture, fathers are usually regarded as yi jia zhi zhu (master of the family). Fathers are perceived as holding a more powerful position in the family than mothers and generally control the financial resources and make the important decisions about the family and children. However, this perspective has been somewhat altered in Hong Kong by the recent increase in divorces and single-parent families, the decrease in birth rates, and the diminishing family solidarity. The divorce rate in Hong Kong has sharply increased since the 1980s. Over a nine-year time period, from 1989 to 1998, the divorce rate increased from 1 in every 8, to 1 in every 2.5 marriages. This increase has resulted in more single-parent families, many of which are living in poverty. According to the Hong Kong Council of Social Service (2005), the
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number of single-parent families receiving social security assistance during 1998 was 17,161, five times the number in 1988. Most single-parent families are headed by females. The number of female single parents rose from 23,059 in 1991 to 45,072 in 2001 (a 95 percent increase). Single fathers increased from 11,479 to 13,388 (a 17 percent increase). The number of reported spousal abuse and child abuse cases have also increased, from 2,321 to 3,371 cases from 2000 to 2005, and 500 to 622 cases from 2001 to 2004, respectively. Support for Families In Hong Kong, the primary responsibility for the care of children lies with parents. Therefore, child welfare is viewed within the parameters of family welfare, and services are often classified according to how they support families (that is, developing parents’ abilities to meet children’s needs). Services for children and families in Hong Kong include social security, which provides a low basic livelihood for unemployed Hong Kong residents; family life education, which conducts seminars and small group activities that focus on educational issues relevant to families; and family counseling, which provides resources and counseling for families regarding relationship problems. HEALTH In 2003, Hong Kong’s health indicators were ranked among the best in the world. Infant mortality rates (2.26 per 1,000 live births), under-five mortality rates (3.27 per 1,000 live births), and maternal mortality ratios (4.19 per 100,000 live births) are comparatively low (Western Pacific Region Health Databank 2005). One of the main reasons for this very strong state of health is the emphasis placed on prenatal care. Virtually 100 percent of pregnant women in Hong Kong are cared for by trained health care personnel. Children are also immunized against a wide range of illnesses, including measles, tuberculosis, diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis, poliomyelitis, and hepatitis B. Due to high immunization coverage (80–96 percent of all children are immunized for each of the above), diseases such as diphtheria and poliomyelitis have been practically eliminated, and the occurrence of preventable infectious disease among children is relatively low. Living Conditions An important factor that has played a part in enhancing the health conditions for children in Hong Kong is the improved sanitation. Ninety-nine percent of the population of Hong Kong has sustainable access to improved sanitation. In addition, 100 percent of the population has sustainable access to an improved water source. However, in some public housing areas, littering and dumping has increased, which negatively affects how long poor children can expect their lives to be in Hong Kong.
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Government Support for Children’s Health The Hong Kong government’s health care policy indicates that all citizens should have access to adequate medical treatment, and that no one should be denied due to lack of means. The government provides a range of facilities, as well as preventative, curative, and rehabilitative services through the Hospital Authority and the Department of Health to meet the needs of the public. One example of this is the School Dental Care Service, which provides dental care for roughly 426,500 children on a yearly basis. Additional health services are available in the private sector. Even though the general health of children in Hong Kong is good, there are some conditions that are unfavorable. One issue is that services can be difficult to obtain in lower income areas, and even more difficult to obtain in rural areas. Another issue is the lack of coordination between hospitals and primary care facilities. The provision of health care to children is divided into hospital care and clinic care. Current practice does not use a system of primary care physicians acting as case managers to ensure that children receive all services necessary to maintain good health, and there is no interface between the hospitals and the well care clinics. Hong Kong also has a need for more doctors in order to provide adequate healthcare for all children. The Family Health Service of the Department of Health provides health promotions and the prevention of disease services for children up to five years old. Parents and caregivers receive training to raise normal and well-adjusted children. Immunization, health, and developmental awareness services are provided for children at child health centers. The Student Health Service of the Department of Health places emphasis on health promotion, disease prevention, and continuity of care for all primary and secondary students. The Adolescent Health Program promotes psychohealth classes in all secondary schools. This program also offers family life education and sexuality education for youth. The emphasis of these programs is physical health, with the understanding that good physical health works in conjunction with good mental health. The government also provides youth counseling through its Family Planning Association. This Association offers family life education, sexuality education, and publicity campaigns for promoting responsible parenthood. Children in Hong Kong are facing a growing serious health problem: obesity. One of the main causes of this problem is a change from the healthier traditional diets of the past to more Western diets of fast food and high-fat snacks. In addition, school-aged youths are relatively inactive. In fact, some reports indicate that Hong Kong primary students may be the most inactive in the world. This inactivity may be linked to several possible causes, including the belief by some parents and teachers that participation in sports is detrimental to students’ academic
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achievement as well as the fact that children are watching more television and spending more time on the computer. The government has instituted various programs in an attempt to combat this problem. One such program is presenting special awards for children who train in their schools for regular physical fitness tests, designed to increase their physical fitness and reduce their weight. The concerns regarding environmental pollution has been in Hong Kong for a long period of time. The main basis for this concern is that it has such a negative impact on the health of children. This negative impact is shown in such things as sore throats, coughs, morning phlegm, and lots of wheezing. These symptoms are found in all children, both in rural and urban areas. There is an increase in bronchial hyper-reactivity in children who live in more polluted areas. The discussion in this area centers on an environmentally responsible policy that will make possible a better quality of life for children in Hong Kong. It is noted that these efforts must address air pollution and water pollution. The Guangdong Provincial Government is being asked to lead the way in this regard, so that all children will benefit. Incidence of HIV is relatively low in Hong Kong. The main problem for children with HIV is the stigma attached to it. However, Hong Kong is making great efforts to provide general respect for the basic human rights of children particularly and all people in general. This includes readily available and very inexpensive treatment and care. Hong Kong’s nongovernmental organization (NGO) is strongly aiding this process and, along with the Equal Opportunities Commission, is fighting discrimination against HIV children. In Hong Kong, children are able to obtain services from NGOs and church groups, and to participate in grassroots organizations. The Hong Kong AIDS foundation develops and directs programs in schools and workplaces. This organization also has a discussion forum on the internet where anonymous writers can post questions and have them answered by trained counselors. Service workers provide counseling and support groups for children living with HIV/ AIDS. This help includes their families and parents, when needed. There are two groups in Hong Kong that advocate for the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) youth. These groups are Horizons and Queer Sisters. These groups offer counseling to LGBT youth and their families and friends. This begins the discussion on their issues and how they can be addressed in society and in school settings. Based on the current literature, abortion is permitted in Hong Kong for very specific reasons. However, it is unclear whether teens under the age of eighteen have to get their parents’ consent. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS While China is a communist country that operates on a civil law system, Hong Kong’s government operates on a common law system that
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follows the traditions practiced in Britain and brought to Hong Kong. The court system is made up of the following forms: Court of Final Appeal, the High Court (Court of Appeal and Court of First Instance), and the District, which also has the Family Court. Justices of Final Appeal can be appointed by the Chief Executive of Hong Kong. Just as in England, there are two types of practicing attorneys. The types of lawyers are barristers or solicitors. The solicitors are licensed and regulated by the Law Society of Hong Kong. The barristers are licensed and regulated by the Hong Kong Association. Something that would appear to be particularly British, the wearing of the robes and wigs during court session, is also practiced in Hong Kong. Within the context of children’s legal status in Hong Kong there are many difficult situations. There are more than 10,000 new and illegal immigrant children arriving from China each year and these children face many hardships. One reason is that they usually have to leave their mothers in China in order to be with their fathers in Hong Kong, and in many cases discover that they are not eligible for social welfare services, legal protection, and/or educational opportunities. While the Basic Law gives the right to social welfare services, legal protection, and educational opportunities to a Hong Kong resident, this is only the case for legal immigrants arriving after July 1997. Homelessness, begging in order to survive, and child prostitution (to some degree) are difficult situations that young illegal immigrants may find themselves facing. Approximately 150,000 homeless ‘‘street kids’’ were reported across various cities in 2005 (Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 2005). Children with disabilities are another population of concern regarding legal status and protection. There is the Equal Opportunities Commission in Hong Kong, which is supposed to protect the legal rights of children with disabilities, but it does not adequately do this. Children left unattended are another concern. Although technically it is against the law for parents to leave children unattended, there does not appear to be a clear legal policy in regard to what should be the standard of care for children left alone in the home and what the legal consequences would be if these standards were not met. In Hong Kong, the legal system provides for different ages of majority in different situations. For the most part, the legal age of majority is eighteen. Surprisingly, the minimum age of criminal responsibility is seven years old, one of the lowest in the world. There are at least 700 prisons in Hong Kong with a population of 1.5 million inmates. There are also thirty jails for juveniles housing 22,000 juvenile offenders. The conditions in penal institutions are harsh and frequently degrading for the adult population. These conditions are even harder on juveniles. Juveniles, by law, cannot be contained in adult prisons. However if there is not enough room in juvenile facilities, juveniles will be housed in any available space. In 2003, 69,780 juveniles were arrested and almost
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19,000 juveniles were incarcerated in formal prisons (Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 2005). RELIGIOUS LIFE Religious freedom is one of the fundamental rights enjoyed by Hong Kong children, protected by the Basic Law and other relevant legislation. Buddhism, Taoism, Confucianism, Christianity, Islam, Sikhism, and Judaism are the religions of the children of Hong Kong. Most of Hong Kong’s children are either Buddhist or Taoist, and they are taught to engage in ancestor worship. Ancestor worship demonstrates great respect for the elderly, both alive and dead, and helps children learn to respect their parents and grandparents, the living ancestors. Although Buddhism and Taoism, the traditional Chinese religions, are the largest religions followed, there are about a half million Christians in Hong Kong. Many major religious groups have established schools and have provided social welfare, educational, and medical services for all children in Hong Kong either directly or by contributing to charitable organizations. The Roman Catholic community has, as one of its prime concerns, the well being of all children. In education, there are many schools and kindergartens that the Catholic Church provides for all children. The Protestant churches are also deeply involved in education, health care, and social welfare. Charitable work in the Muslim community provides educational assistance to children and their families. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Child abuse is a serious problem in Hong Kong. The number of new cases of abuse to children increased dramatically between 1999 and 2004, and continues to increase on a yearly basis. The most disturbing aspect of this situation is that these data indicate a significant underreporting of local child abuse. The best estimate (as cited by Chow 2005) indicates that each year about 70,000 children under the age of eighteen are severely or very severely physically abused by their adult caregivers. This figure does not include other forms of abuse. Because the cultural norms of Hong Kong have supported childrearing practices whereby parents had the right to punish their children in whatever manner they chose, the concept of child abuse basically did not exist in the cultural norms of this society prior to 1979. In that year, the first child protection agency was opened in Hong Kong and child abuse received national attention. An issue of great concern in recent years has been that of leaving unattended children in the home for extended periods of time. Various studies between the years 1988 and 1992 have reported that between 7 and 60 percent of parents have left children under the age of thirteen home alone. In 1994, a study by the Hong Kong Council of Social Service
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showed that 4 percent of 689 parents surveyed indicated that they had left children aged six or less alone for two or more hours in the preceding week. These reports are disturbing because many governmental policies and laws have been passed to prevent the neglect of children, and this data suggests that the goal of getting parents to stop leaving young children alone for extended periods of time is not being met. Generally speaking, there appears to be no ongoing therapeutic help for abusive parents. There are also no treatment programs for children seriously traumatized by abuse, and there are no specialized family-based assessment and treatment centers for children in residential care. Thus, neither parents nor children have an outlet to vent and release the guilt, anger, and distrust that result from child abuse. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY In a 2005 newsletter from the Hong Kong Council of Social Services entitled Family and Community Service in Hong Kong, three future trends and challenges are indicated. These include: .
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Family problems due to low family solidarity. Hong Kong families, like those in many countries, face an increase in social problems such as family violence. A strong family life education is needed to support families. Enhance social integration and develop social capital. Ever since Robert Putnam called attention to the decline in social capital in Bowling Alone, societies have tried to encourage a sense of belonging. Perhaps this use of service learning programs would be helpful. Service integration and service diversification. Some years ago the United States tried to integrate social services in the schools and called such projects Cities in Schools. Hong Kong might consider such a plan.
While advances in child welfare have been made in Hong Kong, a prescription for success and advancement would include a strategic plan to coordinate child and health services. Since numerous agencies are playing some role in child welfare, all would benefit from developing the Hong Kong strategic plan. The plan would illustrate responsibilities of various agencies and provide collaborative activities. 1. A set of child welfare standards for agencies, schools, and parents. Standards-based activities make clear how agencies meet goals and reach established, well-researched benchmarks. These standards should be unique to each agency, such as preschools and childcare centers. 2. A commitment to achieve child welfare goals by 2015. As the strategic plan develops and standards evolve, countrywide goals should be set
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and publicized. Achievement of the goals should be celebrated and modifications made where necessary. 3. A research and accountability plan to gather data in a consistent manner. Such a plan would enable researchers to evaluate activities, to ensure accountability, and to publish reports to aid in decision making. 4. A commitment to provide frequent, affordable, significant educational opportunities for parents. Such opportunities might be available in school or community agencies. Topics could include successful parenting, working with special needs children, coping with difficult children, preparing for school, and communicating with your child’s teacher. 5. A plan to ease the integration of children from mainland China into the Hong Kong educational system. This plan is needed to make certain that these children are not deprived of education benefits.
The need to learn from the past and from the best practices about children underscores these recommendations, as Samuel Butler noted in the seventeenth century: Learning is like a great house that requires a great charge to keep it in constant repair. (Prose Observations, 1660–80)
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Hong Kong Council of Social Service. February 2006. Family and Community Service in Hong Kong. http://www.hkcss.org.hk/folder/fc/fc_eng.htm. Provides background information and current trends regarding family structure and family issues in Hong Kong, as well as summaries of the various family support services offered. Poon-McBrayer, Kim Fong, and Ming-gon John Lian. 2002. Special Needs Education: Children with Exceptionalities. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press. This book provides fundamental information on children with exceptionalities with particular focus on special needs education in Hong Kong. Postiglione, Gerry, and Wing On Lee, eds. 1997. Schooling in Hong Kong: Organization, teaching and social context. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. This book presents background material for understanding more about the characteristics of Hong Kong education, as well as social and organizational perspectives on key educational issues facing Hong Kong educators. Pryde, Nia, and Mona Tsoi, eds. 1999. Hong Kong’s Children: Our Past, Their Future. Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong. This book reviews information about Hong Kong children deriving from the fields of education, health, and social welfare, in an effort to synthesize facts pertaining to social and economic change, and to assess children’s actual status as reflected in existing laws and policies. Rao, Nirmala. 2001. Accommodations for Assimilations: Supporting Newly Arrived Children from the Chinese Mainland to Hong Kong. Childhood Education, Annual Theme: 77, no. 5: 313–18. This article highlights the ways in which immigrant children are helped to settle into Hong Kong society. The phrase
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New Arrival Children (NAC) refers to youth, up to the age of twenty, from mainland China who have been in Hong Kong for less than a year. Here, the authors elaborate on the problems faced by NAC and describe efforts made by the Hong Kong community to address these problems. Western Pacific Region Health Databank. November 2005. Country Health Information Profile: Hong Kong (China). http://www.wpro.who.int/NR/ rdonlyres/EF7E7797-4FAB-4D2E-8500-BA32F68F999E/0/hok_hdb.pdf. This downloadable file summarizes country health information for Hong Kong from 2005, including indicators such as infant mortality rate, immunization rates, health expenditures, and leading causes of death. Wong, Donna Kam. 2002. Struggling in the Mainstream: The Case of Hong Kong. International Journal of Disability, Development, and Education, 49(1): 79–94. This study examines the accounts of parents of students with special needs and their children’s experiences, and also compares the integration experiences of children with different types of special needs in mainstream schools.
Nonprint Resources Hong Kong. 2006. Princeton, NJ: Films for the Humanities and Sciences. This program takes viewers to the North Point section of Hong Kong, where we meet Ng Sun Tang and follow her as she goes about her daily life. The program also speaks with several other children who share their likes, dislikes, interests, and ambitions. Kanto, Erkki. 1996. Children of the World Video Series: Hong Kong. Carson City, Nevada: Filmwest Associates Limited. Introduces viewers to the culture and traditions of Hong Kong. Children act as hosts of their country, sharing the sights, sounds and history of their surroundings.
Web Sites Asian Studies WWW Virtual Library, http://coombs.anu.edu.au/WWWVL-Asian Studies.html. Contains links to a multitude of resources on Asia. Education and Manpower Bureau, http://www.emb.gov.hk/index.aspx?nodeID= 2&langno=1. The official web site of Hong Kong’s education bureau. This government organization is responsible for formulating policies and introducing legislation related to the education of Hong Kong’s youth. Site contains descriptions of the educational system, as well as information about specific schools. Hong Kong Committee on Children’s Rights (HKCRR), http://www.childrenrights. org.hk/contents.htm. Official web site for an organization dedicated to promoting the rights of children in Hong Kong. U.S. Department of State, http://www.state.gov/index.htm. Provides current background information on various countries and regions of the world. Look for ‘‘Countries and Regions’’ and ‘‘East Asian and Pacific Affairs.’’ World Health Organization, http://www.wpro.who.int/home.htm. Information on health issues in the Western Pacific region of the world. Look for ‘‘Countries and Areas’’ and ‘‘Hong Kong (China).’’
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Organizations and NGOs Education and Manpower Bureau 15/F, Wu Chung House 213 Queen’s Road East Wanchai, Hong Kong Phone: (852) 2892 5777 Automatic Telephone Inquiry System: (852) 2891 0088 Web site: http://www.emb.gov.hk The EMB is the government organization that formulates policies and introduces legislation regarding education in Hong Kong along with manpower needs and necessary human resources. The Bureau also oversees the implementation of educational programs.
Selected Bibliography Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. 2005. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Hong Kong. U.S. Department of State web site. http:// www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2004/41640.htm#hongkong. Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs. [Online, October 2005]. Background Note: Hong Kong. U.S. Department of State web site. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ ei/bgn/2747.htm#history. Census and Statistics Department of HKSAR. 2005. Women and Men in Hong Kong: Key Statistics 2004 Edition. Hong Kong Printer. Chen, Edward Kwan-yiu, and Teresa Y. C. Wong. 1999. Socioeconomic transformation and child development in Hong Kong. In Nia Pryde and Mona Tsoi, eds. Hong Kong’s Children: Our Past, Their Future. University of Hong Kong. Cheng, Kai-ming. 1997. The education system. In Gerry Postiglione and Wing On Lee, eds. Schooling in Hong King: Organization, Teaching and Social Context. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. Chiu, Sammy, and Victor Wong. 2002. School Social Work in Hong Kong: Constraints and Challenges for the Special Administrative Region. In M. Huxtable and E. Blyth, eds. School Social Work Worldwide. Washington, DC: NASW Press. Chow, Chun-bong. 2005. Underreported, under acknowledged: child abuse can no longer be ignored. Hong Kong Medical Journal 11(6): 429–30. CIA. 2005. The World Factbook: Hong Kong. World Factbook web site. http:// www.odci.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/hk.html. Daniel, Lynn, ed. 2004. Chinese Special Administrative Regions: Hong Kong. In The Far East and Australasia 2005. London: Europa Publications. The Economist Intelligence Unit. 2005. Country Briefings: Hong Kong–Factsheet. Economist Web site, http://www.economist.com/countries/HongKong/ profile.cfm?folder=Profile-FactSheet. Fong, C.M., H. M. Cheung, and Pui Yau Lau. 2005. Fractures Associated with Nonaccidental injury: A Orthopaedic Perspective in a Local Regional Hospital. Hong Kong Medical Journal 11: 445–51. Friedman, Thomas. 2005. The World is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty-First Century. Farrar, Straus and Giroux: New York. Funk & Wagnalls New World Encyclopedia. 2002. Hong Kong. Ebscohost Research Databases. http://search.epnet.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=funk&an= HO085600.
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The Government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. 2005. Primary Health Care Services. Hong Kong Government Web site. http://www.info. gov.hk/yearbook/2004/en/08_03.htm. Ho, Mary K. W. 1999. Social welfare and child welfare in Hong Kong. In Nia Pryde and Mona Tsoi, eds. Hong Kong’s Children: Our Past, Their Future. University of Hong Kong. The Hong Kong Committee on Children’s Rights. 2005. Why Hong Kong Needs a Child Commission. HKCRR web site. http://www.childrenrights.org.hk/ commision.htm. Hong Kong Council of Social Service. 2005. Family and Community Service in Hong Kong. HK Council of Social Service web site. http://www.hkcss.org. hk/folder/fc/fc_eng.htm. Hong Kong Information Services Department. June 2005. Survey respondents proud of HK, China. Admin and Civic Affairs web site. http://www3.news.gov.hk/ ISD/ebulletin/en/category/administration/050601/features/html/050601 en01002.htm. Hong Kong’s Women’s Commission. 2002. Survey on the Extent and Level of Positions taken up by Women in the Private and Non-governmental Sectors: Executive Summary. Hong Kong: Women’s Commission, Health, Welfare and Food Bureau. Hui, Stanley. 2001. Health and Physical Activity in Hong Kong: A Review. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press. Johns, David, and Amy Sau Ching Ha. June 2002. A Study of Hong Kong Children’s Dietary and Physical Activity Behaviors. Health Services Research Committee (Hong Kong). HSRC Report # 622005. Lau, Joseph T., J. L. Liu, A. Yu, and C. K. Wong. 1999. Conceptualization, reporting and underreporting of child abuse in Hong Kong. Child Abuse and Neglect 23(11): 1159–74. Lee, Anselm C. W. 2003. Management of Child Abuse in Hong Kong: Results of a Territory-Wide Inter-Hospital Prospective Surveillance Study. Hong Kong Medical Journal 9: 6–9. Luk-Fong Yuk Yee, Pattie. 2005. A Search for New Ways of Describing Parent-Child Relationships: Voices from Principles, Teachers, Guidance Professionals, Parents, and Pupils. Childhood 12(1): 111–137. Madden, Normandy. 1998. New generasians survey gets personal with Asia-Pacific kids. New York: Advertising Age International. Ngai, Ngan-Pun, and Chau-Kiu Cheung. 1997. Participation in youth center activities: A sequential specificity approach. Youth & Society 29(2): 238–53. O’Brian, Charles, Yau Ling Cheng Chung, and Nancy Rhind, eds. 1997. Responding to Child Abuse: Procedures and Practice in Child Protection in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. Olsen, Alan, and Peter Burges. 2006. Education Reform in Hong Kong: Threats and Opportunities for Australia. IDP Research Web site. http://www.idp.com/ research/researchpublications/default.asp. Poon-McBrayer, Kim Fong and Ming-gon John Lian. 2002. Special Needs Education: Children with Exceptionalities. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press. Rao, Nirmala. 2001. Accommodations for Assimilations: Supporting Newly Arrived Children from the Chinese Mainland to Hong Kong. Childhood Education, Annual Theme: 313–18. Shek, Daniel T. L. 2001. Paternal and Maternal Influences on Family Functioning Among Hong Kong Chinese Families. The Journal of Genetic Psychology 162(1): 56–74.
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United Nations Development Programme. 2005. Human Development Reports. Country Sheet: Hong Kong, China (SAR). Human Development Reports web site. http://hdr.undp.org/statistics/data/countries.cfm?c=HKG. Western Pacific Region Health Databank. 2005. Country Health Information Profile: Hong Kong (China). http://www.wpro.who.int/NR/rdonlyres/EF7E77974FAB-4D2E-8500-BA32F68F999E/0/hok_hdb.pdf. Wilkins, Karen Gwinn. 2006. Hong Kong. The Museum of Broadcast Communications web site. http://www.museum.tv/archives/etv/H/htmlH/hongkong/ hongkong.htm. Wong, Donna Kam. 2002. Struggling in the Mainstream: The Case of Hong Kong. International Journal of Disability, Development, and Education 49(1): 79–94.
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INDIA Deepak Kumar Behera and Nibedita Nath NATIONAL PROFILE India is situated in southernmost end of Asia, bordered by Afghanistan and Pakistan in the northwest, China, Bhutan and Nepal in the north, and Myanmar and Bangladesh in the east. Sri Lanka in the south is separated by a narrow channel of sea. The Indian subcontinent covers an area of 3,165,596 square kilometers (Microsoft Encarta Reference Library 2005). It is the second most populous country in the world. India became independent on August 15, 1947. The majority of people in India are Hindu by faith. The religious affiliations of the people are Hindu, 75 percent; Muslim; 12 percent; Christian; 6 percent; Sikh; 2 percent; Buddhist; 1 percent; nonreligious, 1 percent; and other, 3 percent (Microsoft Encarta Reference Library 2005). According to the 2001 Census, the subcontinent is inhabited by a total population of 1,027,015,247, with 531,277,078 males and 495,738,169 females (UNICEF 2004). In 2007,
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India’s total population was 1,129,866,154. Per 2007 estimates, the average life expectancy is 68.5 years (for females 71.17 years and for males 66.28 years), and the infant mortality rate is 34.61 deaths per 1,000 live births (CIA World Factbook 2007). The total population in the age group of birth to six years is 157,863,145. Of that, 81,911,041 are male children and 75,952,104 are female children (Census of India 2001). According to the seventh All India Educational Survey, conducted in 2002 by the National Council of Educational Research and Training, the child population between six and eleven years of age was 13,1716,909 (68,685,427 boys and 63,031,482 girls), and 80,193,173 between eleven and fourteen years of age (42,084,322 boys and 38,108,851 girls) on the same date. The population of India is young; nearly 37 percent of children are less than fourteen years of age (Census of India 2001). India’s diverse economy encompasses traditional village farming, modern agriculture, handicrafts, a wide range of modern industries, and a multitude of services. The Indian GDP grew 8.4 percent in the 2005–06 fiscal year (Central Statistical Organization [CSO] of the Ministry of Statistics). Two-thirds of India’s labor force works in the agricultural sector, which in conjunction with forestry and fishing, accounts for around 25 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) (CSO). However, the majority of landholdings are farmed at the subsistence level, and many farming families live below the poverty line. India has some of the lowest human development indicators in the world, particularly in rural areas. India also adopted many Structural Adjustment Policies (SAP) under the pressure of World Bank and International Monetary fund (IMF) in the 1980s and substantially cut many service sector programs, such as education, health, and social care, and subsidies to control the price of necessities, such as food and milk. India is a mosaic of linguistic diversity. None of its 1,600 languages, grouped somewhat arbitrarily into 114 groups, has a clear majority. Three contact languages have played important roles in the history of India: Sanskrit, Persian, and English. Article 343 of the Indian Constitution recognizes Hindi in Devanagari script as the official language of the union, but also allows for the continuation of use of the English language for official purposes. The Constitution of India recognizes 22 ‘‘regional languages’’ spoken throughout the country. Most states decide their own medium or mediums of instruction (MOI) for primary schools. While national policy recommends using the mother tongue as the MOI in primary schools, state policy varies for lack of implementation guidelines. Children often start school in a language that is not their mother tongue. Children from nondominant groups are particularly disadvantaged, including India’s Scheduled Tribes, those living in remote areas, migrants from states with different official languages, and those living on the edges of large cities. National Policy on Education 1986 provides Hindi, English, and modern Indian language (preferably one of the southern languages) in the
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Hindi-speaking states and Hindi, KEY FACTS – INDIA English, and the regional language in the non-Hindi speaking states. Population: 1,129,866,154 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 34.61 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) The 1986 policy also acknowlLife expectancy at birth: 68.59 years (2007 est.) edged the ‘‘uneven’’ implementaLiteracy rate (age fifteen and over): 59.5 percent (2003 est.) tion of the formula. The HindiNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 76 percent speaking states, with their greater (2000–2005) share in political power, have a Internet users: 60 million (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 5.1 million (2001 est.) special responsibility in respondHuman Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 55 ing to this challenge, especially with respect to the concept of the Sources: CIA World Factbook: India. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/geos/in.html. April 17, 2007; UNICEF. third language as a modern Indian India–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ language from a non-Hindi speakindia_india_statistics.html. April 26, 2007; United Nations ing region. While education policy Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–India. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ under the Three-Language Fordata_sheets/cty_ds_IND.html. April 26, 2007. mula has children learning three languages in ten years, linguistic minorities end up learning four because, when they enter education, their mother tongue clashes with the state majority language. This conflict has not yet been resolved politically or pedagogically. OVERVIEW The Government of India ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) on December 2, 1992, thereby obliging the government to review national and state legislations and bring those in line with the provisions of the convention. India has taken a number of steps in this direction, and many nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are playing important roles as well. CRY (Child Rights and You) is India’s leading NGO that advocates for child rights. The organization pleads that children are citizens in their own right, entitled to the full spectrum of human rights. Similarly, the Indian Council for Child Welfare (ICCW) is a Chennai-based organization that tries to provide children their basic human rights. The organization undertakes programs related to early childhood care and training for childcare workers; direct interventions programs for child workers, abused children, and child beggars; and to disseminate and document child-related information. Children also form a part of refugee population in India. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has proposed that the Indian government enact a national law to ensure that refugees from all nations have equal protection, including the rights to work and freedom of movement. The Indian government currently provides such protection to refugees from Bhutan, Sri Lanka, and Tibet. The refugee children are allowed to attend school. However, many parents are unable to afford the
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associated costs, such as clothing, transportation, and registration fees. In response, community leaders organize informal classes at communities and in homes so that the children can continue their studies. EDUCATION The enrollment percentages for boys and girls for Class-I to Class-VIII were 85.43 percent and 79.33 percent, respectively, in 2002–2003 as per the Annual Report of 2002–2003 of Ministry of Human Resources Development. A sample survey covering 123 districts of sixteen states found that the percentage of retention rate at primary level of education was 53.43 percent in 2003–2004. The corresponding figure calculated by covering a total number of 184 districts from those sixteen states was found to be 58.11 percent in 2004–2005. Ever since the Independence, education was made the Constitutional obligation of both state and central governments. Article 45 of the Constitution obliges the state to provide compulsory and free education to all children under fourteen years, although as of 2007 the time period had been extended. Since 1947, India strove for Universalization of Elementary Education (UEE) in accordance with the Constitutional commitment through various policies and programs such as National Policy on Education (NPE) 1968 and 1986 and the Programme of Action (POA) 1992. Programs in operation through the Department of Education likewise work toward substantial improvement in the facilities and quality of education in primary schools, along with improvement in learning and achievement levels. The National Literacy Mission (NLM), launched in 1988 to impart functional literacy to nonliterates, aims at attaining a literacy rate of 75 percent by 2007. The Total Literacy Campaign (TLC) has been the principal strategy of NLM for eradication of illiteracy. Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), launched in November 2000 as an umbrella program, aims to ensure five years of primary education for all children aged six to fourteen years by 2007 and eight years of schooling by 2010. In July 2003, the government of India approved a program called ‘‘National Programme for Education of Girls at Elementary Level’’ (NPEGEL) as an amendment to the existing scheme of SSA, to provide additional educational support for underprivileged/disadvantaged girls at the elementary level. The scheme is implemented in Educationally Backward Blocks (EBBs), where the level of female literacy is below, and the gender gap is above, the national average; in blocks of districts with at least 5 percent scheduled caste/scheduled tribe (SC/ST) population and where SC/ST female literacy is less than 10 percent; and also in select urban slums. Another scheme, Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya (KGBV), was approved for setting up elementary boarding schools for girls belonging predominantly to backward castes (OBC) and minorities in difficult areas. As a further
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incentive, girls who pass the VIII standard examination and enroll in secondary school receive a sum of RS3,000 at eighteen years of age. Despite the above progresses, many children are still out of school, and vast ground remains for fulfilling the Constitutional mandate of UEE. Bihari (2000) points out that in spite of all these efforts, India has the largest number of nonliterate people in the world (300 million), about a third of the world’s total population. India has the highest rate of girls not attending school and the greatest number of illiterate women in the world. A national scholarship program for persons with disabilities was introduced in 2003–2004. A project funded by UNDP to support children with disabilities was implemented from 2002 to 2004. SSA attempts to suitably emphasize disability concerns and ensure that most of the children with disabilities are covered through the inclusive education program, which attempts to include children with disabilities into the mainstream school system. Some communities do not see the need to educate daughters because they will be married off at an early age and live and work with their inlaws, mostly doing housework and raising children. Many children need to work and earn in order to supplement a meager family income and, therefore, do not attend school. Schools often lack facilities and teaching aids, including classroom space, toilets, drinking water, blackboards, and chalk. Teachers lack training and motivation. Despite an emerging economy and a string of high-quality colleges that produce professional workers, India has not satisfactorily improved primary education. The situation is worse in certain sectors of the population: the poor, those living in rural areas, girls, and those living in some states, such as Bihar and Rajasthan. The Indian national government hopes to achieve universal primary education by 2010. This is an ambitious goal, and much depends on the will to make it happen at the national and international level, and on the thousands of NGOs involved in education. Some organizations, such as Katha (Delhi), Pratham (Mumbai, Delhi), and Prayas (Delhi), have made universal primary education their focus and operate education centers for children in slum areas. Ruchika School Social Service runs twenty schools in the eastern state of Orissa on train platforms so that the many homeless children, who live in the train stations, begging and working, can learn. Although the government stresses teaching and learning in the mother tongue, English-speaking students tend to do better in higher education. In general, schools using regional languages as the medium of instruction have come to be associated with poor quality, mainly because most are government run and hence not held accountable. These are also schools that have poor infrastructure. English-medium schools are far better off in terms of funds and facilities. English, considered the passport to social mobility, is becoming the preferred language of instruction among parents, many of whom even put their children in unrecognized schools that are advertised as ‘‘English-medium.’’ As a result, government
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schools using regional languages are seen as the last resort of those with no other options, mostly children hailing from extremely poor families. PLAY AND RECREATION Irrespective of whether children have space, material, and other children to play with, play is a part of a child’s daily life. Poor children in slums and rural areas manage with pebbles, marbles, broken earthen pots, long sticks, small pieces of wood, mud and water, bottles, bottle caps, plastic spoons, syringes, polythene bags, wrappers, cartoons, pieces of bricks, and stones as play materials and make their own rules to start up a game. In recent times, numerous institutions such as parks, theatres, internet cafes, and centers of video games have come up in urban India to provide recreation for children. Children from well-do-do families use those facilities, but their counterparts from poor economic background lack access to such formal/commercial play materials and means of recreation. Children in rural areas play many traditional games. There is a serious lack of infrastructure facilities in rural areas for playing outdoor games like cricket, badminton, lawn tennis, hockey, and so on. Older female children are not encouraged to play outdoor games. Leisure activities for children include playing, watching cartoons, being with friends, reading story and comic books, listening to popular Bollywood (India’s movie industry) songs or songs from regional movies, and watching movies. Traditional Indian songs and dances are vanishing gradually among the younger generations. Technology has greatly revolutionized the recreation of older urban children. Electronic media such as television, VCD, audio systems and computers, video games, and the Cartoon Network have turned into favorite pastimes. Parents’ attitudes toward play and recreation has changed in recent years because of intense academic pressure and homework requirements. Many parents force their children to spend maximum out-of-school time in academic work. Whatever little time children get for recreation is spent in front of a television or computer. Not recognized significantly by parents or law, but of paramount importance, is the child’s right to play and recreate. Many children in India also lack access to appropriate means of recreation. A study by Ramakant (2006) reported that 52.2 percent of children in India who had their first smoke were influenced by tobacco use depicted in movies. Television is replete with images of sexual permissiveness, especially in advertisements and music videos. Children and teenagers in rural India are also exposed to a wide variety of television advertising. CHILD LABOR Child labor in India is largely rooted in poverty. Poor children begin working at a very young age. Children work to contribute to family
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income, and some families expect their children to continue the family business at a young age. In almost all household industries, children are unrecognized laborers because they are seen as ‘‘helpers’’ and not ‘‘workers.’’ Mostly children working in rural areas, both within and outside the household, are in so-called ‘‘light, nonhazardous work,’’ which is outside the formal sector and outside industry and hence kept out of the statistics. The sectors with high labor rates are the match industry, the diamond and precious stone polishing industries, the glass industry, the brassware industry, the handmade carpet industry, the lock-making industry, and the slate industry. Others include bangle-making, beedi-making (a form of cigarette), power looms, tanning, wool-cleaning, mica cutting and splitting, building and construction, vendors in streets and stations, manufacture of cement, shellac, and soap and manufacturing processes using toxic metals and substances, such as lead, mercury, manganese, chromium, cadmium, benzene, pesticides, and asbestos. Children also work in brick kilns, workshops, or soldering processes in electronics industries, and on floriculture, and vegetable farms. The vast majority of child laborers work in agriculture and plantations. Children often work under horrific circumstances, and those who do work prematurely compromise their rights to education, recreation, and protection, as well as vulnerability to injury, ill health, and maltreatment. A child trapped in child labor grows up to become an adult with poor prospects of securing decent work, of rising out of poverty, of giving his or her own family a good start in life, and of contributing to the economic and social growth of the country. Factors other than poverty also contribute to child labor. A child may be sent to work because families and communities do not value education where the majority of adults have never been to school. Tradition and culture also play a role. Perceptions of the nature of childhood and the role and responsibilities of children towards their elders and siblings often determine whether a child is sent to school or to work. In some communities in India, this is especially true for girl children. The majority of the female children work in the informal sector (as workers in household industries and as domestic servants) and are not protected by labor legislation, which requires an identifiable employer and employee whose working conditions can be regulated. Female children working as part of family labor are seldom recognized by their parents as workers, because their work is not directly remunerative even if it is productive. A female child is seen as a helper and not as a worker in household industries. FAMILY Generally, three types of family are found in India: joint, extended, and nuclear. Traditional joint families in India include brothers and their
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parents, wives and children. In contemporary societies, more and more nuclear families (parents and children) are replacing joint families due to urbanization and more women entering the labor market. Such changes have altered the roles and duties of parents and children. Roles and obligations of family members are more flexible and interchangeable because of their active engagement outside home. The increase in working mothers has also led to the taking over of many family functions by institutions. Children are receiving less care, love, and affection from secondary kin. Children of working mothers without any siblings lead a lonely life and spend much of their time with toys and electronic boxes. There are no formal statistics concerning divorce rates in India due to the large rural population and incomplete records, but it is widely acknowledged that the divorce rate has greatly increased and has adversely impacted dependent children. Due to substantial population growth, the government of India is now encouraging small families. Families with two children are provided a green card, which offers many benefits to the family and children regarding scholarships and various professional courses. Family in India is mostly authoritarian and patriarchal, with adults having full rights over their children to treat them in whichever way they deem fit. Children are expected to be obedient and often have a limited say in decisions that are made for them. Parents in rural areas continue to stay with a married son who provides them support in their old age. However, the changing economic structure has reduced the dependence of rural families on land, which had strengthened the bonds between generations. The traditional sense of childhood duty towards their older generation is eroding. Despite the changes in the structures and functions of Indian societies, families do preserve the norms of social hierarchy (of which the elderly are an important part), cultural styles, and mode of living. At the same time, elderly are regarded as the sources of wisdom and knowledge and respected within families and communities. Infant care is almost completely the responsibility of mothers, older siblings, and grandmothers. When the mother works in the fields or a factory, a grandmother commonly is the chief provider of daytime care for an infant. Traditionally, young married women in India received no share of parental property, but the Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act (2004) allows married daughters to claim equal share from the parents’ property like their brothers. However, very few female children are given these rights due to traditional custom. In India, deliberate neglect of the girl child is supported by religious practices. A boy carries the family line and is entitled to have gotra (clan) of his father, whereas a girl embraces the gotra of her husband after her marriage. A son lights the funeral pyres of his parents in order to release their soul from the bondage of their bodies, and can offer shraddha to his ancestors for spiritual benefits. A son brings dowry, whereas parents have to give dowry for their daughter’s marriage. There are separate and
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stringent prescriptions for dress, habits, mannerism, and social relations for girls, and virtues of silence, sacrifice, and suffering are advocated. Technological advances, such as amniocentesis, have been used by couples to detect and abort female fetuses. India’s 2001 census reports a child sex ratio of 927 girls to 1,000 boys, against a world average of 1,045 women to 1000 men. Child marriages still take place in India, particularly around the Hindu holy day of Akshya Tritiya, the third day of Baishakh (May). The traditional practice of Devadasi (servant of God) in India, for example, not only perpetuates systems that include trafficking and slavery of women and girls, but also involves the ritualistic marriage of girls to gods. These girls are often later sold into forced prostitution. HEALTH About 35 percent of India’s population (1992–2002) lives below $1 a day (UNICEF 2004). A staggering 320 billion people live below the poverty line. Children born in poverty are exposed to many health hazards from the time of conception. About 3.2 million children die of preventable diseases each year. Infant mortality rate (less than one year of age) in 2004 was sixty-two. The under-five mortality rate in 2004 was eighty-five. The annual number of under-five deaths was 2,210,000 in the year 2004. The percentage of low birth weight during 1998–2004 was 30 percent. Percentages of under-fives suffering from ‘‘severe’’ and ‘‘moderate’’ underweight during 1996–2004 were 18 and 47, respectively. The Government of India is making substantial improvements in nutrition, sanitation, water supply, and so on for the improvement of health status of poor children. The Integrated Child Development Services Scheme provides health and nutrition services for preschool-aged children and pregnant and lactating mothers living in poverty (Radhakrishnan 2005). India’s health spending ranks among the lowest in the world, standing at 0.9 percent in 2000. Per capita spending on health was US$71 in 2000. Public spending has also prioritized curative care that, on average, has gone to benefit the rich much more than the poor. Many public facilities charge user fees for their services, an additional burden on the poor. The delivery of public health care lies primarily with the states. Poorer states, such as Bihar and Madhya Pradesh, spend much less per capita than richer states, such as Kerala and Tamil Nadu, and have significantly worse health outcomes. The public sector accounts for approximately 20–25 percent of the total health care expenditure, which represents only ~1 percent of GDP and puts India’s public health care expenditure among the bottom 20 percent of countries. Around 80 percent of Indians are estimated to use private health care services that can vary in quality. According to the World Bank, the greatest number of private health practitioners are ‘‘completely unqualified’’ and used mainly by the poor. In India, government statistics put the number of people living with HIV/AIDS at up to
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4.58 million in 2002, of whom some 200,000 were said to be children under age fifteen. Many experts consider this figure to be a significant underestimate. The U.S. National Intelligence Council estimated that there were between 5 and 8 million people in India living with HIV/AIDS in 2002, and projected that the number would increase to 20 to 25 million by 2010. Children affected by HIV/AIDS—including those who are or whose parents are living with the disease, or who are orphaned by AIDS—face significant barriers to attending school. These include discrimination by teachers and principals who separate them from other students or deny them admission entirely; frequent absences due to opportunistic infections that schools do not tolerate, often because children fear revealing that they are HIV-positive in order to ask for special measures; and the loss of a family wage earner that leaves them unable to pay school fees and related expenses. A few states have policies on paper addressing discrimination in education or health, but most have failed to take action to prevent or respond to HIV/AIDS-affected children being denied education or health care. Some states have introduced HIV/AIDS education into some or many of their secondary schools but others have not, or cover only a small number of schools. In the states where HIV/AIDS curricula are being introduced, it is done so in grades eight or later, when the majority of children, especially girls, are no longer in school. Although India has permitted medical termination of pregnancy since 1971, this recourse can be taken only if the life of the mother is in danger or if the child is likely to be born with a physical or mental abnormality. Certain programs in India were launched at the very beginning of the Child-to-Child movement. These included the widely publicized Malvani Project in slums of Mumbai. This program trained children as health assistants to identify and arrange treatment for a number of prevalent diseases such as diarrhea, scabies, and anemia. Over the past two decades, Chetna, an NGO, has initiated and implemented programs, which focus on the empowerment of children related to health issues through the Child-to-Child approach. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Over the years, the government of India has made many efforts to prohibit child labor by enacting different kinds of laws following a proactive policy. The Constitution of India (January 26, 1950), through various articles enshrined in the Fundamental Rights and the Directive Principles of State Policy, lays down that: .
No child below the age of fourteen years shall be employed to work in any factory or mine or in any other hazardous employment (Article 24).
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State policy should prevent children from entering into employment unsuited to their age and strength (Article 39-e). Children shall be given facilities to develop in a healthy manner and shall be protected against moral and material abandonment (Article 39-f). The state shall provide free and compulsory education for all children up to the age of fourteen years (Article 45).
Recent articles added to the Constitution require the state to provide free and compulsory education to all children aged six to fourteen years in any way the state determines by law, and obligates parents or guardians to provide educational opportunities to their children or wards during the same time period. In 2006, the Child Labor (Prohibition and Regulation) Act was amended to ban employment of children under fourteen in restaurants and dhabas (road-side eating places) and as domestic servants. The first act in India relating to child labor was the Enactment of Children (Pledging of Labor) Act of February 1933. The major national legislative developments passed since the first child labor statute in 1933 include the following: .
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The Factories Act, 1948: Prohibits the employment of children below the age of fourteen years and prohibits more than four and a half hours of work per day for children aged fourteen to eighteen. Plantation Labour Act, 1951: Prohibits employment of children below twelve in any plantation. Merchant Shipping Act, 1951: Prohibits children under fifteen from working in any capacity in any ship, except a school ship, a training ship, a home trade ship, or a ship in which all persons employed are members of one family. Mines Act, 1952: Prohibits employment of children in any mine and forbids their presence in any part of a mine. Motor Transport Workers Act, 1961: Prohibits employment of children in any motor transport undertaking. Beedi and Cigar Workers (Conditions of Employment) Act, 1966: Prohibits employment of children in any industrial premises. The Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, 1986: Prohibits the employment of children below the age of fourteen years in thirteen occupations and fifty-seven processes that are hazardous to the children’s lives and health. The Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2000: The Act is the primary law dealing with the care, protection, development, and rehabilitation of neglected and delinquent juveniles.
The National Child Labor Policy, adopted in 1987, aims to formulate a specific program of action to gradually eliminate child labor. The policy consists of (1) a legal action plan enforcing the Child Labor Act and other related legislation, and (2) a focus on development of programs
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that benefit children in the areas of education and labor, and area-specific projects that reduce the frequency of child labor. Under this policy, National Child Labor Projects (NCLP) were set up in 1988 to rehabilitate child labor by providing nonformal education, vocational training, and supplementary nutrition to children withdrawn from employment. The National Authority for the Elimination of Child Labor (NAECL), set up in 1994, aims to establish special schools to provide nonformal education and prevocational skills training; and to promote additional income and employment generation opportunities and raise public awareness. The adoption of the National Policy for Children in 1974 was followed by the establishment of the National Children’s Board in 1975. The board focused on health and nutritional services; free and compulsory education for all children up to the age of fourteen; protection of girls and children of the weaker sections of the society; nonformal education for working children; protection against neglect, cruelty, and exploitation; working conditions for children under fourteen years; education, rehabilitation, and care of children with disability; protection under natural calamity; education of gifted children from poor communities; protection of children in all legal disputes; and strengthening family ties to support children’s growth. The Government of India also adopted the National Charter for Children in 2003. In independent India, states’ laws are not uniform in their definition of ‘‘children.’’ Juvenile courts are created to deal exclusively with youthful offenders, not as criminals, but as wards of the state requiring care and protection. While the juvenile court deals with delinquent children, the Child Welfare Board handles destitute ones. A child cannot remain in police custody longer than twenty-four hours, and most children acts have a ban on the presence of lawyers in juvenile court. For detention of the child, the children acts provide for remand/observation homes as places of safety. Children institutionalized by a juvenile court ruling go to facilities with good physical care, psychological services, literacy classes, and crafts training. Some Indian states have aftercare services for juveniles released from institutions. The laws also stipulate that children be institutionalized in their home state, where the cultural surroundings are familiar. In India, the Juvenile Justice Act defines a child as a boy under sixteen and a girl under eighteen years. The death penalty is applicable to any young man aged sixteen or over. Though legislation has been enacted to make eighteen years the general age of majority in India, twenty-one years continues to be the upper limit for childhood for some purposes. The minimum compulsory age of education in India is fourteen years. The various laws relating to labor prohibit a person under the age of fourteen years from working. Thus, the minimum age at which compulsory education ends synchronizes with the minimum age of employment. The age of capacity to contract a marriage is eighteen years for a girl and twenty-one years for a boy. However, there is a gap between laws and their enforcement in India due to
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different social practices deeply rooted in the community and compounded by historical poverty and vulnerable socioeconomic conditions. RELIGIOUS LIFE From early times, the main purpose of marriage in India was to raise children. Children were important not only in their own right, but also for continuation of the family lineage, and to perform the last rites for parents. In some circles, nurturing pious and emotionally stable progeny was considered a valuable socio-spiritual contribution. Some religious texts emphasize the crucial role that parents play in enabling their offspring to attain spiritual merit and liberation. Overall, Hinduism emphasizes that children should be loved and not neglected. The first chapter of the Bhagavad-gita alludes to the moral and social problems arising from ‘‘unwanted children.’’ For this reason, Hindu texts condemn contraception (especially abortion), suggesting that it is children who should be wanted rather than sexual pleasure alone. Some members of the higher varnas still perform rites of passage before attempting to conceive children. Children are generally treated with much affectionate indulgence, especially before schooling begins. The home plays a central role in the transmission of moral values to children. Children take part in the daily worship and learn social graces, such as the procedure for properly receiving guests. Naturally as children grow, not all retain the same religious sentiment as their parents; however, globalization means that many are actively researching their roots and trying to understand their religious heritage In many Hindu denominations, spiritual aspirants are encouraged to have a personal spiritual teacher, called a guru. The student is expected to follow the instructions of the guru and to sincerely strive to reach the goal of spiritual life. Gurus may teach to each student a special mantra, which is a name of God, a holy phrase, or other sacred words, which the student repeats to himself or herself daily at dawn and dusk, and as much as possible at other times. The chanting of a mantra is called japa. Japa is meant to increase remembrance of God and to elevate the mind so that it will become purer and able to experience God. A guru may also give the student instructions in meditation and other practices. Traditionally, the life of a male Hindu was divided into four Ashramas (‘‘phases’’ or ‘‘stages’’; unrelated meanings of ashrama include ‘‘monastery’’ or ‘‘refuge’’). They are: .
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Brahmacharya (‘‘meditation, or study of the Brahman’’): life as a student Gr: ihastha: the stage as a householder V a naprastha (‘‘living out in the forest’’): the stage of retirement Sany a sa: life as a monk.
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Among the moral obligations of a Hindu householder are the duties to support one’s parents, children, guests, priests (Brahmins), and monks (sany a sis). V anaprastha is gradual detachment from the material world. This may involve giving over duties to one’s children, spending more time in contemplation of the Divine, and making holy pilgrimages. Children in contemporary modern Indian societies do not strictly adhere to the religious doctrines and values due to their exposure to different modern secular forces. This trend is more visible among the urban children compared with rural and tribal children. The changing pattern of socialization has exposed them more and more to modern values in place of traditional religious values. Many children do not observe the religious prescriptions, as their secular-minded parents also overlook it. Despite these changes, the girl-child in modern India continues to suffer from various discriminations on the basis of religious considerations. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The term ‘‘child abuse’’ encompasses a broad range of maltreatment of children, which can include child battering, extreme punishment, hard labor, emotional abuse, sexual abuse, including incest and exploitation, and abandonment. Child abuse differs according to region and varies according to age, gender, economic background, and family structure. Numerous events of ill treatment, torture, and abuse of children remain unreported and unnoticed in India. However, in India, child abuse is increasingly coming out into the open and is drawing more attention. Children are abused by parents and teachers because of disobedience, lack of discipline, and cheating. Childrearing practices include physical force or punishment as a means of disciplining. Child beating and corporal punishment by the parents/guardians or even teachers are considered to be in the ‘‘interest of the child.’’ Abusive families are protected by the common belief that what happens in the family is ‘‘private,’’ and as a result, no one intervenes on the child’s behalf and the violence goes largely unreported. Corporal punishment, at all levels of schooling, is considered to be quite normal by teachers, parents, and students themselves. Private religious educational institutions such as madrassas and monasteries are particularly difficult to investigate. On account of poverty, many parents send their children to work in order to supplement their income. Child abuse is a common practice in work places because of the negative attitude of some employers toward children. Children are subject to cruel treatment, torture, and punishment by their employers. Many child laborers are street children, and a majority are over eight years of age, have never attended school, and have parents who have low-paid unskilled jobs. Many street children are runaways who left home and school to escape violence. Various studies reveal that teenage children are falling prey to drug abuse knowingly or
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unknowingly. Butterflies, a Delhi-based organization committed to the welfare and development of street children, offers an alternative education scheme of informal training in life skills, theatre, radio, and print journalism, as well as vocational training in carpentry, plumbing, and electrical maintenance and repair. Arunodhaya, a Chennai-based organization working with the street children, aims to create an awareness of children’s rights and equip street children with skills to promote and protect their rights. The combination of poverty and the lack of a social security network form the basis of the even harsher type of child labor—bonded child labor. For poor Indian families, there are few sources of bank loans, governmental loans, or other credit sources, and even if there are sources available, few Indians living in poverty qualify. Therefore, many poor parents exchange their child’s labor to local moneylenders for very little money, an average of two thousand rupees (less than US$50). There is a demand for trafficked children for cheap labor or for sexual exploitation. Certain areas in India have been documented as child sex tourism destinations over the past decade. A 748-page study report titled ‘‘Trafficking in Women and Children in India,’’ by the New Delhi-based Institute of Social Sciences (2002–2003) reveals that sex tourism is escalating in India, particularly in the tourist hubs of Kerala and Goa. In the state of Andhra Pradesh, members of left-wing armed groups known as Naxalites have reportedly begun recruiting boys aged between eight and fifteen. The boys usually come from scheduled castes or tribes, or socially or economically disadvantaged classes. Boys are recruited to the Bala Sangham, a militant children’s organization based in district towns such as North Telengana. The CHILDLINE India Foundation (CIF) is the nodal organization to support the development of the CHILDLINE service in India. CHILDLINE is India’s first twenty-four-hour, free, emergency phone service for children in need of aid and assistance. Any concerned adult or a child in need of help can dial 1098, the toll-free number to access the services. The program not only responds to the emergency needs of children but also links them to services for their long-term care and rehabilitation. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The future of India depends on the attention paid to its children. Children in India have begun to assume a perceptible place in all spheres of society. Enhancing the position and condition of the children penetrated into social consciousness only in the last few decades. Now the government, media, and market have started paying attention to children’s needs and rights. Most important, globalization and industrialization have led to rapid change in every aspect of the life of children. In the home front, children in the metros and cities have become more independent and active. Institutions are now taking many of the
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responsibilities of the family and home. The changing worldview and attitude of the adult society is providing children with a materialistic and consumerist orientation toward life. They are getting many benefits from science and technology and are much more exposed to the development of technology. Children in India are now much more interested in technical courses. In the twenty-first century, India will face the challenge of providing nutrition, education, health care, and all other facilities to all her children. The government must ensure that the needs of the poor are addressed in order to tackle the issue of child labor. Child labor cannot be eliminated by focusing on one determinant, for example education, or by brute enforcement of child labor laws. The importance of universal primary education should be widely recognized by everyone involved. Policies and pledges are easy to make, but implementation can be difficult and goals are hard to achieve, especially in a vast and populous country such as India. International agencies, the government of India, and the numerous NGOs will have to work together to make their desire for universal primary education by 2015 a reality in India. Teaching about HIV/AIDS in Indian schools is an urgent need, especially when children are not getting this information from their parents or guardians. Well-executed HIV/AIDS education will give children tools that help them avoid contracting HIV and can combat discrimination against those living with the disease. Children, especially from poor families, should be given tools and skills to grow up as valued and productive citizens of the twenty-first-century India. Equipping schools with modern technology will help attract children to schools and keep them abreast with the developments in various academic fields and the events of the world. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Amnesty International. 1998. Children in South Asia: Securing their Rights. Working paper of Amnesty International, April 22, 1998. The working paper presents a broad outline of the children in South Asia. It critically examines rights of the children in South Asian context. Behera, D.K., ed. 2007. Childhoods in South Asia. New Delhi: Longman/Pearson. Deals with the childhood situation in South Asia. Half a dozen articles in this volume deal with different aspects of Indian childhood. Bura, N., et al. 1989. The Lesser Child in India. New Delhi: Publication of the Ministry of Human Resource Development. The article deals with everyday experiences of children in general and female children in particular. De Souza, Alfred. 1979. Children in India: Critical Issues in Human Development. New Delhi: Manohar. Deals with critical issues in human development in India from the view point of the children.
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Devasia, L. and V.V. Devasia, ed. 1991. The Girl-child in India. New Delhi: Asish Publishing House. The book provides a comprehensive picture of the girlchild in India. Human Rights Watch. 1996. The Small Hands of Slavery—Bonded Child Labor in India. New York: Human Rights Watch. The document makes a situational analysis of bonded child labor in India. Kamat, K. L. 2007. Working Children in India. Kamat’s Potpourri. http://www. kamat.com/kalranga/children/working/. Provides important classified literature on different aspects of Indian children. Ministry of Human Resources Development, India. 2002–2003. Annual Report: 2002–2003. New Delhi: Government of India. NACO. Undated. HIV Estimates in India. http://www.naco.nic.in/indianscene/ esthiv.htm. Accessed February 23, 2004. It presents a rough estimate of the spread of the deadly disease HIV in Indian population. Pandey, Rajendra. 1991. Street Children of India: A Situational Analysis. Allahabad: Chugh Publications. The book provides a picture of street children in India. Pattnaik, Jyotsna. 1996. Early Childhood Education in India: History, Trends, Issues, and Achievements. Early Childhood Education Journal 24(1):11–16. The author presents a brief overview of the traditional childrearing practices in India, chronicles of government initiatives in early childhood education, describes the range of programs available in India, and identifies goals that will shape the future of early childhood programs in India. Phillips, W. S. K. 1994. Street Children in India. Jaipur: Rawat Publications. The book provides a picture of street children in India. UNAIDS. 2003. AIDS Epidemic Update. December. p. 3. The document presents the spread of AIDS in the contemporary Indian societies. Weiner, M. 1991. The Child and the State in India. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. This book examines to what extent the state fulfills its obligations and responsibilities in monitoring children’s rights. The World Bank. 1995. Economic Developments in India: Achievements and Challenges. Washington, DC: The World Bank. While presenting a picture of economic development in India, this World Bank report presents various challenges to be tackled by Government of India. It contains some important data on Indian children.
Web Sites Child in Need Institute, http://www.cini-india.org/about.asp. Child In Need Institute (CINI), a leading nongovernmental organization of India founded in Kolkata in 1974, has been working to achieve sustainable development among children of poor communities living in the city of Kolkata, South 24 Parganas and surrounding areas. Childright, http://www.childrightindia.org/AR1.html. Childright tries to combat exploitation and denial of rights to children under difficult circumstances. Issues like child poverty, hunger, injustice, and denial of rights to children are the thrust areas of the organization. Ministry of Youth Affair and Sports, Govt. of India, http://yas.nic.in/. The Ministry pursues the twin objectives of personality building and nation building, i.e.
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developing the personality of youth and involving them in various nation-building activities. As most of the issues concerning young people are the functions of other Ministries/Departments, like Education, Employment & Training, Health and Family Welfare, and so on, the role of the Ministry of Youth Affairs & Sports is to act as a facilitator and catalytic agent. Nanban, Centre for Street and Working Children (NIL), http://www.nanbanindia.org. Nanban is a Madurai-based NGO. It provides community-based holistic development programs for promoting the rights of children for care, protection, development and growth, including rights of participation, of the of community of children found placed in very difficult situations. National Institute of Social Defense (National Initiative for Child Protection), http://nicp.nisd.gov.in/natlegis.php. National Institute of Social Defense (NISD) is an autonomous body under the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, Government of India. The Institute’s areas of concern are juvenile justice, child protection, old age care, drug abuse prevention and related sectors. Smile Foundation, India, http://www.smilefoundationindia.org/. Smile Foundation reaches out to more than 100,000 children and youth through various education and healthcare projects across fifteen states of Federal India. World Vision India, http://www.worldvisionindia.org. World Vision India work together with the communities, families and children in their journey towards development. Child Sponsors provide the majority of the funds raised by World Vision. Sponsorship is about partnering girls and boys in their pursuit of a new future with dignity, justice, peace, and hope.
Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations The CHILDLINE India Foundation (CIF) Nana Chowk Municipal School Frere Bridge Mumbai - 400 007 India Phone: 00 91 22 3871098 Fax: 00 91 22 381 1098 Web site: http://www.childlineindia.org.in It is the nodal organization to support the development of the CHILDLINE service in India. 1098 . . . a phone number that spells hope for millions of children across India. CHILDLINE, India’s first twenty-hour, free, emergency help line not only responds to the emergency needs of children but also links them to services for their long-term care and rehabilitation. The National Institute of Public Cooperation and Child Development (NIPCCD) 5, Siri Institutional Area August Kranti Marg Hauz Khas
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New Delhi 110 016 India Phone: 00 91 11 696 4373 Fax: 00 91 11 651 5579 Web site: http://www.nipccd.org The objectives of the Institute are to develop and promote voluntary action in social development and take a comprehensive view of child development and develop and promote programs in pursuance of the National Policy for Children. V.V. Giri National Labour Institute (VVGNLI) Sector-24, Noida-201301 Gautam Budh Nagar U.P India Phone: 00-91-120-2411533, 2411534, 2411535 Fax: 00-91-120-2411536, 2411474 The primary concern of National Resource Centre on Child Labour (NRCCL) at the V.V. Giri National Labour is to provide technical advisory services and consultancy, disseminate information to highlight the problems of child labor, and create greater awareness leading to change in the attitude of the masses. Nongovernmental Organizations Arunodhaya 15 Bazar Street Royapuram Madras 600 013 India Phone: 00 91 44 523 2283 A Chennai-based organization working with the street children. Arunodhaya Children’s Sangam (ACS) provides a forum for children to express their views, to create an awareness on the concept of rights of children and equip these children with skills to promote and protect the rights of children and to ensure that children’s perspectives enrich adult’s knowledge on issues related to rights of children. Butterflies U 4 Green Park Extension 1st Floor, New Delhi 110016 India Phone: þ91 11 616 3935 Fax: þ91 11 619 1063 Web site: http://www.butterflieschildrights.org A nongovernmental organization that works primarily with street and working children in India. The organization areas of expertise are child labor and working children, children and education, and children working and living on the street. The Child Labour Action Network (CLAN) 201, Pankaj Tower, Mayuruihar-I New Delhi-110091 India
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Phone: þ91 11 225 2298 Fax: þ91 11 279 4613 A Delhi-based organization that aims at creating a society in which all children have equal opportunities for development and that they grow as responsible citizens with a view of coexistence, sustainable development, and social justice leading to peace for all. It primarily focus on child labor and working children. Child Rights and You (CRY) 189/A. Anand Estate Sane Guruji Marg Mumbai 400 011 India Phone: þ91 22 306 3651 or 3080731 Fax: 00 91 22 308 0726 Web site: http://www.cry.org Pleads that children are citizens in their own right, entitled to the full spectrum of human rights. CRY partners with grassroots-level NGOs working with children, their parents and communities. The Concerned for Working Children (CWC) 303/2 L.B. Shastri Vimanpura Post Bangalore-560 017 Karnataka, India Phone: 00 91 80 523 4611 Fax: 00 91 80 523 4258 Web site: http://www.workingchild.org A Bangalore-based, nongovernmental organization that views all children as respected citizens. It empowers working children so that they may be their own first line of defense and participate in an informed manner in all decisions concerning themselves. Indian Council for Child Welfare (ICCW) 5 III Main Road West Shenoy Nagar Chennai 600 030 Madras India Phone: 00 91 44 626 0097 Fax: 00 91 44 621 2550 A Chennai-based organization that tries to provide children their basic human rights. The organization undertakes programs in early childhood care, direct interventions programs of child labor, child abuse, child beggary, and other forms of child exploitation. Katha Sarvodaya A-3 Sarvodaya Enclave Sri Aurobindo Marg New Delhi-110017 Phone: 2652.4350; 2652.4511 Fax: 2651.4373 The organization works with children and women, helping them gain the meaning and importance of empowerment. Many would-have-been school dropouts have
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become school toppers with the support and guidance of Katha. The Katha child makes their future through the process of learning through a proactive curriculum. Pratham YB Chavan Center Nariman Point Mumbai 400 021 Phone: (91) (22) 23851542 The goal of this organization to ensure that ‘‘every child is in school and is learning well.’’ Pratham has reached out to one million children with an accelerated learning method, in which an unlettered child starts reading and computing basic mathematics in three weeks. The organization is based on a triangular partnership: the government, the corporate sector, and the citizens. South Asia Coalition on Child Servitude (SACCS) L-6 Kalkaji New Delhi India Phone: 00 91 11 621 0807 or þ91 11 647 5481 Fax: 00 91 11 623 6818 It has always made sure that working children and former working children have a platform to express their views and participate in activities that are important to them. SACCS has helped bring children’s voices to the international arena through the Global March for Child Labour.
Selected Bibliography Behera, D.K. 1996. Children and Childhood in our Contemporary Societies: An Introduction. In Deepak Kumar Behera, ed. Children and Childhood in our Contemporary Societies. Delhi: Kamal Raj Enterprises. Behera, D.K. 1998. Children and Childhood in Our Contemporary Societies. New Delhi: Kamla Raj Enterprises. Behera, D. K., and Jayshree Mishra. 1996. Cultural Construction of Girlhood: Plight of Girl-Child in India. In Georg Pfeffer and D. K. Behera, eds. Contemporary Society: Childhood and Complex Order. New Delhi: Manak Publication Pvt. Ltd. Bihari, V. 2002. The Scourge of Child Labour in India. Asia-Pacific Newsletter, 2. Burra, N. 1988. Out of Sight, Out of Mind: The Female Working Child in India. Paper presented at the workshop on ‘‘The Girl Child for the SAARC,’’ Indian International Centre, New Delhi. Census of India. 2001. Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, New Delhi, India. Chadha, N. K. 2004. Understanding Intergenerational Relationships in India. Journal of Intergenerational Relationships 2 (3/4):6–73. Ghosh, Jayanti. 2006. Stolen Childhood. Frontline 23(22): 4–9. Indian Council for Child Welfare. 1998. Child and Law. Chennai, Tamil Nadu, India. The Indian Express. 2004. November 30, 2004.
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Institute of Social Sciences. 2002–2003. Trafficking in Women and Children in India. Report of the project jointly undertaken by NHRC, UNFEM and ISS, New Delhi. Manhas, S., A. Kaur, and R. Dhingra. 2003. Play Activities among Gujar Children. Man in India 83(3–4): 393–405. Microsoft Encarta Reference Library. 2005. Nath, Nibedita. 2005. Growing up in Slums of Sambalpur City. Ph.D. Thesis submitted to Sambalpur University. Nath, Nibedita. 2005. A Critical Assessment of the Provisions of CRC in the Context of a Slum of Eastern Indian City. Paper presented in the international conference Childhoods 2005, Oslo University, Norway, Europe June 29–July 3, 2005. Radhakrishnan, R. 2005. Food and Nutrition Security of the Poor. Economic and Political Weekly. April 30. Ramakant, Bobby. 2006. Tobacco Shown in Movies Influences Children. The Seoul Times. November 8. Sankhala, Arati, A.K. Sankhala, Bhavna Bhatnagar, and Alpana Singh. 2004. Impact of Intervention Feeding Trail on Nutritional Status of 6-10 Years Old Malnourished Children. The Anthropologist 6(3): 185–89. Scrase, Timothy J. 2002. Television, the Middle Classes and the Transformation of Cultural Identities in West Bengal, India. The International Journal for Communication Studies, 64(4): 323–342. UNICEF. 2004. At a Glance: India. UNICEF. UNICEF. 2005. The State of World’s Children 2005. Childhood under Threat. New York: UNICEF House.
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INDONESIA John A. Huss and Elaine Jarchow NATIONAL PROFILE Indonesia, the fourth most populous nation in the world at 242 million (CIA 2006), stretches across an archipelago of thousands of islands between Asia and Australia. The largest islands are Java, Kalimantan (the southern part of the island Borneo), Sumatra, Sulawesi, and Papua (formerly Irian Jaya, which is the western part of New Guinea). Indonesia’s total land area measures 1.9 million square kilometers or 750,000 square miles (CIA 2006). True to its national motto ‘‘Unity in Diversity,’’ Indonesia is comprised of more than 300 ethnic groups, often bound together by little more than a national language, the Bahasa Indonesia, and a national philosophy, the Pancasila, which emphasizes social justice, sacred values, and nationalism. Indonesians refer to their homeland as Tanah Air Kita (‘‘Our Land and Water’’). The population growth rate of Indonesia has been on a modest, yet perceptible, increase since 1980, with approximately 29 percent of the total population between zero and fourteen years of age. The 2003 Labor Force Survey reveals about 39.8 million people who are youth aged fifteen to twenty-four years, with females accounting for 49.2 percent of total youth population
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(Department of Manpower and Transmigration 2004). In recent years, the overall national growth rate has hovered around 1.5 percent (CIA 2006). According to recent United Nations population projections, Indonesia is included in the list of ten countries that will contribute most to world population growth over the next thirty years. Overall life expectancy at birth has improved from 47.2 years in 1971 to 70.16 years in 2007 (CIA World Factbook 2007). The life expectancy is predicted to be 73.7 by the year 2025 (United Nations 2000). According to the National Health Survey (2002–2003), the percentage of single parents reached 10.6 percent in urban areas and 12.8 percent in rural areas (World Health Organization 2006). The economic future of Indonesia is mixed. With a gradual shift in economic focus from oil production to agriculture and manufactured exports (including steel, plywood, aluminum, textiles, coffee, seafood, rubber, and cement), the country has slowly recovered from an economic crisis in 1998 that produced a poverty rate near 37 percent and emerged as a large and growing market for Western agricultural commodities. Indonesia’s estimated per capita income is $1,143, and the poverty rate fell to 17.5 percent in 2003 (U.S. Department of State: Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs 2006). Nonetheless, weaknesses in the banking systems, panoptic corruption, and the absence of reliable business law threaten a somewhat tenuous gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate of 5.1 percent reported in 2004 (U.S. Department of State: Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs 2006). In total, Indonesia has a fragile economic framework, punctuated by high unemployment, weak investment confidence, a vulnerable infrastructure, and resource disparity across regions. Female participation in the work force is believed to be 50.1 percent, compared with 85.6 percent for males. Almost 38 percent of female employment is connected to unpaid domestic work. The number of women in public offices is approximately 39 percent with 17 percent of those in managerial positions (Badan Pusat Statistik 2000). The National Labor Force Survey reveals there are 9.5 million unemployed persons in Indonesia, 60 percent of whom are under the age of twenty-five (Department of Manpower and Transmigration 2004). An average of 33 percent of these young people are considered ‘‘underemployed,’’ meaning they work less than full time and/or do not earn sufficient incomes. The average job search duration for youth job seekers, aged fifteen to twenty-four years, is about seven months (Department of Manpower and Transmigration 2004). Because of Indonesia’s meager economic growth patterns, the formal sector is unable to absorb such a large youth labor pool. The majority of young workers tend to be employed in the agricultural industry, but the proportion of youth involvement has dropped from 55 percent in 1990 to 43 percent in 2003 (Department of Manpower and Transmigration 2004). National and
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global impacts resulting from widespread youth unemployment are inevitable and include violence, crime, and political instability. The Department of Social Affairs supervises all governmental social welfare programs. Subsidized housing for the aged, orphanages, and schools for the handicapped are supported throughout the country. A number of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) likewise promote children’s rights throughout Indonesia, including the Child Advocacy Network, the National Commission on Child Protection, the Center for Study and Child Protection, and the Foundation for Indonesian Child Welfare. The Family Welfare Movement (PKK) facilitates the improvement of family welfare in rural areas with a primary focus on women. The Program for Backward Villages (Inpres Desa Tertinggal [IDT]) serves to channel World Bank funding to the subdistrict level to village self-help groups, including the PKK. The program emphasizes community participation, village self-reliance, and decentralization through the participation of women and women’s groups. Yayasan KOMPAK (Indonesian Committee for the Creative Education for Child Labor Foundation) organizes and runs alternative educational programs for child laborers at work in Tangerang. Similarly, the KKSP (Foundation Education and Information Center for Child Rights Indonesia) serves as an advocate for child laborers and child prostitutes as it seeks to assist ‘‘street children’’ who have been oppressed or subjugated by adults in some manner. The Indonesian government’s attitude toward NGOs has remained rather ambivalent, and KEY FACTS – INDONESIA the state generally welcomes selfPopulation: 234,693,997 (July 2007 est.) help and development projects. Life expectancy at birth: 70.16 years (2007 est.) Intervention by NGOs in human Literacy rate: 87.9 percent (2002 est.) rights issues, however, has been Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 94 percent a recurring source of agitation. (2000–2005) OVERVIEW Impacted by family income inequality and low maternal education, the infant mortality rate is approximately 36 deaths per 1,000 live births (male: 41 per 1,000; female: 30 per 1,000) (CIA 2006). Rarely are births assisted by health professionals or qualified doctors. The World Health Organization reports prenatal care in Indonesia to be
Internet users: 16 million (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 110,000 (2003 est.) Children orphaned by AIDS: 1,232,131 (2005 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 41 (2006 est.) Sources: CIA World Factbook: Indonesia. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/geos/id.html. April 17, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006: Indonesia. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_IDN.html. April 26, 2007; UNICEF. Indonesia–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ indonesia_statistics.html. April 25, 2007; World Health Organization (WHO): UNAIDS/WHO Global HIV/AIDS Online Database. ‘‘Epidemiological Fact Sheet on HIV/AIDS and Sexually Transmitted Diseases: Indonesia.’’ http://www.who.int/ GlobalAtlas/predefinedReports/EFS2006/ index.asp?strSelectedCountry=ID. December 2006.
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poor (World Health Organization 2006). According to the Criminal Code, abortion is strictly illegal unless there are serious and overriding medical considerations. The state guarantees tolerance for several religions regarded as monotheistic. Though marginally represented by Protestants, Roman Catholics, Hindus, and Buddhists, Indonesia boasts the world’s largest Muslim population. Although the government views itself as secular, atheism is illegal; citizens are required to align themselves with one of the established religions in order to receive government services. According to Indonesia’s 2000 National Census, more than 3.2 million people are categorized as those who ‘‘do not have a permanent place to live’’ (Badan Pusat Statistik 2000). Interestingly, the homeless situation in Indonesia is viewed more as a ‘‘social issue’’ than a ‘‘housing issue,’’ thus making it difficult to ascertain accurate statistics. Pavement dwellers and people living under bridges or in temporary shacks are seen as ‘‘people suffering from social problems.’’ The government tends to classify ‘‘homelessness’’ strictly in terms of the availability of physical structures. The Indonesian government issued Act 4/1992 on Housing and Settlement to acknowledge the right of all citizens to have an adequate house in a safe, healthy, orderly, and harmonious environment. While Indonesia has oriented itself toward a democratic-style government, the process has not been without discord. Several areas of resistance, including Papua and Aceh, violently challenged a democratic transition with regional armed conflicts and widespread human rights violations. A civil war in the Moluccan islands between Christians and Muslims likewise threatened Indonesian peace and displaced citizens on both sides of the fray. The central government has struggled to adequately protect the hundreds of thousands of people expelled in Aceh and the Moluccas, as well as East Timorese refugees in West Timor. The number of refugees across the country was significantly worsened in December 2004 by an earthquake-generated tsunami off northwest Sumatra, which devastated Aceh and killed 130,000 people, and a subsequent earthquake in March 2005, which caused much destruction on the islands of Simeulue and Nias, west of Sumatra (HighBeam Research, Incorporated 2006). Although the official number of asylum-seekers in Indonesia has dropped from about 3,900 in 1999 to less than 500 in the early 2000s (Nunan 2003), the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the International Organization of Migration (IOM) continue to work on the repatriation of East Timor refugees residing in West Timor as well as illegal migrants from several Middle-Eastern countries, including Iraq and Afghanistan, who are in Indonesia and hoping to be resettled in Australia or another developed Western country. The nature of childhood in Indonesia is greatly impacted by many of the same contemporary issues that confront young people around world,
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including mothers who work outside the home, changing family structures, and, of course, the role of media and technology, both from an educative and entertainment perspective. The phenomenon of women as de facto and de jure heads of households is increasing as male migration to urban centers increases. Subsequently, women with absent husbands or those widowed and divorced lose former family support systems. The effects of women participating in the labor force, then, are wide ranging and, in many instances, begin at the dinner table. Because women are typically engaged in preparations necessary for food storage, these activities often go undone. Thus, the immediate causes of malnutrition in children are often attributable to sporadic meals (generally one or two meals per day) consisting mainly of starchy staples. Breakfast is usually comprised of scraps from the previous dinner. Children of working mothers frequently display vitamin A depletion, blamed in part on the shortage of leafy green vegetables served in the daily diet. Infant nutrition is likewise impacted adversely due to the limited time available for breastfeeding. Moreover, childcare issues arise for Indonesian women who work outside the home. Because siblings are typically responsible for care of younger children, the presence of an extended family in the home is critical. Such arrangements result in better overall nutritional and hygienic care of the children. Higher income households are likely to be able to afford to have older relatives or close neighbors care for the offspring. Television programming for children is becoming a source of concern for some child welfare authorities who insist the television medium must be better regulated. There is no legal obligation for television stations to provide children with appropriate programs, and local television stations allocate only a fraction (4.8–11.7 percent) of their airtime to children’s programs (Dursin 2000). According to a survey by the nongovernmental Indonesian Child Welfare Foundation (YKAI), however, more than 52 percent of so-called children’s programs contain violent and ‘‘anti-social’’ scenes, including fistfights and swordplay (Dursin 2000). The majority of distasteful shows are foreign-produced, with many titles imported from Japanese animators. Adult soap operas, many from Latin America, are regularly aired during times when children have access to the television in the home. Results of a recent study by YKAI show that Indonesian children watch more than twenty-six hours of television a week (Dursin 2000). In a similar vein, the popularity of video games has grown immensely in Indonesia for both children and adults. While terminals, joysticks, and other accoutrements are relatively uncommon in private homes, youngsters in the larger cities such as Jakarta have access to video games at internet cafes, malls, and ‘‘children’s arenas.’’ Reaction to the increasing presence of video games is mixed, with many parent groups finding them harmless and even educational as they stimulate imagination and creativity. Others believe they encourage some children to blur the distinctions
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between fantasy and reality, especially those games with a more violent content. The merging of technology and education has moved into the daily lives of Indonesian youngsters just as it has in countries all around the world. As part of the National Education curricula, Pusat Peragaan IPTEK, operated under the guidance of the State Ministry for Research and Technology, initiated and developed the Science and Technology Center, which has emerged as a national reference for science and technology in Indonesia. The center features galleries consisting of twelve clusters with 250 hands-on interactive exhibits for visitor of all ages to explore. A core mission is to develop programs for students, teachers, and public in general. The center also sponsors traveling exhibits whereby interactive science and technology experiences are taken to rural communities and other provinces in Indonesia. Children are, therefore, receiving exposure to the interplay between science and technology at a young age as they participate in these computer camps, science shows, and research workshops. Two devastating tsunamis in rapid succession in the early 2000s victimized Indonesia and placed untold hardships on children and their families. A magnitude 9.0 earthquake on December 26, 2004, off the west coast of Northern Sumatra, Indonesia, left more than 110,000 dead, with thousands missing. A lesser, although still powerful, tsunami occurred in July 2006 and sent waves over three meters (fifteen feet) high crashing into a 110-mile stretch of Java’s southern coast, claiming hundreds of lives. In both instances, a disproportionate number of the dead were women and children who were either working or playing on the beach when the waves hit. As a result, a generation of children has been orphaned and made homeless by these natural disasters. Issues concerning health and sanitary conditions have subsequently arisen and magnified across Indonesia. Following the 2004 tsunami, for example, government officials began a spraying campaign to prevent a malaria outbreak. Cases of diarrhea, respiratory and skin infections, and intestinal diseases due to a lack of safe drinking water were reported for both tsunamis, as were children suffering from mental trauma. Other disturbing realities have likewise emerged from the aftermath of the widespread destruction. The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has been battling the international trafficking of children who were left unaccompanied in these cataclysmic upheavals. The challenge is to ensure children are protected from predators, both individual pedophiles and international criminal gangs, who can use the pandemonium within the country to prey on the vulnerability of displaced youngsters. The need for foster homes and/or adoptions has increased exponentially. Organizations such as Child Fund Australia and Save the Children have been instrumental in establishing ‘‘child-centered spaces’’ within Indonesia to assist with the ongoing recovery process. Specialists in child protection also continue vital family tracing and reunification activities.
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EDUCATION In spite of an ambitious 1950 draft constitution objective to provide at least six years of primary schooling for all Indonesian children, the goal remained largely unfilled into the late 1980s. Improvement was initiated when portions of oil reserves were set aside specifically for the construction or repair of nearly 40,000 primary schools. Still, a high birth rate, a decline in infant mortality, and a general shortage of qualified teachers thwarted the realization of universal education throughout Indonesia. As the 1990s came to a close, an increasing number of areas were actively enforcing compulsory primary education for children between the ages of seven and twelve. According to 2002 UNICEF data, school enrollment rates were 96 percent for children in this age bracket, with girls slightly outnumbering boys; 79 percent for children ages thirteen to fifteen; and 49 percent for children ages sixteen to eighteen. In the end, boys were more likely to finish school (United Nations Children’s Fund 2006). For the most part, the administrative responsibilities for education belong to the Ministry of National Education (MONE), as well as branches in the subdistricts and municipalities. The central government retains control over standards setting, curriculum, and accreditation. Higher education is also under the charge of the central government. Approximately 86.3 percent of the young are literate. About 1 percent of the gross national product is spent on education (Indonesia: Bhinneka Tunggal Ika 2005). Families can choose between state-run, nonsectarian public schools or private or semiprivate religious schools supervised and financed by the Department of Religious Affairs. Less than 15 percent of the households are affiliated with the religious schools, a rather surprising total given that 88 percent of the Indonesian population professes to be Muslim (Department of the Army 2005). Despite improvements, school attendance in many regions is erratic. Many children drop out before the completion of grade three. A significant, yet undetermined, number of children are forced to leave school during a given year to help support their households. Political conflicts disrupt the education of many children during the year. A monthly fee for public schools, often a deterrent for many parents, varies from province to province, and is frequently based upon average incomes. Education in Indonesia has a twofold purpose. As expected, the school is to impart basic academic and secular wisdom. A larger, more esoteric purpose is to transmit knowledge about the modern nation-state and its moral and ideological foundations. Children age six and above are expected to learn the five principles of the Pancasila: (1) belief in one God; (2) humanitarianism; (3) national unity; (4) democracy; and (5) social justice, and apply these principles in their own lives. The law theoretically provides children with disabilities the right to an education and rehabilitative treatment. However, many young persons
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with disabilities encounter difficulties in receiving an education and rehabilitative treatment; some resort to begging for a living. According to a UNICEF report in 2000, there were approximately 2 million children with disabilities between ten and fourteen years of age. NGOs were the primary providers of education for disabled children. There were 1,084 schools for persons with disabilities; 680 were private and 404 were government operated. Of the government schools, 165 were ‘‘integrated,’’ serving both regular and special education students. The government also ran three national schools for those with visual, hearing, and mental disabilities (U.S. Department of State 2003). One of the most aggressive endeavors to ensure all children receive quality care and education in their home communities as part of early child development, preschool, primary, and secondary education programs has been the Opportunities for Vulnerable Children (OVC) project, spearheaded by Helen Keller International. OVC actively seeks and recognizes children in Indonesia who require essential services, such as itinerant teachers, classroom materials, and devices. The project has expanded to include a close group of collaborators such as the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), Indonesian Ministry of National Education (MONE), Provincial Education Department of DKI Jakarta (PDOE), Hilton Perkins International Program, University of Indonesia Faculty of Psychology (UI), and State University of Jakarta (UNJ). In cooperation with the MONE and PDOE, the program was able to allocate seven full-time teachers to the Early Intervention Program, with three additional teachers from the Rawinala Foundation. The teachers constitute the core personnel working with the students. This was a challenge, as Indonesia does not currently provide kindergarten or preschool programs as part of its nine year Basic Education Platform, which begins at age seven. Government policies were amended, changed, or rendered flexible by the government in order to expedite this program. Indonesia reports an 87.9 percent literacy rate (those age fifteen and over who can read and write). For males, the rate is 92.5 percent while the rate for females is 83.4 percent. Illiteracy is more prevalent among rural women over forty-five years of age (Central Intelligence Agency 2006). Indonesia has demonstrated sustained growth in the number of public institutions of higher learning, increasing from ten such institutions and 6,500 students in 1950 to 900 institutions with 141,000 teachers and nearly 1,486,000 students in the 1990s (Department of the Army 2005). While tuition in state institutions is considered ‘‘affordable,’’ faculty salaries are low by international standards. The higher education enrollment rate in rural areas is less than 50 percent of that in urban areas, while the enrollment from low-income provinces is only 20 percent of that among the higher income regions (Department of the Army 2005).
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PLAY AND RECREATION While a small percentage of middle- and upper-class Indonesian children have access to modern electronic and technological toys, most youngsters entertain themselves with traditional, inexpensive games and activities. Many of these games have recognizable western counterparts. Elementary-aged girls, for example, enjoy creating a ‘‘jump rope’’ out of hundreds of elastic bands that are looped together to form a large ring. The girls take turns trying to jump over the elastic rope, which is held by two girls at each end. This game, called Lompat Tali, often finds experienced players able to jump over ropes that are neck high. Layang-layang is the Indonesian equivalent of kite flying and is highlighted by the designs of the kites, which frequently represent various Indonesian provinces. Some children prepare kites with tails for the simple act of moving them through the air. Other kites are created to be ‘‘dogfight kites’’ wherein the strings are coated with glass particles capable of severing another flyer’s kite. The object is to cut the kite of one’s opponent loose and ultimately claim the runaway kite for one’s own. Kelereng is an Indonesian game of marbles and, like most versions, the aim is to knock opponents’ marbles out of a circle. Gangsing is a similar game involving homemade tops made out of bamboo. Bekel is a game much like jacks, except the bekel are flat with a small bridge holding the two sides together. Congklak uses cowrie shells as pieces. Congklak is played on a board with circular indentations along both sides and a home indentation on each end of the board. The game of skill features ninetyeight small markers such as shells or beads, which are divided evenly between all the indentations. Semut, Orang, Gajah is a variation of ‘‘paper, scissors, stone’’ and likewise uses hand gestures, often to determine who will go first in a game. The hand signs include: little finger points toward partner (semut/ant); pointer finger points toward partner (orang/person); thumb points toward partner (gajah/elephant). The semut beats the gajah because the semet can crawl in the gajah’s ear and tickle him; the orang beats the semut because the orang can stomp on a semut; the gajah beats the orang because the gajah can trample the orang. In addition to organized games, Indonesian children enjoy playing with kuda lumping, which are replicas of the larger kuda lumping utilized in trance dancing. The replicas of rattan horses are cut from woven bamboo mats, painted with an array of colors, and often decorated with sequins or beads. Like many boys, cars fascinate Indonesian male children. The boys typically create ‘‘automobiles’’ from large pomelos (grapefruits) called jeruk bali. The skin is used to shape the body of the car and the pieces are held together with coconut frond ribs. Indonesian children also fashion musical instruments from bamboo and learn basic music at school. Three of
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the more popular instruments are the suling, a flute-like instrument, gambang, which mimics a xylophone, and angklung, idiophonic instruments shaken for ceremonial dances. When it comes to amusements for children, dances and wayang puppet shows are other distinctive features of Indonesian culture. The wayang kulit of Java is performed with leather puppets held by a puppeteer who narrates the story of one of the famous episodes of the Hindu epics, the Mahabharata or the Ramayana. The wayang golek of West Java is based on the same concept but features wooden rather than leather puppets. In central Java, the wooden puppet theater traditionally depicts stories derived from popular folk legends revolving around the spread of Islam. Sports are quite popular throughout Indonesia. The Madurese host bull races after the harvest season, while boat racing is fashionable on a majority of islands. Stone jumping, formerly used to train warriors, is now a source of leisure for young boys and men in Nias. The objective of stone jumping is to leap over a stone wall about 1.5 meters high, often with a sword in hand. Other favorite sports include sepak takraw wherein two teams endeavor to keep a rattan ball in the air by using feet only; pencak silat, which is a martial art similar to karate; badminton and tennis. The government sponsors an organization called Karang Taruna for young people between the ages of ten to twenty-five as well as a National Sports Day on September 9. As noted previously, Indonesians find much amusement with television and cinema. Nearly every corner of the archipelago has television relay stations permitting reception of one or more channels of tightly controlled government programs. These programs frequently include some foreign serials (not subtitled) as well as national and international news, and sporting events like soccer, boxing, and volleyball. CHILD LABOR In a country often maligned for its human rights practices, the most pressing problems currently facing Indonesia children are child labor, child prostitution, and child trafficking. Upwards of 8 million children under the age of eighteen are believed to be doing the work of adults. According to the International Labour Organization (ILO), an estimated 4,201,452 children below the age of eighteen are involved in potentially hazardous work; more than 1.5 million are girls (Human Rights Watch 2005). A 2002–2003 baseline survey conducted by the University of Indonesia and the International Program on the Elimination of Child Labor (IPEC) revealed there were 2.6 million domestic workers in Indonesia out of which 688,132 (34.83 percent) were children; 93 percent of those were girls under the age of eighteen. The ILO also estimates that more girls
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under sixteen work in domestic service than in any other category of child labor worldwide (Human Rights Watch 2005). Children are typically recruited from rural or poor urban areas to work as domestic workers in larger cities. Sometimes the child receives food and accommodations, but no monetary salary. While Indonesia has a large labor ministry, it does not monitor the informal labor sector, and therefore domestic workers have little recourse for reporting abuses. Child workers are also believed to be prevalent in many export industries, including the garment, rattan furniture, food processing, chocolate, shrimp, and pumice stone industries. The Indonesian Documentation and Information Center (INDOC), an NGO in the Netherlands, maintains that such export industries employ children younger than fourteen years of age at various stages of the manufacturing process. As noted, restrictions on child labor are scant and largely disregarded. Child prostitution remains pervasive throughout Indonesia. The number of child sex workers in the country is estimated in a range from 40,000 to 300,000 (Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 2003). Although some teenage girls enter the sex trade knowingly, many are coerced into the practice. The country’s biggest red light district, in Surabaya, finds 40 percent of the prostitutes under the age of eighteen. The sexual exploitation of boys is reported to be a major problem in Bali and on the island of Batam. The NGOs report a low rehabilitation rate for children of less than 10 percent. Women’s rights activists and religious groups accuse government officials, including police and soldiers, of operating or protecting brothels that employ underage prostitutes. NGOs continually urge the deportation of foreign pedophiles as one strategy to extinguish the demand for child sex workers. The National Commission for the Protection of Children’s Rights (KOMNAS ANAK) has actively campaigned for legislation to protect children. Save The Children worked with street children, while the Institute for Advocacy of Children (Lembaga Advokasi Anak Indonesia) struggled to curtail child exploitation on fishing platforms. Trafficking in persons is illegal under the Penal Code and the 2002 Child Protection Act; however, these laws are not comprehensive in their definition of trafficking. Persons are trafficked to, from, and within the country for the purposes of prostitution and forced labor, including instances of debt bondage. In 2002, a national action plan to counter trafficking of women and children was approved by presidential decree. It articulates specific roles for the Government and civil society at both the national and local levels, and it includes goals for lawmaking and law enforcement. The Child Protection Act prohibits economic and sexual exploitation of children and also child trafficking. The act specifies severe criminal penalties and jail terms for persons who violate children’s rights, including trafficking in persons. The government, with the help of NGOs, conducts public education efforts on trafficking.
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Detection and enforcement are made difficult, however, because many of the children less than fourteen years of age are the products of failed marriages that were entered into through parental consent. Thus, paperwork identifies these children as ‘‘adults’’ because they were once married. FAMILY Indonesians exhibit strong connections to the family circle, which typically includes grandparents, aunts, uncles, first cousins, and second cousins. Beyond the family, a sense of commitment also extends to clan, village, mosque, or workplace. Villagers live according to the principle of gotong royong, or mutual cooperation. Children are not viewed as ‘‘grown up’’ until they marry. Marriages are commemorative occasions. People wear elaborate clothes and give gifts of gold, money, fruits, and flowers. During the revelry, the bride and groom sit on thrones and do not mingle with the guests except to thank them. The newlyweds live in the husband’s family home or move into a place of their own. Babies are prized in Indonesia, and families take special care of pregnant mothers. On the island of Java, there is a special ceremony in which a pregnant woman prepares a spicy fruit salad. If the salad turns out sour, the baby will be a boy, if it is sweet, it will be a girl. Rites of passage are not uncommon throughout Indonesia and generally depend upon the sector of country in which the child happens to reside. Balinese infants, for example, are not placed onto the ground until 105 days have passed. Crawling is perceived as ‘‘animalistic,’’ so the child is carried until he/she can stand without assistance. Puberty is celebrated for both males and females and frequently involves a tooth-filing ritual that must be completed before marriage. The canine teeth, which the Balinese regard as animalistic fangs, are filed flat. Many contemporary Balinese, however, now interpret the ritual more symbolically and simply pass the file over the teeth once. For young Muslim boys, circumcision is considered the gateway to manhood. To celebrate the event, the boy is often dressed as a prince and paraded through town in a becak (three-wheeled pedicab) or on a pony. A communal thanksgiving feast called a selemantan follows the circumcision ceremony. HEALTH The Indonesian health care system provides public hospitals and government health centres called Puskesmas (which often operate as mobile units to reach remote areas). Traditional remedies are not uncommon throughout the country. Rubbing oil onto a person’s neck or back by
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using a heavy metal coin called a kerokan is a common activity as is using roots, bark, flowers, nuts, and herbs to create jamu. According to UNICEF, 28 percent of children under five are at least moderately underweight (United Nations Children’s Fund 2006). While only 38 percent of the rural population has adequate sanitation facilities, the number jumps to 71 percent in the nation as a whole (United Nations Children’s Fund 2006). No reliable statistics are available pertaining to the number of children between zero and fourteen years of age who are living with HIV, but the number of women (fifteen to fortynine) is believed to be approximately 15,000. A mere 7 percent of women (fifteen to forty-nine) possess a ‘‘comprehensive knowledge’’ of HIV infection (United Nations Children’s Fund 2006). Tuberculosis is still a leading cause of death throughout the country, claiming the lives of about 175,000 people a year (World Health Organization 2006). Risk for other infectious diseases within Indonesia is considered ‘‘high.’’ Food and waterborne diseases such as protozoal diarrhea, hepatitis A and E, and typhoid fever are very common, as are vectorborne diseases like dengue fever, malaria, and chikungunya. Recent concerns have focused on squelching an outbreak of polio, especially in Muslim regions. Efforts to vaccinate children under the age of five have markedly increased in the wake of several hundred youngsters contracting the disease in 2004. Indonesia is striving to supply half of its population with clean drinking water by 2015, but inefficiencies within the delivery systems, lack of business acumen of how to improve production, and general degradation of fresh water sources have made this a daunting task. The current coverage for the urban population is around 38 percent, or 6 million connections for 100,000 people (Jakarta Post 2005). A study conducted in Java and Jakarta found that most female children are circumcised in ritualistic yet noninvasive procedures. The act is a common practice among Muslim families from the Banten ethnic group. Trained midwives or physicians circumcise the baby girls using a blood lancet or sewing needle to prick the clitoris until bleeding occurred. However, some midwives merely wipe the clitoris with alcohol and bethadine. This procedure takes place when the girl is forty days to five years old. Some religious leaders believe the removal or partial removal of the clitoris is beneficial to marriage because a woman is more likely to remain faithful to her husband if she had no sexual drive. Some religious Islamic leaders consider this practice a mandate of Islam. Other religious leaders believe that this practice is recommended by Islamic teachings but not mandated. There is no national law against female genital mutilation (FGM) or female genital cutting (FGC) in Indonesia. Customary law permits symbolic and small-cut incisions of the clitoris. Still, the government included this practice as a gender issue in its National Action Plan to End Violence against Women, published in the early 2000s.
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LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS By all accounts, Indonesia does not possess a child-sensitive juvenile justice system. Although the Convention on the Rights of the Child and Indonesia’s own 2002 Child Protection Law state the detainment of a child should occur only as a last resort, the use of imprisonment for children is frequently the initial action taken for youngsters who participate in criminal activity. Indonesia’s age of responsibility for criminals is eight, and it is not uncommon to find preteens imprisoned. In fact, 90 percent of the children sent to court are sentenced to prison, most for petty crimes; 84 percent of these children are placed with adult criminals. Approximately 4,000 to 5,000 children are housed in these detention centers, correction facilities, and prisons with little or no access to education, health, or leisure and are at high risk of physical, sexual, and emotional abuse from other detainees (United Nations Children’s Fund 2005). Legal aid for children is essentially nonexistent. Children who witness crimes, for example, have no formal protections. Indonesia also lacks a tracking system and has no procedure for documenting the number of children arrested. Recidivism is believed to be high because there are no systems in place to facilitate the reintegration of a child offender back into the society. Organizations like UNICEF have worked hard to increase awareness of legal issues involving children and have called for a reform of the legal network. The minimum age for marriage for males is nineteen and the age for females is sixteen. Earlier marriages are certainly possible, based upon judicial discretion or parental consent. The age for military service in Indonesia is eighteen. The introduction of compulsory conscription is likely with men aged between eighteen and forty-five being drafted into the TNI, Indonesia’s armed forces, for five years as reservists. Such a move would add approximately 800,000 soldiers to the existing 300,000 troops (Media Line 2004). RELIGIOUS LIFE All Indonesian children study agama (religion) at school. Agama involves learning about one’s own religion, rather than studying different religions. For example, Muslim students study the laws of Islam and learn Arabic (Citizenship and Immigration Canada 2006). Because Indonesia endorses five distinct monotheistic religions, the impact of religion on daily life is very much dependent upon the individual faith tradition being considered. All citizens, while not compelled to engage in religious practice, must choose one of the five recognized religions. This information is included in official documents such as a national identification card. Failure to indicate a choice may result in a failure to obtain these documents.
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Indonesian Islam is considered tolerant, inclusive, and inherently compatible with democracy. It is forbidden in Islamic religion to make graven images or statues or other representations of God, or Allah. Devout Muslims adhere to an Islamic Legal Code, or sharia, the law of Allah. Adults and children participate in several required Islamic rituals, such as: praying five times daily, facing toward the Ka’bah in Saudi Arabia; fasting during the holy month of Ramandan, or the ninth month of the Islamic lunar calendar; making a pilgrimage to Ka’bah in Saudi Arabia; publicly citing an affirmation of faith; paying a 10 percent tithe; and observing Friday as a holy day of prayer and worship at a mosque. Children who are followers of Bali-Hinduism worship the spirits of certain natural features like mountains or tall trees. The site of Tampaksiring, a holy spring, which is the source of the Pekerison River, is sacred to the Balinese. Pools for ritual purification constitute a vital part of the religion and are to be found throughout the island. Balinese Hindus place great significance on the propitiation of harmful spirits, which takes place at temple sites scattered throughout villages. Each of these temples has an abiding membership, and every Balinese belongs to a temple by virtue of descent, residence, or some mystical revelation of affiliation. Temples are often associated with rice fields, family house compounds, or imperious geographic sites. One notable ceremony at a village temple might include a special performance of a dance-drama (a battle between the mythical characters Rangda the witch and Barong the dragon), in which performers fall into a trance and attempt to stab themselves with sharp knives. Rituals of the life cycle are also important occasions for religious expression and artistic display. Ceremonies at puberty, marriage, and, most notably, cremation at death provide opportunities for Balinese to communicate their ideas about community, status, and the afterlife. The Chinese and Tenggerese children of Java are Buddhists. Buddhists follow the Eightfold Path to conquer desire, which, they believe, is the cause of suffering. The Eightfold Path includes right understanding, right thought, right speech, right conduct, right livelihood, right effort, right attentiveness, and right concentration. The goal is nirvana—the escape from the cycle of birth and reincarnation. Practicing Roman Catholics make up slightly more than 3 percent of Indonesia’s total population while the 5 percent Protestant influence is relatively new in Indonesia (Citizenship and Immigration Canada 2006), most occurring since the late 19th century, when European missionaries flocked to the South Seas. The majority of Protestants in Indonesia are from remote islands or areas, such as the Nias Islands, Alor, the Lake Toba region in Sumatra, and Irian Jaya. The Muslim-dominated Department of Religious Affairs has placed tight restrictions on European missionaries, thus making the spread of Christianity a formidable endeavor. Religious life for children often involves participation in ceremonies and dance. In Bali, for instance, dancing serves as an expression of one’s
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devotion to the gods (ngayah) as well as a means of instilling centuries-old values in each new generation of Balinese. Children are exposed to dance at a very early age and are expected to take dance lessons. After much practice, the ultimate goal is for the dance movements to ‘‘enter’’ the child so he/she can be worthy to perform with a full gamelan orchestra (McIntosh 2006) In the village of Batur in Bangli, the religious leader is chosen after locals go into a trance. The Nyanjan Jero Mangku ceremony usually takes place at a local temple, Pura Ulun Danu, and the mediums communicating with ancestral spirits are called the premade. The premade then discuss who of their number will become the group’s speaker and ultimately name the new religious leader. Young boys frequently participate in this ritual, and it is not uncommon for a male child to be given the responsibility of religious leadership (pemangku). Children who become pemangku and have been ‘‘baptized’’ wear a special destar in school in order to ensure other students do not bully them (Jakarta Post 2004) CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT According to the National Commission for Child Protection, more than 60 percent of parents (mostly mothers) commit acts of violence against their children (Dursin 2005). Most parents consider the ‘‘violence’’ to be a necessary component of teaching discipline and obedience. Because many families have no telephone or internet access, the reporting of child abuse remains low. Still, the Commission receives four to five telephone calls every day regarding alleged abuses, ranging from physical to sexual violence. According to a survey of 600 children in eighteen provinces, Indonesian children have nowhere to hide, as violence against them is rampant everywhere—at home, school, on the street, in orphanages or detention centers (Dursin 2005). Hospitals in the country do not report or keep records of child abuse, so detection is tenuous at best. School corporal punishment is still seen as a common practice as most teachers practice a top-down approach to education with little regard for ‘‘children’s rights.’’ UNICEF is raising the awareness of teachers about child rights. It also plans to set up child protection institutions in Indonesia’s provincial capitals, where corporal punishment in schools remains entrenched. The abuse of children takes many forms. An NGO working with children in Bekaski determined that more than 500 youngsters between the ages of seven and fifteen work as scavengers at the Bantar Gebang dumpsite, seeking food and other daily necessities. Eighty-four percent of the children suffer from minor infections as they sift through garbage that includes hazardous waste such as syringes and other toxic substances (U.S. Department of State 2002). Reports also indicate thousands of Muslim and Christian adolescent children in Maluku province act as soldiers and that younger children provide support services to the militias. Although child exploitation images are disseminated globally, much of
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the material is supplied from Indonesia wherein the law does not recognize ‘‘child pornography’’ as an illegal entity. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY To improve its responses to issues related to the welfare of children, Indonesia would do well to consider the following recommendations. 1. Align child welfare standards to those proposed by UNICEF. 2. Seek World Bank funding to build a strong infrastructure composed of viable childcare and child welfare agencies. 3. Improve medical facilities to provide good care to children and mothers. 4. Make a commitment to establishing social justice laws that are child sensitive and forbid child labor, child prostitution, child trafficking, and genital mutilation. 5. Pay particular attention to the needs of single parent families and provide educational opportunities for them. 6. Establish goals for the education system, which ensure that children will receive mandatory education opportunities through age seventeen; that special needs children will have access to education; and that teachers will be qualified. 7. Use children’s love of and familiarity with games to teach teachers to use math manipulatives and creative writing in their teaching. 8. Enact strong legislation to provide for the homeless in the area of education and medicine.
Through harnessing of its resources and proper leadership, Indonesia has the potential to make this world and Indonesia in particular better places for children in much the way the fourth century B.C. philosopher Mencius was thinking when he wrote, ‘‘The great man is he who has not lost the heart of a child.’’ RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Bertrand, Jacques. 2003. Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict in Indonesia. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. This book provides a critical examination of religious and ethnic conflict within Indonesia. Blackburn, Susan. 2004. Women and the State in Modern Indonesia. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. Listens to the voices of modern Indonesian women by focusing on polygamy, motherhood, and violence. Herbert, Mimi, and Nur Rahardio. 2002. Voices of the Puppet Masters: The Wayang Golek Theater of Indonesia. Honolulu, HA: University of Hawaii Press. Provides a personal excursion into the world of the wayang golek puppet theater.
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Huxley, Tim. 2002. Disintegrating Indonesia: Implications for Regional Security. Oxford, United Kingdom: Routledge. The book is useful for probing refugee crises, the spread of religious and ethnic conflict, and piracy within Indonesia. Kingsbury, Damien. 2005. The Politics of Indonesia. Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press. Underlying themes of economic disparity, political corruption, and separatism are highlighted. Parry, Richard. 2006. In the Time of Madness: Indonesia on the Edge of Chaos. New York: Grove. Longtime journalist Richard Lloyd Parry provides firsthand accounts of Indonesia up to and including the fall of Suharto. Robison, Richard. 2004. Reorganizing Power in Indonesia: The Politics of Oligarchy in an Age of Markets. New York: Routledge Curzon. Strong appeal to readers interested in political economy, political sociology and development studies. Taylor, Jean. 2004. Indonesia: Peoples and Histories. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Examines the nation’s many communities and the differences that drive contemporary breakaway movements. Vickers, Adrian. 2005. A History of Modern Indonesia. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. Investigates the social and political landscape of modern Indonesia. Wilds, Mary. 2003. Indonesia. Farmington Hills, MI: Thomson Gale. This book is geared toward children as it discusses in words and photographs the historical origins, beliefs, arts, family life, and future hopes of the Indonesian people.
Web Sites Budi Rahardjo. Indonesian Homepage, http://indonesia.elga.net.id/. Contains the most comprehensive on-line information about Indonesia, including business, culture, economics, environment, and government. Central Bureau of Statistics (BPS) Badan Pusat Statistik, Republik Indonesia. Statistics Indonesia. Badan Pusat Statistik, http://www.bps.go.id/. Provides monthly summary of macroeconomic statistics, and sectoral and regional statistical information. International Institute of Social History. History Indonesia. International Institute of Social History, http://www.iisg.nl/w3vlindonesia/. This site features a wealth of resources pertaining to Indonesian history, geography, biographies, and genealogies. Includes reference tools, archives, and links to libraries and museums. Library of Congress Federal Research Division. Country Profile. Library of Congress Federal Research Division, http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/profiles/Indonesia.pdf. The Indonesia country profile offers brief, summarized information on the country’s historical background, geography, society, economy, transportation and telecommunications, government and politics, and national security. Ohio University. Apakabar Database Ohio University Libraries, http://www.library. ohiou.edu/indopubs/. Ohio University’s searchable database of Indonesian studies consisting of approximately 175,000 Indonesian and English-language postings, covering the period October 1990 to February 2002. University of Southern California. Access Indonesia. University of Southern California School of Policy, Planning and Development, http://cippad.usc.edu/
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access_indonesia/. Disseminates information on Indonesia: basic information, full texts of articles, book, and journal citations, and Web links organized by themes.
Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Institute for Research and Empowerment (IRE) Jl. Palagan Tentara pelajar Km. 9, 5 Dusun Tegalrejo Desa Sariharjo Ngaglik, Sleman Phone: 0274-867686 Fax: 7482091 Email:
[email protected] Web Site: http://www.ireyogya.org The primary concern of IRE is the development of good governance and democracy by empowering the ideas, critical attitudes and tactical actions of the civil, political, and economic society and the state. Ministry of Agriculture Jl. Harsono RM No.3 Gedung D-Lantai 4 Ragunan-Jakarta 12550 Phone: (021) 7822638, 7815380, 7815480 ext. 5421 Fax: (021) 7816385 Web Site: http://www.deptan.go.id This ministry strives to promote the healthy national economy through agribusiness system development and to expand infrastructure for agribusiness systems. Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Republic of Indonesia Sapta Pesona Building Jl. Medan Merdeka Barat No. 17 Jakarta 10110 Phone: 62 21 383 8167 Fax: 62 21 384 9715 This ministry acts as a motivator in national development by preserving diverse cultural and natural resources. Ministry of Health and Social Welfare Jalan H.R. Rasuna Said, Block X5 Kav. 4-9 Jakarta 12950 Phone: (21) 5201587 Fax: (21) 5203874 Web site: http://www.depkes.go.id Ensures that all health employees and providers deliver health services for the achievement of improved health status of the public. Ministry of National Education Jalan Tenderal Sudirman
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Senayan, Jakarta Pusat Phone: (21) 5731618 Fax: (21) 5736870 Web site: http://depdiknas.go.id The Ministry of National Education strives to improve the quality of education by establishing a national standard of education quality through research and development in the field of curriculum and educational innovations. Ministry of Religious Affairs Jalan Lapangan Banteng Barat 3-4 Jakarta, Pusat Phone: (21) 7392262 Web site: http://www.depag.go.id The Minister of Religious Affairs provides information on the latest news from the Department, laws set by the Department, statistics of religious centers, and contact information for officers of the Department. Ministry of Research and Technology BPPT II Building, 6th floor, JL. MH. Thamrin no. 8 Jakarta 10340 The Ministry of Research and Technology provides information on international collaboration, R&D institutes’ profiles, and non-departmental research agencies’ profiles, and strategic policies. Office of the Ministry of State for the Environment Jalan D.I. Panjaitan Kebon Nanas Lt. II Jakarta 134110 Phone: (21) 8580103 Fax: (21) 8580101 Web site: http://www.bapedal.go.id This ministry provides information on recent news of environmental cases in Indonesia, organization structure, environmental challenges or disasters in Indonesia, pollution conditions in Indonesia, and variations of wildlife. Office of the Ministry of State for Women’s Empowerment Jalan Medan Merdeka Barat 15, Jakarta 10110 Phone: (21) 3805563 Fax: (21) 3805562 Email:
[email protected] The State Minister for Women’s Empowerment is concerned with news about women’s empowerment, mainstreaming gender, violence against women, demography, and maintains a database of information (such as law and education). Nongovernmental Organizations Asia-Pacific Forum for Child Welfare (APFCW) Jalan Teuku Umar No 10
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Jakarta 10350 Indonesia Phone: 00 62 21 390 5746 Fax: 00 62 21 390 5746 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.apfcw.or.id/ The mission of IFCW is to work with children in Indonesia (and worldwide) to improve the quality of their lives and to enhance opportunities for the development of their full potential. Center for Study and Child Protection (PKPA) Jln Mustafa no. 30 Medan 20238 Sumatra Utara Indonesia Phone: 00 62 61 663 7821 Fax: 00 62 61 661 1943 Email:
[email protected] This organization researches child issues from various aspects such as social, economic, education, and health, and implements litigation action and law services for children. Christian Children’s Fund - Indonesia (CCF) P.O. Box 1364 Jakarta 10013 Indonesia Phone: 00 062 21 4247292 Fax: 00 062 21 42877840 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.christianchildrensfund.org Works extensively with children and citizenship, children and education, children and health, children working and living on the street, environment and habitat, and refugee and unaccompanied children. Indonesian Committee for Children’s Rights LAAI, Jln. Sutomo No. 6 Lt. III, Medan 20234, Indonesia Indonesia Phone: 00 62-61-567871 Fax: 00 62-61-567871 Indonesian Committee for Children’s Rights works to monitor and implement the Convention on the Rights of the Child nationally in Indonesia by monitoring children’s rights and children’s cases. Indonesian Institute for Children Advocacy (LAAI) 6 Sutomo Street, 3rd Floor Medan 20234 Phone: 00 62 61 567 871 Fax: 00 62 61 567 871 Email:
[email protected]
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LAAI organizes program actions on advocacy for issues around child labor, street children, and other problems of children, including campaigns, review of regulations, and implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Indonesian NGO Coalition for CRC Monitoring P.O. Box 1230 Jogjakarta 55162 Indonesia Phone: 0062-274-381101 Fax: 0062-274-381101 Email:
[email protected] This organization reports to and monitors the CRC as part of NGO national child rights coalition. LAKAMALI (Lembaga Kepedulian Maasyarabat Dan Linzkungan) Jl Dayanu Ikhsanuddin Kel. Lipu P.O. Box 138 Bou-Bou Buton 93700 Sultra Indonesia Phone: 00 62 0402 24998 Fax: 00 62 0402 24998 Supports the rural community, including its environment and its people, to sustain economic development. Activities include childcare, children’s education, community development, nature conservation, and co-operations (training, credits, fishing). Plan International–Indonesia (Plan) Jalan H.R. Mohammad No 338, Surabaya Indonesia Phone: 00 62 31 7346481 Fax: 00 6231 7317338 Email:
[email protected] Web site http://www.plan-international.org An international child development organization working with deprived and disadvantaged children, focusing on their issues, needs, and interests, within the context of their families and communities. Pusat Rehabilitasi YAKKUM (PRY) P.O. Box 6310/YKGD, Gondolayu Yogyakarta, 55233A, Java Indonesia Phone: 00 62 0274 895386 Fax: 00 62 0274 895181 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.rehabilitasi-yakkum.or.id This Christian-based, Indonesian organization is concerned with the rehabilitation of children and young adults who are physically disabled.
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Pusat Studi Pemberdayaan Masyarakat Pedesaan (CCES) JL. Akhmad Yani 11 Selong 83612 Lombok Timur NTB Indonesia Phone: þ62 (0) 376 21689 Email:
[email protected] This organization promotes education for all, human development training, emancipatory adult education, and child rights training. Yayasan Bina Insani Indonesia (INSANI) Jln. Bunga Duri No. 40 P.O. Box 19 Kendari Southeast Sulawesi Indonesia Phone: 00 62 401 23591 Fax: 00 62 401 23591 The organization promotes women and children participation in development through women and children empowerment programs, community health status through community health programs, and increases the grassroots community’s income through income generating activity. Yayasan Bina Potensi Masyarakat (YAPIM) Perum Taman Jati Block 10-A Sukun Malang 65149 East Java Indonesia Phone: 62 341 836402 Fax: 62 341 836402 Email:
[email protected] Works to assist rural poor, eliminate child labor in the formal and informal sector, provide economic and social support for poor rural communities, and promotes child rights and capacity building for women.
Selected Bibliography Artexport.com. 2006. Rites of Passage. http://artexport.com/bali_indonesia/indo nesia_bali/bali/rites_passage/rites_of_passage.htm. Asia Pacific Network of Science & Technology Centres (ASPAC). 2006. Science and Technology Centre of Indonesia. http://www.aspacnet.org /members/ STCI.html. Badan Pusat Statistik. BPS Statistics Indonesia. http://www.bps.go.id/index.shtml. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. 2003. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices –2002. Washington, DC: United States Department of State. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. 2005. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices–2004. Washington, DC: United States Department of State. Central Intelligence Agency. The World Fact Book. http://www.cia.gov. Child Workers in Asia. Network Groups in Indonesia. http://www.cwa.tnet.co.th/ Network/cwa-network_indonesia.html. Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC). Indonesia: Cultural Profiles Project. http://www.cp-pc.ca/english/indonesia/index.html.
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Department of Manpower and Transmigration. 2004. Youth Labor and Policies in Indonesia. Presented at Symposium on Globalization and the Future of Youth in Asia, Tokyo, Japan. Department of the Army. 2005. Country Studies/Area Handbook. Washington, DC: Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress. Dursin, Richel. 2000. Violence in Children’s Programs Worrying. Jakarta: Inter Press News Service Agency. Dursin, Richel. 2005. Child Abuse Grows in Indonesia. Jakarta: Inter Press News Service Agency. End Child Prostitution Child Pornography and Trafficking of Children for Sexual Purposes. 2005. ECPAT: Cyberspace as a Locale of Violence. Bangkok: ECPAT International Secretariat. Expatriat Association. Indonesian Children’s Games, http://www.expat.or.id/info/ games.html. HighBeam Research, Incorporated. Encyclopedia.com. HighBeam Research web site. http://www.encyclopedia.com/html/I/Indonesi.asp. Human Rights Watch. Always on Call: Abuse and Exploitation of Child Domestic Workers in Indonesia. http://hrw.org/reports/2005/indonesia0605/. Indonesia: Bhinneka Tunggal Ika. 2005. Centre Universitaire. http://cui.unige.ch/ ~luthi/download/indo.html. The Jakarta Post. 2004. Divine Inspiration Chooses Religious Leader. June 10. The Jakarta Post. 2005. RI Needs Big Investment for Clean Drinking Water. April 2. McIntosh, Jonathan. 2006. How Dancing, Singing and Playing Shape the Ethnographer. Anthropology Matters 8(2). http://www.anthropologymatters.com. Media Line. 2004. Indonesia Mulls Compulsory Draft. http://www.themedialine.or. Nunan, Patricia. Indonesia Iraqi Migrants. http://www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/ library/news/iraq/2003/iraq-030331-2318f0df.htm>. Office of the Senior Coordinator for International Women’s Issues. 2001. Indonesia: Report on Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) or Female Genital Cutting (FGC). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State. Rahardjo, Tjahjono. 2000. Homelessness in Indonesia: Welfare or Housing Issue? Centre for Urban Studies, Soegijapranata Catholic University. Semarang, Indonesia. Russell, Susan. 2005. Islam: A Worldwide Religion and its Impact on Southeast Asia. DeKalb, IL: Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Northern Illinois University. Spiro, David. April 2006. Opportunities for Vulnerable Children: Early Intervention and Education. EENet Asia Newsletter, 2, 17–18. Trim and Fitness International Sport for All Association (TAFISA). Traditional Games. http://www.tafisa.net. United Nations. 2000. Life Expectancy: Population Division of the Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations Secretariat. World Population Prospects: The 2000 Revision. New York: United Nations. United Nations Administrative Committee on Coordination-Subcommittee on Nutrition. 1989. Women and Nutrition. Geneva: ACC/SCN. United Nations Children’s Fund. Establishing a Child-Sensitive Juvenile Justice System in Indonesia. http://www.unicef.org/evaluation/files/Indonesia.doc. United Nations Children’s Fund. UNICEF Information by Country. http://www. unicef.org /infobycountry/index.html. United States Department of Labor. Bureau of International Labor Affairs/Indonesia. United States Department of Labor web site, http://www.dol.gov/ ILAB/media/reports/iclp/ sweat/indonesia.html.
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U.S. Department of State. 2002. Human Rights Practices in Indonesia 2001. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State. U.S. Department of State: Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs. Background Note: Indonesia. United States Department of State: Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs web site. http://www.state.gov. Wiradji, Sudibyo. 2005. Enjoy the Weekend with Children. The Jakarta Post. October 23. World Bank. 2006. World Bank Statistics. http://www.worldbank.org. World Corporal Punishment Research. 2006. Beatings Have No Place in School, Experts Say. http://www.corpun.com/ids00007.htm. World Health Organization. 2006. http://www.who.int.
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JAPAN Gerald K. LeTendre and Motoko Akiba NATIONAL PROFILE Japan, with a population of nearly 130 million, currently has the second largest economy in the world with a gross domestic product of US$2.75 trillion in 2004. Japan also has one of the fastest aging populations, with almost 20 percent of the population over age sixty (CIA 2006). Japanese children born after 1990 have experienced remarkable social change, perhaps unlike anything since the generation of children who grew up in the late 1940s and 1950s. Japan’s low birth rate (around 1.4 births per female) and long life expectancies (over eighty years of age for combined male and female rates), combined with very little immigration has resulted in a shrinking percentage of the population under age eighteen. Recent cohorts of children have been raised in a period of economic stagnation and shifting national priorities about their education, welfare, and future chances. Japan, despite recent economic stagnation, has maintained very low rates of unemployment (around 4–5
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percent) and has one of the lowest Gini coefficients of inequality of any industrialized nation. Japan’s several minority groups—Korean-Japanese, buraku (descendants of people in the lowest caste of feudal society), and ‘‘newcomers’’ (immigrants, migrant workers, or returnees with ethnic ties)—still face challenges to full integration, and their children often do not perform as well in school as mainstream Japanese children. Although educational reforms have been instituted that deal with the status of buraku students (dowa kyouiku), ethnic minorities do not have special rights in schooling under current laws. Japanese culture and governmental policy both have emphasized child rearing and education, and there is an extensive, public network of daycare and educational facilities accessible to the population, even in some of the remote, mountainous districts. This social and economic stability has meant that Japanese children enjoy material abundance and security from most diseases, social unrest, and many of the vicissitudes of poverty. In the aftermath of World War II, Japan surprised the world by rapidly rebuilding both the social and economic infrastructure of the nation. The rapidly rising economic expectations of the 1950s and 1960s, which included an expectation of ‘‘lifetime employment,’’ have been replaced by increasing use of part-time labor and increased women’s participation in the labor market. The famous ‘‘M’’ curve of female labor-force participation (where women join in large numbers, then stop out for childrearing) is changing as more women are going back to work earlier, and more women are delaying marriage and childbearing. These economic changes mean that most Japanese children today will experience entry into child care well before kindergarten and experience long-term pressure to succeed in school, if they wish to be competitive in the labor markets of the future. The study of childhood in the West goes back to the early KEY FACTS – JAPAN 1960s, but as early as 1977 Population: 127,433,494 (July 2007 est.) Japanese scholars had produced Infant mortality rate: 2.8 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) a seven-volume work on the Life expectancy at birth: 82.02 years (2007 est.) history of Japanese children. Literacy rate: 99 percent (2002 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 100 percent These volumes reveal a vast his(2000–2005) torical storehouse of knowledge Internet users: 86.3 million (2005) and beliefs about children that People living with HIV/AIDS: 12,000 (2003 est.) has developed over the last Human Poverty Index (HPI-2) Rank: 11 (2006 est.) 800 years. Japanese culture has Sources: CIA World Factbook: Japan. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ long placed intense emphasis on publications/factbook/geos/ja.html. April 17, 2007; United the rearing and educating of Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ the young. Despite the feudal data_sheets/cty_ds_JPN.html. April 26, 2007; UNICEF. Japan– isolation imposed under the Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ Tokugawa period (which ended japan_statistics.html. April 25, 2007. in 1868), a large network of
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schools developed, and some scholars estimate that 20–30 percent of the male population was literate, and there was a highly developed tradition of elite education (Dore 1985). The balance of relations between the family and school were dramatically changed during the rebuilding of Japan, and rapid industrialization of the 1950s and 1960s created significant tensions among Japanese. OVERVIEW Access to public education is free in Japan, and attendance is compulsory up through the end of middle school (U.S. ninth grade). High school attendance is not compulsory, but virtually all Japanese go to high school, and public high schools charge only very small fees. Families in extreme economic circumstances can receive government support for education. Japan has extremely low rates of childhood mortality due to disease, and high levels of adult literacy, with estimates as high as 99 percent (OECD 2007). Japan remains an ethnically homogenous nation (roughly 98 percent ethnic Japanese) and has a stable political culture (CIA 2006). Japanese children enjoy substantial legal protection against exploitation, and Japan is widely regarded as one of the safest nations in the world in which to raise children. However, since the mid-1990s, more and more attention has been paid to issues of child abuse in Japan, especially to the problems of corporal punishment and prostitution among underage girls. Many Japanese are concerned about the future of childhood and worries about child abduction, sexual abuse, or physical abuse are not uncommon themes in the Japanese media. Major issues include (1) small families and lack of playmates; (2) children’s selfcenteredness; (3) how to socialize the young to live in a society that places remarkable emphasis on careful cultivation of human relationships; (4) changing norms about what constitutes appropriate behavior between children and adults (that is, physical and sexual abuse). EDUCATION Japanese children have free access to elementary schools (grade one through six) and junior high schools (grades seven through nine) that constitute compulsory education. Ninety-eight percent of ninth graders enter senior high school (grades ten through twelve) a year later. While the number of two-year junior colleges did not increase over the last thirty years, the number of universities has continuously increased from 400 in 1975 to 709 in 2004, which resulted in wider access to higher education. Fifty percent of high school graduates entered a university or a two-year junior college in 2004 (MEXT 2005). While little is known about the inequality in higher education access between majority Japanese citizens and minority students, inequality by socioeconomic status does
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exist mainly due to the fact that 73 percent of all universities are private with high tuition. In addition, access to prestigious national universities is not provided equally across lines of socioeconomic status or regions. Japanese children can attend either youchien (which serve three- to sixyear-olds and are regulated by the Ministry of Education) or hoikuen (which serve children ages six months to six years of age and are regulated by the Ministry of Health). In 2003, 718,307 students enrolled in youchien compared with a high of 1,310,732 in 1975, with nearly half of all children attending some kind of preschool (MEXT 2006). While statesupported, both charge fees to parents, and poor families tend to opt for hoikuen. One area where Japan has long seemed to lag behind other nations is in the provision of education for disabled children. Japan maintains separate schools for visually, hearing-, and mobility-impaired children that appear to offer a substandard education. Also, within the public school system, children with a wide range of disabilities are often warehoused in a single classroom (tokushu gakkyuu) and have little contact with the rest of school. Guidelines for special education are defined under Article 75 of the School Education Law, but students in these classes are also sometimes subjected to corporal punishment, even though they may have diminished capacities for self-control when compared with their mainstreamed peers. Inclusion of children with disabilities in the mainstream classroom still lags far behind standard practice in the United States. Less than one percent of Japan’s more than 23,000 elementary schools are privately funded. More than six percent of middle schools and nearly 25 percent of high schools are privately run. Some elite private schools function as ‘‘feeder schools’’ to the top universities in Japan. In 2002, 28 percent of fifth graders and 50 percent of eighth graders attend juku (private preparatory schools for high school students that prepare them for entrance exams). Those who live in metropolitan areas (for example, Tokyo or Osaka) and those who can afford the tuition of juku and yobikou (private schools for high school graduates with the same purpose as juku) have higher success rates for entering prestigious national universities. Known as ‘‘cram schools’’ in the Western media, these schools run the gamut from mothers who regularly tutor a few neighborhood children in their home to national chains that operate large campuses across Japan. Some also specialize in English instruction, which remains a popular subject with both students and adults. Since the 1950s, Japan’s schools have alternatively been depicted in both the Japanese media and foreign press as either a child’s paradise or a child’s hell. Concerns that school pressures were negatively affecting students can be traced to the 1950s when Japan had one of the highest rates of adolescent suicide in the developed world. Since then, adolescent suicide rates have fallen to some of the lowest, and recent studies find no link between school pressures and adolescent suicide rates. Still, Japanese
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parents and teachers face considerable concern over school violence, bullying, and school refusal. Both school violence and bullying reached high levels in the early 1980s, and subsequently dropped off, only to rise again in the early 1990s. School refusal (toukou kyohi), defined as students who miss thirty or more days of school not due to illness, began to rise in 1980 and continued to increase exponentially through the mid-1990s. During the same period, disciplinary actions against teachers for use of corporal punishment also rose significantly. More recently, media stories have focused on the breakdown of order in the classroom (gakkyu houkai). These trends suggest both changing norms and increased pressures within Japanese schools, resulting in a significant deterioration of the learning climate. Increasingly, younger and younger children seem to be engaging in bullying and refusing to go to school. These trends have been linked to the extremely competitive nature of the school system, as well as to increasing participation of elementary school children in the cram school system. These trends are of particular concern to the Japanese, as Japan’s preschool and early elementary education was often regarded as one of the best in the world. Increasing social problems at the earliest levels of Japanese school suggest a long-term decline in the ability of the educational system to effectively socialize and prepare students for society. Compared with other nations, Japanese students are at the top in math and science, but significant problems of bullying, school refusal, and school violence exist. Despite the decrease in child birth rates, academic competition over entrance into senior high schools and universities has not subsided. Beginning in the mid-1990s, the Ministry of Education began a series of unprecedented reforms of education, which has lead to considerable public anxiety over schooling. These reforms, while emphasizing the importance of individuality and the development of the whole child, did not address the fact that children of minority groups continue to have lower rates of school completion and advancement to higher education than mainstream Japanese. The problems of competition, social exclusion, and the concomitant bullying and school refusal will likely afflict Japanese education over the next few decades. PLAY AND RECREATION Play has long and deep positive associations in Japanese culture, and Japanese parents and child professionals alike see play as essential for the positive development of the child. After worries about the competitive nature of schooling and decreasing family size, concerns over children’s play and activity come next in terms of prominence in the public debate. As early as the 1950s, Japanese educators and social critics expressed concern over the lack of physical space for children. The rapid urbanization of Japan resulted in significant decreases in children’s access to safe
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play areas and prompted a national concern with playground building and maintenance. In many urban Japanese schools, the school grounds are so limited that the roofs of school buildings have been converted into courts for tennis, volleyball, and basketball. The increased ownership of cars, coupled with typically narrow streets, has meant fewer places where Japanese children can safely play. Alongside concerns with space for play comes a strong focus on children’s contact with nature. While most cultures emphasize the importance of clean and safe places for children to play, Japanese culture appears to put exceptional emphasis on the importance of contact with nature, making it an essential element in the normal development of children. This ‘‘contact’’ has traditionally had pastoral connotations (children hunting butterflies in empty rice fields or collecting horned beetles in groves of trees), but also includes exposure to the elements of air and light. Western visitors to Japanese elementary classrooms typically comment on the amount of windows and natural light provided, and, in winter or summer, the fact that only minimal heating or cooling is typically provided. Given the high density of the population in the urban areas, the provision of adequate parks and playgrounds has long been a concern of the Japanese, and many Japanese schools have built play areas on the roofs of schools. The Ministry of Education now tracks problems like asthma and obesity as part of a larger national concern with children’s health. All over Japan, children tend to play with schoolmates, and even though older children and young adolescents may be enrolled in neighborhood clubs and activities, these are rarely common sources of friendship. More commonly, students find recreation in school-based clubs. Here, concern arises because increasing competition for entrance to high schools and private middle schools appear to be pushing more elementary school students into cram schools, which creates a potential conflict with club participation. Japanese children are also increasingly turning to the internet for recreation and entertainment, and there are specific sites now dedicated to children. Because home computer ownership is lower in Japan than in countries like the United States, Japanese children have less access to the internet, but the use of various handheld and televisionbased computer games is ubiquitous. While Japanese children play various types of sports including both traditional and western sports, western sports seem to be generally more popular than traditional sports. Soccer, baseball, and basketball are popular among boys. Basketball, volleyball, and tennis seem to attract many girls. There is no major difference in popular sports between rural and urban children, but urban children may be offered more variety of sports compared with rural regions. Traditional sports in Japan include sumo— the national sport that is played four seasons in national tournaments— and many martial arts including judo, kendo, aikido, and karate. All of
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these sports are still popular among children and adolescents, and schools and local communities offer club activities with these traditional sports. Traditional games for children include kendama (a ball that is connected to a stick with string), hanetsuki (played like badminton, but using wooden boards), and karuta (a card game). Activities for children to learn these traditional games are also offered by schools and local communities. Children in Japan also read. The popularity of manga (‘‘comic books’’) continues to be strong, and by the time children reach the upper grades in elementary school, they are likely to already have a special brand of manga that they and their peers share. Japan has, in recent years, produced a range of anime (animated movies like Spirited Away and Totoro or television shows like Hamtaro) that have become global icons. Japan is likely to continue as a major global producer of children’s literature, film and toys. Still, Japanese six-year-olds watched, on average almost three hours of television per day in 2000 according to the Child Resource Network Web site. Japanese parents and educators have, like their peers in the West, expressed concerns over the amount of time that children spend on video games and not interacting with peers. CHILD LABOR Very few children in modern Japan are required to work, and Japan has strict laws regulating childhood labor. Even among late adolescents (high school students) working part-time jobs continues to be much more uncommon than in nations like the United States. Child labor in Japan, as in other developed nations, is looked upon as a social ill of the past. Since the year 2000, reports from various children’s advocacy groups have focused on education-related problems or problems of the family, making almost no mention of child labor. Japan is not listed on the International Labor Office’s Web site as a nation having serious problems. Some children do engage in labor. Children of small ‘‘shopkeeper’’ families may work in shops or help their parents after schools and on weekend. Children in isolated rural areas of Japan may still participate in agricultural work to some extent, but these children would constitute a very small fraction of the entire population. Instances of child labor are more likely to occur among the poorest sectors, which also tend to include minority groups and immigrant groups such as BrazilianJapanese. The extent to which children of these groups are informally incorporated into the workplace is largely unstudied. FAMILY Japan’s birth rate has been falling since 1973, and in 2004 only 8.8 children were born per 1,000 population; while infant mortality is
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exceptionally low (2.8 per 1,000 in 2004), this low birth rate has created a shift in family interaction patterns as well as the population profile overall (Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications 2007). During this same thirty-year period, the divorce rate doubled (although still low comparatively at 2.15 per 1,000), meaning that more and more children are raised in ‘‘nontraditional’’ homes. Japanese divorce laws do not specify child custody and support. In most cases, mothers have child custody, and most Japanese laws relevant to divorce cases focus on support for mother–child families. The Law for the Welfare of Fatherless Families and Widows does not require the divorced father to take financial responsibility for the child, and only 34 percent of the mothers make a settlement for financial support from the fathers (Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare 2006). The image of the ‘‘three-generation’’ household that captured popular imagination in the 1950s through the 1970s has become rare in Japan. Almost half of Japanese infants born in 2001 have no siblings in the household, and more than 75 percent of these children reside with their parents and siblings (Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare 2006). The changing family structure has considerably altered Japanese intergenerational relations and family roles. Traditionally, boys were considered as direct ‘‘successors’’ of the family tree, thus more important than girls who will ‘‘yomeiri’’—be married into families with sons and their parents. Boys are expected to be independent and strong, and girls are expected to be kind and nurturing. While these traditional expectations for boys and girls are becoming less prevalent among a new generation of parents, a gender gap for educational expectation still exists, which explains the under-representation of female is in highly skilled profession and in science and mathematics-related occupations. Children increasingly feel disconnected from parents and have few adults they feel supported by. Writing in 1989, one researcher reported that 21 percent of boys and 12 percent of girls (elementary and middle school) felt that no one at home helped or supported them (Koizumi 1989). Other scholars have argued that the introduction of Western parenting norms may conflict with previous patterns of Japanese relations, and that the continuing shift to nuclear families is reducing willingness among parents with children to support the elderly. This, in turn, has lead to an increasing trend for the elderly to remain independent of their children—something unthinkable in generations past. During the period 1960 through 1990, large numbers of children were raised in families where the father was rarely at home (‘‘Sunday Stranger’’), and the mother removed herself from the workforce in order to care for the children until they reached high school age. As more and more women continue to work while their children are small, and as fewer and fewer men obtain jobs with ‘‘lifetime employment,’’ children are likely to experience less interaction and care giving from both parents.
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The quality of interaction between parents and infants or very young children retains uniquely Japanese characteristics, despite the impact of demographic changes to the family and shifts in labor-market participation. In an extensive review of the literature on childrearing, a team of U.S. and Japanese psychologists found significant differences between U.S. and Japanese parenting. They found that Japanese mothers still emphasized prolonged skin-to-skin contact, nonverbal communication, and the cultivation of dependency (amae) in the rearing of infants and toddlers. Early studies of childrearing in Japan originally documented these distinct cultural practices, and recent research shows that these patterns continue to drive fundamentally different patterns of identity development in Japan. While fathers are increasingly asked to play a greater role in their children’s lives, infants and younger children are still largely in the care of the mother. Traditionally, mothers have taken on the lion’s share of childrearing and borne the brunt of any problems that children might have in school. Even today, Japanese elementary school teachers may still send a note home to reprimand a mother who does not adequately prepare her child for school. Because more and more mothers are working, many women feel under intense scrutiny for their performance in the workplace and home. The family is also becoming more closely scrutinized by the state, with more emphasis being placed on intervention by professionals. This has lead to a somewhat greater willingness by parents to seek out professional counseling. Although still a small field, family therapy is growing in Japan, as parents confront their children’s problems with school. HEALTH Japan has achieved some of the highest standards for health among children. In the 1950s and 1960s, environmental poisoning and the residual effects of the atomic bombings of Nagasaki and Hiroshima produced serious health problems in children (as well as adults). Such environmental poisoning has been largely curtailed. Japan provides a wide range of health and educational services for children and families with children. Although private companies have radically curtailed the kind of all-encompassing care packages provided to workers, the federal government still adopts a ‘‘cradle to grave’’ position on social welfare. Mothers are eligible for free prenatal health care, as well as maternity and childcare leaves under the national health care package. The 1998–1999 Annual Report on Health and Welfare notes that child allowances are provided from birth until the child is three years old. Nursery centers are widely available for all parents, and nearly 1.7 million infants and small children attend. Parents of school-age children have access to after-school children’s clubs or community centers. There are
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also special residential facilities for neglected or abused children and monetary allowances for children without fathers (http://www.mhlw.go.jp/ english/wp/wp-hw/vol1/p1c2s1.html) The problems facing many Japanese children are the ‘‘diseases’’ of affluence. As the population has shifted to a high-fat diet, childhood obesity rates have increased. Some experts also link this increase in obesity to decreased physical activity, which some blame on the dense housing conditions of Japan and others link to increased academic competition in schools. Also blamed are time spent on video games, the Internet, and watching television. Many social critics argue that companies have focused marketing efforts on children and young adolescents to a higher degree than in any other developed nation. In particular, the thirteen- to fifteen-year-old demographic group is especially valued by advertisers because of the relatively large amounts of money that young teens have to spend. Marketing companies engineer fashion fades that cycle every six months, creating intense demands for ‘‘trendy’’ fashions among young adolescents. Although Japan has a very low HIV infection rate, the Ministry of Labor organizes several yearly events for adolescents to promote awareness and knowledge about HIV/AIDS and reduce prejudice and discrimination against HIV/AIDS patients. The Ministry also offers telephone counseling on HIV and AIDS for adolescents. The Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology promotes school curriculum development and teacher training for reducing prejudice and discrimination against HIV/AIDS patients. In terms of recognizing children’s emergent sexual identities, the Bureau of Human Right Protection under the Ministry of Justice identified discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) youth as a serious human rights problem, and has organized various events across the country through broadcasting and newspaper/journals to promote awareness and understanding of LGBT youth. Regardless of what scientists will determine to be the exact causal links, the main problems of childhood that dominate the thinking of parents and politicians are centered on education. Although corporal punishment of children and adolescents at school is prohibited under the section 11 of the School Education Law, students face serious issues engendered by schooling itself. In the last decade of the twentieth century, Japanese media has focused on such issues as ijime (bullying), tokoukyohi (school refusal), konai boryoku (in-school violence), and gakkyu houkai (the breakdown of the classroom). The latest media ‘‘syndrome’’—hikkikomori, ‘‘recluses’’—focuses on young men who withdraw to their rooms somewhere around early adolescence and stay there until adulthood. All of these trends center around concerns that the educational system is producing extreme mental stress on children and young adolescents. The biggest perceived threat to children’s health is the school system
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so admired by other nations for its high completion rates and high test scores. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS As early as the 1950s, the Japanese government formally enshrined the rights of children in the legal code. In 1994, Japan ratified the Convention on the Right of the Child adopted at the 1989 United Nations General Assembly. The Bureau of Human Rights Protection under the Ministry of Justice identified bullying, corporal punishment, and child abuse/prostitution/pornography as three major human rights problems associated with children. The Bureau organizes various activities including ‘‘human rights week,’’ festivals/campaigns, counseling, and national human rights essay content for junior high school students to promote and protect human rights of children. The Japanese government places considerable emphasis on providing health and educational services for children, and it also provides a distinct juvenile justice system. The Rehabilitation Bureau under the Ministry of Justice plays a major role in correction of juvenile offenders. Probation officers in fifty probation offices throughout the country provide guidance and counseling, as well as employment arrangements to juvenile offenders under probation. They also engage in communitybased campaigns to prevent crime and delinquency. Typically, the names of minors are withheld in all criminal proceedings, and the concept of trying children as adults has not yet been advanced in the Japanese courts. Juvenile offenders are tried in family courts, and they are either sent to juvenile training school or placed under probationary supervision of the probation office. Again, the major focus is on correction, rather than punishment. The system emphasizes the importance of rehabilitation of juvenile offenders through support and care of probation officers and community members. In 2004, 134,847 adolescents between ages of fourteen and nineteen and 20,191 children under fourteen were arrested by police for criminal conducts other than traffic violations. The rates of these arrests are 16.9 per 1,000 adolescents aged fourteen to nineteen, and 1.2 per 1,000 children under fourteen (White Paper on Youth 2006). In some areas, notably sex offenses against children, legal protections are less rigorous. Persons under the age of eighteen years old are legally protected from child prostitution and child pornography in Japan (Ministry of Justice 2006a). However, the punishments for these criminal conducts are light; imprisonment for no more than three years or a fine of no more than one million yen (US$11,000) for child prostitution, and no more than three years of imprisonment or a fine of three million yen (US$33,000) for child pornography distribution or business. Japanese laws promote education, counseling, and research for promoting
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awareness among the general public and prohibit such conducts, and acknowledge the importance of international cooperation against these activities. Within schools, Section 11 of the School Education Law provides students some protection from physical abuse stating: ‘‘Principals and teachers may punish a student for educational purpose, but they are not allowed to use corporal punishment.’’ Most people in Japan, and certainly most children, remain unaware of the fact that Japan is signatory to international conventions on the rights of children. Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) concerned with the rights of children have criticized the Japanese government on several specific issues. These groups argue the government has not paid enough attention to discrimination against minority children (specifically buraku, ainu, Okinawans, Japanese-Koreans, and children of immigrants or other newcomers), as well as children born out of wedlock. RELIGIOUS LIFE Religion in Japan puzzles most foreigners. Despite over a century of exposure to the West, and heavy cultural borrowing, less than 1 percent of the population is Christian. Many Japanese continue to affirm that they are ‘‘both’’ Shintoists and Buddhists and may even acknowledge being influenced by the sacred writings of other religions. Formal, weekly religious worship typical in Christian, Islamic, and Jewish cultures is largely unknown in Japan. Formal ceremonies that are a mixture of cultural tradition and religious significance occur throughout the year, and children often play a significant role in these festivals. The New Year’s festival (which coincides with the Western New Year, January 1) and the Festival of the Spirits (Obon), which is held in midAugust in many regions, are two of Japan’s top three holidays. Both of these holidays place heavy emphasis on the reuniting of families, and many Japanese still travel from large urban centers back to their family’s traditional village to celebrate. New Year’s is a relatively jolly time marked by traditions like the ringing of bells and preparation of special foods, and Japanese children typically receive presents of cash from their grandparents and other relatives. Obon is more solemn, with many families still engaging in the traditional cleaning of the headstones in the family gravesite. These festivities emphasize family connectedness and the importance of children learning about their family’s history. Children also play major roles in local festivities. Most Japanese neighborhoods contain a local shrine, and it is common for the ‘‘deity’’ to be carried through the neighborhood once a year on an elaborately decorated palanquin (mikoshi), often by local children dressed in special costumes. Children also are often the central focus of the various autumn festivals at local shrines where food vendors and game booths proliferate.
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There are also special holidays for boys and girls. Many families will still put out an elaborate display of dolls on March 3, ‘‘girls day’’ (hina matsuri), and young girls may invite friends over for special sweet tea and cakes. ‘‘Children’s day’’ (May 5) is considered ‘‘boy’s day’’ by most people and features kite and streamer flying. There is also a special festival on November 11 for children who are seven, five, or three years of age where the child is taken to a local shrine and receives special treats. Many young people will also dress up for Seijin-no-hi (Adult Day) and visit a shrine on January 15 to mark their entry into adulthood (at age twenty). Often overlooked are the visits that older children or young adolescents make to temples in February and March to wish for success on upcoming school entrance exams. There is a common saying in Japan that ‘‘children are with the gods until age 7.’’ This saying has various meanings, but many Japanese still evince a belief that somehow children are closer to the world of the spirits than adults. Evidence of this is found in the numerous shrines to Jizo (a Buddhist deity/saint) found around Japan that are essentially dedicated to the souls of aborted fetuses. Despite Japan’s widespread use of abortion, many Japanese are still intensely affected by the operation and believe the fetus has a human soul that needs to be placated. These shrines, often placed in less conspicuous locations like side streets or rice fields, are often filled with toys, decorations, and poignant messages, all which indicate a persistent belief in the world of the kami (spirits, gods). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Japan has extremely low rates over all, although the past decade has seen increasing attention to these issues in the media. Along with a rise in schoolrelated problems, Japan has seen a growing concern for the safety of young children as they travel to and from school, hidden problems of neglect— latchkey kids in poor neighborhoods or in children of divorced parents— and the sexual exploitation of early teen and possibly preteen girls in forms of prostitution sometimes euphemistically called ‘‘dating for money.’’ Beginning in the mid-1990s, significant concern that child abuse or neglect was an emerging problem in Japan began to surface in the media. According to the U.S. State Department, a 2003 report from the Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare stated that 108 child-abuse related deaths had occurred since the implementation of the Child Abuse Prevention Law in 2000. The report noted 23,738 cases of child abuse in 2003, with (50 percent regarding violence, 40 percent parental neglect), and 26,573 calls to Child Welfare Centers. As the government formally tracked awareness of the problem, Japan saw a dramatic rise in child abuse incidents. The government, in 2000, allocated significant funds to set up awareness programs across the nation. Schools are encouraged, but not legally required, to report child abuse or
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neglect cases to the appropriate authority. The Child Abuse Prevention Law requires Child Counseling Centers (the major organization that support children and adolescents who suffer from problems including child abuse) to collaborate with law enforcement to ensure the child’s safety at home. However, this law does not specify penalties for violators of child abuse or neglect. Horrific cases of the abduction, assault, and murder of children by strangers has created an atmosphere of concern in Japan similar to that seen in the United States and other industrial nations. Stories, such as one prefecture assigning police helicopters to monitor students going to school in the morning, have captured attention in the media as have reports of adults being arrested for having sexual relations with teenage school girls. While the overall rates of child abuse and abduction appear to be far lower than in other developed nations, Japanese adults do believe that childhood has become more dangerous. Many writers lament the ‘‘good old Japan’’ (furuyuki nippon) of the 1950s when children could play unattended in overgrown lots, parks, and quiet streets. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Japanese children will inherit a nation with a highly developed social and physical infrastructure and a vibrant democratic culture. Japan has greatly alleviated the severe pollution problems of the 1960s and 1970s, and although pollution remains a major concern, Japan’s children will not face the severe conditions which Chinese children are likely to face. Lack of space and increasing availability of technology will continue to limit children’s play and socialization. The continuing trend of nuclear families living in dense urban housing will continue to restrict children’s access to multi-age peer groups. Children will probably be more closely monitored by adults as concerns over child abuse and child abduction are likely to continue. The children of Japan will grow up in the world’s ‘‘oldest’’ society, and this experience will dominate the experience of childhood for the rest of the century if the current trends hold. In the future there may be a smaller youth population on the streets of Japan. Parents, grandparents, and even great-grandparents will have very few children in the family to connect with, so children are likely to receive even more economic support from their elders, but will face troubling decisions about how to support these same elders when the children themselves grow up. Economic dependency is likely to last over a longer period of time, just as competition for high quality jobs increases. This single demographic trend—the ‘‘graying of Japan’’—is likely to significantly increase immigration into Japan and force Japanese institutions like public schools to deal with more and more non-ethnic Japanese children. It will make Japanese children all the more ‘‘precious’’ because of their rarity, but it will also
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subject them to increasing pressures to perform well in the competitive educational system and the global economy.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Holloway, Susan. 2000. Contested Childhood: Diversity and Change in Japanese Preschools. New York: Routledge. This book examines changing social norms about childhood and childrearing in Japan. Goodman, Roger. 2000. Children of the Japanese State. New York: Oxford University Press. This book provides a detailed analysis of child welfare mechanisms in Japan and summarized legal, social, and political changes around child protection and child abuse that occurred in the late 1990s. Lewis, Catherine. 1995. Educating Hearts and Minds. New York, Cambridge University Press. Provides a detailed examination of Japanese elementary school classrooms and basic pedagogical practices. Rohlen, Thomas, and Gerald LeTendre, eds. 1996. Teaching and Learning in Japan. New York: Cambridge University Press. Summarizes cultural assumptions about learning, teaching, and human development across a wide range of social institutions. Shwalb, David, and Barbara Shwalb, eds. 1996. Japanese Childrearing: Two Generations of Scholarship. New York, The Guilford Press. Summarizes basic psychological and family development literature on Japanese families, child-rearing and early education. Stevenson, Harold, Hiroshi Azuma, and Kenji Hakuta, eds. 1986. Child Development and Education in Japan. New York: W.H. Freeman and Company. Summarizes basic studies of child development and early educational settings in Japan.
Web Sites Bureau of Human Rights Protections, http://www.moj.go.jp/ENGLISH/CLB/ clb-02.html or http://www.moj.go.jp/ENGLISH/CRAB/law01.html. Summarizes basic issues in children’s rights. Central Intelligence Agency. January 2007. World Factbook. http://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/cv.html. This site provides up-to-date national statistics on most nations in the world. Child Policies in Japan, http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2004/41644.htm. This report summarizes government policies related to families, children and poverty. The Child Resource Net. http://www.crn.jp. An independent web site that collects and publishes articles regarding all aspects of children’s lives and development. Japanese Nursing policies.html.
Association,
http://www.nurse.or.jp/jna/english/midwifery/
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The Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology. July 2006. http://www.mext.go.jp/english/. This ministry collects and publishes basic statistical data on most aspects of education and youth-related cultural activities. The Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare. July 2006, http://www.mhlw.go.jp/ english/. This ministry collects and publishes basic statistical data on early childhood health care, families and nutrition. Some English translations of major laws, programs and proposed reforms are also available. Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. January 2007. Education at a Glance, http://www.oecd.org/topicstatsportal/0,2647,en_2825_495609_ 1_1_1_1_1,00.html. This publication offers latest educational statistics on member nations. White Paper on Youth. July 2006. http://www8.cao.go.jp/youth/whitepaper/ h17zenbun/index.html. This report summarizes (in Japanese) basic statistics on the health, education and well-being of adolescents.
Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations The Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology Chiyoda-ku Marunouchi 2 chome 5-1 Tokyo, Japan 100-8959 Phone: 03 (5253) 4111 Web site: http://www.mext.go.jp/english/ The Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare 1-2-2 Kasumigaseki Chiyoda-ku Tokyo, 100-8916 Japan Phone: 03-5253-1111 Web site: http://www.mhlw.go.jp/english/ Nongovernmental Organizations Children’s Rights Network Web site: http://www.crnjapan.com/en/ Woman 2000, Japan NGO Web site: http://www.jca.apc.org/fem/bpfa/NGOreport/L_en_GirlChild.html
Selected Bibliography Bornstein, Mark. 1989. Cross-cultural Developmental Comparisons: The Case of JapaneseAmerican Infant and Mother Activities and Interactions. What We Know, What We Need to Know and Why We Need to Know. Developmental Review 9:171–204.
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Caudill, William, and Helen Weinstein. 1974. Maternal Care And Infant Behavior in Japan. In T. Lebra and W. Lebra, eds. Japanese Culture and Behavior. Honolulu, East-West Center. Chen, Shen. 1996. ‘‘Positive Childishness: Images of Childhood in Japan.’’ in Images of Childhood. C. P. Hwang, M. Lamb and I. Sigel, eds. Mahwah, NJ, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates: 112–27. Dore, R.P. 1985. Education in Tokugawa Japan. Ann Arbor, MI: Center for Japanese Studies. Fujita, Mariko. 1989. ‘‘It’s All Mother’s Fault’’: Childcare and the Socialization of Working Mothers in Japan.’’ Journal of Japanese Studies 15(1): 67–91. Fukuzawa, Rebecca and Gerald LeTendre. 2001. Intense Years: How Japanese Adolescents Balance School, Family and Friends. New York: RoutledgePalmer. Hendry, Joy. 1986. Becoming Japanese: The World of the Pre-School Child. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Hess, Robert, and Hiroshi Azuma. 1991. ‘‘Cultural Support for Schooling: Contrasts between Japan and the United States.’’ Educational Researcher 20(9): 2–8. Hisaki, Yukio. 1977. Nihon Kodomo no Rekishi (History of Japanese Children). Tokyo, Dai-Ichi Houki. Koizumi, Takashi. 1989. ‘‘The Attitudes of Japanese Children and the Effects of Parental Behavior.’’ Journal of Moral Education, 18(3): 218–31. Kumamoto-Healey, Junko. 2005. ‘‘Women in the Japanese Labour Market, 1947– 2003: A brief survey.’’ International Labour Review 144(4): 451–71. LaFleur, William. 1992. Liquid life: Abortion and Buddhism in Japan. Princeton: Princeton University Press. MEXT (Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology). 2005. Japan’s Education at a Glance. Tokyo: Author. http://www.mext.go.jp/ english/statist/05101901.htm. Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. Statistics Bureau & Statistical Research and Training Institute. 2007. Japan Statistical Yearbook. Tokyo: Government Printing Office. Ministry of Justice. 2006a. Correction Bureau. http://www.moj.go.jp/ENGLISH/ CB/cb-01.html. Accessed January 10, 2006. Ministry of Justice. 2006b. Rehabilitation Bureau. http://www.moj.go.jp/ ENGLISH/RB/rb-01.html. Accessed January 10, 2006. Okano, Kaori, and Motonori Tsuchiya. 1999. Education in Contemporary Japan: Inequality and Diversity. New York: Cambridge University Press. Peak, Lois. 1991. Learning to Go to School in Japan. Berkeley: University of California Press. Roesgard, Marie. 2005. Japanese Education and the Cram School Business. Copenhagen, Denmark: NIAS Press. Rothbaum, Fred, John Weisz, Martha Pott, Kazuo Miyake, and Gilda Morelli. 2000. ‘‘Attachment and Culture: Security in the United States and Japan.’’ American Psychologist 55(10):1093–104. Sato, Nancy. 2004. Inside Japanese Classrooms. New York: RoutledgeFarmer. Tobin, Joseph, David Y. Wu, and Dana Davidson. 1989. Preschools in Three Cultures: Japan, China and the United States. New Haven: Yale University Press. U.S. State Department. 2006. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Japan. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2004/41644.htm. Zeng, Kangmin, and Gerald LeTendre. 1998. ‘‘Adolescent Suicide and Academic Pressure in East Asia.’’ Comparative Education Review 42(4):513–28.
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MALAYSIA See Ching Mey NATIONAL PROFILE1 Malaysia is located in Southeast Asia and consists of West Malaysia (or Peninsular Malaysia), connected to Thailand by the Isthmus of Kra in the north and by a causeway in the south to the island nation of Singapore, and East Malaysia that shares part of the island of Borneo with Indonesia (the province of Kalimantan) and Brunei. There are nine Malay states with hereditary rulers (Sultans), four others with titular Governors, and three federal territories making up Malaysia. The total land area is 328,550 square kilometers. Malaysia achieved independence from Britain on August 31, 1957. Malaysia had a population of 25.6 million in 2004 (50.8 percent male and 49.2 percent female). Children younger than fourteen years old constitute about 8.42 million (32.89 percent). Total population is expected to be 26.6 million by 2006. This population is a heterogeneous, multicultural, and multiracial mix of Malays, Chinese, Indians, and other indigenous people. According to the 2007 estimates of the World Fact 1
Note: The Malaysian Ringgit (RM) is used throughout this chapter. Until 2005, the Malaysian Ringgit was pegged to the USD at US$1 = RM3.88. The currency was allowed to float against a basket of foreign currencies and the rate has hovered around RM3.8.
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Book, Malaysia (CIA 2007), total population of Malaysia is 24,821,286 (July 2007 est.). The breakdowns by age bracket are: 0–14 years, 32.2 percent (male 4,118,086/female 3,884,403); 15–64 years, 62.9 percent (male 7,838,166/female 7,785, 833); 65 years and over, 4.8 percent (male 526,967/female 667,831). The sex ratios for different age groups are: at birth, 1.07 male/female; under 15 years, 1.06 male/female; 15– 64 years, 1.007 male/female. As per the 2000 census report, representations of various religious groups are as follows: Muslim, 60.4 percent; Buddhist, 19.2 percent; Christian, 9.1 percent; Hindu, 6.3 percent; Confucianism, Taoism, other traditional Chinese religions, 2.6 percent; other or unknown, 1.5 percent; none, 0.8 percent (CIA 2007). The country’s ethnic compositions are: Malay, 50.4 percent; Chinese 23.7 percent; indigenous, 11 percent; Indian, 7.1 percent; others, 7.8 percent (2004 est.) (CIA 2007). The Constitution defines Malay as being one who ‘‘professes the religion of Islam, habitually speaks the Malay language, conforms to Malay customs and is the child of at least one parent who was born within the Federation of Malaysia before independence on the 31st of August 1957.’’ In the exercise of affirmative action to correct historical imbalances in economic and other fields, Malays and other defined communities are guaranteed special rights in the Constitution. Languages spoken in Malaysia are Bahasa Malaysia (official), English, Chinese (Cantonese, Mandarin, Hokkien, Hakka, Hainan, Foochow), Tamil, Telegu, Malayalam, Panjabi, and Thai. There are several KEY FACTS – MALAYSIA indigenous languages spoken in Infant mortality rate: 16.62 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 East Malaysia—most widely spoest.) ken are Iban and Kadazan (CIA Life expectancy at birth: 72.76 years (2007 est.) 2007). Although Bahasa Melayu Literacy rate: 88.7 percent (2002 est.) (Malay language) is the official Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 93 percent language, English is a compul(2000–2005) Internet users: 11.016 million (2005) sory subject in all schools and is People living with HIV/AIDS: 52,000 (2003 est.) widely used and spoken. The ofChildren orphaned by AIDS: 8,189 (2005 est.) ficial religion in Malaysia is Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 15 (2006 est.) Islam, but freedom of worship is Sources: CIA World Factbook: Malaysia. http://www.cia.gov/cia/ practiced. As a result, it is compublications/factbook/geos/my.html. April 17, 2007; United mon to see temples, mosques, Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development and churches near each other. Report 2006. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ data_sheets/cty_ds_MYS.html. April 26, 2007; UNICEF. Malaysia–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ malaysia_statistics.html. April 25, 2007; World Health Organization (WHO): UNAIDS/WHO Global HIV/AIDS Online Database. ‘‘Epidemiological Fact Sheet on HIV/AIDS and Sexually Transmitted Diseases: Malaysia.’’ http://www.who.int/GlobalAtlas/predefinedReports/EFS2006/ind ex.asp?strSelectedCountry=MY. December 2006.
OVERVIEW Malaysia, jointly with South Africa, ranked 82 in the world in GNI (gross national income) per capita of US$4,960 in 2005. It
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ranked 37 in total gross domestic product (GDP) at US$130,143 million (The World Bank 2005). By income, Malaysia was ranked in 2005 as upper-middle by the World Bank (The World Bank 2006). Malaysians thus generally enjoy a good standard of living. The government gives high priority to education and health service. Of the total 2006 budget of RM134.7 billion, the allocation for education is RM5 billion and allocation for health is RM1.3 billion. The results of such heavy investment in human capital over the years are reflected in the child and maternal mortality rates. These are now close to those of many developed countries. Chua (2005) stated that prior to 1957, the maternal mortality rate was above 5 per 1,000 births. Since the 1990s, it has been around 0.3 per 1,000 births or the equivalent of 1 maternal death in every 300 births. Similarly, Malaysia’s infant mortality rate fell from 40.8 per 1,000 births in 1970 to 16.62 per 1,000 in 2007, largely as a result of improvements and attention to maternity services, quality water, sanitation, nutrition, and an affordable and effective primary health care system. Upon attaining the age of eighteen, every male or female is considered to have reached the age of maturity (Age of Majority Act 1971). Under the Children and Young Persons (Employment) Act 1966, a child is considered a person who has not completed his fourteen years of age while a young person is considered one who has not completed his sixteen years of age. These distinctions are relevant only in employment and offer some protection for children who are allowed to work. The Law Reform (Marriage and Divorce) Act of 1976 also defines a child as a person under the age of eighteen years and requires parents to provide for a child’s basic needs, such as food, clothing, and education. The region has not seen any major conflicts since the war in Vietnam. In those years (1970s), many refugees, the boat people, made for Malaysia. The United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) reports a figure of 106,083 (UNHCR 2006a) refugees in the country mainly made up of Burmese Rohingyas and Filipinos who had entered to avoid sectarian strife in their own countries. They have been settled in camps. One such island is in the East Malaysian state of Sabah, at Pulau Gaya. It was set up in the 1970s for refugees from southern Philippines but has become a notorious squatter colony for many illegal foreigners. The demand for labor especially in the plantation sector encouraged illegal entry of workers from Indonesia (Aceh), Burma, and other neighboring countries. Some of these illegal immigrants blend well into the population with false identification papers. Most, however, are denied such rights and, if caught, are deported. It has been estimated that there are more than a million such illegal immigrants and their families in the country. Without proper papers (such as birth certificates to prove citizenship), it is near impossible for their children to be enrolled in the mainstream education.
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On the other hand, refugees and asylum seekers, about 10,000 Rohingyas who escaped from strife in Burma’s North Rakhine region, seek UNHCR protection, and are granted temporary stay permits and placed in organized camps. With official status as refugees, the children are registered to enter public schools as ‘‘permanent residents,’’ but for this category, they must pay higher fees and buy their own books, and are confronted by bureaucracy. The UNHCR estimates that the total number of refugee and asylum-seeking children number almost 9,000 children of whom only about 600 are considered to have access to schooling (UNHCR 2006b). EDUCATION The education system in Malaysia extends from preschool to tertiary education. The primary and secondary schools can be classified as national, national-type (vernacular), religious, private, or independent (mainly Chinese) schools. Several laws such as the Education Act (1996), the Universities and University Colleges (Amendment) Act (1996), and the Private Higher Education Institutions Act (1996) establish national policies and standards on education. Education level remains tightly bound to age. The Education Act declares the Bahasa Melayu as the main medium of instruction and sets out the national curriculum and the mechanisms for standardized examinations to fulfill the national aspirations and to promote national unity through cultural, social, economic, and political development. Care of preschool children is spread among a number of government departments such as the Ministry of Health, Ministry of National Unity and Social Development, Ministry of Rural Development, Ministry of Education, and several state departments. According to the report on Education For All: The Year 2000 Assessment by the Ministry of Education (1999), Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) programs are divided into home-based centers (family daycare homes) serving fewer than ten children and targeted largely at children under four years old, and preschools for four- to six-year-olds. These are disproportionately available in urban areas. The objectives for the preschools include providing care for the children of working parents. Preschool education is conducted largely by the government with supporting roles from nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and other private social organizations. Sheila (2002) noted that the government operated 81.6 percent of the preschool programs in 1995. The other 18.4 percent are operated by the NGOs and private bodies. Public preschool programs are free and fully funded by the government, while private programs charge fees. Sheila (2002) also reports that coverage for preschool education has improved dramatically from 17 percent among four- to six-year-olds
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attending preschool education in 1981 and 41.5 percent in 1995 to 65 percent by the year 2000. The focus now is on expanding preschool programs, with an emphasis on stimulating cognitive, physical, and socio-emotional development of children. The Ministry of Education determines curriculum for preschool programs. It also carries out teacher training, registers preschool centers, and in general, implements preschool education. NGOs involved in preschools include the Malaysian Kindergarten Association, the Malaysian Association of Child Care Providers, the Malaysian Council for Child Welfare, and the National Association of Pre-school Teachers. Although preschool teachers are required to have a formal training in early childhood care and education (ECCE) before being permitted to teach, it is not clear how long the training is or what it consists of apart from pedagogy and educational psychology. The Malaysian government is greatly concerned about the inadequacies in its preschool programs and supports the efforts to expand the supply of preschools. Preschool development now focuses on enhancing the quality of the programs, strengthening and expanding teacher training, and increasing collaboration and cooperation across several government agencies. Malaysia implemented compulsory primary education in 2003. Parents are required to register their children (regardless of gender) who have reached the age of six years at national or national-type schools to begin the following year (Standard 1) and to remain for the entire six years of the primary education program (until Standard 6). Failure to do so is a legal offense. Basic primary education in national schools is heavily subsidized, though there are small fees to be paid to the school and uniforms to buy. It is estimated that it may still cost a family RM 250 to put a child through a school year. A Textbook Loan Scheme (TBLS) was implemented in 1975 and continues to date. By 1993, more than 90 percent of all students in these schools were recipients with an expenditure of RM 63 million by the government. Schools can also identify students in need for a Food Supplement Program. This scheme is income-based. The national target of 100 percent primary school participation was achieved by 1994. This means that now upwards of 3 million students are enrolled in primary education. Almost all children in the primary schools are in grades appropriate for their age. Accurate dropout rates are not available but an estimated completion rate of 91 percent is given by the World Bank, which also records that there is no gender bias in the graduation figures. This may be distorted by a leniency exercised by the government that allows some students to drop out and join private schools. In recognition of the ethnic diversity in the population, two types of vernacular schools that are styled as national-type allow for the other two major ethnic communities in the country, Chinese and Indians, to conduct some of the classes in the pupils’ own language (Mandarin or
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Tamil). Pupils who successfully complete their six years in the nationaltype schools are automatically admitted to national or national-type secondary schools for their secondary education, but those who have poor grades in the Primary School Evaluation Test (UPSR) are placed in adjustment classes (called Remove) for a year before full integration. Until 2000, students at Standard 3 took a public assessment. Distinctions in this examination allowed students to skip Standard 4 and jump (double promotion) to Standard 5. However, this public assessment was abolished in 2001 because of concerns that parents and teachers were unduly pressuring these students. Students are now automatically promoted into the next grade, regardless of their academic performance. At the end of Standard 6, however, students are required to sit for a standardized examination (UPSR) before moving to the secondary level. There are two types of education for children with special needs. There are the special education schools (specifically for the deaf and blind) and primary schools with integration and inclusive programs for children with learning disabilities (Down syndrome, autism, mental retardation and delay, attention-deficit hyperactive disorder, and dyslexia). Currently, there are 16,138 students with special needs in Malaysia, with 10,991 of them (68.11 percent) studying in the primary schools integration program, and 5,147 (31.89 percent) studying in the secondary schools integration program (Utusan Online, May 16, 2006). Accurate data on dropout rates and completion rates are hard to come by, partly because of the increasing opportunities to join private education. From 1996 onwards, many also exercised their option to attend programs for entry into foreign universities. Popular programs include the South Australian Matriculation and the British O and A levels that allow successful candidates to enroll into foreign degree programs at private institutions in Malaysia itself. PLAY AND RECREATION Nowadays, many traditional games take a backseat to more ‘‘exciting’’ activities, such as video and computer games, remote-controlled cars, and roller blades. The decline was accelerated by the rapid adoption of computers for children. It is quite common to find children exposed to computers during their preschool and primary school years, when they provide a variety of learning opportunities in a dynamic setting. As a result, traditional toys and games formerly intended for these age groups are fast losing their appeal. The most affected traditional activities are one-two-som (a rock-paper-scissors variant), galah panjang (long pool), police and thief, congkak (marble board game), gasing (tops), rubber seeds, guli (marbles), batu seremban (five stones), sepak raga (Malaysian football), and wau (kites). Some traditional games have become totally forgotten, while the others make an appearance only during cultural
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shows. Notable achievements by young Malaysians have also inspired new generations to take up popular and competitive sports. Ong Beng Hee became the Men’s World Junior Champion in squash in 1998 while a year later, Nicole David, at fifteen years old, defeated fellow Malaysian Leong Siu Lynn to clinch the Women’s World Junior Champion title. Squash has now become a popular urban sport. In general, school competitive sports are organized at the national level by the national sports associations or controlling body (such as the Malaysian Amateur Athletic Union for athletics) and the Malaysian School Sports Council (MSSM). In badminton, for example, which is the country’s second sporting passion after football, the MSSM and the Badminton Association of Malaysia (BAM) organize trials at which large numbers of children turn up for selection into a specialized training school. The MSSM has received the International Olympic Council Diploma in recognition of their contribution in the promotion and development of women’s sports in Malaysia. In fact, the MSSM has been so successful in organizing and maintaining sporting events that in the national sports gathering held every other year (Sukan Malaysia or SUKMA), a majority of the competitors in many of the sports are still of school-going ages. Until recently, Malaysian children were fed a steady diet of mainly American children’s television programs, such as Sesame Street, and popular series or cartoons. Satellite television became widely available in 1996, and the diet expanded to include the Disney Channel, Nickelodeon, and the Cartoon Network while learning channels included National Geographic, Discovery, and Animal Planet. Locally produced children’s programs (in Malay) have also proliferated. Relatively low monthly subscriptions and accessibility make satellite television broadly affordable throughout the country. A common standard package could cost RM80 per month. CHILD LABOR It is not possible to determine the actual number of children working in this country because employers, workers, and parents withhold information regarding child workers as the law forbids children below fourteen years of age from working outside the family business with a few exceptions under the Children and Young Persons (Employment) Act 1966, which defines a child as a person under fourteen years of age and a young person as under sixteen. Children are allowed to be employed in light work done within the family, specified public entertainment, apprenticeships, and work sponsored by the government, but it forbids night work and underground work for children and young persons. Such persons are permitted to work only between 7:00 A.M. until 8:00 P.M. for no more than six consecutive days and not more than seven hours during each of those days or eight hours if he is an apprentice.
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The Federal Minister for Human Resources may declare an employment suitable for children or young persons if he is satisfied that such employment poses no threat to the life, limb, health or morals of the employee. The Malaysian Government does not deny the existence of child labor but maintains that foreign workers, many of them illegal in status, have largely replaced child workers. Child prostitution is also reported. In 1998, the Minister of National Unity and Social Development stated that 150 to 160 underage girls were detained each year for involvement in immoral activities and sent to rehabilitation centers. Malaysia is a source, transit and destination country for trafficking in women and girls for sexual exploitation. The increase in the population of child workers in Malaysia is influenced by economic and social factors. With rapid industrialization, decreasing agricultural-based industries and rural-urban migration, there is a demand in both the rural and urban sectors for labor. Most children in Malaysia work due to poverty. Others work because schools are unavailable, inadequate or too expensive for parents to send them to. Many as young as six to twelve years of age are seen working alongside their parents in the plantations or other unskilled jobs. Child labor in urban areas are found in almost all sectors such as in hawker stalls, restaurants, supermarkets, retail shops, light industries, auto repair shops, and garbage collection, while others are employed as domestic servants and gardeners. A survey of 1,673 businesses in 1995 revealed that 11.1 percent of Malay, 23.3 percent of Indian, and 8.4 percent of Chinese small businesses employed child labor (Rajeswari 1996). Child labor is in great demand because children are cheaper to hire, easily trained, and are not obligated to receive medical expenses, paid annual leave, sick leave, and other benefits. Penalties for breach of the provisions of the Children and Young Persons (Employment) Act for first offenders, on conviction, can be a sentence of up to six months in jail or a fine not exceeding RM2,000 for each violation, or both, while repeat offenders can be sentenced to two years in jail and a fine not exceeding RM3,000, or both. FAMILY Labor shortages combined with much improved career opportunities for women result in many urban families with both parents working. In the academic session 2004-2005, the ratio of women to men in tertiary institutions was 58.8 to 41.2 (diploma), 64.9 to 35.1 (first degrees), and 53.7 to 46.3 (masters). Only at the PhD level was the ratio reversed with 61.4 percent of doctoral candidates being men (Malaysia Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development 2005a). This will bring about changes in traditional views that women are still expected to be wives and mothers first. Consequences will include the disruption of the extended family
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structures in smaller towns and villages, and smaller families as the younger generation migrate to larger cities or region to work. In 2003, the total fertility rate was 2.9 births per woman. In 1980, the average household size for an urban family was 5.2. It had declined to 4.6 by year 2000. Rural household size showed a similar decline over the same period from 5.1 to 4.5. The age of first marriage is also increasing. For all men, the average of 26.6 years in 1980 had become 28.9 by 2004. For women, the first marriage average of 23.5 had become 25.3 years in 2004. There are differences between the various major ethnic groups. In 2004, Chinese men and women on the Peninsula tended to contract later marriages; the men at an average age of 30.6 and the women at 27.5 years. The corresponding averages for Malay men and women were 28.8 and 24.1, respectively. For Indians, the averages were 28.7 and 26.8, respectively (Malaysia Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development, 2005b). All these demographic trends point to ominous changes in the traditional family pattern. Children are conceived later in their parents’ lives and, with the mothers’ entry into the workforce, there is increasing dependence on employment of foreign women, particularly from Indonesia, as childcare maids. This will raise questions on the quality of childcare as many such maids come from different cultural and language backgrounds. Family laws govern family matters. For non-Muslims and natives of Sabah and Sarawak, the set of laws is the Law Reform (Marriage and Divorce) Act 1976 and assigns responsibilities for parents and other guardians. Muslims are subjected to Islamic Family Laws enacted in each state. The act also does not recognize same-sex marriages. Transgender citizens are not permitted to alter their identification records, so they must remain at the sex at birth. Homosexuality is quietly tolerated but frowned upon officially. HEALTH The containment of the spread of HIV/AIDS remains one of the biggest challenges for the healthcare system. The first case of HIV/AIDS in Malaysia was identified in 1986, and there has been a steady increase in the cumulative number ever since. The annual reported cases of HIV infection had increased from 778 cases in 1990 to 4,198 in 1995 and 6,978 cases in 2002. In 2004, a total of 64,439 HIV-infected cases were reported in the country, with 9,442 AIDS cases and 7,195 deaths, and in 2007 there were an estimated 52,000 people living with HIV/AIDS. There is an urgent need to protect children from this disease. This is being attempted through active media coverage and introduction of sex education in public schools. In 2005, an estimated 2,000 children below the age of fifteen were living with HIV/AIDS. Malaysia will soon be one of the few countries to provide free Highly Active Antiretroviral Therapy (HAART) drugs to all with HIV. At the moment HAART is already free for a limited number of
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HIV-infected patients, including mothers and babies. The Malaysian Aids Council and the Malaysian Aids Foundation carry out commendable work in education and prevention. AIDS prevention must involve education on safe sex. Contraceptives and devices are provided at family planning clinics run by the Federation of Family Planning Associations, Malaysia (FFPAM). The FFPAM also takes the lead in providing resources and training for the management of reproductive health. The Penal Code (Amendment) Act 1989 (Act 727) allows for a legal abortion to be carried out safely only by a medical practitioner registered under the Medical Act 1971, and only if the continuance of the pregnancy would endanger the health of the woman. If an abortion is performed in violation of these provisions and the woman consents, both she and the person performing the abortion are subject to up to seven years imprisonment and payment of a fine. If the woman did not consent, the person performing the abortion faces up to twenty years imprisonment. The National Cancer Registry reported 1,163 new childhood cancer cases (below age fifteen) for the year 2002, of which nearly half in both sexes was leukemia. The second most common for boys was brain cancer and for girls was eye cancer. Mental health problems are fast gaining attention as a public health problem. A survey in 2004 indicated that mental disorders were the fourth leading cause of ill health in the country. The Second National Health and Morbidity Survey in 1996 found that 13.0 percent of children between five and fifteen years of age have psychiatric morbidity. There was no significant difference between male and female children, but again the prevalence was highest among Indian children followed by Malay and Chinese children. Other problems reported were learning difficulties, frequent headaches, not playing with other children, poor sleep, and fear and nervousness for no apparent reasons. The number of new cases involving children who registered in a private counseling practice increased 35 percent over four years. Children were generally brought in for behavioral problems, learning disabilities, academic failure, and separation or adjustment problems (See 2005). Childhood obesity is a growing health issue among Malaysian children. More Malaysian children are becoming obese as a result of uncontrolled diet and lifestyle changes. A survey conducted on 1,026 school children reported increasing prevalence of obesity with increasing age: 6.6 percent among seven-year-olds and 13.8 percent among ten-year-olds. Obesity among those seven to ten years old was higher among boys than girls (12.5 percent compared with 5 percent). Ethnic differences were also found, with 16.8 percent of Malays being obese compared to approximately 11.0 percent of Chinese and Indians (Ismail and Tan 1998). Another study among school children (6,239 respondents) aged between seven to sixteen years old in Kuala Lumpur reported that
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prevalence of obesity and overweight were 3.5 percent and 6.0 percent, respectively. More boys were found to be obese compared with girls. There were more overweight children among the Indians followed by the Chinese and Malays in this study (Kasmini et al. 1997). The factors that lead to obesity include genetic heredity, eating habits, and lifestyle among Malaysians. Overeating at mealtime, rapid eating, excessive snacking, and eating to meet needs other than hunger are common. Other factors include low social class, environmental deprivation, single parent, single child, excessive television viewing, and inactivity. The Malaysian Government has implemented many basic healthcare packages for children such as: .
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Child survival strategies implemented by the Ministry of Health since the 1980s that enforce epidemic preventive immunizations and breastfeeding campaigns. Comprehensive primary healthcare accessible to almost all. Basic healthcare for school children through special school health programs, including clinics in the rural areas and yearly dental services. Food Supplementary Plan which normally takes the form of a hot breakfast including a variety of healthy foods. Increased monetary assistance for orphans and poor children. Balanced meal project to benefit 20,000 extremely poor, rural households.
There have been concerns that atmospheric lead exposure may contribute to poor academic performance and juvenile delinquency. The National Poison Centre (NPC) in Malaysia reported that, among 435 preschoolaged children surveyed in the state of Sabah, as many as 6.9 percent of the blood samples analyzed contained lead in excess of 10 mcg/dL compared with 20.7 percent between 5-9.99 mcg/dL and 72.4 percent between 0 and 4.99 mcg/dL. Based on a concentration of 10 mcg/dL, three districts, namely Ranau, Kota Belud, and Tuaran, can be classed as high exposure regions, with some concentrations of lead reaching 18.8 mcg/dL. The NPC has extended its lead study to stationeries used by children. There is no organized effort to study the effects of environmental pollution only on children, nor on the general population as a whole. The NPC also conducts extensive antismoking campaigns targeted at youths.
LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Following the World Summit for Children in 1990, a document titled ‘‘Caring for the Children of Malaysia—A National Plan of Action for Child Survival, Protection and Development’’ was approved in 1994.
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This served as the blueprint for the development and formulation of policies, strategies, and programs for children up to the year 2000. The Child Act 2001 (Act 611) incorporates some of the principles of the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child. The Child Act consolidated and developed existing and diverse legislation from three laws: the Women and Girls Protection Act 1973, the Juvenile Courts Act 1947 and the Child Protection Act 1991. The Child Act 2001 stipulates heavier punishments for child exploitation, which extends to trafficking and abduction of children for purpose of prostitution. Engaging or influencing a child for sexual services incurs a fine not exceeding RM50,000 and imprisonment for a term of three to fifteen years, and a whipping of not more than six strokes. The Child Act 2001 also prohibits trafficking and abduction of children. Unlawful transfer of possession, custody, or control of a child is liable to a fine of RM10,000 or five year’ imprisonment, or both. Bringing a child into Malaysia by false pretences attracts the same penalties. However, the age of a child is significant in criminal liability consideration. The criminal liability of a child offender is addressed in the Penal Code (Act 574) and the procedure and punishment are dealt with by the Child Act 2001. Section 82 of the Penal Code provides ‘‘Nothing is an offence, which is done by a child under ten years of age.’’ Section 83 of the Code declares those between the ages of 10 and 12 to be doli incapax (incapable of committing crime). Furthermore, the Evidence Act 1950 states, ‘‘a boy under the age of thirteen years is incapable of committing rape.’’ Thus, a child who is at least twelve years old but below eighteen years old may be criminally liable with the exception of the crime of rape, as his liability begins at thirteen. A child (one who is under eighteen years old) who is alleged to have committed an offense shall not be arrested, detained, or tried except in accordance with the Child Act 2001 which, in Section 83 (1), provides for any such child charged with an offence to be tried in a special court known as the Court for Children (Juvenile Court). The identity and other personal details of such a child may not be revealed, recorded nor published in any newspaper or magazine or transmitted through any electronic medium. The number of criminal cases involving juveniles has been increasing from 4,200 in 2002 to 3,274 cases in 2004. Over 60 percent of those arrested during 2002–2004 were sixteen- to eighteen-year-olds, while boys made up 97 percent of arrests at all ages. Of the criminal cases in this period 2002–2004, 63 percent were property-related such as theft, house breaking, stealing of motor vehicles, snatch theft, and dealing with stolen goods. Other offenses included causing hurt, using criminal force or assault, weapons possession, and rape. Children who are criminally liable for offenses may be sent by a court to a place of safety, a place of refuge, a probation hostel, an approved
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school, or a Henry Gurney school. Henry Gurney schools are for those offenders older than fourteen years who have committed serious crimes. They may be detained until they are twenty-one years old. There is a parallel and independent system of justice administered at state level through the Syariah court system. Syariah (also known as Shari’a) is Islamic Law and applies only to Muslims. Since the majority of Malaysians are Muslims and Islam is the official state religion, Syariah plays an important role in the Malaysian judiciary process. It is generally accepted by Islamic jurists that limited criminal liability of a child begins at seven years of age and continues until he reaches the age of puberty which, according to various traditions, may be an age from fifteen years to eighteen years. In one variation, Syariah Courts of the Federal Territories consider a youthful offender as a person above the age of ten years and below that of sixteen years. Syariah also regulate other personal and family issues. For instance in a divorce, the mother is given custody of a son until the age of seven years and a daughter until she reaches nine years of age. Thereafter, the children are to be given over to the custody of the father unless the mother makes an application to extend the custody (to nine years of age for sons and to eleven years for daughters). The National Advisory and Consultative Council for Children, chaired by the Minister of Women, Family and Community Development, acts as a National Focal Point for children’s welfare and development in Malaysia. The council advises the government in matters relating to the policy and programs in line with the Convention of the Rights of the Child 1990 and the National Plan of Action on Children.
RELIGIOUS LIFE Malaysia is a society with many religions. The country is officially a Muslim state. Nevertheless, other religions are allowed, and the individual’s right to the freedom of worship is enshrined in the country’s constitution. There are preschools run by religious organizations. Nearly all the Malays and some indigenous tribes are raised Muslim, although there are substantial numbers of Indian Muslims and increasing numbers of ethnic Chinese converts. As stated in the Malaysian law and defined in the Constitution, a Malay could lose his constitutional status if he renounces his Muslim faith. However, the reverse is not legally true and one does not legally become Malay by converting to Muslim faith. Islamic preschool/ kindergarten programs are required to use the National Preschool Curriculum, which emphasizes overtly Islamic activities, such as learning to read the Quran and learning how to pray. Activities such as assembly, instruction time, playtime, and snack time are analyzed for the ways in which
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the teachers use these activities to convey the Islamic teachings to the children. For these children, class work includes regular subjects (mathematics, English, the Bahasa Melayu, science or arts) and Islamic subjects (Arabic and Quran memorization and Quran recitation), which involve learning to read and write in Arabic. In the regular subjects, teachers will consciously connect the subject matter with Islam. Private schools are free to offer a non-Islamic religious curriculum as an option for nonMuslims. There are two schools of philosophy in Buddhism and both exist in Malaysia. They are the Mahayana and Theravada sects. The Mahayana school of Buddhism allows Confucianism, Taoism, and ancestor worship, thus this sect is associated very much with the Chinese community. It forms the integral part of Chinese culture and lifestyle. Their presence is reflected in the household altars, which are little shrines with their joss sticks (incense) and fruit offerings. There are also altars or shrines along the roadsides. Buddhist preschools are under the umbrella of Buddhist organizations. These preschools cater to the needs of children of various religious backgrounds. In addition to preparing children for primary school education, the preschool also emphasize Buddhist moral education and good character development. A majority of the Indians in Malaysia are Tamil Indians, and they are Hindus. Many of them follow the Shaivite or Saivite tradition (worship of Shiva) from Southern India. Christians cut across the racial divide and admit Chinese, Indians, and some indigenous groups especially in Sabah and Sarawak. The major Christian denominations in Malaysia include the charismatic, Roman Catholic, Anglican, and Methodist. Christian preschools are set up by churches to cater to the needs of their members and the community. Christian preschools aim to educate young children by giving them an integrated and total education, with the emphasis on empathy and moral character. Although Islam is the official religion and all its traditional festivals and celebrations are national holidays, there is freedom of worship and cultural practice. This is reflected in the inclusion of major events from the other religions or cultural group into the list of national or state holidays. For example, Christmas, Deepavali, or the Hindu Festival of Lights and Wesak (Buddha’s Birthday) are national holidays. In the East Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak, Good Friday is a state holiday in recognition of the large number of Christians in that region. The concept of an open house during a religious festival that is hosted by a member of a religious community to welcome invited friends of all faiths is an endearing feature of Malaysia. Freedom of worship extends to freedom of religious associations. Churches, temples, and religious associations form the nuclei of community activities that include religious instructions for youths. Such activities take place outside of regular school hours.
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CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The difficulties of definition and the covert nature of child abuse (especially abuse in the privacy of the home involving family members) prevent the accurate assessment of the incidence of child abuse and neglect. This is compounded by the absence of proper institutional mechanisms for monitoring and managing such cases in Malaysia. According to the Department of Social Welfare, there has been a gradual increase in the number of cases of child abuse reported, from 934 cases in 2000 to 1,036 cases in 2001, 1,242 cases in 2002 and 1,390 cases in 2003 (Malaysia Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development, 2003a). The number of reported cases to the Police Department, however, has dropped from 150 cases in 2001 to 123 cases in 2002 and 119 cases in 2003 (Malaysia Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development 2003b). Severe cases are reported to and officially recorded by the Social Welfare Department and are estimated to represent about 10 percent of the actual incidence in Malaysia (Malaysia Social Welfare Department 1995). The number reported may not be accurate because of ambiguity in definition, reporting, and intervention procedures. Descriptions and figures cannot properly describe the trauma and torture endured by these children. From a study of 1,688 cases seen by the Suspected Child Abuse and Neglect (SCAN) team at the Kuala Lumpur Hospital between 1985– 1995, some of the features of those physically abused included fractures, intracranial hemorrhages and brain damage. Among 328 sexually abused children, there was evidence of trauma in 193 cases, sexually transmitted diseases in 57 cases and pregnancies in at least 29 cases (New Straits Times November 19, 1996). All the victims in reported child abuse cases are placed under temporary shelter or with suitable foster families by the Social Welfare Department. Little is known about what happened to these children after intervention by the authorities. They are normally placed under supervision or provided counseling services, and may be returned to their homes. The possibility of repeated abuse is present, given the limited capacity for supervision, counseling, and tracing due to the culture of family secrecy and high mobility. The generally accepted causes of child abuse and neglect include severe emotional pressures, pressures arising from poverty, marital relationship problems, poor housing conditions, negative employment situations, absence of supportive extended family members, fanatical religious or superstitious beliefs, and a lack of general community welfare facilities and services. Statistics suggest a correlation between child abuse, neglect, and poverty in Malaysia. For example, the study conducted by the Social Welfare Department found that 42 percent of the abusers (whose income was known) had monthly incomes below RM600 (Malaysia Social Welfare Department 1993). According to statistics in Johor state from 1994 to
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1996, 70 percent of child abuse cases involved families earning less than RM600 monthly (The Star, December 9, 1996). Evidence indicates that the incidences of incest tend to be higher among the underprivileged, ‘‘working class,’’ under class, and individuals who find themselves being politically, economically, and socially marginalized. Abuse and neglect of children also take place in affluent families. These involve adults with emotional problems who lack parental skills or have low levels of tolerance and unrealistic expectations of children. A factor that can be linked to the increase of child abuse and neglect is the lack of avenues for children to articulate their grievances against adults who abuse and neglect them. The cultural and social environment instill a value of unquestioned obedience to adults, which suggest to children that even in cases of abuse and neglect, they are expected to submit to the adult perpetrator and keep silent. Also, factors like the hierarchal structure of a family, with the parents or guardian having the final say in matters concerning the care and upbringing of a child, can prevent the attempts of a child to report abuse and neglect. The Child Protection Act 1991 proved difficult to enforce due to the requirements of the burden of proof and the need for confrontational evidence by a child witness in the presence of the accused who may often be the parent or relative, and has been replaced by newer provisions in the Child Act 2001: Any person who abuses, neglects, abandons or exposes a child in a manner likely to cause him physical or emotional injury, who permits this abuse, or who sexually abuses a child or permits sexual abuse can be fined up to RM20,000 and/or imprisoned for up to ten years.
It has been reported that 90 percent of child abuse cases taken to court are dismissed due to lack of evidence, as victims are afraid to testify against the accused. The National Unity and Social Development Ministry Parliamentary Secretary also reported that out of a total of 1,117 cases of child abuse and neglect in 1995, only 13 abusers were charged and seven were convicted (New Straits Times, June 4, 1996). Despite greater public awareness, there is still a general reluctance to report cases of child abuse and neglect and in a number of cases, neighbors only report after the child has suffered extensive physical injury or becomes pregnant. Child abuse and neglect remain very much hidden within the family. There tends to be disorganized investigation and follow-up, and reluctance of government agencies to prosecute parents or remove children from the home. There is also the inadequacy of existing institutional facilities for children. Furthermore, many schoolteachers, counselors, and health professionals who are in position to detect and refer cases of abuse, are unaware of the detection and reporting process, and the provisions of the Child Act 2001.
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In 2003, the government enacted a special National Service (NS) Bill that requires youths who have reached the age of 18 to be drafted into a national non-military program that will inculcate desirable values. The program chooses tens of thousands of youths through a lottery system. The training stint is compulsory but exemptions can be granted to young mothers. Training has a large para-military component as the trainees are required to be in uniforms and are drilled in military style. Arms training has just been introduced and this has caused some initial apprehension among parents of the selected trainees. Failure to attend incurs a fine of RM3,000 or six months imprisonment or both. The NS program has been generally well received. The Malaysian Armed Forces is a volunteer organization although opportunities exist at upper secondary school level and at universities to participate in cadet corps and officer training as co-curricular activities. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Malaysia is experiencing a tremendous pace of development. From a country that only twenty years ago was primarily a producer of tea, rubber, tin, and palm oil, Malaysia is now one of the world’s largest exporters of semiconductors. She has embraced the modern world vigorously. Rapid industrialization will increase the rate of urbanization as well as issues and problems associated with urbanization. The rising cost of living has influenced the size and quality of houses built in the city. The high prices of housing in Malaysian cities such as the capital cities have pushed less affluent populations into the suburbs. Those who decide to stay or who have no choice, must tolerate small spaces. The ceiling price of between RM25,000 to RM35,000, enforced by the federal government for low-cost housing, has caused developers to build smaller, lower-quality housing with only basic necessities. Studies have shown that space influences human behavior and that internal house layout is an important aspect that influences the lifestyle and behavior of its dwellers. Crowded houses and apartments, as well as the lack of basic social infrastructure, do give rise to various problems among children. Children bored with the stressful living conditions resort to spending their time with friends, loitering at nearby shopping complexes, internet cafes, and karaoke bars (a condition known as lepak). This exposes them to various unhealthy activities and influences such as drugs. Stressful physical environments may lead to strained relationships among family members. Malaysian urban folks are more isolated and individualistic. Even with the availability of social gathering points, like community parks, a study on an urban community near Kuala Lumpur showed that more than 80 percent of the respondents indicated that they never bring their children to nearby parks. Instead they prefer to bring their children to shopping complexes in the city (Yahaya 1995).
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The basic family structure and economic system in today’s society have changed. For most Malaysian families, both parents now have to work in order to provide a decent standard of living for the family. It is common for both parents to be away from home during the day. A 1998 study of ‘‘Childcare and Parenting Styles Among Working Parents in Malaysia’’ conducted by the National Population and Family Development Board found that working parents rely heavily on family members for care of their young children while they work (30.6 percent). Among the family members, grandparents played a major role in providing childcare (60.4 percent) followed by other relatives (22.5 percent) and older siblings (17.1 percent). Neighbors and friends provided another 15 percent of the childcare. Domestic servants accounted for 6.6 percent of childcare, with a majority being cared by Indonesian maids, followed by Malaysian and Filipino maids. Daycare centers accounted for 5.1 percent of the childcare. About 18 percent of the children had no specially assigned caregivers but were under the supervision of the public or religious schools. Only a very few parents (1.5 percent) sent their children away to stay with relatives for sustained periods of time. About 14.6 percent of the children were taken care of by the parents themselves, and 9 percent of the children had no caregivers and can be considered ‘‘latch key’’ children, left alone by themselves. In the long run, in a situation where both parents are working and not spending enough time with their children, the adverse effect on the child’s development will emerge. Maids can look after a child’s basic needs, but they cannot be responsible for the child’s intellectual, social, and emotional development. Children may feel neglected and seek stimulation outside the house. Furthermore, working parents succumb to their children’s demands or give them money to compensate for their absence. The latest trend among families in Malaysia is to have meals outside because working mothers do not have time to prepare home-cooked food. This ‘‘eating out’’ lifestyle further aggravates the problems of unhealthy eating and unbalanced diets. More children are eating food bought from stalls along roadsides or from fast food restaurants. Hence, there is an urgent need to educate children (as well as parents) on the importance of good nutrition for healthy growth and for prevention of illness. Fortunately, the current government recognizes the importance of children in the equation for sustainable development and currently provides funds, manpower, services, and opportunities for this population. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Baba, I. 2000. HIV/AIDS Education for Children in Malaysia. Community AIDS Service Penang (CASP). Penang, Malaysia. This book is designed to educate
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children about HIV/AIDS. The main objective of is to teach children to be more compassionate and caring to other children who are affected by HIV/ AIDS. Bronner, Mike. 2003. Economic Growth, Crisis, And Health: A Malaysian Case Study. LSE Health and Social Care Discussion Paper, Number 9. This paper examined the links between economic change and human health in Malaysia. The author develops an econometric model of the relationship between health and development in Malaysia. Foong Ming Moy, Chong Ying Gan, and Mohd Kassim Siti Zaleha. 2004. Body Mass Status of School Children and Adolescents in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition 13, no. 4: 324-329. A survey on school children’s and adolescents’ health behaviors and perception in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, was initiated, and this article reports the observed body mass status of the school children. Kamerman, Sheila B. 2002. Early Childhood Care and Education and Other Family Policies and Programs in South-East Asia. Institute for Child and Family Policy, Columbia University. This is a report on early childhood care and education (ECCE) and other family support policies and programs in seven ASEAN countries. The countries covered are Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam. The report covers the context in which these policies and programs have been developed in these countries, the child and family support policies and programs that exist or are being proposed, and the specific ECCE initiatives in each of the seven countries. Ministry of Health. 2004. AIDS and STD Section Annual Report. Malaysia: Department of Public Health. This document specifies the background, rationale, and significance of AIDS and STD history, current situations and problems, vision, objectives, policy, target, strategies, and conditions for goal attainment.
Newspapers New Straits Times. http://www.nst.com.my. A Malaysian English-language newspaper, Malaysia’s oldest. The Star. http://thestar.com.my/news/. The leading English-language newspaper in Malaysia. Utusan Online. http://www.utusan.com.my/. A top Malaysian news provider in English and Bahasa Melayu.
Web Sites The Southeast Asia Minister of Education Organizations (SEAMEO). Profile of SEAMEO Country: Malaysia. http://www.seameo-innotech.org/resources/seameo_ country/educ_data/malaysia.asp. This resource includes comprehensive information about the education system of Malaysia, such as principles and general objectives of education, current educational priorities and concerns, educational legislation, structure and organization of the education system. World Education Forum. Education For All: The Year 2000 Assessment (Report Of Malaysia). http://www2.unesco.org/wef/countryreports/malaysia/contents.html. This report provides an in-depth overview about the Education For All 2000 Assessment of Malaysia.
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Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Department of Environment, Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment Level 1-4, Podium 2 & 3, Lot 4G3, Precinct 4, Federal Government Administrative Centre, 62574 Putrajaya, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-8871 2000 Fax: 6 03-8889 1973 Web site: http://www.doe.gov.my The mission of the Department of Environment is to promote, ensure, and sustain uniqueness, diversity, and quality of the environment towards maintaining health, prosperity, security, and well-being for the present and the future. Department of Welfare, Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development Tingkat 21-24, Menara Tun Ismail Mohamed Ali, Jalan Raja Laut, 50562 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-2697 1090 Fax: 6 03-2693 4270, 2694 9395 Web site: http://www.jkm.gov.my The objective of the Department of Welfare is to improve the harmony of the community through welfare services, professional and strategic social development, and responsible partnership. Ministry of Culture, Art and Heritage Floors 16, 17, 26, 27, 29, 30, 34, 35, 36 & 39, Menara TH Perdana, Maju Junction, 1001 Jalan Sultan Ismail, 50694 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-2612 7600 Fax: 6 03-2693 5114 / 03-26976100 Web site: http://www.heritage.gov.my The Ministry of Culture, Art and Heritage handles art, cultural, and heritage issues. Ministry of Education Kompleks Kerajaan Persekutuan Parcel E, Pusat Pentadbiran Kerajaan Persekutuan, 62604 Putrajaya, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-8884 6000 Fax: 6 03-8889 5235 Web site: http://www.moe.gov.my The mission of the Ministry of Education is to develop a world-class quality education system that will guide individuals to realize their full potential and fulfill the aspiration of the Malaysian nation. Ministry of Health Blok E1, E6, E7 & E10, Parcel E, Pusat Pentadbiran Kerajaan Persekutuan, 62590 Putrajaya, Malaysia
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Phone: þ 6 03-8883 3888 Web site: http://www.moh.gov.my The mission of the Ministry of Health is to facilitate and support the people to attain full potential in health, motivate them to appreciate health as a valuable asset, take positive action to improve further and sustain their health status, and to enjoy a better quality of life. Ministry of Human Resources Level 6-9, Block D3, Parcel D Federal Government Administrative Centre 62530, Putrajaya, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-8886 5000 Fax: 6 03-8889 2381 Web site: http://www.mohr.gov.my The Ministry of Human Resource’s responsibilities are to be the leader in the development and management of a world-class workforce and to develop a competitive workforce in an environment of promoting industrial harmony and social justice. Ministry of Tourism Malaysia Level 32, Menara Dato’ Onn Putra World Trade Centre 45 Jalan Tun Ismail 50695 Kuala Lumpur Federal Territory, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-2693 7111 Fax: 6 03-2694 1146 Web site: http://www.motour.gov.my The Ministry of Tourism Malaysia’s objective is to promote Malaysia as an outstanding tourist destination, market Malaysia as a destination of excellence, and to make tourism industry a major contributor to the socioeconomic development of the nation. Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development Aras 1-6, Blok E, Kompleks Pejabat Kerajaan Bukit Perdana, Jalan Dato’ Onn, 50515 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-2693 0095 Fax: þ6 03-2693 4982 Aras 19-26, Menara Tun Ismail Mohd. Ali, Jalan Raja Laut, 50582 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-2616 5600 Fax: 6 03-2698 6078 Web site: http://www.kpwkm.gov.my The Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development aims to build a harmony and caring community via strategic responsibility partnership and effective competence social development services.
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Prime Minister’s Office Malaysia Perdana Putra Building Federal Government Administrative Centre 62502 Putrajaya, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-8888 8000 Fax: 6 03-8888 3444 Web site: http://www.pmo.gov.my The Prime Minister’s Office is responsible for servicing an efficient environment for the prime minister to perform his duties and responsibilities effectively. Nongovernmental Organizations Children’s Protection Society 118A, Jalan Scotland, 10450 Penang, Malaysia Phone: 6 04-8294 046 Fax: 6 04-8293 518 The immediate objective of the society is to provide children at risk with a safe and homely environment. They focus on the emotional and physical development of each individual child, together with the enhancement of their educational, social, and recreational skills. In the long term, they hope to develop alternative option for the child’s future. Malaysian Association for the Protection of Children c/o MPA 3rd Floor (Annex Block) National Cancer Society Building No. 66, Jalan Raja Muda Abdul Aziz 50300 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-2694 2362 Fax: 6 03-2691 4773 The Malaysian Association for the Protection of Children’s mission is to advocate for children rights and raise awareness on child abuse and neglect; to protect children from abuse and neglect; and to support abused children through the legal system to prevent further trauma. Ronald McDonald Children’s Charities Fund of Malaysia (RMCC) Level 6, Bangunan TH Damansara Uptown 3 3, Jalan SS21/39 47400, Petaling Jaya, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-7843 3388 Fax: 6 03-7843 3393 Web site: http://www.rmcc.org.my The Ronald McDonald Children’s Charities Fund of Malaysia’s main goal is to lend a helping hand to less fortunate children in three main areas such as health, education, and social services. Shelter Home for Children No 9, 1st Floor Jalan Barat, 46200 Petaling Jaya Selangor, Malaysia
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Phone: 6 03-7955 0663 Fax: 6 03- 7956 2384 Web site: http://www.shelterhome.org The objectives of the Shelter Home for Children are to rescue and protect children from physical and sexual abuse, neglect, abandonment, and domestic violence and to help the children recover from trauma and develop responsibility, selfconfidence, and hope, by giving them unconditional love, literacy, and life skills. UNICEF Malaysia Wisma UN, Block C, 2nd Floor Komplek Pejabat Damansara Jalan Dungun, Damansara Heights 50490 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-2095 9154 Fax: 6 03-2093 0582 Web site: http://www.unicef.org UNICEF Malaysia aims to enhance the national capacity for continuous and progressive realization of all children’s rights. The interventions are focused on enhancing life skills of young people, particularly to prevent HIV infection; protecting children from violence and abuse; preventing injury and accident; and reducing disparities. Yayasan Harapan Kanak Kanak Jalan Tengku Ampuan Zabedah 9/J Seksyen 9, Shah Alam, 40100 Selangor, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-5880 6859 Fax: 6 03-5880 6859 Web site: http://www.childreninhope.org.my Yayasan Harapan Kanak Kanak is an active NGO known locally and internationally as an activist that protect children’s rights and well-being.
Selected Bibliography Chua, S. L. 2005. High Level Forum on Health MDGs In The Asia Pacific 2005. http://www.moh.gov.my/MohPortal/speechDetail.jsp?action=view&id=376. Ismail, M. N., and C. L. Tan. 1998. Prevalence of Obesity in Malaysia 1998. Country Report at the Regional Advisory Meeting on Obesity, Manila, Philippines. Kasmini, K., M. N. Idris, A. Fatimah, S. Hanafiah, H. Iran, and M. N. Asmah Bee. 1997. Prevalence of Overweight and Obese School Children Aged Between 7 to 16 years Amongst the Major 3 Ethnic Groups in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia 1997. Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition 6(3): 172–74. Malaysia Ministry of Education. Education for All: The Year 2000 Assessment 1999. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0012/001279/127984e.pdf. Malaysia Ministry of Women, Family, and Community Development. 2003a. Cases Reported to the Department of Social Welfare, Malaysia http://www. kpwkm.gov.my/panel/Upload/9.11kes%20Penderaan%20Kanak-kanak%20Men gikut%20Negeri.pdf. Malaysia Ministry of Women, Family, and Community Development. 2003b. Cases Reported to the Police. http://www.kpwkm.gov.my/panel/Upload/9.7kes%20 Penganiayaan%20Kanak-kanak%20Mengikut%20Negeri.pdf.
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Malaysia Ministry of Women, Family, and Community Development. 2005a. Student Enrollment in Public Higher Learning Institutions by Level of Study and Sex. http://www.kpwkm.gov.my/panel/Upload/C3.2.pdf. Malaysia Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development. 2005b. Mean Age At First Marriage. http://www.kpwkm.gov.my/panel/Upload/J6.2.pdf. Malaysia Social Welfare Department. 1993. Child Abuse and Neglect: A Study of Cases Reported to the Social Welfare Department in 1991. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Department of Social Welfare. Malaysia Social Welfare Department. 1995. Situational Overview of Abused, Abandoned and Neglected Children in Malaysia 1995. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Department of Social Welfare. Rajeswari, B. 1996. Child Labor in Night Markets in Kuala Lumpur and Selangor 1996. Malaysian Society of Health Journal 14(1). See, Ching Mey. 2005. Counseling in Private Practice: Malaysian Experience 2005. 11th International Counseling Conference (ICC), Thailand. Sheila, B. K. 2002. Early Childhood Care and Education and other Family Policies and Programs in South-East Asia 2002. UNESCO Report on Early Childhood and Family Policy Series no. 4. United Nations High Commission for Refugees. 2006a. Global Refugee Trends: Statistical Overview Of Populations Of Refugees, Asylum-Seekers, Internally Displaced Persons, Stateless Persons, And Other Persons Of Concern To UNHCR. http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/statistics/opendoc.pdf. United Nations High Commission for Refugees. 2006b. UNHCR: Hope for Malaysia’s home-learning Rohingya refugees–the Harvest Centre. UNHCR News Stories. http://www.unhcr.org/cg-ibin/texis/vtx/news/opendoc.htm?tbl=NEWS &page=home&id=44b7c41d4. The World Bank. Total GDP 2005. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/DATASTA TISTICS/Resources/GDP.pdf. The World Bank. Data and statistic: Country group 2006. http://web.worldbank.org/ WBSITE/EXTERNAL/DATASTATISTICS/0,contentMDK:20421402~pagePK: 64133150~piPK:64133175~theSitePK:239419,00.html. Yahaya, Ibrahim. 1995. Urbanization and Neighborhood 1995. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa & Pustaka.
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MONGOLIA Darikhand Bayar and Enkhtuya Sukhbaatar NATIONAL PROFILE Mongolia’s territory is about 1,564.1 square kilometers, and the country is divided into twenty-one aimags (provinces). Mongolia’s primary economy sectors are agriculture and mining. According to the Mongolian Statistical Yearbook of 2005, the total Mongolian population was 2,562,000 in 2005. Of this total population, 1,291,000 are female and 1,271,000 are male. In terms of urban and rural population, 1,543,000 live in urban areas, of which 965,000 live in Ulaanbaatar, the capital city of Mongolia. Mongolia’s rural population is 1,019,000. Children younger than eighteen make up almost 48 percent of the total population. Approximately 78 percent are Khalkha Mongols. Minority groups include Kazakh, Dorvod, Bayad, Buriad, Dariganga, Zahchin, Urianhai, Oolld, and Torguud. The largest of these minority groups, Kazakhs, make up 4 percent of the total population. Small numbers of Russians and Chinese permanently live in Mongolia. According to the Constitution of Mongolia of 1992, women and men have equal rights. Between 1924 and 1990, Mongolia’s political, economic, legal, and cultural policies were heavily influenced by
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the Soviet Union. The shift to a free market economy has led to a fall in real incomes, a rise in unemployment, and a widening gap between the rich and poor. In the initial period following the 1992 elections, many industries were privatized or collapsed, leaving thousands of people out of work. The Government in Mongolia consists of Ministries. Under each Ministry, there are implementing agencies and institutions. Since the implementation of democracy, many nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have been established. Currently, there are about sixty NGOs working on children’s issues and providing services for children. The NGOs play an active role in delivering services to the target population, families and children. Since the democratic changes in 1990s, many religious organizations came to Mongolia and have been providing welfare services to vulnerable families. During the transition from a centralized economy to market economy, the government has been providing support to families and their children. Since 2006, different support programs have been implemented, such as support to newborn children (a cash payment of 100,000 Mongolian tugrug or US$86) and new families (500,000 Mongolian tugrug or US$429). Since January 2005, the government has promoted the ‘‘child money’’ program for vulnerable children and made it universal for all children younger than eighteen years old starting July 1, 2006. Under this program, families with more than three children and living under the poverty line are entitled to receive free school supplies and textbooks, and children from herder families residing in school dormitories receive free provision of food and accommodation. After the democratic changes in the 1990s, children have more freedom and access to information. The number of newborn children is reduced and in general, the fertility rate is reduced as well. Due to the gap between poor and rich families, children from rich families KEY FACTS – MONGOLIA have more access to information, Infant mortality rate: 42.65 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) education, and better health Life expectancy at birth: 66.99 years (2007 est.) services. Children from poor Literacy rate: 97.8 percent (2002 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 84 percent families lack food and nutrition, (2000–2005) health care services, and access Internet users: 268,300 (2005) to education, and information is People living with HIV/AIDS: fewer than 500 (2003 est.) limited. These children are joinHuman Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 42 (2006 est.) ing the labor force in order to Sources: CIA World Factbook: Mongolia. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ support their family with basic publications/factbook/geos/mg.html. April 17, 2007; United needs. There is no official Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ account of the number of homedata_sheets/cty_ds_MNG.html. April 26, 2007; UNICEF. less people in the country; howMongolia–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ ever, homeless people are visible mongolia_statistics.html. April 25, 2007. in streets and manholes.
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OVERVIEW The Constitution of Mongolia makes the provision of free general education for all, and states that general education is compulsory, and primary and secondary eduction is free. The infant mortality rate is 42.65 deaths per 1,000 live births. (CIA World Factbook 2007) There is no official account of the number of refugees in Mongolia. Illegal immigrants from China work mostly in construction sectors. Mongolia is not a party to the 1951 UN Convention relating to the Status of Refugees or its 1967 protocol. The Constitution of Mongolia has a general provision for granting asylum. In practice, the government provided protection against refoulement, the return of persons to a country where they feared persecution. The government continued talks with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) representatives on refugee and asylum issues. Small groups of North Koreans reportedly continue to enter the country from China. The government cooperated with UNHCR and other humanitarian organizations and on asylum-seeking issues. Less than half of the population is insured, and there is much development work to do to extend the coverage. The trend in coverage is not positive. For example, in 1998 there were 440,000 insured people, and in 2000 the number decreased to 364,000. Only 22,500 people were voluntarily insured in 2001. Self-employed persons constitute about 40 percent of the population (2002–2003 Household Income and Expenditure Survey/ Living Standards Measurement Survey, Government of Mongolia 2004). The Constitution of 1992 prohibits exploitation of human beings. In addition to this provision in the Constitution, the government adopted the National Plan of Action on the protection of children and women from sexual exploitation and trafficking in November 2005. The socioeconomic changes from 1990s impacted the nature of childhood. These changes resulted in social demographic trends that differentiate Mongolia from other developing countries. Over the past fifteen years of transition, Mongolia has shown trends of decreasing total fertility rate, increasing life expectancy, decreasing death rate, decreasing infant mortality rate, and a high rate of rural-to-urban migration in the context of an extremely low population density. Approximately 42 percent of the Mongolian population is younger than eighteen years old—more than 1,000,000 children (Mongolian Statistical Yearbook, National Statistics Office 2005). These boys and girls constitute the heart and soul of Mongolia. The adoption of democracy has affected societal practices in a variety of ways, including the responsibilities and caring attitudes of the parents, and open discussion of hidden problems, particularly on violence, abuse, and neglect. The number of people in the nomad population is decreasing. Statistics shows that approximately 60 percent of the population lives in urban
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areas, with major concentrations in the three main cities of Ulaanbaatar, such as the national capital, Darkhan City in Darkhan-Uul Aimag, and Bayan-Under Soum (new name of Erdenet City) in Orkhon Aimag. In addition, approximately 40 percent of the population lives in rural areas. The rural lifestyle is nomadic, semi-nomadic, or residing in soum (rural administrative unit) centers or aimag centers. Childcare centers for children under three years have been reduced; therefore, the mothers are responsible for caring for children until the age of three. Additionally, minimizing the school entrance age from eight to six years of age brought new challenges to nomad people in enrolling their children in school. The solutions are that mothers stay with their children in settled areas such as aimags and soum centers. Children of the nomad population have limited access to medical provision, schooling, and social services. EDUCATION Based on the Education Law (adopted in 2002), the secondary education system has switched over to eleven years of schooling starting from the academic year, 2005–06. All rural schools at the soum levels have boarding schools for herders’ children, who otherwise had to travel long distances. Since 2000, the government has fully subsidized expenses in school dormitories. The Population and Housing Census conducted in 2000 revealed that 97.8 percent of citizens over fifteen years were literate, 98 percent of men and 97.5 percent of women. Children do not experience gender discrimination, but the inequality of participation in school education between girls and boys increases with the increase of their age. The enrollment number for boys and girls in the first grade is mostly equal. However, by tenth grade, the number of girls in schools surpasses that of boys (62 percent of girls and 38 percent of boys). Unlike other developing countries, girls in Mongolia enjoy their rights to education more than boys. Female children older than fifteen years old have better opportunities to complete their education than male children, because teenage males often are required to work at home, and schools generally are located far from homes. According to the current statistics of the Ministry for Education, Culture and Science, 33.5 percent of children are in primary education, 48.6 percent in secondary school education, and 16.8 percent in vocational and tertiary. Every year 50,000 to 60,000 youths transfer to the labor market. Thirty-five percent of youth aged eighteen to twenty-two years attend tertiary education, and a total of 56,906 students study at state-owned and private universities, institutes, and colleges. A total of 34,706 or 60.9 percent of those are female students and 22,200, or 39.1 percent, are males. A total of 12,177 students study in vocational or technical schools. In 2000, 78.6 percent of the eighth-grade graduates were promoted to the
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ninth grade, and 14.9 percent went to professional training and production centers. The majority of tenth-grade graduates are admitted to public or private universities and colleges. As they obtained a complete secondary education, they have comparatively more possibilities to access various professions. The professional training and production centers receive and train children who failed to enter the ninth grade. Children with disabilities are not institutionalized in Mongolia. The government provides an allowance to the children with disabilities in poor families with an income below the poverty line. Access to services such as rehabilitation and education is limited for children with disabilities. All special schools for mentally retarded and children with physical disabilities are located in Ulaanbaatar. Therefore, rural children with disabilities do not have access to education. According to a study by the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, 34,000 school children (around 8 percent) in Mongolia have some form of disability or are impaired. With the support of international donors, the Ministry of Education has developed a plan to implement ‘‘inclusive education’’ programs for children with disabilities. Overcrowded general education classes are the main obstacles to carrying out this program. In terms of ethnic population, 4 percent of the population of Mongolia is Kazakh, and most of them live in one aimag, Bayan-Ulgii. Because of language barriers, children of Kazakh communities have difficulties in receiving quality education. In recent years, the income gap is widening. As a result, while poor children have limited access to quality education, children of rich families can afford to enter high-quality and expensive private schools. PLAY AND RECREATION The National Authority for Children, a government agency entitled to take care of efficient use of children’s leisure time, organizes various activities that meet the desires and interests of children. Its local branches, Aimag Children Centers, are responsible for organizing different activities for children residing in their provinces. In big cities, associations of apartment owners build outside play facilities for children. Preschools have small play facilities within their territory, usually surrounded by a fence. Government funding for this specific purpose is limited. Policies and plans for play and recreation at local levels that ensure every child’s access to decent playgrounds, sports fields, and other facilities are lacking. There are no alternatives to the pub, street corner, or amusement arcade. In the capital city of Mongolia, Ulaanbaatar, there are institutions named Children’s Palaces, where students can be involved in different art, music, language, and science classes. There is a Central Children’s Amusement Park in Ulaanbaatar as well, which is only open during the summer. Although the country ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), which states that all children and youth have the
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right to engage in play and recreation opportunities, children and youth in families with low-income or families in remote rural areas face social and systemic barriers to exercising their right to play and recreation. Children in low-income families are much less likely than children living in high-income families to participate in organized sports, as well as arts and cultural activities. Low-income families face many barriers that prevent their children from participating in quality recreation programs, such as user fees and equipment costs; lack of transportation, family support and awareness of opportunities; isolation; and inadequate or no facilities in their communities and lack of safe places to play. Television and FM radio programs for children are expanded since 1995. Five television channels are broadcasted nationwide, and another six channels are limited to people of Ulaanbaatar only. There are ten to fifteen children’s journals and magazines. During last few years, a number of electronic materials with lessons, stories, and rhymes have been developed. However, only children from wealthy families can afford these services. There is puppet theatre in Ulaanbaatar. National sports of Mongolia include wrestling, archery, and horse riding. Wrestling is attractive for boys. Young boys and girls between the ages of seven and thirteen like horse riding. During summer time, children can spend time in children’s camps, which are mostly in Ulaanbaatar and limited in number. Children can stay in summer camps from five to seven days. There is no family recreation structure and system in place. CHILD LABOR In Mongolia, child participation in household activities is substantial. Children of five or six years old start to help with household chores. The Baseline Survey on Child Domestic Workers in Mongolia (PopTRC 2001) covered numbers and percentages of children working in the household economy by age, gender, and location. The mean age of children working in the household economy was thirteen years for boys and fourteen years for girls. By location, there were 6,148 children employed as domestic workers in the six central districts of Ulaanbaatar, and there were 30,427 children employed as domestic workers in rural aimags. The sex ratio for child domestic workers 130.9 girls per 100 hundred boys in Ulaanbaatar but was 180.9 girls per 100 boys in rural areas. Division of labor for boys and girls for a herder family is very different. Girls are involved in indoor activities such as cleaning animal pens and preparing dairy products, while boys are involved in outdoor activities such as carrying water, preparing firewood, shearing wool, herding livestock, and looking for lost livestock. According to the Survey on Child Labour (National Statistical Office, 2004), girls spend six to seven hours less on work than the boys. Generally, the minimum legal age of employment (which is sixteen), does not
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conflict with the nine years of mandatory schooling. However, different interpretations come up in some cases. The Labor Code in general prohibits children under the age of sixteen from working, although those who are fourteen or fifteen years of age may work up to thirty hours per week with parental consent. Those under eighteen years of age may not work at night, engage in arduous work, or work in hazardous occupations such as mining and construction. Enforcement of these prohibitions, as well as all other labor regulations, is the responsibility of state labor inspectors assigned to regional and local offices. These inspectors have the authority to demand immediate compliance with labor legislation. However, enforcement has failed due to the limited number of labor inspectors and the growing number of independent enterprises. Awareness of child labor as a problem is growing. In October 2000, the Parliament ratified International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention 182 on the Worst Forms of Child Labor. In November 2000, the Government ratified the Optional Protocol of the Convention on Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflicts, the Optional Protocol on the sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography, and the status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. In 2000, the ILO established a national office for an International Program on the Elimination of Child Labor in Mongolia. According to the Main Report on Labor Force Survey (NSO 2004), there are about 65,000 children between the ages of five and fifteen years, who are actively engaged in labor and only 703 children from them are employed in waged labor. This means a majority of children work in the informal sector, in household enterprises, or at home. Children work informally in petty trade, scavenging in dumpsites, scavenging coal from abandoned mines, and herding animals. Increasing alcoholism and parental abandonment make it necessary for many children to have an income in order to support themselves, their siblings, and sometimes their parents. The efforts of governmental organizations and NGOs to provide nonformal education, vocational training, and recreational activities to working children are emerging. FAMILY The Mongolian government family policy stresses that ‘‘The family is the primary environment for human life and its development shall be guided to state policy’’ (Ch. Dagvadorj 2002). In traditional Mongolian family life, there are many customs involving taking care of the elderly, rearing and educating children, and helping and supporting the poor, with a preference for humanism and respect for nature. However, in the transition period from a socialist, planned economy to democratic and market economy in the beginning of 1990s, there is growing imbalance in the work share between men and women as it
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relates to leisure time activities, property distribution, income generation, and rights and obligations, and male dominance in matters of decisionmaking. Women are often the main income generator, which with their reproductive role means that they are overloaded by household obligations, while men have lower participation. Loans to support family and household production are usually directed to women, which further reduces man’s role as the head of the household. The Family Law was amended in 1999, twenty-five years after it was first enacted. The amendments reflect changes in marriage and family relationships in the last few years, including common and shared family property, legal marriage, marriage and divorce, adoption, and resolution of common family disputes. Traditionally, Mongolian families paid equal attention to girls and boys. Boys were encouraged to do outside household work, such as herding animals, fetching, and water carrying. Girls were encouraged to do inside household work, such as cleaning, cooking, preparing dairy products, and sewing. Girls are mostly responsible for providing caring support to family members and elders. In most cases after divorce, children follow their mothers, and fathers are required to pay alimonies based on a certain percentage. According to Family Law, girls and boys have equal right to inheritance. Traditionally, Mongolian families prepare a traditional Mongolian ger (dwelling place) when the son gets married and give female livestock to a daughter when she gets married and leaves the family home. The 2000 Population and Housing Census revealed that the 2,373,500 Mongolian individuals lived in more than 550,000 households, an increase in households of 26.5 percent (113,300) over the last ten years. Since 1989, the number of households has increased, and their composition and locations have changed. The average number of family members in a family is 4.3, and this is considered acceptable. In terms of composition, 7 percent of families are female-headed, 28 percent are extended, and 3 mixed, with the remaining 62 percent being full families. With the transition to a market economy, the development of democracy, and the ability of people to choose where they live, there has been an increased migration to urban areas. A total of 64.8 percent of all families live in urban areas. In the last ten years, the number of rural households has increased by 27.3 percent compared with 25.8 percent in urban settlements (Ch. Dagvadorj 2002). Urbanization has resulted in structural changes in families and reformation of family traditions, customs, and relationships. It has brought negative consequences, such as poor relationships and communications between and among family members. Other consequences range from a lack of care and support for elderly and other relatives to an increase in the number of poor and ‘‘ignored or neglected’’ people, such as the
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elderly and children. Mongolia’s growing number of homeless people, 4,305 as revealed by the 2000 population and Housing Census, stands as a testimony to this negative trend. In the last ten years, due to changes in livelihoods and the growth in educational levels, the average age of marriage has risen. In 1989–2000 the average age for marriage rose by 2.4 to 2.6 years, 25.7 years for men and 23.7 years for women. The government of Mongolia has introduced incentives to promote marriage. Families with children receive allowances starting from the fourth child and mothers receive first- and second-stage awards for more than five children and more than eight children, respectively. With national social development trends, negative incidents have occurred in family relations. Unemployment, poverty, low family income, and lack of motivation to overcome problems are key reasons for alcohol abuse, especially among men, leading to family crisis, violence, and serious breaches of rights and interests of women and children. According to the National Centre Against Violence, every fifth person and every fourth pregnant woman is a victim of some kind of violence. The legal groundwork for the provision of social care and security for the vulnerable was laid in 1995, when laws on social security were enacted. The appearance of an independent social care system, which used to be a secondary part of social insurance, was intended to deliver social security to all. Social care benefits are related to the lowest living standard and the lowest earnings rate. Thus, the amount of social security allowance rises when these rise. For instance, in the first quarter of 2002, prenatal, maternity, and infant care allowances and benefits for orphan adoption and for funerals were increased twice, reflecting the increase in the lowest earnings rate compared with October 2000. Since January 2006, new married couples are supported by a cash assistance of around 500,000 tugrugs or US$429 for couples and 100,000 tugrugs or US$86 for their newborn baby. Intergenerational relationships are very strong in Mongolian society. Grandparents are happy to take care of their grandchildren. Usually, the parents live with their youngest child. The older siblings are required to support their parents. Mongolian teaching and childrearing traditions are characterized by their representation of a specific level of knowledge and a certain historic period. The process of bringing up a child was a system involving a range of activities such as marriage, planning when and how to deliver specific skills, and knowledge for certain ages starting from the prenatal period, how to develop the child’s intelligence, and what traditions and customs to teach to the child. There are no particular customs and traditions to celebrate the rites of passage; however, girls and boys have a hair cut ceremony at a certain age. For girls, the ceremony is held at an even-numbered age and for boys at an odd-numbered age.
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HEALTH Major achievements in the health sector are the decline in infant mortality rate (IMR) to 22.2 per 1,000, U5MR (under-5 mortality rate) to 28.4 per 1,000 and MMR (maternal mortality rate) to 97.5 per 100,000 (Health Sector: 2003. Reducing Maternal Mortality, Ministry of Health, Mongolia 2003). High breastfeeding rate is attributed as a key factor that contributed to the decline in IMR and U5MR. A total of 83.4 percent of newborn babies received colostrum within thirty to ninety minutes after birth, while 96–98 percent of children under one received six antigens and 87–90 percent of children aged six to fifty-nine months received two doses of vitamin A in 2004 (Implementation of Millennium Development Goals in Mongolia, National Report, Government of Mongolia 2004). Statistical data show an increase in child mortality due to injury and accident. Given the situation, there is a need to conduct a more in-depth study to examine their causes and to develop strategies and policies for prevention. In Mongolia, the major causes of child morbidity in descending order are respiratory diseases, digestive system diseases, perinatal pathologies from complications during the childbirth process, traumas and poisoning, infectious and parasitic diseases, and skin diseases. Considering the urban-rural disparity in morbidity of rural infants (age birth to twelve months) in 2005, respiratory diseases are 2.7 times higher (16.5 percent urban versus 45.4 percent rural); digestive tract diseases are 2.0 times higher for rural infants (4.8 percent urban versus 9.5 percent rural); perinatal pathologies are 4.4 times lower (3.1 percent urban versus 0.7 percent rural); traumas and poisoning are 1.7 times lower (1.2 percent urban versus 0.7 percent rural); infectious and parasitic diseases are 2.7 times lower (0.8 percent urban versus 0.3 percent rural); and skin diseases are 1.3 times lower (2.1 percent urban versus 2.8 percent rural) (MOH 2006). Traveling long distances to health facilities and lack of access to antenatal and delivery emergency medical services are contributing factors to under-five mortality in rural areas. The prevalence of acute respiratory infections for Ulaanbaatar infants is much higher than that of other parts of the country, which can possibly be explained by the severe air pollution in the capital city. Undernutrition and micronutrient deficiencies are common among children, particularly from poor families living in peri-urban and rural areas. The major micronutrient deficiency affecting children under three years of age is vitamin D deficiency due to lack of exposure to sun and insufficient intake of iron. However, there has been a decline in underweight children by 50 percent (from 12.4 percent in 2000 to 6.2 percent in 2004) and stunting (from 27.4 percent in 1999 to 19.6 percent in 2004), primarily because of improved quality of growth promotion interventions at community
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service levels involving family members and local decision makers. Other factors that were conducive were the preventative activities taken under the emergency program in areas affected by natural disasters in 2001– 2002, as well as increased government commitment, and political and financial support at all levels. The leading causes of mortality of children and adolescents aged five to eighteen are respiratory diseases, injuries, intoxication, and various external causes. On average, there are about 200 suicide attempts among adolescents a year. Health Sector Report (2002) states that 70.5 percent of the population younger than twenty years old has tried alcohol, and seven percent of women giving birth were under twenty years of age. Although no case of an adolescent with HIV/AIDS has been registered in the country, Mongolian youth have a number of risk factors, including increasing incidence of sexually transmitted diseases; increasing numbers of sex workers, especially at a young age; population movements within the country or abroad; and rapid spread of HIV infections in the two immediate neighboring countries. As a result of governmental commitment and efforts to improving maternal health and access to pregnancy-related care, 96 percent of women who gave birth in the last five years received prenatal care, and 94 percent of deliveries took place in health facilities with the assistance of professional midwives and doctors. Twenty-three percent of all women who gave birth in the last five years used maternity rest homes that have been re-established. As far as MMR reduction is concerned, Mongolia’s situation has been improving over the years. The Ministry of Health Report (2004) states that total maternal mortality in 2003 was 109.7 per 100,000 live births. Maternal mortality dropped to 97.5 in 2004 as the result of the application of a safe delivery referral care approach introduced in 2000 under the Safe Motherhood Health project. However, MMR is still high if compared to existing potential resources. Poor management on the part of the health service and the poor health condition of pregnant women are attributing factors for high MMR in Mongolia. To address this challenge, a MMR reduction strategy covering the period between the years 2005– 2010 has been developed in cooperation with the UN, which fully incorporates UNICEF’s regional strategies of MMR reduction. Nationwide, there are 314 rural hospitals and 235 family practitioner units providing primary health care to children. The monthly growth promotion care involves high routine vaccine coverage (95–98 percent in all six antigens) and high antenatal and postnatal care coverage (2003 National Nutrition Survey 2004). Around 87 percent or 81,800 children under two years of age are involved in a monthly growth promotion care, and 87–92 percent of children aged six to fifty-nine months receive two doses of vitamin A in one year (2003 National Nutrition Survey, Ministry of Health 2004).
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There are about 28 physicians for every 10,000 persons; nonetheless, urban and rural residents do not have equal access to services. According to the performance and structure standard for a hospital, a rural hospital must have at least one to three doctors, whereas presently only 75 percent of 314 rural soum or village hospitals meet this standard. Consequently, child mortality and incidents of maternal deaths are higher in the rural settings than in the urban areas, an indication that rural people have not benefited from the ongoing health sector reform. In addition, rural-tourban migration negatively affects the accessibility to health services for women and children who have recently moved into the poorest districts in Ulaanbaatar. Although pregnant women and children are eligible for free visits to a family doctor, they miss out on this opportunity because they lack appropriate residence permits, health insurance cards, or information and referral services. Traditionally, Mongolian parents did not provide their children with information on reproductive health, which would prevent teenagers from pregnancy, HIV/AIDS, or STDs. Thanks to the reproductive health programs and activities of the governmental organizations and NGOs, adolescents are now better informed about access to confidential sexual and reproductive health information, services, and counseling. On the other hand, rural children have limited access even to soum hospital doctors. However, in soum hospitals, confidentiality is not guaranteed because in small places like soum centers, everyone knows everyone else. Therefore, anyone seeking reproductive health assistance or advice is extremely reluctant to expose himself or herself by visiting a doctor. In addition, an obsolete belief of rural residents that only an ill person approaches a doctor prevents them from getting reproductive health counseling. The Constitution of Mongolia stipulates that the child shall receive medical assistance from the state. Furthermore, Article 3 of the Law on Health Insurance states that children, regardless of whether they have health insurance, are entitled to some types of free medical services, such as medical examinations, all kinds of laboratory analyses upon request, treatment for tuberculosis, brucellosis, immune and genetic disorders, and cancers. The state provides allowances for pregnancy, birth, childcare, children, care of infants and twins, and adoption of full orphans. The country counts 3.0 pediatricians, 1.8 family doctors, and 3.6 specialist physicians per 10,000 people. In rural areas, primary medical care and services for children are provided by hospitals in the soums, medical aides in the bag, centers in the aimag, and health centers and family hospitals in the capital. As a result of introducing an active network for prevention of infectious diseases and early detection of infectious diseases treatable with vaccines, the number of these diseases has been reduced annually and the vaccination coverage increased in rural areas by 5 to 10 percent. No child
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has died from measles since 1993 and no outbreaks of diphtheria, measles, or meningitis have been registered since 1994. In 2000 Mongolia received a certificate from World Health Organization for the complete elimination of poliomyelitis. In 2000, the immunization coverage rate for children under one year was 97.2 percent against tuberculosis, 93.9 percent against polio, 94.1 percent against diphtheria, whooping cough, and tetanus, 92.4 percent against measles and 92.6 percent against hepatitis B (2003 National Nutrition Survey, Ministry of Health 2004). A total of 97.5 percent of infants aged up to four months are breastfed. The malnutrition rate among this age group is 2 percent. Children’s malnutrition increases (2 percent for infants aged four to six months, 7 percent for seven to twelve months, 16 percent for one to two years, and 18 percent for two to three years) with their age and with beginning of supplementary food intake (National Nutrition Survey of 2003, Ministry of Health 2003). Malnutrition indices are higher in rural areas than in urban areas; this may be explained by the comparatively limited supply and poor variety of available food products. On the other hand, social factors, such as low living standards, insufficient knowledge, and low level of education of mothers about food and nutrition, also have a negative impact on childcare and nutrition. In accordance with the Social Welfare Law, a poor family guardian who is unemployed because of taking constant care of a child with a disability aged up to sixteen years at home is given a monthly cash compensation equal to 75 percent of the minimum living standard from the social welfare fund. The cost of a wheelchair is paid once to poor families for children younger than sixteen years old with disabilities. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The adoption of the Constitution of Mongolia by the People’s Ikh Khural of the Mongolian People’s Republic in 1992 marked the beginning of a new era of legal reform in Mongolia. Legal reforms concerning children started with the accession of Mongolia to the CRC in 1990. Mongolia has worked step-by-step on enhancement of the national legislation on children in accordance with the spirit of its constitution and the CRC. Among these, an independent Law on Protection of the Rights of the Child was adopted in 1996, which defined the rights of the child to survival, protection, and development, participation in social life, and established the legal foundation for the state and society to ensure these rights. As of 2004, Mongolia has 310 effective laws, sixty of which contain roughly 350 provisions relating to children and children’s rights. In addition, there were other legal acts, including the decree of 1991 by the President of Mongolia on the State Policy on Children and Youth, about ten parliamentary resolutions including resolutions on the State
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Policy on Population, and on certain measures to be undertaken in connection with adoption of the law on protection of the rights of the child. The Government of Mongolia has implemented specific measures, such as adoption of the regime and rules for temporary detention centers for abandoned children, measures relating to orphans and children beyond parental supervision, certain measures for the promotion of children’s art works, guidelines for the determination of the amount of allowances, and aid to be allocated from the social welfare fund to mothers who have adopted and fully brought up orphan children, and so on. Furthermore, in 1999 the government adopted the Program for Prevention of Juvenile Crimes and Crimes against Children, and in 2002 the National Program of Action on Development and Protection of Children for 2002–2010 was approved. The government is continuing to implement these programs. Mongolia joined the ILO Convention No. 182 on the Prohibition and Elimination of Worst Forms of Child Labor, Convention No. 138 on Minimum Age of Admission to Employment and another ten additional treaties and conventions aimed at protecting the rights of the child. In 2002, Mongolia ratified two optional Protocols of the CRC, which include sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography and on the use of children in armed conflict. The Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure Law regulate issues related to juveniles. There is no separate Juvenile Code. Mongolia doesn’t have specialized family or children’s courts. The Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure Laws of 2002 have harsh punishment for juvenile offenders. According to the Criminal Procedure Law, children have the rights to legal representation and an attorney, but unfortunately access to free-of-charge attorneys is limited. Age sixteen is considered the age of maturity for a person to receive an identification card, and the voting age is eighteen. The ‘‘Law Against Domestic Violence’’ adopted in 2004 identifies four types of violence, one of which is sexual violence. The child is protected from sexual violence. Besides this law, a National Program of Action on the Protection of Children and Women from sexual exploitation and trafficking has been approved by the government in November 2005, which focuses on prevention, protection, and rehabilitation measures. According to the Constitution of Mongolia, all citizens have equal rights in terms of gender, ethnicity, race, and socioeconomic status. There is no evidence or research on discrimination by gender, ethnicity, race, and socioeconomic status. RELIGIOUS LIFE The Constitution of Mongolia guarantees the right to freedom of conscience and religion. Article 8 of the Law on the Relationship between the state and monastery in the constitution specifies that religious education may be given in religious schools and at home. A religious teacher is
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also responsible for teaching the disciplines of basic civil education to its students. According to the constitution, the choice of a religion is part of the individual right of freedom of conscience, and it is prohibited to impose a religion on a citizen or to limit a citizen’s religious freedom. The constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the government generally respects this right in practice; however, the law limits proselytizing. The constitution explicitly recognizes the separation of church and state. The generally amicable relationship among religions in the society is attributed to religious freedom allowed in the constitution. Buddhism and the country’s traditions are tied closely, and almost all ethnic Mongolians (93 percent of the population) practice some form of Buddhism. Lamaist Buddhism of the Tibetan variety is the traditional and dominant religion. Since the end of socialist controls on religion and the country’s traditions in 1990, active interest in Buddhism and its practice has grown. The Buddhist community is not homogeneous, and there are several competing schools, including a small group that believes that the sutras (books containing religious teachings) should be in the Mongolian language. Kazakhs, most of whom are Muslim, are the largest ethnic minority, constituting approximately 4 percent of the population nationwide and 85 percent in the western province, Bayan-Olgii. Kazakhs operate Islamic schools for their children. They sometimes receive financial assistance from religious organizations in Kazakhstan and Turkey. There is a small number of Christians, including Roman Catholics, Russian Orthodox, and members of some Protestant denominations. There are no nationwide statistics on the exact number of people who declare themselves as Christians. The number of citizens who practice Christianity in the capital, Ulaanbaatar, is approximately 24,000, or 3 percent of the registered population of the city. Some citizens practice shamanism, but there are no reliable statistics on their numbers. Foreign missionary groups include Roman Catholics, Lutherans, Presbyterians, various evangelical Protestant groups, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons), Jehovah’s Witnesses, Seventh-day Adventists, and adherents of the Baha’i. Although there is no state religion, traditionalists believe that Buddhism is the ‘‘natural religion’’ of the country. The government has contributed to the restoration of several Buddhist sites that are important religious, historical, and cultural centers. The government otherwise does not subsidize the Buddhist religion. Under the law, the government may supervise and limit the number of places of worship and clergy for organized religions; however, there were no reports on this occurring during the period covered by this report. There are 328 registered places of worship in the country, including 191 Buddhist, 127 Christian, five Baha’i, and five Muslim. Religious instruction is not permitted in public schools. There are schools to train Buddhist lamas in Ulaanbaatar. While the law does not prohibit proselytizing by registered religious groups, it limits such activities by forbidding the
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use of incentives, pressure, or deceptive methods to introduce religion. A Ministry of Education directive bans mixing foreign language or other training with religious teaching or instruction. There are no reports on religious prisoners or detainees. Citizens generally are tolerant of the beliefs of others, and there are no reports of religiously motivated violence. However, because in the past humanitarian assistance was accompanied by proselytizing activity, there has been some friction between Christian missionary groups and citizens. Some conservatives have criticized foreign influences on youth and children, including foreign religions and the use of incentives to recruit people into a religion. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Children constitute one-sixth of all victims of domestic violence. A total of 58.2 percent of children covered by a survey conducted by the National Center against Violence and Child’s Rights Center reported being victims of some kind of violence. The issue of protecting children against violence was outlined in several laws, including the Law on Protection of the Rights of the Child of 1996, Family Law (1997), and Law on Crime Prevention (1997). The adoption of the Law on Combating Domestic Violence in 2004 was a tremendous step forward. According to the Law on Combating Domestic Violence, the state central administrative body in charge of social welfare shall be responsible for providing medical treatment, social and rehabilitation services, guidance, and legal and other information to victims of violence. Domestic violence and abuse and neglect of children are becoming growing issues. A study on domestic violence against children and women and its health consequences conducted in 2005 by Ministry of Health found that 26.5 percent of all people covered by the survey who have been affected by domestic violence were children under five, and 35.7 percent of them were children between the ages of six and eighteen years. The study reported that 31 percent of patients admitted to hospitals due to violence were between the ages of ten and twenty-four years old. Under the Criminal Code of Mongolia, penalties such as fines, arrest, and imprisonment are imposed on perpetrators of violence against children. Under the Law Against Domestic Violence, an offender is obliged to live separately from the under-aged child previously under his/her custody. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Millennium Development Goals The Millennium Development Goals (MDG) on child mortality and the Universal Primary Education (UPE) will most likely be achieved before
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2015. However, spatial disparities will continue to persist; especially the western region, with a high proportion of minority population, will be most affected. The MDGs which Mongolia is unlikely to achieve are reducing poverty and hunger, targeting sanitation and safe drinking water, and lower MMR. A broad-based strategy on poverty reduction with budgetary allocation is needed which may be already in place with the development of the ‘‘MDG-based National Development Strategy.’’ As a result, these ‘‘unmet’’ targets may be achievable. Human Rights Mongolia has ratified most of the international human rights treaties with few reservations. However, it will continue to face persistent difficulties in implementing the provisions fully. Implementation of these human rights instruments and the independence and capacity of the National Human Rights Commission to monitor these violations will be a key challenge. Changes in family structure will be adversely affected by high divorce and separation rates, which will result in increasing numbers of single-parent households and may negatively affect children’s development. Child Protection Weak institutional capacity and lack of a systemic approach to address child protection will pose major challenges for the country. As a result, one would expect manifestations and a rise in unintended consequences especially for children in difficult circumstances. Therefore, the development of child protection is important and should be strengthened. Health and Nutrition Adult mortality and morbidity rates are emerging concerns. A new challenge that is most likely to worsen is accident and injury among children and adolescents due to an increasing poverty gap and lack of daycare centers. Parents leave their younger children without supervision at home or leave them with elder children who are below the age of twelve. Clear policies and support services should be developed and established. With very high risk factors and vulnerability to sexually transmitted infections and HIV and AIDS, Mongolia may be classified as a high prevalence country by 2015. Education Strengthening of professional training and improvement of higher educational and vocational training that cater to the job market need to be
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promoted. The child-centered approach in education and nonformal education is a major areas that needs intervention to improve enrollment and attendance, as well as promote quality education. Concept of Equity A socialist approach of equity coupled with a populist mindset toward policy-making on social assistance will result in poor targeting to meet the needs of the disadvantaged and marginalized segment of the society. Disparities Growing disparities between urban and rural areas, between regions, and particularly between populations living in apartments and slum areas, will likely continue unless the government is serious in implementing the Regional Development Strategy that addresses poverty reduction and provision of basic social services. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Center for Social Development. 2002. Situation of Children Herding Livestock for Other Families. Survey Report, Ulaanbaatar: Center for Social Development. Economic Growth and Poverty Reduction Paper. 2004. Government of Mongolia, Ulaanbaatar. Gender Center for Sustainable Development and Save the Children-UK. 2005. Corporal Punishment of Children: Views of Children in Some Schools, Kindergartens and Institutions. Ulaanbaatar. Government of Mongolia. 2004. Implementation of the Millennium Development Goals, National Report. Government of Mongolia. Ulaanbaatar. Government of Mongolia. 2004. Situation of Children Herding Livestock for Other Families. Survey Report, Ulaanbaatar. Government of Mongolia. 2004. Reproductive Health Survey. National Report. UNFPA, MoH & NSO. Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia: Government of Mongolia. Ministry of Education, Science and Culture (MESC). 2005. Education Report. Ulaanbaatar. Ministry of Education, Science and Culture (MESC). 2006. Master Plan to Develop Education of Mongolia in 2006-2015. Ulaanbaatar. Ministry of Health. 2003 National Nutrition Survey. Ulaanbaatar. Ministry of Health. 2003. Health Sector: 2003. Reducing Maternal Mortality. Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia: Ministry of Health. National Centre Against Violence, National CEDAW Watch Network Centre, Centre for Human Rights and Development. UNIFEM Trust Fund. 2002. Violence Against Women and Legal Framework in Mongolia. Ulaanbaatar: CEDAW Watch. National Human Rights Commission of Mongolia. 2003. Report on Human Rights and Liberty in Mongolia. Ulaanbaatar: National Human Rights Commission of Mongolia.
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National Statistics Office. 2004. Main Report of Labor Force Survey. Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia: National Statistics Office. National Statistical Office. 2006. Mongolian Statistical Yearbook 2005. Ulaanbaatar: National Statistical Office. National Statistical Office (NSO) and Asian Development Bank (ADB) and International Labour Organization/International Programme to Eliminate Child Labour. 2004. Child Labor Survey 2002-2003, Main Report, Ulaanbaatar: National Statistical Office. WHO, UNFPA and MoH. 2004. Assessment of Adolescent Health-Friendly Services Initiative.
Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Cabinet Minister and Chief for Government Secretariat of Mongolia Fax: 976-11-310011 Web site: http://www.pmis.gov.mn/cabinet Ministry of Construction and Urban Development Phone/Fax: 976-11-322904 Web site: http://www.pmis.gov.mn/mcud/ Ministry of Education, Culture and Science Government Building #3 Baga toiruu 44, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia 310620A Phone: 976-11-262480 Fax: 976-11-323158 Web site: http://www.mecs.pmis.gov.mn/ Ministry of Finance Government Building # United Nations Street-5/1, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia 210646 Phone/Fax: 976-11-264891 Web site: http://www.mof.pmis.gov.mn Ministry of Food and Agriculture Fax: 976-11-450258 Web site: http://www.pmis.gov.mn/food&agriculture Ministry of Foreign Affairs Government Building # Peace Ave 7A, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Fax: 976-11-322127 Web site: http://www.mongolia-foreign-policy.net Ministry of Health Government Building #8 Olympic Street, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia 210648
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Phone: 976-11-261742 Fax: 976-11-320916 Web site: http://www.moh.mn Ministry of Justice and Home Affairs Government Building # Street 6/1, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia 210646 Phone: 976-11-267014 Fax: 976-11-325225 Web site: http://www.mojha.gov.mn Ministry of Social Welfare and Labour Government building # United Nations Street-5, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-266241 Fax: 976-11-328634 Web site: http://www.mswl.pmis.gov.mn/ National Authority for Children Baga Toiruu-44A, Ulaanbaatar-48, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-321995 Fax: 976-11-322048 National Council for Children Government Building, Room 109, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-321956 National Human Rights Commission of Mongolia Government Building #11 Liberty Square, Ulaanbaatar-38, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-262915 Fax: 976-11-327136, 320284 Web site: http://www.mn-nhrc.org Nongovernmental Organizations Adolescent Development Center Phone: 976-11-324333 Email:
[email protected] Center for Prevention of Child Abuse Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-455000 Email:
[email protected] Center for Social Development Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-321135 Fax: 976-11-329607 Email:
[email protected]
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Equal Step Center Mongolia, Ulaanbaatar-211137, PO Box-383 Phone: 976-11-320941 Email:
[email protected] Gender Equality Centre Phone/Fax: 976-11-365858 Email:
[email protected] Gender for Sustainable Development Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-325627 Mongolian Child Rights Centre (MCRC) UB-1170, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-310807 Fax: 976-1-310649 Email:
[email protected] Mongolian National Center for Child Rights Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-328926, 328914 Mongolian Scouts Association Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-324171 Fax: 976-11-313281 Email:
[email protected] Mongolian Youth Federation Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-321814 Fax: 976-11-322046 Email:
[email protected] National AIDS Foundation Phone: 976-11-318016, 321659 Fax: 976-11-321659 Email:
[email protected] National Centre Against Violence Ulaanbaaatar-46, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-318087, 329850, Fax: 976-11-318087 Web site: http://www.owc.org.mn/ncav/ National Human Rights Commission of Mongolia Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-262931, 262971, 262912, 260284 Fax: 976-11-320284, 327136
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Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.nhrc-mn.org One World Adolescent Organization Phone: 976-11-328291 Fax: 976-11-322340 Email:
[email protected]
Selected Bibliography Ch. Dagvadorj. 2002. Family Development, Current Trends and Issues. In: Current Trends of Family Development in Mongolia (Summary of papers at the research conference). Ulaabaatar. Government of Mongolia. 2002. Current Trends in Family Development in Mongolia. Summary of papers at the research conference. Ulaanbaatar: Presidential Office of Mongolia, Ministry of Social Welfare and Labor, Academy of Management. Government of Mongolia. 2002. 2002–2010 Plan of Action for National Programme to Improve Child Development and Protection. Ulaanbaatar: Government of Mongolia. Government of Mongolia. 2004. 2002–2003 Household Income and Expenditure Survey/Living Standards Measurement Survey. Ulaanbaatar: Government of Mongolia. Government of Mongolia. National Report on a Realization of Child Right. Ulaanbaatar: Ministry of Social Welfare and Labor and National Authority for Children. Government of Mongolia. 2001. Human Development Report 2001. Government of Mongolia & UNDP. Government of Mongolia. 2003. Human Development Report 2003, Government of Mongolia & UNDP. ME Consulting. 2005. Child Labor in the Informal Sector: Ulaanbaatar and Selected Urban Areas of Mongolia. Ulaanbaatar. Ministry of Education, Science and Culture (MESC). 2004. Education Statistics: Annual Report 2003-04. Ulaanbaatar: Ministry of Education, Science and Culture. Ministry of Health. 2003. Public Health Statistical Indicators 2002. Ulaanbaatar: Ministry of Health. Ministry of Health. 2004. Public Health Statistical Indicators 2003. Ulaanbaatar: Ministry of Health. National Human Right Commission of Mongolia. 2001. Report on Human Rights and Freedoms in Mongolia. Ulaanbaatar: National Human Right Commission of Mongolia. National Statistics Office. 2005. Mongolian Statistical Yearbook 2004. Ulaanbaatar: National Statistics Office. National University of Mongolia (NUM), CHIP, and Save the Children UK-Mongolia. 2005. Migrating for Move: Children’s access to education in Mongolia, Report Summary, Ulaanbaatar: National University of Mongolia. PopTRC. 2001. Report of the Study on the Perception, Trends, Nature of Child Prostitution. Ulaanbaatar: Population Teaching and Research Center, National Univerisity of Mongolia. UNICEF Mongolia. 2003. Juvenile Justice in Mongolia. Ulaanbaatar: UNICEF Mongolia. UNICEF Mongolia. 2003. Street and Unsupervised Children in Mongolia, Ulaanbaatar: UNICEF.
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NEW ZEALAND Michael Gaffney, Nicola Taylor, and Nicola Atwool NATIONAL PROFILE New Zealand, or Aotearoa as named by the indigenous people, is a small island nation located at the bottom of the South Pacific 1,200 miles southeast of Australia. The country, with a land area of 268,021 square kilometers, is similar in size to the United Kingdom (Central International Agency 2005), but has a much smaller population of 4,182,186 (estimate April 27, 2007, Statistics NZ 2007). The country’s political system uses a parliamentary democracy with the British Monarchy as a nominal head of state and a Prime Minister as head of government similar to the arrangement in Australia. Formal British colonization in New Zealand was different from the previously established means of conquest. The relationship between Britain and the local indigenous people called Maori culminated in the Treaty of Waitangi, which has received new official recognition over the last thirty years and is seen as the founding document of New Zealand. The notion of partnership in the Treaty between ‘‘the Crown’’ and Maori has been used to legitimize the ongoing government resourcing for Maori in education, health, and
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welfare. New Zealand has a long history of centralized welfare support, introducing pensions in 1898 and subsequent means of providing a minimum form of support for those who are unemployed, sick, or disabled. The detail of provision in each of the social areas is listed in the following sections. New Zealand has a changing ethnic and religious makeup with projections showing increasing proportions of indigenous Maori, Pasifika, and Asian populations. Currently, those of European descent make up 80 percent of the population, indigenous Maori 15 percent, and Pasifika and Asian groups making up 6 percent each. English, Maori, and sign language are the official languages of New Zealand, the latter being added in 2006. New Zealand had a per-capita income of US$22,000 in 2003, much lower than many of the countries in the OECD. New Zealand has one of the fastest growing gaps between the rich and poor as measured by the Gini coefficient. New Zealand has tended to have average levels of unemployment for both men and women, but more recently has experienced higher employment growth rates than most OECD countries. Women achieved pay equity in the 1970s, but they still tend to work in sectors that pay less than those dominated by men. Employers cannot discriminate between sexes when making employment decisions and women may ask for a year’s leave without pay upon the arrival of a new child. The government has recently made available short periods of paid parental leave to women. There are a number of well-established national nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in New Zealand with the purpose of supporting children and their families. Plunket has long history in promoting and improving child health in New Zealand. Barnardos New Zealand runs many welfare programs for children. Save the Children New Zealand has been active along with other NGOs in calling for a change in current legislation so physical punishment cannot be used as a legal KEY FACTS – NEW ZEALAND defense in cases of physical Population: 4 million (July 2007 est.) assault of children. Action for Infant mortality rate: 5.67 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Children and Youth Aotearoa Life expectancy at birth: 78.96 years (2007 est.) Incorporated has taken a lead Literacy rate: 99 percent (2003 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 99 percent role in coordinating the NGO (2000–2005) report to the UN on child rights Internet users: 3.2 million (2005) in New Zealand. YouthLaw proPeople living with HIV/AIDS: 1,400 (2003 est.) vides a national information and Sources: CIA World Factbook: New Zealand. https://www.cia.gov/ advocacy service for young peocia/publications/factbook/geos/nz.html. April 17, 2007; UNICEF. ple to support their rights in New Zealand–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ legal matters. newzealand_statistics.html. April 25, 2007. OVERVIEW Infant mortality during the first year of life is at 5.67 deaths per 1,000 live births (CIA World Factbook 2007). Child mortality for one- to
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fourteen-years-old expressed as a rate per 100,000 in 2003 is thirty for one- to four-year-olds, thirteen for five- to nine-year-olds and twenty for ten- to fourteen-year-olds. While this rate has decreased in the last twenty years, it is still high relative to other OECD countries. Public schooling is compulsory between the ages of six to fifteen and free between the ages of five and nineteen. The government has recently funded twenty hours free education and care for three- to four-year-olds. Schools are a key site of children’s participation in sport and recreation beyond the family. Child labor is minimal in formal settings and tends to occur in familybased work places. New Zealand’s relative isolation means that there have been no wars fought there for more than 100 years and so children are not affected in the same way they are in other countries, but an increasing number of overseas families who have been affected by war are emigrating to New Zealand and the government faces challenges in the family reunification process. New Zealand is seeing a change in family and household composition with increasing numbers of children growing up in soleparent families, although there are still twice as many couples with children compared to one-parent families. A large proportion of children are growing up in families with incomes below the poverty line. Current initiatives are redistributing income to those families where there is a working parent but a significant group of children do not benefit from this. Children in New Zealand have a number of laws in place to support their development, many of which reflect the principles of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC). Child abuse is a current concern as New Zealand’s rates of abuse and neglect, as well as death by maltreatment, are much higher than many other developed countries. There is no standard definition of a child in New Zealand, although the one most commonly cited is that in the Children, Young Persons and Their Families Act 1989, which defines a ‘‘child’’ as a boy or girl under the age of fourteen years, and a ‘‘young person’’ as someone of or over the age of fourteen years but under seventeen years. New Zealand child advocates and the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child (2003) have been critical of the inconsistency between this and the age definition in UNCRC. There is no minimum age of employment although it is illegal for children to be employed during school hours. The UN Committee has urged New Zealand to review the age limits set by different pieces of legislation to achieve greater uniformity with the principles and provisions of UNCRC. New Zealand does not have a written constitution, but the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi (1840) are incorporated in several pieces of legislation to recognize and protect the rights of the indigenous people. The Maori Language Act 1987 declared the Maori language to be an official language of New Zealand. The government has a strong commitment to developing and promoting biculturalism and cultural diversity in
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its policy and service delivery. The spirit and intent of the Treaty of Waitangi is also reflected in the work of NGOs, schools, and professional organizations. EDUCATION Compulsory Education The first national legislation to cover the education of all children was the Education Act in 1877. This act included compulsory schooling for children between seven to twelve years of age and free schooling for those five to fifteen years of age. Over time, the age limits changed; now compulsory schooling is from age six to fifteen and free from age five to the year students turn twenty. Schools are funded, regulated, and often owned by the state but each school, whether it has 12 students or 3,000, has its own Board of Trustees responsible for school governance. There is a national mandated curriculum that all schools have to follow, and they are reviewed by the Education Review Office to ensure minimum standards of practice are maintained. The current Education Act of 1989 stipulates, ‘‘people who have special education needs (whether because of disability or otherwise) have the same rights to enroll and receive an education at state schools as people who do not’’ (Section 8[1]) (Education Act 1989). This has provided opportunities for children with disabilities to enroll at either special schools or regular schools. There is no policy on inclusion or integration for students with disabilities with the choice being left to parents and the availability of special schools. There is a separate service within the Ministry of Education to provide support for students, teachers, and schools who have children with disabilities. This service also supports other groups of ‘‘special needs’’ students, such as those with behavioral issues. The demand for funding exceeds available resources, which means that assessment is a critical part of the funding process. Literacy rates for New Zealand are high. The OECD’s Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2003 provides evidence that students are performing well in reading, mathematics, and science, but New Zealand also has larger differences in achievement between those doing well and those who are not. This has led the Ministry of Education to aim to raise achievement and reduce disparity. For a period of fifteen years, data on individual student enrollment and attendance were not collated nationally, but recent changes to legislation and improved technology will allow identification and tracking of students as they move through the school system. The rate of students that stay in school once they reach school leaving age is currently at 80 percent. Students of various Pasifika backgrounds show a similar retention rate to the New Zealand European students with the indigenous Maori showing a retention rate 15 percent lower. One year later at the age of
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seventeen, another 20 percent of students have left school. This figure is below the OECD average. The retention rates for girls are about 5–10 percent higher than for boys at each age level. A number of programs have been developed over the last five years to improve participation and achievement of students, the most recent being the development of a broader new curriculum framework that aims to underpin the learning areas (mathematics, English, science, and so on) with a set of more prominent values and key competencies. This new framework is supported by developments in the New Zealand early childhood curriculum first developed ten years ago. Early Childhood Education The development of early childhood education (ECE) spans more than 100 years and in the absence of centralized regulation, funding, and provision the sector has become very diverse. Both parent-led and teacherled services provide education and care for children from birth to six years old. In 1986, New Zealand became one of the first countries to centralize oversight of all ECE provision via the national Department of Education (which became the Ministry of Education in 1989). Since then, the government has increased its investment in ECE so that there is a single legislation and funding system, a nationally resourced curriculum document (not yet mandatory), and a teacher qualification system based on a minimum of a three-year diploma. Participation is high; 95 percent of three- to four-year-olds were enrolled in an ECE service in 2004 (Ministry of Social Development 2005a). The current ECE strategic plan focuses on increasing voluntary participation, improving quality, and promoting collaborative relationships. The state plays a major role in funding and regulating early childhood provision, but unlike schools, does not retain ownership of the services. The services are owned by community groups, church, and charity organizations and by private individuals. More recently, there was a trend for corporations to develop chains of early childhood services. Other recent initiatives include the development of Maori immersion and bilingual early childhood centers and schools to provide cultural support and language retention for indigenous Maori, although the majority of Maori children are found in English language settings. Tertiary Education The demand for tertiary education has increased as the availability of unskilled jobs has disappeared. The bulk of tertiary tuition fees is funded by the government, and students can obtain ‘‘student loans’’ to cover both tuition fees and course costs. A parent-income-tested living allowance is also available. The increasing demand for tertiary places in
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universities, polytechnics, colleges of education, and private training institutes has meant that there is no incentive on the government to reduce the cost of education. One anomaly in the system is that some tertiary students have to pay for courses that lead to the same qualifications that students at high school can complete for free. This is made possible by the development of a single qualification system administered by the New Zealand Qualifications Authority. Tertiary participation rates for eighteen to twenty-four-year-olds are at 35 percent for males and 42 percent for females (2004 figures), compared with 26 percent for both female and male students in 1994. There have been large increases in the proportion of indigenous Maori and Pasifika entering and completing tertiary qualifications over the last fifteen years; only 2 percent graduated in the early 1990s compared with 8 percent of New Zealand Europeans. The 2004 statistics show that 16 percent of New Zealand Europeans are graduating with a tertiary qualification compared to 6 percent of Maori and 7 percent of Pasifika students. New Zealand is well on the way to meeting most of the goals of the Education For All initiative by UNESCO (2006). Early childhood provision is very comprehensive compared to most countries (goal 1), and compulsory education of high quality is available to most children (goal 2). Ethnic differences and the lower achievement of boys garner the most attention. There are challenges in providing resources so that there is equal opportunity to learn, especially for those with disabilities, those with languages other than English, and those from disadvantaged backgrounds (goal 3). The goal of reducing the gender disparity in favor of males does not apply to New Zealand in that females are achieving higher than males on most statistics already. The current challenge is how those qualifications provide females with access to positions within the workforce, whereas the challenge for schools is to improve the achievement of males. PLAY AND RECREATION Sport and Recreation Much of the play and recreation for children is family, school, or club based. Local government bodies take responsibility for the provision of playgrounds, libraries, swimming pools, and sports grounds. Free events for families and children are determined by the priorities of each local government. Local governments and private trusts make funds available to schools and clubs for formal sporting and recreational activities. SPARC (Sport and Recreation New Zealand) is a government agency ‘‘charged with improving the quality of life of all New Zealanders through sport and physical recreation’’ (Sport and Recreation New Zealand 2005, p. 4). This agency works at a policy level and assists local government bodies investing in sport and recreation groups. The New
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Zealand government has mandated that local governments have a responsibility to promote participation in recreation, creative, and cultural activities, as well as the expression of cultural arts, history, heritage, and traditions. School organizations and clubs are central to children’s participation in sport, music, drama, and other performance activities. Research has demonstrated that participation decreases as children enter adolescence, with girls reporting more often than boys that they do not enjoy physical education at school. An increasing number of the country’s children are now overweight. The government requires schools to emphasize physical activity and has begun to address what children are doing when they are not involved in physical activity. Many of the games that New Zealanders play reflect the early colonization by British immigrants. Rugby has a higher profile among adults than soccer, however soccer has become more popular with children in recent years. Also, cricket (for boys) and netball (for girls) are more popular than softball or basketball. While many of the sporting activities are gendered, there are still opportunities for both sexes to participate. Using schools to support sport, which have a greater focus on participation rather than competition at the younger age levels, maintains the popularity of sports amongst children. Much of New Zealand is fortunate to have public access to beaches, rivers, and large community playing fields. The negative aspect of this is that New Zealand has a high rate of child drowning, despite most schools making swimming part of their curriculum. Media Surveys show a high use of media technology by New Zealand youth, with 20 percent in one survey having a television in their bedroom, 60 percent having access to the internet, and 10 percent using a cell phone. Parents on average report their children watching between one and two hours of television per day, with a slight decrease on the weekends. New Zealand On Air, a government body, is responsible for ensuring that programming meets the interests of children. Its Children’s Programming Strategy promotes a diverse range of New Zealand-produced children’s content with the proviso that it represents good value for ‘‘taxpayer dollars.’’ Despite this, most children’s programming comes from North America, the United Kingdom, and Australia. A popular children’s format for New Zealand free-to-air channels are umbrella programs where New Zealand content is presented by young people, often including children in staged activities, in between the showing of cartoons from overseas. There is a voluntary code of practice for advertisers to provide ‘‘appropriate guidelines’’ for advertisements directed at children. Recent research shows that more than two-thirds of food advertising during children’s
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viewing times were ‘‘counter to improved nutrition.’’ Advocates say the complaints process is at fault making it difficult to enforce guidelines. Current evidence also shows that many children are watching television outside designated viewing times, which exposes them to advertising not in line with children’s standards. In addition, there is evidence that increasing obesity is not due to lack of physical activity, but to the connection between television watching and a higher intake of energy dense foods. CHILD LABOR There is a long tradition of children and young people being employed in part-time and holiday work within New Zealand. Such work includes childcare and babysitting, picking fruit, delivering newspapers and advertising, serving food, shop assistance, and farm work. This employment is thought to encourage the development of skills and to foster greater independence. A number of legal and regulatory provisions protect children and young people from exploitation, ensuring they do not work in dangerous places (such as the manufacturing, forestry, and construction industries), undertake dangerous practices (such as injurious lifting) or use dangerous machinery (such as tractors). The Health and Safety in Employment Regulations (1995) also generally prohibit children under the age of sixteen years from night employment between the hours of 10:00 p.m. and 6:00 a.m., and they cannot generally be employed during school hours. There are no reliable sources of data on employment rates for children under fifteen years in New Zealand, although a limited amount of research has shown that employment patterns vary in different age groups and are gender sensitive. Part-time employment among school-age children and young people appears to be widespread, with more than 40 percent of eleven- to fourteen-year-olds estimated to work occasionally, and around 25 percent of fifteen-year-olds being in regular part-time work. Nearly 40 percent of sixteen-year-olds and 50 percent of seventeen-year-olds are in employment. The Accident Compensation Corporation annually records those accidents for which claims have been made by children under fifteen years who were working at the time of the accident. The New Zealand government ratified ILO Convention 182 on the Worst Forms of Child Labor on June 12, 2001. The Department of Labour is currently considering ILO Convention 138, which sets minimum age requirements for employment. New Zealand has a reservation in relation to Article 32(1) of UNCRC, which relates to the country’s lack of a comprehensive policy to deal with child labor, and the absence of a basic minimum age of admission to employment, or a range of minimum ages for different types of work. The Minimum Wage (Abolition of Age Discrimination) Amendment Bill, currently under consideration, aims to make the minimum wage for sixteen- to seventeen-year-olds the same as that for adults (currently
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NZ$11.25 per hour). The issue is controversial in New Zealand. Employers argue that the Bill, if passed, will make the hiring of young people less appealing. There are also concerns about whether or not it will lead to more early school leavers. FAMILY Over the past fifty years, New Zealand has experienced profound changes in patterns of family formation, dissolution, and reconstitution. Marriage is no longer the key event orchestrating the onset of sexual relationships and parenthood. Instead, there has been a decline in the marriage rate, a widespread postponement of marriage in favor of de facto unions or sole living, a delay in childbearing, a pronounced shift from two-parent to one-parent families, greater instability of relationships, less differentiation in roles between the sexes, and a fundamental change in women’s economic role in the family (Ministry of Social Development 2004). New Zealand’s most common family type, however, remains a couple with children (42 percent), followed by couple-only families (39 percent) and one-parent with children families (19 percent). Fathers are now more involved in raising their children than they were thirty years ago. Extended family networks are an important feature of Maori and Pacific cultures, with 8 percent of Pacific, 6 percent of Asian, 3 percent of Maori, and 1 percent of European family households comprising three generations. New Zealand’s no-fault divorce law provides that any marriage dissolution must be on the sole ground that the marriage has broken down irreconcilably, demonstrated by the couple living apart for a period of two years. New Zealand’s divorce rate has been stable since the mid-1980s, with 10,609 dissolutions granted by the Family Court in 2005. Around 47 percent of these involved families with children younger than eighteen years of age. There is no reliable data on the number of children affected by the separation of married and cohabiting parents, although cohabitation is associated with higher rates of relationship breakdown than marriage. Government policies directly impact on family income through taxation measures, which reduce disposable incomes, or through targeted income transfers, which increase disposable incomes. These are usually through benefits, pensions, supplementary grants (for example, for accommodation), childcare subsidies, and emergency or hardship assistance. There has also been a move from universalism to targeting of social assistance over recent years. Growing concern over disadvantaged children led to the Strengthening Families initiative, which improved co-ordination and casework between education, social welfare, health, and other government services. Parents as First Teachers, HIPPY (Home Instruction Program for Preschool Youngsters), Early Start, and the SKIP (Strategies for Kids/Information for Parents) Programs are examples of other government and NGO initiatives that support and educate the parents of young children.
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Families with children have suffered economically over the last quarter century as a result of the deregulation and liberalization of the New Zealand economy (initiated in 1984), and the 1991 budget cuts aimed at reducing expenditure and creating stronger incentives for workforce participation. These reforms have been associated with growing inequality and levels of poverty: ‘‘Children—and in particular Maori and Pacific children and the growing numbers of children in one-parent families—have been disproportionately affected’’ (Blaiklock, Kiro, Belgrave, Low, Davenport and Hassall 2002). While the proportion of families living in poverty has recently decreased, low-income and beneficiary (especially sole-parent) families with children remain below the poverty threshold. Income inequality has increased dramatically in New Zealand, with the gap between high- and low-income (80th to 20th percentile) households widening by 17 percent between 1992 and 1998. Again, it is households with children who are skewed towards the lower echelons of income distribution. In the early part of this century, child advocacy groups campaigned against legislation allowing parents to use physical punishment as a means of discipline. Through work done by the Children’s Issues Centre, there was a clear recognition that physical punishment is ineffective, and that the current legislation has been used to justify child abuse. Church and religious groups, which are not so central to New Zealand life as they were fifty years ago, have presented mixed views on the debate. The church has a significant influence on Pasifika communities in New Zealand, which have been supportive of the use of physical punishment. This follows a debate about whether this view is a legacy of the church and colonialism or a feature of particular Pasifika cultures. The section of the Crimes Act that provides a defense for parents to physically discipline their children was amended by Parliament during 2007. HEALTH Provision The costs of health care provision fall upon individuals or the state, depending on its purpose. Public health care is available covering most forms of treatment, but because it is rationed or subsidized by the state it is sometimes preferable to pay for treatment privately or via health insurance rather than attempt to get on a public waiting list. Only a minority of the population takes up private health insurance. Emergency care as a result of accident or injury is provided immediately and is of a high standard for all New Zealanders. Primary care via general practitioners is subsidized by the state depending on the age of the patient. Children under the age of six are treated for almost no cost, and there is a partial charge for those up to seventeen years of age. General dental care for children up to seventeen years of age is paid for by the state.
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Hospital care for pregnant women is universally available and free. New Zealand law does not require parental consent for an abortion for children below eighteen. Medication for children younger than six years of age is generally free, but everyone else who is eligible for publicly funded healthcare receives a subsidy depending on whether the particular drug is on an approved list. There is documented evidence that the health status of children from Maori and Pacifika ethnic backgrounds is poorer than that of European children in New Zealand. Maori and Pacific children have higher rates of infant mortality, low birth weight, hearing failure at school entry, obesity and cigarette smoking, and youth suicide. NGOs like Plunket are able to provide some universal forms of support to families with young children, whereas Family Start programs are targeted to families who meet particular criteria. Both forms are funded via government contracts. A number of government agencies and NGOs also provide a range of diverse services for young people. The complexity of life circumstances makes responding to sexual and mental health concerns, drug and alcohol abuse, and school exclusion difficult. At times, the government has increased funding in areas like mental health services for young people, only to find that the needed specialists are not available. The 2005 Human Rights Commission reports a number of groups, including ethnic minorities and those who are gay, lesbian, bisexual, or transgendered (LGBT), face higher levels of harassment in New Zealand society. LGBT groups have much higher rates of suicide than other groups. Partner and elder abuse is also an area of concern with family violence reduction being a major government social priority. Mortality and Morbidity Low birth weight babies (less than 2.5 kg) accounted for 6.3 percent of births in 2000. Thirty percent of all births involve an intervention with 20 percent of births being by caesarean. At three months of age, just over 50 percent of babies are still breastfeeding. In 1999, 70 percent of children were immunized for measles, mumps, rubella, whooping cough, and meningococcal B, but this figure is dropping. One in three two-yearolds are not immunized. The number of new entrants to school who fail screening tests for sight and hearing has dropped from 10.5 percent in 1991–1992 to 7.7 percent in 1998–1999. The number of injuries for children younger than five years old in 2001 was 1,260 per 100,000 for boys and 1,054 for girls. The largest number of injuries is from falls around the home followed by poisoning. The leading cause of death for under-five-year olds was by motor vehicle, suffocation, drowning, and then fire. In the five- to fourteen-year-old age group motor vehicles are the leading cause of death and injury. This has been decreasing for this age group, as well as for the population in general. The
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rate of injury for fifteen- to nineteen-year-olds has fallen between 1996 and 2001. Males in this age group are injured twice as often as females. For this age group, the number of deaths due to road fatalities has fallen over the period 1994 to 2000. The main causes of road death in this age group are speed, alcohol, or drugs. This age group accounts for 6 percent of drivers convicted of drunk driving above the legal limit and makes up 14 percent of the road injuries and 11 percent of fatal vehicle crashes. In 1999, the legal age of drinking alcohol was reduced from twenty to eighteen years old, and surveys show that teenagers are increasing their consumption. Over a twenty-year period (1981–2001) the level of smoking by fifteen- to twenty-four-year-olds has fluctuated between 25 and 35 percent. The most common age at which children begin to smoke is fifteen to sixteen years old. In 2001, the heavy use of cannabis by fifteento seventeen-year-olds was reported at 4 percent. A 2001 survey reported that 38 percent of participants in this age group have tried cannabis. The four leading causes of hospitalization are injuries (23 percent); respiratory diseases, including asthma, pneumonia, and tonsillitis (17 percent); nervous system diseases, including ear infections, epilepsy, and eye problems (12 percent); and digestive problems, including appendicitis, hernia, and dental problems (11 percent). Abortion rates have risen from 15.9 per 1,000 births in 1991 to 24.1 per 1,000 in 2001. In 2000, 48 percent of chlamydia cases and 37 percent of gonorrhea (sexually transmitted diseases) cases were reported by fifteen- to nineteen-year-olds. As a preventive measure, the government is sponsoring media campaigns to encourage condom use. Disability In 2001, the number of children with disabilities reached 13 percent for boys and 9 percent for girls. Forty percent of those with chronic health problems have had them since birth. Fifty-eight percent of those reporting disabilities fall under the category of sensory, learning, or developmental difficulties. Ninety-seven percent of this group are enrolled in schools. When children are identified with an impairment, families are able to get them assessed for necessary support and services. The assessment is carried out as part of the Needs Assessment and Co-ordination Service, which then follows strict guidelines to establish what level of service can be made available. The aim is to allow families to manage the resources as they see appropriate with guidance from a coordinator. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The welfare of the child principle was introduced into New Zealand family law in 1887 and became the paramount consideration in 1926. The Care of Children Act 2004 recently extended this to ‘‘the welfare
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and best interests’’ of the child, to bring the provision in line with Article 3 of UNCRC. This statute also establishes, for the first time, what principles determine a child’s welfare and best interests. The Family Court, established in 1981, makes and implements any decisions affecting the child within an appropriate timeframe. Children of all ages must be given reasonable opportunities to express their views, and these must be taken into account by the court. The Family Court can request specialist reports on any child who is the subject of an application. A lawyer can be appointed to represent a child under several statutes. New Zealand provides strong measures to protect children under the law, because family violence and child abuse are recognized as significant social problems. While there is no system of mandatory reporting in place, many professions and agencies have protocols for the reporting of suspected abuse and neglect to the two statutory agencies—the Department of Child, Youth and Family, and the police. New Zealand has a substantiated child abuse rate of 7.2 per 1,000 children (Ministry of Social Development 2005b). A UNICEF study of child maltreatment in the 1990s found that New Zealand had the third highest rate (1.2 per 100,000), behind the United States and Mexico. The Children, Young Persons and Their Families Act 1989 defines the circumstances in which a child is declared to be in need of care and protection, and brings family members together with professionals to formulate plans for the child’s safety. The Domestic Violence Act 1995 enables a family member to obtain a protection order against a partner or family member to protect them and their children from physical, sexual, or emotional violence. The Crimes Act (1961) prosecutes alleged offenders for offences against children involving sexual violation, homicide, assault, and failing to provide the ‘‘necessaries’’ of life. The minimum age of criminal responsibility in New Zealand is ten years, although this only applies to the offences of murder and manslaughter. Other young offenders are generally dealt with under the provisions of the Children, Young Persons and Their Families Act. Children cannot be prosecuted for other offenses unless they are at least fourteen years old at the time of the offense. In 2002, the offenses committed by children and young people included dishonesty offences (52 percent), shoplifting (20 percent), property damage (12 percent), and violence (10 percent). Family group conferences, attended by the offender, parents, extended family members, victim(s), police youth aid officers, and Department of Child, Youth and Family representative, are the centerpiece of the youth justice system. These meetings aim to recognize the harm suffered by the victim, to work out ways in which reparation can be made, and to make a plan to prevent further offending by the young person. Where court involvement is necessary, the Youth Court hears and resolves the majority of cases involving fourteen- to sixteen-year-olds. The youth justice system aims to ensure accountability and family involvement in the
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resolution of a young person’s actions. Inmates under fourteen years sentenced to imprisonment are transferred to a Department of Child, Youth and Family residence. All other male inmates under seventeen years, and those aged seventeen to nineteen who are assessed as vulnerable, are assigned to Youth Units within the prison system. All female inmates aged between fourteen and nineteen years are placed in women’s prisons or Child, Youth and Family residences. The age of majority is eighteen years. Parental guardianship ceases at this age, and young people have the right to vote, purchase alcohol, and marry without parental consent. New Zealand ratified the UNCRC in 1993, but this has not been enacted into domestic legislation. Nevertheless, several pieces of legislation reflect its principles and New Zealand has made a concerted effort to bring its family law into line with international obligations. The Children’s Commissioner, initially established in 1989 and given increased independence in 2003, plays an important role in advocating for the rights and interests of New Zealand children and young people. The Families Commission, which focuses on research, was established in 2003. The Treaty of Waitangi, signed between around 500 Maori chiefs and the British Crown in 1840, is New Zealand’s founding document and a part of its constitutional arrangements. Children (tamariki) and young people (rangitahi) are regarded as the taonga (treasure) of their community, and Maori believe they retain the right to determine issues affecting their children within Maori institutions and processes. Unfortunately, the Eurocentric nature of the current legal system causes difficulties for Maori who rarely use the courts to enforce their rights. The Crimes Act (1961) prohibits a number of sexual offences against children including sexual violation, attempted sexual violation, indecent assault, incest, and indecent acts. A person having sexual connection with a child under sixteen faces up to ten years in prison (up to seven years if the child is a family member under eighteen). Those who engage in exploitative sexual connection with an impaired person face up to ten years in prison. While criminal proceedings focus on convicting and punishing the offender of sexual crimes against children, it is likely that steps would also be taken under the Children, Young Persons and Their Families Act 1989 to protect child victims whose families are unlikely or unwilling to keep them safe. ECPAT NZ Inc. is an NGO that is actively lobbying within New Zealand for an end to child prostitution, pornography and trafficking. RELIGIOUS LIFE New Zealand, as a result of British colonization, is a predominantly Christian country. In 1901, more than 95 percent of people specified a
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religious affiliation. In 2001, just under two thirds of people specified a religious affiliation. Of those that did, 95 percent chose Christianity with the largest subgroups being Anglican, Catholic, and Presbyterian. The responsibility for religious education generally falls to the family. Elements rooted in prayers and Bible readings are occasionally introduced at school assemblies, though these are not legally allowed within the secular state schools. Maori have seen the inclusion of Karakia—prayer—as a means of acknowledging Maori culture within schools even when other elements of religion are avoided. The health curriculum in schools and Maori section of the early childhood curriculum make reference to spirituality being important for children. Many of the church-based schools fall within the ‘‘state-integrated’’ or ‘‘private’’ part of the sector, which accounts for 13 percent of the student population in schools. Churches are able to provide early childhood education within the state system and are involved in providing activities such as after school and holiday programs for school age children. They have traditionally been involved in youth programs via the Scouting and Boys/Girls Brigade movements. Churches also provide a level of family support through their social agencies, making available food parcels, access to social workers, and community advocacy. This may include providing programs within local schools when invited. Religious festivals are still important. The first term holiday of each school year coincides with Easter, and the school year ends just prior to Christmas. As Christmas occurs in summer most communities have Christmas parades and community singing of Christmas carols during the month of December, followed by fireworks to celebrate New Year’s Eve when the majority of families are on holiday. The acknowledgement of other cultures is now seeing the Chinese New Year celebrated in late January/early February and the Maori New Year Matariki in mid-June. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The Department of Child, Youth and Family Services has primary responsibility for children who are abused and/or neglected. They have fifty-three sites, employing 2,670 full-time equivalent staff. For the 2005–06 financial year the budget was $457,331 million for direct services and $70,716 million for contracted services provided by NGOs. Reporting in New Zealand is not mandatory, but people making notifications are protected. Even in situations involving breach of confidentiality, no action may be taken if notification is made in good faith. During the year ending June 30, 2005, 53,097 notifications were made, a 23 percent increase from the previous year. Of these notifications, 43,460 required further action. The primary decision-making mechanism in these cases is the Family Group Conference (FGC). A total of 5,422 care and protection FGCs were convened in the year ending June 30, 2005. Other families are
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supported by way of family agreements (3,010 for year ending June 30, 2005) or referral to community-based agencies. In situations where an agreement cannot be reached at an FGC the matter goes before the Family Court. 14,335 distinct clients received care and protection intervention services over the July 2004 to June 2005 year. The New Zealand Children, Young Persons and their Families Act, 1989, places emphasis on the importance of family. When children cannot live safely with their parents, the first preference is a family/kin placement. When this is not possible, children are placed in foster care. As of June 30, 2005, there were 4,855 children and young people in care and protection placements and 153 in youth justice placements with 3,800 caregivers. The most recent data on the ethnicity of children in care indicates that 45 percent are Maori. Of these, 45 percent were in kin placements. Overall, 33 percent of children are in kin placements. Adults who seriously mistreat or murder children can be charged under the Crimes Act 1961 and can be sentenced to imprisonment for life. Children are protected by labor laws and Crimes Act provisions related to assault. There are age restrictions, and it is unusual for children under the age of twelve to be in paid work. Some children, however, work in family businesses, such as farms and shops. Military conscription does not occur in New Zealand, and there is a minimum age of eighteen years for entry into the armed forces for both boys and girls. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY In June 2002, the government released New Zealand’s Agenda for Children, which draws from UNCRC and sets out several ‘‘action areas’’ to promote a ‘‘whole child’’ approach, increase children’s participation, end child poverty, address violence in children’s lives, improve central and local government structures and processes to enhance policy and service effectiveness for children, and enhance information and research relating to children. This central policy has led to the development of other policies. For example, the Youth Development Strategy Aotearoa is a closely related document, which explores how government and society can help and support young people. On this builds a Youth Offending Strategy with thirty local Youth Offending Teams that aim to reduce the severity of offending by young people. The challenge for these government-led initiatives is to impact on the day-to-day experiences of children and young people. However, the growing number of childless couples suggests that government-provided family support is not the guaranteed election winner that it used to be. The government departments and NGOs are becoming better at using the media to raise the profile of children within society. This can be difficult when only bad news is reported. The first New Zealand Commissioner for Children, Ian Hassell, started an initiative for a Children’s Day
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in New Zealand, which began in 2000. The day enjoys support from NGOs as well as national and local governments, and offers low-cost activities to promote spending time with family, rather than drawing on the gift giving that has become associated with Mothers’ and Fathers’ Day. The majority of New Zealand children have a very good life and are well supported as they grow up. The biggest challenge is for those in power to support disadvantaged children and families and help them to feel that they have value in society. The promotion of children within family life is only part of the answer. The other lies in reducing the number of children brought up in poverty. Here the questions and answers are framed in the realm of economics where the acknowledgement of the place of families and children is difficult to hear. The indicators of the health and well-being of New Zealand children and young people reveal areas of concern, especially in relation to child abuse and youth suicide. New Zealand has long been viewed as a great place to bring up children, and to a certain extent this is true, but changing family circumstances merit a closer look at the economic, political, and social sectors to see what can be improved. While a lot of work has gone into raising the expectations of life for children and young people across New Zealand, the hard work in meeting these expectations has in many ways only just begun.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Bishop, Russell, and Ted Glynn. 1999. Culture Counts: Changing Power Relations in Education. Palmerston North: Dunmore Press. This book challenges the power relations inherent in social research and looks to create approaches that will acknowledge the concerns and create knowledge that will benefit all New Zealanders. Boston, Jonathon, Paul Dalziel, and Susan St. John. 1999. Redesigning the Welfare State in New Zealand: Problems, Policies, Prospects. Auckland: Oxford University Press. This book describes the political, economic, and social changes that have occurred in New Zealand society and follow the impact that such changes have on structures that support children and families. Davey, Judith. 2003. Two Decades of Change in New Zealand: From Birth to Death V. Wellington: Institute of Policy Studies, Victoria University. This is the fifth volume that presents twenty years of change across the lifespan collating, summarizing, and presenting much of the currents statistics available on children, young people and families in New Zealand. Peters, Louise. 2003. Youth and the law. 3rd ed. Wellington: Legal Resources Trust. This volume in its third edition describes the New Zealand law as it relates to children and young people across differing topics such as personal rights, family relationships, education, to name but a few. Smith, Anne B., Nicola J. Taylor, and Megan M. Gollop, eds. 2000. Children’s Voices: Research, Policy and Practice. Auckland: Pearson Education. This edited book
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brings together a collection of articles about current issues for children and families in New Zealand. Smith, Anne B. 1998. Understanding Children’s Development: A New Zealand Perspective. 4th ed. With a chapter on disability and development by Keith Ballard. Wellington: Bridget Williams Books. This book reviews much of the education and developmental literature and applies it to New Zealand settings and contexts both historical and social, and draws on theories and perspectives on children’s rights and voice in order to better understand child development.
Web Sites Action for Children and Youth Aotearoa, http://www.acya.org.nz/?t=2. This group has coordinated and presented the last two NGO reports to the UN on New Zealand’s compliance with UNCRC. Barnardos New Zealand, http://www.barnardos.org.nz/home/index.asp. Barnardos, a NGO, works within the community to provide a range of care, education, and support services for children and their families and is dedicated to ensure that all New Zealand children and families have access to appropriate services that address their needs. Child and Youth Mortality Review Committee, http://www.newhealth.govt.nz/ cymrc. The Child and Youth Mortality Review Committee was established by the Minister of Health to review deaths of children and young people aged 28 days to 24 years. Their goal is to find ways to prevent such deaths in the future. Children’s Commissioner, http://www.occ.org.nz. The Children’s Commissioner speaks out on behalf of all children to ensure their rights are respected and upheld. It also investigates the actions of the Department of Child, Youth and Family Services. Children’s Issues Centre. University of Otago, http://www.otago.ac.nz/cic. The Centre aims to provide a national interdisciplinary forum for research into and discussion of children’s issues, as well as resources and information for those involved with children. Crime and Justice Research Centre, Victoria University of Wellington, http:// www.vuw.ac.nz/cjrc.This centre has been set up to provide research and consultancy services on crime and criminal justice issues. Much of the work is policy focused under contract to NZ government agencies. Department of Labour. http://www.dol.govt.nz/services/international/child/ index.asp. This site describes the New Zealand government’s views on child labor. The Knowledge Basket: Legislation New Zealand, http://rangi.knowledge-basket. co.nz/gpacts/actlists.html. This is one of the databases run by a private NZ company to make data available to NZ research institutions. Access to this database is free. Ministry of Education, http://www.minedu.govt.nz. This is the official web site for New Zealand state education with links to many other official web sites that describe early childhood, compulsory, and tertiary education.
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Ministry of Health, http://www.moh.govt.nz. The Ministry of Health aims to ensure that the health and disability system works for all New Zealanders. Ministry of Social Development, http://www.msd.govt.nz. The Ministry of Social Development is a government department responsible for providing social policy advice to government, income support, care, and protection of young people, student support to students at tertiary institutions, and coordination of programs that support families. New Zealand Advertising Standards Authority, http://www.asa.co.nz/codes/ codes.htm. This incorporated society is made up of advertisers who use the ASA to develop codes of practice to support self regulation through the Advertising Standards Complaint Board that is made up of media and non media representatives. New Zealand Broadcasting Standards Authority, http://www.bsa.govt.nz. The BSA is an independent crown entity that receives and determines complaints, provides opinions on matters of broadcasting standards and ethics, and conducts research in relation to broadcasting. New Zealand Family Violence Clearinghouse based at the University of Canterbury in Christchurch, http://www.nzfvc.org.nz. The New Zealand Family Violence Clearinghouse is the national center for collating and disseminating information about domestic and family violence in Aotearoa New Zealand. New Zealand on Air, http://www.nzonair.govt.nz. This crown entity aims to promote and foster the development of New Zealand’s culture on the airwaves by funding locally-made television programs, public radio networks, and access radio, and to promote New Zealand music by funding music videos and radio shows. Plunket, http://www.plunket.org.nz//AM/Template.cfm?Section=Home. New Zealand’s largest provider of services to support the health and development of children under five. Roy McKenzie Centre for the Study of Families, http://www.vuw.ac.nz/mckenziecentre. The Centre aims to provide high quality independent Aotearoa New Zealandbased research and information on families to assist law makers, inform policy decisions, and educate communities and professionals. Save the Children, New Zealand, http://www.savethechildren.org.nz. Save the Children is a non-political, non-sectarian development agency that delivers immediate and lasting improvements to children’s lives worldwide. Sport and Recreation New Zealand, http://www.sparc.org.nz. SPARC is a crown entity responsible to providing advice on sport and recreation to the government and distributing funding for the purposes of promoting physical activity. Youth Law Project/Tino Rangatiratanga Taitamariki, http://www.youthlaw.co.nz. YouthLaw Tino Rangatiratanga Taitamariki is a community law center for children and young people throughout Aotearoa/New Zealand. They provide information and advocacy on a range of matters affecting young people.
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Organizations and NGOs Action for Children & Youth Aotearoa (ACYA) Inc. P.O. Box 41532, St Lukes, Auckland, New Zealand Web site: http://www.acya.org.nz This group has coordinated and presented the last two NGO reports to the UN on New Zealand’s compliance with UNCRC. The Children’s Issues Centre, University of Otago P.O. Box 56, Dunedin, New Zealand Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.otago.ac.nz/cic A multidisciplinary research center with a key role in child and family advocacy. The Donald Beasley Institute P.O. Box 6189, Dunedin, New Zealand Phone: 0643 479 8080 or 479 2162 Fax: 0643 479 2162 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.donaldbeasley.org.nz A national, independent, nonprofit organization that aims to promote and carry out applied research in the area of intellectual disability and to disseminate current knowledge relating to people with intellectual disabilities. Families Commission–Komihana a Whanau Mail: P.O. Box 2839, Wellington, New Zealand Phone: 0644 917 7040 Fax: 0644 917 7059 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.nzfamilies.org.nz This is an independent government body set up by NZ statute to provide advocacy for families. Office of the Children’s Commissioner P.O. Box 5610, Wellington, New Zealand Phone: 0064 4 471 1410 Fax: 0064 4 471 1418 Email:
[email protected]. Web site: http://www.occ.org.nz This is a government office established by statute to advocate on behalf of children; this includes monitoring certain government agencies and undertaking investigations.
Selected Bibliography Action for Children and Youth Aotearoa. 2003. Children and Youth in Aotearoa 2003: The Second Non-governmental Organizations’ Report from Aotearoa New Zealand to the United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child. Wellington: Action for Children and Youth Aotearoa.
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Atwool, Nicola. 1999. New Zealand Children in the 1990s: Beneficiaries of New Right Economic Policy? Children & Society 13:380–93. Becroft, Andrew. Youth Offending: Putting the Headlines in Context. 2004 Ministry of Justice web site. http://www.justice.govt.nz/youth/media/rates1204.html. Blaiklock, A., C. Kiro, M. Belgrave, W. Low, E. Davenport, and I. Hassall. 2002. When the Invisible Hand Rocks the Cradle: New Zealand Children in a Time of Change. Innocenti Working Paper No. 93. Florence: UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre. Broadcasting Act 1989, section 36 (c) (ii). The Knowledge Basket Ltd web site. rangi.knowledge-basket.co.nz/gpacts/public/text/1989/se/025se36.html. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The World FactBook 2005. http://www.cia.gov/ cia/publications/factbook/index.html. Child and Youth Mortality Review Committee (a). Infant Mortality (deaths in the first year of life). Ministry of Health web site. http://www.newhealth.govt. nz/cymrc/mortalitydata/1-infantmortality.htm. Child and Youth Mortality Review Committee (b). Child Mortality (1-14 years) Ministry of Health web site. http://www.newhealth.govt.nz/cymrc/mortality data/1-infantmortality.htm. Child Poverty Action Group. 2003. Our Children: The Priority for Policy (2nd ed.). Auckland: Child Poverty Action Group. Child Youth and Family. 2005a. Annual Report. Wellington: Department of Child Youth and Family Services. ———. 2005b. Briefing for the Incoming Minister. Wellington: Department of Child Youth and Family Services. ———. 2000. Child Youth and Family Submission to the Government Reviews of Referrals and Notifications and Placement Services. Wellington: Department of Child Youth and Family Services. Children’s Day. Celebrate Children’s Day. http://www.childrensday.org.nz/. Crooks, Terry, and Lester Flockton. 2002. Heath and Physical Education Assessment Results, 2002. National Education Monitoring Report 26. Dunedin: Educational Assessment Research Unit, University of Otago. Davey, Judith. 2003. Two Decades of Change in New Zealand: From Birth to Death V. Wellington: Institute of Policy Studies, Victoria University. Dharmalingam, A., I. Pool, J. Sceats, and R. Mackay. 2004. Patterns of Family Formation and Change in New Zealand. Wellington: Ministry of Social Development. Education Act 1989. The Knowledge Basket Ltd web site. rangi.knowledge-basket. co.nz/gpacts/public/text/1989/se/080se8.html. An Encyclopedia of New Zealand. 1966. Welfare Services: History of Monetary Benefits. Te Ara–The Encyclopaedia of New Zealand Web site. http://www. teara.govt.nz/1966/W/WelfareServices/HistoryOfMonetaryBenefits/en. Hipkins, R. 2006. The nature of key competencies: a background paper. Wellington: New Zealand Council for Educational Research, Te Kete Ipurangi: The Online Learning Centre web site. http://www.tki.org.nz/r/nzcurriculum/ draft-curriculum/key_competencies_e.php. Human Rights Commission. New Zealand Action Plan for Human Rights 20052010. 5. Civil and political rights. http://www.hrc.co.nz/report/actionplan/ 5civil.html. Gasson, R., J. Gasson, T. Linzey, and J. Powell Chalmers. 2001. Children and Work. Dunedin: Dunedin College of Education.
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Gasson, R., C. Linsell, J. Gasson, and S. Mundy-McPherson. 2003. Young People and Work. Dunedin: Dunedin College of Education. Kiro, Cindy. 2000. Assessing the Impact of the Economic Reforms on Maori Tamariki and Rangitahi. In A.B. Smith, M. Gollop, K. Marshall, and K. Nairn, eds. Advocating for Children: International Perspectives on Children’s Rights. Dunedin: University of Otago Press. Law Commission. 2004. Delivering Justice for All: A Vision for New Zealand Courts and Tribunals (Report 85). Wellington: Law Commission. ———. 2002. Family Court Dispute Resolution–A Discussion Paper (Preliminary paper 47). Wellington: Law Commission. ———. 2001. Maori Custom and Values in New Zealand Law (SP 9). Wellington: Law Commission. Lealand, Geoff. 2001. Some Things Change and Some Things Remain the Same: New Zealand Children and Media Use. Childrenz Issues 5(2): 6–11. Mamer, Abraham. 2006. Refugee Family Sponsored (Reunification) Policy Impact on Family Resettlement Options. Childrenz Issues 10(1): 37–9. Ministry of Culture and Heritage. Cultural Well-Being. http://www.mch.govt.nz/ cwb. Ministry of Education. 2005. Retention of Students in Senior Secondary School. Wellington: Ministry of Education. Education Counts web site. http://www. educationcounts.edcentre.govt.nz. Ministry of Education. 2004a. Learning for Tomorrow’s World. Wellington: Ministry of Education. Ministry of Education. 2004b. Educate: Ministry of Education, Statement of Intent 2004-2009. Wellington: Ministry of Education. Ministry of Education. 2002. Pathways to the Future: Nga Huarahi Arataki–a 10-year Strategic Plan for Early Childhood Education. Wellington: Learning Media. Ministry of Social Development. 2005a. The Social Report 2005. Wellington: Ministry of Social Development. ———. 2005b. Children and Young People: Indicators of Wellbeing in New Zealand. Wellington: Ministry of Social Development. ———. 2004. New Zealand Families Today. Wellington: Ministry of Social Development. Ministry of Youth Affairs. 2002. Youth Development Strategy Aotearoa. Wellington: Ministry of Youth Affairs. Ministry of Youth Development. 2004. The Youth Development Strategy Aotearoa Survey 2004: Knowledge and Applications by Government Agencies. Wellington: Ministry of Youth Development. Ministry of Youth Development Web site. http://www.myd.govt.nz. New Zealand Advertising Standards Authority. Code for Advertising to Children. http://www.asa.co.nz/codes/codes.htm. New Zealand on Air. Space for the New: NZ on Air Children’s Programming Strategy 2003. http://www.nzonair.govt.nz/television_detail.php?pid=315&sid=300& hid=314. Obesity Action Coalition. Submission to the New Zealand Parliamentary Health Select Committee: Inquiry into Obesity and Type Two Diabetes. Obesity Action Coalition Web site. http://www.foe.org.nz/publications.html. OECD. 2006. OECD Factbook 2006—Economic, Environmental and Social Statistics. http://oberon.sourceoecd.org/vl=5811642/cl=16/nw=1/rpsv/factbook/ index.htp.
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Orange, Claudia. 1992. The Treaty of Waitangi. Wellington: Bridget Williams Books. Pereira, Tino Fa’amatuainu. 2004. A Pacific Perspecitve on Physical Punishment. Childrenz Issues 8(2): 27–9. Pitama, D., G. Ririnui, and A. Mikaere. 2002. Guardianship, Custody and Access: Maori Perspectives and Experiences. Wellington: Ministry of Justice and Department for Courts. Pool, I., N. Jackson, and J. Dickson. 1998. Family Formation and Structure: The Implications of Cradle Conservatism and Reproductive Reprise. In Vivienne Adair and Robyn Dixon, eds. The family in Aotearoa New Zealand. Auckland: Addison Wesley Longman. Scragg, Robert, Rob Quigley, and Rachael Taylor. Does Watching TV Contribute to Increased Body Weight and Obesity in Children. A report prepared by the scientific committee of the Agencies for Nutrition Action. http://www.ana.org. nz/page.php3?16. Smith, Anne B., Megan Gollop, Nicola Taylor, and Kate Marshall. 2004. The Discipline and Guidance of Children: A Summary of Research. Children’s Issues Centre and Office of the Children’s Commissioner. http://www.occ.org.nz/ childcomm/resources_links/reports_publications. Sport and Recreation New Zealand. Participation in sport. http://www.sparc.org. nz/research-policy/participation-in-sport. Sport and Recreation New Zealand. 2005. Annual Report for the Year Ended 30 June 2005. Wellington: Sport and Recreation New Zealand. Statistics New Zealand. The New Zealand Population Clock. http://www.stats. govt.nz/. ———. 2005. Divorces–Summary of Latest Trends. Wellington: Statistics New Zealand. ——— 2002a. Families and Households: 2001 Census Snapshot 17. Wellington: Statistics New Zealand. ———. 2002b. 2001 Census of Population and Dwellings: National Summary, Wellington: Statistics New Zealand. Statistics NZ web site. http://www.stats.govt. nz. St. John, Susan, and Donna Wynd. 2006. Impact of Economic Policy on New Zealand Children. Childrenz Issues 10(1): 13–17. UNESCO. 2006. The six EFA goals. http://portal.unesco.org/education. UNICEF. 2005. Child Poverty in Rich Countries (Innocenti report card no. six). Florence: UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre. Walter, Reece, and Wiebe Zwaga. 2001. The Younger Audience: Children and Broadcasting in New Zealand. Palmerston North, NZ: Dunmore Press in association with the New Zealand Broadcasting Standards Authority. Wilson, Nick, Louise Signal, Sarah Nicholls, and George Thomson. 2006. Marketing Fat and Sugar to Children on New Zealand Television. Preventive Medicine 42: 96–101.
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PAKISTAN Fazila Gulrez and Sabeen Hafeez NATIONAL PROFILE Pakistan is located in the northwestern part of South Asia, bordering the Arabian Sea, with India on the east, Iran and Afghanistan on the west, and China in the north. The country came into being as a result of independence obtained from the British on August 14, 1947, after the partition of India. The total area of Pakistan is 79.6 million hectares (approximately 796,000 km2), of which 26.5 million hectares is arable land and 4.6 million hectares is forest (World Fact Book 2006). The country is divided into four provinces (Punjab, Balochistan, the North West Frontier Province [NWFP], and Sindh). The Islamabad Capital Territory, tribal areas, and the Federally Administered Northern Areas (FANA), enjoy a special status. The Pakistani-administered part of the Kashmir region is a separate legal entity but part of Pakistan for all practical purposes. According to the World Fact Book (Central Intelligence Agency 2007), the total population of Pakistan
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is 164,741,924 (July 2007 est.), of which 36.9 percent (males 31,264,576/ females 29,507,174) are in the zero to fourteen years age bracket, 58.8 percent (males 49,592,033/females 47,327,161) are in the fifteen to sixtyfour years age bracket, and about 4.3 percent (males 3,342,650/females 3,708,330) are over sixty-five years. Pakistan is extremely diverse in its culture, language, and climate. It has a significant cultural, historical, and architectural heritage; and people of different faiths, beliefs, and ethnic backgrounds have been living together in this region for centuries. The Constitution of Pakistan provides for a Federal Parliamentary System of government, with a President as the Head of State and an indirectly elected Prime Minister as the chief executive. At the lower level, there are provincial and local governments. There are many nongovernmental organizations (NGO) working on a number of issues, including human rights and child rights. Some of them work with the government while others work with the assistance of foreign donor agencies. Traditional family values are highly respected and considered sacred. Many urban joint families have grown into a nuclear family system because of various socio-economic constraints imposed by the traditional joint family system. There are few, if any, unmarried single mothers. The children of unmarried mothers are killed, abandoned, or given away to shelter homes. Women in Pakistan have progressed in such varied fields of life as politics, education, economy, service sectors, health, and many more. While they continue to struggle for their rights, Pakistani women today have made progress. They enjoy a better status than most Islamic and Middle Eastern women, and there has been a decrease in the number of children per woman. Pakistan is a developing country that has suffered from decades of internal political disputes, low levels of foreign investment, and a costly, ongoing confrontation with neighboring India. Inflation remains the biggest threat to the economy, jumping to more than 9 percent in 2005 (CIA 2007). Thirty-two percent of Pakistan’s population lives below poverty level, where basic needs, especially those of children, KEY FACTS – PAKISTAN remain unfulfilled. Government Population: 1.7 million (July 2007 est.) institutions that can safeguard Infant mortality rate: 68.84 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) the rights of children are weak Life expectancy at birth: 63.75 years (2007 est.) and suffer from mismanageLiteracy rate (age 15 and over): 49.9 percent (2005) ment, bureaucratic apathy, lack Internet users: 10.5 million (2005) of funds, and an overall lack of People living with HIV/AIDS: 74,000 (2001 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 65 commitment to the social needs of the population. At the societal Sources: CIA World Factbook: Pakistan. https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/pk.html. April 17, 2007; level, centuries of old traditions United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human discriminate against women and Development Report 2006–Pakistan. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/ girls, with long-term consequenstatistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_PAK.html. April 26, 2007. ces on maternal health, female
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literacy, and lack of participation in decision-making processes. Poverty has created an impassable divide in the society, and children sufferer the worst. Homelessness prevails in the country because of poverty and poor economic conditions. Very few proper shelters exist for the population who are out on the streets, including children in poor families. Street children are vulnerable to physical abuse, drug abuse, and exploitation. OVERVIEW Children in Pakistan face a host of challenges that threaten their wellbeing. The country has not adopted free public education and consequently has one of the lowest literacy rates in the world. The lack of educational opportunities contributes to poverty, child labor, exploitation, and abuse of children among many other violations of child rights. Because of poor healthcare facilities, early motherhood, malnourishment, and illiteracy among the expecting mothers, the mortality rate for children in Pakistan is among the highest in the world. Pakistan has been home to Afghan refugees since the 1980s, many of whom continue to live in makeshift tents and in miserable conditions. Child refugees suffer from exploitation and sexual, physical, and mental abuse. They are deprived of education, protection, and proper health care facilities. Thousands of children work in hazardous occupations and as bonded laborers. Children are bound in indentured servitude, especially in the agricultural and brick kiln sectors, because of their parents’ bonded status. In emergency situations, children in Pakistan are the most vulnerable. According to the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF 2006), the October 2005 earthquake in northern Pakistan killed nearly 75,000 people and displaced millions. The earthquake destroyed more than 7,500 schools and killed, seriously injured, or displaced some 2,000 teachers. Child trafficking, internal and regional, is an important challenge facing the country. Pakistan is a signatory to several international conventions and agreements that tackle the issue of child trafficking: .
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The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), including the optional protocols on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution, and Child Pornography. The Stockholm Agenda and Plan of Action Against Sexual Exploitation of Children. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Convention on Preventing and Combating Trafficking in women and children. Untied Nations Convention on Transnational Organized Crime (UNTOC) has two optional protocols that are applicable to the trafficking of children from, within, and through Pakistan: the Protocol to
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prevent, suppress, and punish trafficking in persons, especially women and children, and the Protocol against the smuggling of migrants by land, sea, and air. However, Pakistan has not signed these protocols. Pakistan has established an Anti-Trafficking Unit (ATU) within the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) and cosponsored several public awareness campaigns.
There are a number of laws and regulations that protect children, but because of lack of proper and strict enforcement of these laws and regulations, the government and the society in general have failed to provide children their rightful place in the society. Not only does this impact adversely on the child, but there are far-reaching consequences on the society, the family, and the country. A child who grows up with deprivation, anger, and frustration is unlikely to bode a bright, progressive, prosperous future for any nation, family, or for him/herself. EDUCATION The state of education in Pakistan leaves much to be desired in quality, accessibility, uniformity, and standards, among many other negatives. The education sector in Pakistan has suffered from official neglect and apathy for the past 58 years. Education (at all levels) is not free in Pakistan. The Pakistan government spends only 2.3 percent of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) on public sector education. According to the World Bank, Pakistan government’s spending on education is much lower than the South Asian average of 3.6 percent and even lower than the low-income countries’ average of 3.4 percent. According to Franciscans International, an NGO at the United Nations (2006), public spending on education as a percentage of overall government expenditure in Pakistan is a very low 1.8 percent of GDP, far below prescribed international levels (which range from 20 percent recommended by UNICEF to 6 percent recommended by the Dakar Framework of Action at the World Educational Forum 2000). Public spending on education in Pakistan declined from 2.6 percent of the GDP in 1990 to 1.8 percent in 2002–2003 (Franciscans International 2006). Pakistan is among twelve countries in the world that spent less than 2 percent of their GDP on education (Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, 2005), and public spending on education in Pakistan is the lowest in South Asia. The country was ranked last out of fourteen Asian Pacific Countries in a School Report Card that investigated developing countries’ commitment to basic education (South Asian South Pacific Bureau of Adult Education 2005). On the indicator of population without access to basic education, the School Report Card shows that 45.3 percent of Pakistanis have no access to early childhood care and education, 40.3 percent have no access to primary school, and 76.1 percent have no access to secondary school. According to the same report, the adult illiteracy rate in
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Pakistan is 58.5 percent, second highest among the Asian countries (Bangladesh being the first, with a rate of 58.9 percent). Primary education has been made compulsory by law in three provinces of Pakistan: Sindh, the Punjab, and North West Frontier Province, and in the capital territory, but the law suffers from lack of implementation. The education system in Pakistan is delivered by four different systems: Private schools, government schools, religious schools (madrassahs), and non-formal education. Children attending these four different systems come from different economic strata and grow up with specific and defined opportunities and aspirations. Children attending English private schools belong to the elite and wealthy class. The public schools are attended by children from lower middle class. According to the World Education News and Reviews (WENR 2005), the crisis in Pakistan’s system of education begins at the primary level with a teacher/student ratio of between 44 to 50 children per teacher; enrollment is only 57 percent for boys and 44 percent for girls; the dropout rate during the first five years of primary school is around 70 percent. At the secondary level, the enrollment rate is 46 percent for boys and 32 percent for girls. The deterioration of public schools has given rise to proliferation of private schools and madrassahs in recent years. Children who attend madrassahs come from poor families. Madrassahs are funded by private religious organizations, and children are provided with free lodging and boarding. Children are taught to read, and they memorize the Quran. Madrassahs have come under severe attack at both the national and international levels in recent years as they are accused of brainwashing children and turning them into jihadis (religious fighters). Children educated in madrassahs are also accused of fighting in Afghanistan and of carrying out terrorist activities in other parts of the world. In order to accelerate the literacy rate in Pakistan, the government has pledged to increase the number of non-formal schools to reach children, especially for out-of-school children who could not benefit from the formal school system. Under the National Education Policy 1998–2010, the government envisaged a massive plan to meet policy targets of primary education to enroll 5.5 million out-of-school children through the NonFormal Basic Education Program. However, the program failed to yield the required results and suffered from many drawbacks that could have been addressed to raise the primary literacy rate qualitatively and quantitatively. Overall literacy rates of the population and gender discriminations are also major concerns. According to the Pakistan Social and Living Standards Measurement Survey of 2004–2005 (Federal Bureau of Statistics, Islamabad 2005), the literacy rate among men was 65 percent and among women, 40 percent. There are discrepancies at the provincial level ranging from Sindh, with the highest literacy rates at 55 percent, to
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Balochistan at 37 percent. On a more positive note, overall adult female literacy increased from 32 percent in 2001–2002 to 40 percent in 2004– 2005. Literacy remains higher in urban areas (71 percent) compared with 44 percent in the rural areas. Given the dismal picture of education, the opportunities for secondary and higher education narrow down further, resulting in high drop-out rates. According to the Economic Survey of Pakistan, 2005–2006 (Ministry of Finance, Government of Pakistan, 2006), Pakistan is ranked lowest in the world in higher education enrollment, with only 2.9 percent in 2005. There are vocational training institutions in the country, but they fail to provide students with skills to improve their financial conditions. In the current educational scenario, it is very unlikely that Pakistan would be able to reach the Millenium Development Goals target on literacy unless and until it changes its policy and framework for implementation. The government has pledged to promote technical and vocational training, to produce a skilled workforce of international quality, and to create opportunities for people at the grassroots level (DAWN 2006). Education for special needs children received a major boost during the regime of military dictator General Zia-ul Haq (1977 to 1988), who was moved by personal reasons as he had a child with mental retardation. However, it benefited the population as a whole. The office of the Directorate General of Special Education was created under the then Ministry of Social Welfare and Special Education to boost special education and rehabilitation of disabled persons. In 2004, a National Policy for Special People was approved focusing on the welfare and education of children with disabilities. According to the 1998 census, 2.49 percent of the population suffered from various disabilities. There are 51 special education centers in Pakistan, and 4,631 children are enrolled in these centers. Disability in Pakistan is not always perceived with sympathy and empathy. Given the limited resources of the family, such children lose out altogether on leading a happy, healthy life. The State has also failed to provide the facilities and provisions that might help them lead full lives. Some regular schools in Pakistan do accept children with disabilities. Islam is the major religion practiced in Pakistan. Muslims are the largest in number, population wise. All other sects apart from Muslims are considered minorities. It is clearly laid down in the Constitution of Pakistan that adequate provision shall be made for minorities to progress and practice their religions and to develop their cultures freely. This ensures the protection of minority languages, religious beliefs, and cultures, including those of the tribal communities, in school curriculums and practices. Pakistan has developed ‘‘Education for All National Plan of Action’’ (2001–2015), which incorporates the six Education for All goals. The priority areas are elementary education, adult literacy, and early childhood education. The North West Frontier Province Primary Education Act 1996 provides primary education for children between the ages of 5 and 10.
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The Sindh Compulsory Primary Education Ordinance 2001 provides for compulsory education for children in the province of Sindh whose age at the beginning of school year is not less than five years and not more than eleven years. The Islamabad Capital Territory Compulsory Primary Education Ordinance 2001 provides compulsory primary education for children in Islamabad whose age at the beginning of the school year is not less than five years and not more than ten years. PLAY AND RECREATION Recognizing the right of the child to play, the Pakistan government ratified its revised National Sports Policy on December 5, 2005, with the aim of raising the declining standard of sports in Pakistan. The government is concerned about the falling interest in sports among children. To remedy the situation, the policy aims primarily to advance sports at the grass roots level, then take it to the national level. According to the Government of Pakistan’s Ministry of Culture, Sports and Youth Affairs, Pakistan Sports Board, Pakistan Olympic Association, National Sports Federations, Provincial Sports Boards, and associations, educational institutions are the main sports organizing agencies. Sports at grass roots levels are mere formalities and at times not held at all. The sporting facilities in the provinces are also not up to the mark. Few stadiums or gymnasiums with proper facilities exist in the country. The educational institutions that are supposed to be sports nurseries have ceased to produce talented athletes who might replace the aging stalwarts. The policy envisages giving a new lease on life to the promotion of sports. This will bring in mass participation, improve sporting abilities, and provide opportunities to youth to be part of national teams. The Ministry of Education is also planning to create a Sports Cell to monitor the implementation of the policy by the Secondary and College Boards, while the Higher Education Commission will do the same for the universities. Every school will be required to participate in at least four games including martial arts. Each college must have at least six teams including athletics, and grade schools will have to allocate at least two periods for games in a week. All schools, colleges, and equivalent institutions will be obligated to provide sports facilities within the school or make arrangements for opening play grounds. The Pakistan Sports Board is hoping to create an academy in selected games in the capital city of Islamabad and one in each province to boost local talent, if funds are available. These academies will cater only to boys who will be trained with modern techniques in various sports. Girls will continue to be denied their rights to enjoy play and recreation. To promote and encourage sports among women, the Pakistan Cricket Board (PCB) and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) signed a Memorandum of Understanding in 2006. The focus of this campaign is
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to bring girls into schools and promote their retention and graduation from various levels of schooling. Programs for children in media are scarce. However, cable television is popular with children. According to a survey conducted by the Cartoon Network, the ‘‘New Generations Pakistan (NGP) 2006,’’ almost 99 percent of children who have access to cable TV ‘‘surf’’ the cable channels. The radio caters to children’s interests by playing Pakistani and foreign music; but other than that, there is little for children to hear on FM and AM radio. Print media also lags behind in providing quality, dynamic, and innovative reading. Books for children in Urdu have improved but still suffer from a lack of creative story telling and production quality. Despite low literacy rates, internet services are widely available in the country. According to the above survey, in Karachi, the biggest city of Pakistan, 31 percent of households have personal computers but only 9 percent have access to the internet. Hockey is the national game of Pakistan, but cricket is the most played and most popular game among children. Local teams are seen playing cricket on assigned grounds as well as in the by-lanes of cities, towns, and villages. Given the unsafe environment in cities, outdoor games are more popular in villages and towns than in the cities. Toys are available to children, but the quality of toys depends on the purchasing power of the parents. Because of cultural barriers, girls are encouraged to play inside the home while boys have the freedom to play outside the home. Pakistan has a close-knit family system, and family recreation is common; it is preferred that children and parents go out together for safety reasons as well. Recreation includes eating out, visits to the park, zoos, hill stations, or foreign trips—depending on the economic status of the family. CHILD LABOR Millions of children in the age group of five to eighteen years are involved in child labor in Pakistan. Almost two thirds of child laborers work full time, a majority in the agricultural sector. Children work in almost every economic sector, such as carpet weaving, tanneries, roadside restaurants and hotels, in factories, brick kilns, bangle making, and in clandestine factories, where they are forced to do dangerous work. Suffering physical deformities, and facing potential mental, physical, and sexual abuse, these children usually work to supplement the family income. A typical household comprises an ill or addicted father, too many siblings, and a working mother as the caretaker. These children miss out on education, are prone to serious health problems, and continue to live in poverty. The prospect of these children leaving work is a source of anxiety for the family as it means starvation and more suffering due to the loss of the child’s income. The most invisible and difficult to access are domestic child workers, often girls. This is sometimes also called the ‘‘hidden sector’’ and can involve coercive recruiting methods and physical
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and sexual abuse. Street children in Pakistan are a group of children also difficult to access despite being visible and despite suffering the worst forms of abuse and exploitation. Pakistan has signed and ratified the UNCRC which, under Article 32, protects children from employment that is likely to be hazardous to their health or interfere with their education and development. Estimates on the number of child laborers in Pakistan vary greatly. In 2003, UNICEF estimated that eight million children under the age of fourteen were engaged as laborers, most involved with brick kiln factories, carpet weaving, agriculture, small industries, and domestic services. According to the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan Report (2005) titled ‘‘State of Human Rights in Pakistan,’’ more than ten million children in Pakistan could be working as laborers. Officially, children make up about 7 percent of the total workforce. However, government statistics omit children who are working in family and small businesses not registered with the government, and they fail to cover children working in informal sectors such as the domestic labor sector not covered by any laws. Many children in Pakistan work as bonded laborers. Bonded labor is a modern form of slavery that combines feudal values, traditions, and practices with contemporary exploitative labor conditions. If a family is bonded due to debt or loan, the children also suffer the same destiny. They are forced to work long hours and denied any pay. Children are the most vulnerable of all workers and are sometimes bonded or forced to work alone, separated from their families. Children in bonded labor may also be recruited for work or kidnapped from their families and used forcibly in places like brothels. It is a cultural tragedy in Pakistan that bonded labor is accepted by the society and there is no political will to eliminate this modern day slavery. Girls in such situations are very likely to be sexually abused. The government has laws banning child labor and bonded labor, but these are not enforced. Many international and national NGOs have various initiatives and projects for combating child labor in specific areas and hazardous occupations. The growing awareness and movements against child labor around the globe are having a great impact in Pakistan as well. Many projects and campaigns have been launched to eradicate child labor and to protect and promote the rights of the child in all spheres of society. FAMILY The family system in Pakistan is cohesive and firmly entrenched in the culture. The family varies from being nuclear (parents and children), joint (more than one family of siblings living together), and extended family (several generations all living under the same roof). The family provides protection, economic support, and rearing, and fulfills the basic needs of every member of the family.
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Roles of boys and girls are distinct and well defined from the day they are born to the day they die. While the birth of a girl is mourned, a son’s birth is celebrated. Girls are domesticated from childhood, helping mothers with the household chores and taking care of the siblings. They are denied rights to education, proper nutrition, play, and recreation. The girl child suffers from all kinds of discrimination. She eats after the son has eaten, and in the event of a financial crunch, her future is likely to be sacrificed to protect the future of the son. The Child Marriage Restraint Act 1929 was introduced to prohibit child marriage. The Muslim Family Laws Ordinance 1961 changed the marriageable age of girls from fourteen years to sixteen years of age, while boys do not become eligible for marriage until age eighteen, which is discriminatory against girls. Divorce in Pakistani culture and religion is considered taboo, a stigma on the woman for having failed to fulfill the commitments of a married life. The divorce rate is low in rural areas compared with urban areas. The emergence of nuclear family units, women joining the workforce, the pressures and tensions of the city life, and economic independence of women has increased the divorce rate in urban areas. The Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act 1939 continues to govern divorce in Pakistan. The Act was amended by the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance (MFLO) 1961 to include the contracting of a polygamous marriage in contravention of the MFLO as a ground entitling a woman to seek divorce. Child custody is governed by the Guardians and Wards Act 1890. The Act stipulates that the courts are to be guided by the personal law to which the minor is subject. The general rule for Muslims is that the mother is entitled to custody until seven years of age for male children and puberty for female children. The courts are also directed to consider the age, sex, and religion of the minor and the character and capacity of the proposed guardian, as well as the minor’s own opinion if s/he is old enough to form an intelligent preference. If the minor is young or a female, the courts are directed to give preference to the mother. In all cases, the interests of the ward are paramount. A child’s right to inheritance is in accordance with the Sharia or the Quranic injunctions on inheritance. Every legitimate child of either sex has a right to the parents’ property, a specific portion of their wealth. The mother of the children is also entitled to a portion of the husband’s wealth. Under Islamic law, an adopted child has no right to inheritance, unless it is given as a gift to him/her by the parents. The major chunk of the Pakistani population lives in rural areas, where all family members mostly live under the same roof. This kind of joint family system provides protection in the event of husband/father’s death. The wife and children continue to enjoy the love and kinship of the family, are financially looked after, and saved from emotional and mental pressures. The responsibility is shared by the next of kin. In urban areas,
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the system is changing, but families continue to retain close ties with parents and other family members. Pakistan is an amalgamation of many diverse cultures and traditions and as such each culture has specific rites of passage, while other practices are common. As soon as a child is born, any male member of the family, or a friend, recites the Azaan (call to prayer) in the ear of the child so that the first thing he/she hears is the name of Allah. Aqiqa is performed, the newborn’s head is totally shaved, and a sheep or goat is sacrificed. There are celebrations among some cultures when the son turns twentyone. Marriage is a major rite of passage for both the girl and the boy. The main rite of marriage is the Nikah (signing of the marriage contract) followed by Ruksati (the bride goes to her husband’s home), then Valima to announce to the world that the marriage has been consummated. Children also take care of their parents when they become old. The concept of old homes is nearly invisible in Pakistan. It is common to have three generations living in one house. Usually parents and grandparents are looked upon for guidance, support, and courage. HEALTH According to the Human Development Index (2006) report published by the United Nations Development Programme, Pakistan ranked 134 among 177 countries in the world. According to the CIA’s World Fact book (2006), Pakistan’s infant mortality rate was 70.45 per 1,000 live births in 2006, which is among the highest in the world. Many children die each year due to preventable diseases such as diarrhea, measles, complications from being born with low birth weight, malnutrition, and from curable diseases such as pneumonia and malaria. Maternal deaths, associated with complications of pregnancy and childbirth, are also quite high. A large number of children lose their mothers at birth, and many more grow up in an environment of neglect and deprivation, without achieving their full physical and mental potential. Pakistan has signed the Alma-Ata Declaration of 1978, which ensures the provision of health care to every citizen through the primary healthcare approach. It also includes all support facilities necessary for the survival and development of the child. The Federal Ministry of Health and the provincial health departments provide health-care services through hospitals and other health outlets. A number of NGOs supplement these services. Most urban dwellers have access to such services; however, they remain limited in the rural areas. Currently, the Federal Health Policy is paying special attention to reducing infant and child mortality, curbing severe malnutrition among children and mothers, and improving child survival and safe maternity. Health initiatives include polio eradication, creating awareness about HIV/AIDS, countering malnutrition, and ensuring maternal care.
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Despite the enormous health burden, budgetary allocations to the health sector remain lower than other countries in the region. Children in Pakistan are the most vulnerable victims of this poor health system and have low standards of health and development. Progress has been made in a number of areas, but there still exists a critical need for increased access to and improved quality of health services such as reproductive health, family planning, and maternal and child health services, especially for women and children. It is vital to understand the relationship of maternal and child health with family planning as well as other factors such as macroeconomic issues, poverty, and health system performance. Mental illness, especially among women, is one of the major healthcare problems in Pakistan. Factors associated with these disorders are female sex, middle age, low level of education, financial difficulty, being a housewife, and relationship problems—suggesting that social factors play an important part in the increase of anxiety and depression. Other major health problems such as psychosis and drug abuse exist, but reliable figures remain unavailable. All these problems also result in growing number of suicides and murders. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS There is no standard definition of a child in Pakistan. Under the Majority Act 1875, a child is defined as a person under eighteen years of age, while the labor laws fix the minimum age of employment at fourteen years. The voting age is eighteen years, and the national identity card is also issued at this age. The marriageable age for a girl is sixteen years and for a boy eighteen years under the Child Marriage Restraint Act of 1929. Under the Muslim Law, maturity is attained on reaching puberty, and this definition applies in criminal matters covered under the controversial Hudood Ordinances, enacted by the military ruler, General Zia, in 1979. A positive step towards a standard definition of a child is the Juvenile Justice System Ordinance 2000. It sets the definition of a child at 18 years of age, raising it from fifteen and sixteen years in the provincial laws. However, the age of criminal responsibility remains at seven years. There are many laws for the protection of child rights in Pakistan. The main hurdle in many cases is the proper enforcement and monitoring of these laws. Child Labor Laws There are a number of laws against child labor. The Merchant Shipping Act 1923 prohibits children’s labor in the shipping industry. The Mines Act 1923 applies to all mines and oilfields in Pakistan and prohibits the employment of children below the age of fourteen years and disallows
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even their presence in an underground mine. The Children (Pledging of Labor) Act 1933 prohibits the making of agreements pledging the labor of children and the employment of children whose labor has been pledged. The Factories Act 1934 prohibits the employment of underfourteen children in any factory. It allows employment of children between the ages of fourteen and seventeen years provided they have a fitness certificate obtained from a certifying surgeon. This Act also restricts the working hours of a child. The Road Transport Workers Ordinance 1961 prohibits employment of children below the age of eighteen years and governs the conditions of employment of road transport workers. For employment of drivers, the minimum age is fixed at twenty-one years. Contravention is punishable, however, with a fine of only 1,000 rupees (one US$1.00 ¼ 60.4 rupees). The Shops and Establishments Ordinance 1969 prohibits employment of an under-fourteen child in any establishment. It regulates the working hours of children between the ages of fourteen and seventeen. This law applies to all shops and establishments as are notified by the Provincial Governments. The Employment of Children’s Act 1991 prohibits employment of a child, who is defined as a person who has not completed his or her fourteenth year of age. The Bonded Labor System (Abolition) Act 1992 was introduced with the affirmed purpose to abolish the bonded labor system; however, it is important to mention that penalty for violation of these laws is quite minimal. Health-Related Laws There are laws related to health and nutritional practices that impact the well-being of children. The Protection of Breastfeeding and Young Child Nutrition Ordinance 2002 is meant to protect breastfeeding, and places regulations on the marketing and promotion of breast milk substitutes. The Prohibition of Smoking and Protection of Non-Smokers Health Ordinance 2002 places a ban on smoking and other tobacco uses in places of public work or use and public service vehicles, and the sale of cigarettes or smoking substances to all under-eighteen children, or within fifty meters of any college, school, or educational institution. Juvenile Justice There are also laws pertaining to juvenile justice. The Punjab Borstal Act of 1926 provides for the establishment and regulation of Borstal institutions in Punjab for the detention and training of adolescent offenders. Two such institutions exist in the country, one in Faisalabad and the other in Bahawalpur. The Sindh Borstal Act 1955 provides for the establishment of Borstal schools in the Province of Sindh; however, no such school exists in the Province. The Sindh Children’s Act 1955 deals with the protection of children, defined as under the age of sixteen,
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and gives a number of procedural safeguards relating to the administration of justice to juveniles. A special prison exists under its provision in Karachi. The Juvenile Justice System Ordinance (JJSO) of 2000 provides for the protection of the rights of children involved in criminal litigation. The JJSO sets the definition of a child at eighteen years of age, raising it from fifteen and sixteen years in the provincial laws and ending the ambiguity that prevailed earlier; it also prohibits the death penalty for convicts under the age of eighteen years. Laws Pertaining to Child Abuse and Child Trafficking There are laws to protect children from abuse that results from various exploitative practices as well as neglect. The Punjab Destitute and Neglected Children Act 2004 deals with the rescue, protective custody, care and rehabilitation of destitute and neglected children in the Province of the Punjab. The Pakistan Penal Code outlaws the offenses of kidnapping, abduction, passport forgery, and immigration violations as well as recruitment of children into employment. The Prevention and Control of Human Trafficking Ordinance 2002 is administered by the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) and applies to all children below eighteen years. According to the Ordinance, human trafficking means recruiting, buying, or selling a person, with or without consent, by use of coercion, abduction, or giving payment or share for such person’s transportation, for exploitative entertainment. The Ordinance prohibits all forms of human trafficking and gives detailed punishments (ten years) for the trafficking of women and children into or outside of Pakistan as well as the crimes related to trafficking (i.e., slavery, forced labor, and kidnapping). Implementation of this law has been kick-started by the government’s notification of the Prevention and Control of Human Trafficking Rules, 2004. The rules address legal assistance to victims, return of victims, training of judges, prosecutors and investigators, public awareness, rehabilitation of victims, and punishment for traffickers and those who aid and abet them. RELIGIOUS LIFE The state religion of Pakistan is Islam, and almost 97 percent of the population in the country belongs to two sects of Islam: Sunnis, 77 percent and Shias, 20 percent. Christians, Hindus, and members of other religions make up the remaining 3 percent of the population. Most Muslims are intensely devoted to the ideals and practices of Islam, and religion plays a vital role in the life of the individual. Hinduism is still strong in the Sindh province, although many Hindus have emigrated to India. Overall, Hindus make up a little more than 1 percent of the population. Most of the festivals in the country are religiously oriented, such as Eid-ul Fitr, which marks the end of the holy month of Ramadan (month
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of fasting). This is followed by the second major festival, which is preceded by the event of Haj (pilgrimage to the holy city of Mecca) and culminates with Eid ul Azha (feast of sacrifice). Children make the most of these festivals. Parents get new clothes for them, money is given as a gift called Eidie, and the more Eidie a child gets, the happier he is. The birth of the Prophet Mohammad is also celebrated with great reverence and devotion. Ten days of mourning is observed by the Shias in remembrance of the sacrifice of the Prophet’s grandson in Karbala (Iraq) in the first month of the Islamic calendar, Muharram. A Muslim child is taught the Quran in Arabic from the age he or she is able to read and is taught to say Bismillah (in the name of Allah) before eating, drinking, or doing anything. It is an occasion to celebrate. The procedure to pray is also inculcated from a young age, and by age seven the child should be able to read the Quran and be able to pray with guidance. Children are either sent to religious schools or a male or female cleric teaches at home in the evenings after they return from the regular school. After the age of ten, the child is asked to start fasting, and the first fast of the child is celebrated with gifts. From age ten and onwards the child is obligated to perform all the religious rites, and the parents or guardians may force the child to do so. When a child is born, he or she is welcomed to the world with the recitation of Azan (call to prayer) in the child’s ear. In the early days after the birth, the male child undergoes circumcision, which is also a religious rite. Religion plays a pivotal role in the growing life of a Muslim child. Many modern parents encourage their children to read the Quran in Urdu (national language) or in English, as well as in Arabic, to better understand the teaching and rationale of the religion. The Sunni sect is again divided into many more sub-sects (seventy-two in total), and each one of these have their own religious organizations where children are inculcated in the teaching of that particular school of thought. There are madrassahs all over Pakistan that give religious education to children. Muslim children are not obligated to attend these madrassahs; however, children in madrassahs are encouraged to memorize the entire Holy Quran called (Hifz), and the children who do this are called Hafiz. It is a great honor for the parents if their child achieves this feat. Religious education is provided to children in all educational institutions, and Islamiyat (teachings of the Quran) is a compulsory subject taught in schools. Children living in orphanages, shelters, or healthcare facilities are all taught to read the Quran and to offer prayers. The management also makes sure that the children are encouraged to fast. The performance of Haj (pilgrimage to Mecca) and Zakat (a certain fixed proportion of the wealth of a Muslim to be paid yearly for the benefit of the poor in the Muslim community) are not enforced on children until they become adults. As mentioned earlier, it is clearly laid down in the Constitution of Pakistan that adequate provision shall be made for the minorities to progress
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freely and to practice their religions and develop their cultures. Religious minority groups enjoy many rights, including the right to celebrate their special events, such as Christmas and Easter celebrated by Christians, and Diwali (light festival) celebrated by Hindus. Schools set up by religious minorities are attended by children from all over the country and of various religions. Islamiyat is not a compulsory subject for children of religious minorities. They are given the option of other subjects like ethics. Various religious organizations provide supporting services such as orphanages, shelters, and healthcare facilities in addition to their religious activities. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Abuse and neglect of children is pervasive in Pakistani society. It is mainly attributable to parental poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, and vulnerability, not because such parents love their children less. According to the yearly count of child sexual abuse as conducted by Sahil, a Pakistani NGO, as many as 1,254 children were sexually abused, including 928 girls, across the country during the first nine months of the year 2005. Abduction and rape were the two major categories of abuse, in which 333 females and 40 male children were abducted for sexual purposes— 106 male children were sodomized, and 240 female children were raped. The report also stated that 1,254 children fell victim to different categories of abusers—1,030 children were abused by their acquaintances, 226 by strangers, 75 through female abettors, 15 by the Moulvis (religious leaders), 33 by police, 7 by teachers, and 14 fell victims to incest. According to Human Rights Commission of Pakistan report, State of Human Rights in 2005, there are sometimes cases of desperate killing as well. Neglect is common, whether intentional or unintentional. The State has neglected its young population because it has failed to provide them with good quality education, healthcare facilities, protection, healthy living conditions, or a clean environment. The home neglects children by ignoring their voice in decision making, refusing to listen to or believe them, and by failing to recognize that children have rights too. Children are murdered everyday, but the perpetrators, whether adult or juvenile, are tried under the same law. There are no exclusive penalties for murdering a child. However, there are a number of laws, such as the Punjab Destitute and Neglected Children Act 2004, the Sindh Children’s Act 1955, the Child Marriage Restraint Act 1929, and the Prevention and Control of Human Trafficking Ordinance 2002 that penalize adults for mistreating children. Child trafficking is a major issue in Pakistan and in the entire region of South Asia. Some sources report that Pakistan is a source country for young boys who are trafficked to the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, and Qatar as camel jockeys. Trafficking is operated by organized crime
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syndicates, local agents and recruiters, and even individuals, including parents and relatives. In Pakistan, children are transported across borders and within borders under the guise of well-paid employment, better opportunities, and improved quality of life. In reality, the poor and vulnerable children find themselves pushed into forced labor, domestic servitude, commercial sexual exploitation, bonded labor, and organ transplant. However, the number of children being trafficked within the country is much higher compared with those being trafficked abroad. Children trafficked outside are sent mainly to Arab countries, where they are employed as camel jockeys and work on the camel farms. Many children have lost their lives, while others who have survived suffer from physical injuries, emotional trauma, and mental stress because of the abuse and exploitation experienced by them in the United Arab Emirate. However, many of the trafficked children have returned to Pakistan after international pressure on Arab countries forced them to stop using children as camel jockeys. There are reports of children being trafficked to European countries particularly by parents from the Punjab province. Many of these children end up as child laborers and are exposed to verbal, emotional, physical, and sexual abuses. Sadly, there is no reliable data to indicate the magnitude of child trafficking either internally or abroad. The Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child, SPARC, has carried out a study titled Fading Light: A Study on Child Trafficking in the Sindh province. There are a few charitable NGOs and state-run centers that provide comfort and support to child victims of abuse and neglect. The most popular is the Edhi Center in Karachi that houses homeless, runaway, and abandoned children, and provides them with food and shelter. A rehabilitation center, Nai Zindagi (New Life) in Lahore, offers rehabilitation support to children who are addicted to drugs. Azad Foundation is another NGO that has set up ‘‘Drop-In Centers’’ in Karachi for runaway and street children. The state-run Child Protection Bureau, established at Lahore in 2003, offers shelter to children picked up from the street, who are begging, abandoned, or homeless. The government plans to set up similar bureaus in other parts of the Punjab Province. Pakistani society is in many ways a closed society. The family, the state, and the media all conspire to remain quiet on issues that involve abuse of women and children in order to portray the image of a clean and pure society. Reporting of such incidents, if not rare, is not common. The state also finds it more favorable to depict a society where crime is low and children are well looked after. However, many NGOs have taken up the task of at least chronicling the cases and reports that make it into the media. Generally, families and individuals live in a state of denial, and reporting is ignored. It may be mentioned here that with the advent of cable television and new private channels, a gradual change can be discerned, and reports of abuse and neglect are coming to light.
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In Pakistan, boys and girls are not forced into military services. Pakistan has signed but not ratified the Optional Protocol to the UNCRC on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict. There is no conscription; however, recruitment to the Pakistan Armed Forces takes place at sixteen years of age. These soldiers are not deployed into action until they turn eighteen. However, there are instances where young boys studying in madrassahs have been recruited by religious organizations for Jihad in Afghanistan and elsewhere. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY For children of Pakistan, growing up in the twenty-first century is a major challenge, especially for children who receive no or low quality education, are deprived of proper health care, nutrition, or recreation, and are disempowered. At the same time, children will find themselves under pressure from the demands of globalization, information explosion, and exposure to diverse perspectives of life. This exposure will however, make them more confident, give them more freedom, and provide more awareness about their rights and obligations. They will have a greater capacity to learn at a much younger age, unlike previous generations. Children’s exposure to diverse perspectives and popular youth cultures around the world may conflict with parental beliefs and age-old cultural traditions. Therefore, children will seek help outside their homes. This may impact negatively on the family as a unit, which is the basic cohesive force in Pakistani society. The country will continue to progress economically with the rich getting richer and the poor getting poorer. The gap between the two will continue to widen, unless there is a major and drastic change in the policies and strategies of the government. One can hope for a better, brighter future, with more children receiving quality education and health services. This can change the destiny of Pakistan’s children, and the nation can step into the twenty-first century with confidence, enthusiasm, and the promise of a better, safer, and healthier childhood. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP). 2005. State of Human Rights in 2005. Lahore, Pakistan. The state of human rights in Pakistan is monitored on yearly basis and then compiled into this report. Jillani, Anees. 1998. Child Labor: The Legal Aspect. Islamabad, Pakistan: SPARC. A book on the legal aspects of child labor in Pakistan. Jillani, Anees. 1999. Cries Unheard. Juvenile Justice in Pakistan. Islamabad, Pakistan: SPARC. A book on juvenile justice in Pakistan. Jillani, Anees, and Zarina Jillani. 2000. Child Rights in Pakistan. Islamabad, Pakistan: SPARC. An analysis of child rights situation, related laws and policies in Pakistan.
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SPARC. 2004. The State of Pakistan’s Children 2004. Islamabad-Pakistan. SPARC. 2005. The State of Pakistan’s Children. Islamabad-Pakistan. Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child (SPARC) is the only NGO working exclusively for child rights in Pakistan. This is SPARC’s flagship publication in which the state of children in Pakistan is monitored on yearly basis and then compiled into a report. SPARC. 2006. Fading Light: A Study on Child Trafficking. Islamabad. Wagner-Rizvi, Tracey, and Anees Jillani. 2003. Waiting for the Sunrise—Juvenile Justice in Pakistan. Islamabad-Pakistan: SPARC. A book on the Juvenile Justice System in Pakistan.
Nonprint Resources Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child Documentary ‘‘The Silent Scream’’ on Child Labor in Pakistan.
[email protected]. Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child Documentary ‘‘Elusive Dreams: The Lives of Girl Children in Heera Mandi (Red Light Area).’’
[email protected].
Web Sites Central International Agency: CIA. The World FactBook 2006. https://www.cia.gov/ library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/pk.html. Accessed May 03, 2006. Irin News: IRIN’s principal role is to provide news and analysis about sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and Central Asia for the humanitarian community. http:// www.irinnews.org/. Accessed on March 22, 2006. Official Website of the Government of Pakistan. http://www.pakistan.gov.pk. Accessed March 23, 2006. Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child (SPARC). http://www.sparcpk. org. Accessed April 22, 2006. Website of the Government of Islamic Republic of Pakistan. http://www.infopak. gov.pk. Accessed April, 13, 2006.
Organizations and NGOs Aangan (Rozan) House 68B Street 25, F-10/1 Islamabad – 44000, Pakistan Tel: þ 92 2215364 5 Fax: þ 92 2215366 E-mail:
[email protected] Website: http://www.rozan.org An organization working on the emotional health of all people especially women and children. Aangan works on the emotional health of children with special focus on child sexual abuse.
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Bunyad Literacy Community Council Email:
[email protected] Website: http://www.bunyad.org.pk An organization providing training or education on child rights. Human Rights Commission in Pakistan 107 Tipu Block New Garden Town Lahore-54600, Pakistan Tel: þ92 42 5865 969 Fax: þ92 42 5883582 E-mail:
[email protected] An organization working for human rights issues in Pakistan. Lawyers for Human Rights and Legal Aid (LHRLA) D-1, First Floor, Court View Apartments Court Road Karachi 74200, Pakistan Tel: þ92 21 5674031 or 5685824 Fax: þ9221 5685938 E-mail:
[email protected] An organization offering legal services for human rights violations as well as providing legal aid where needed. Sahil No 13, First Floor, Al-Babar Centre, F-8 Markaz Islamabad, Pakistan Tel: þ92 51 2260636 Fax: þ92 51 2254678 E-mail:
[email protected] Website: http://www.sahil.org Sahil works exclusively on the issue of child sexual abuse and exploitation. Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child (SPARC) National Office House 151, Street 37 F-10/1, Islamabad, Pakistan E-mail:
[email protected] Website: http://www.sparcpk.org The only NGO working exclusively for Child Rights promotion and protection in Pakistan. SOS Children’s Villages–Pakistan (SOS) Feroz Pur Road Lahore, Pakistan Tel: þ92 42 585 4416 Fax: þ92 42 585 2377 E-mail:
[email protected]
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Website: http://www.sos.org.pk An organization working for orphans and vulnerable children.
Bibliography The Asian South Pacific Bureau of Adult Education. 2005. MUST DO BETTER: A School Report of 14 developing countries in Asia Pacific to investigate their commitment to Basic Education. http://www.campaignforeducation.org/ schoolreport/2005_asia_countries/AsiaPacific_School_Report_Card.pdf. Accessed June 25, 2007. DAWN. Roadmap for skilled workforce okayed. http://www.dawn.com/2006/05/ 19/top4.htm. Accessed May 18, 2006. Federal Bureau of Statistics, Islamabad. Pakistan social and living standards survey (2004–2005). http://www.statpak.gov.pk/depts/fbs/statistics/pslm2004-05/ pslms percent202004-05.pdf. Franciscans International. 2006. Item 10: Right to education-Pakistan: Commission on human rights (62nd session). http://www.franciscansinternational.org/ docs/statement.php?id=417 Ministry of Finance, Government of Pakistan. 2006. Pakistan Economic Survey, 2005–2006. http://www.finance.gov.pk/survey/home.htm. SAHIL. 2005. Cruel Numbers: January-September. 2005. http://www.netbaz.org/ uploads/resources/Child percent20Sexual percent20Abuse percent20Report .pdf UNICEF. 2006. Rebuilding lives in the Pakistan earthquake zone, one year later. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/pakistan_36090.html United National Development Programme. 2006. Human development index. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/. WENR. 2005. Private universities in Pakistan. http://www.wes.org/ewenr/05jan/ feature.htm.
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PHILIPPINES Joan Dymphna G. Saniel NATIONAL PROFILE The Philippines is an archipelago made up of 7,107 islands with a total area of 299,764 square kilometers. Its length measures 1,850 kilometers starting from the point near the tip of Taiwan and ending close to northern Borneo. Its breadth is about 965 kilometers. It has a coastline of 17,599 kilometers and is located in Southeast Asia surrounded by three prominent bodies of water: the Pacific Ocean in the east, the South China Sea on the west and north, and the Celebes Sea on the south. The terrain is mostly mountainous with narrow to extensive coastal lowlands. The Filipino is basically of Malay origin with a sprinkling of Chinese, American, Spanish, and Arab blood. The country has a population of approximately 91 million (2007 estimate). Population growth rate is 1.84 percent (2005 est.). Birth rate is 25.31 births per 1,000 population (2005 est.), and death rate is 5.47 deaths per 1,000 population (2005 est.). The net migration rate is 1.49 migrant(s) per 1,000 population (2005 est.). Sex ratio at birth is 1.05 male(s) per female, for under fifteen years is 1.04 male(s) per female, for fifteen to sixty-four years is 0.99 male per female, and for sixty-five years and over is 0.77 male per female. For the total population, sex ratio is one male per female (2005 est.)
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Approximately 38.6 million or 45 percent of the population are nineteen years old and younger, a generally young population. The median age of Filipinos is 22.27 years, with 21.77 years for male and 22.8 years for female (2005 est.). The number of homeless families and single parents has been increasing, although there are no exact figures available. The government has recently enacted a ‘‘Solo Parents Act,’’ providing assistance and additional benefits for the single parents. Historically, before the Spanish explorers came, Indo-Malays and Chinese merchants settled in the islands. In the sixteenth century, the Philippines was a colony of Spain and later on ceded to the United States of America after the Spanish-American war in 1898. In 1935, the Philippines became a self-governing commonwealth under Manuel Quezon, who was tasked with preparing the country for independence after a tenyear transition. In 1942, during World War II, the country was under Japanese occupation, and U.S. forces and Filipinos fought together during 1944–1945 to regain control. On July 4, 1946, the Philippines attained their independence. The Philippine government is a presidential democracy. It consists of three co-equal branches, namely, the executive, legislative, and judiciary. The executive branch is headed by the president, who is both the chief of state and head of government. Under the president is the vice president and the members of the cabinet heading the different department of government. The legislative branch is a bicameral congress consisting of Senate (upper house) composed of twenty-four senators elected by people at large and the House of Representative (lower house) composed of 214 seats elected by district and party list. The judicial branch consists of the Supreme Court and the lower courts. Justices are appointed by the president on the recommendation of the Judicial and Bar Council. A nongovernmental organization (NGO) in the Philippines is a nonstock, nonprofit institution usually registered with the Security and Exchange Commission (SEC) and the appropriate government KEY FACTS – PHILIPPINES agency such as the Department Population: 91,077,287 (July 2007 est.) of Social Welfare and DevelopInfant mortality rate: 22.12 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) ment (DSWD). Many of the Life expectancy at birth: 70.51 years (2007 est.) existing laws provide for NGO Literacy rate: 92.6 percent (2002 est.) representation in various bodies Internet users: 7.82 million (2005) created, such as the Inter-agency People living with HIV/AIDS: 12,000 (2005 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 31 (2006 est.) Council Against Trafficking and the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Sources: CIA World Factbook: Philippines. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ Council among others. Under publications/factbook/geos/rp.html. April 17, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development the Local Government Code, Report 2006. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ the NGO is represented in the data_sheets/cty_ds_PHL.html. April 26, 2007. local development councils.
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In the past years, the number of NGOs in the Philippines has increased. Most partner with government for the delivery of services to the people and advocate on issues affecting the marginalized sectors. OVERVIEW There are many issues facing Filipino children. All forms of child abuse and exploitation and violations of child’s rights are present in the country: child abuse (sexual, physical, psychological, child exploitation), child labor, trafficking, prostitution, pornography, abandoned and neglected children, children in situations of armed conflict, children in conflict with the law, and discriminated children such as children born out of wedlock and children of indigenous communities. Poverty is the major factor that affects the lives of children. It is one of the primary causes of child exploitation, such as child labor, child trafficking, pornography and prostitution, among others. It is also a major cause why children are malnourished, drop out of school, and also become delinquents. Most of the children in conflict with the law commit crimes against property like theft and robbery. As is usually the case, when the family does not have enough to support its members, the needs of the children are most often sacrificed. A relatively recent phenomenon affecting Filipino families is the increase of Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs). To alleviate their families’ poverty, many Filipinos are seeking employment abroad to the point that even doctors are taking up nursing jobs just to be able to go abroad. This could eventually affect the health services of the country. In addition, separation of children from their parents affects children’s emotional and psychological needs. Although the main reason for going abroad is to provide for the family, at times the spouse who goes abroad eventually abandons the ones left behind, causing family breakups. Children end up not being supported both financially and emotionally. Married Filipinos who go abroad sometimes end up having children with other Filipinos they meet there who may also be married in the Philippines. Since the affair is illicit, the children are deliberately not registered and could be considered nonexistent and thereby not entitled to any form of protection from government. Because of poverty, many Filipino girls not only dream of working abroad, but also marrying foreigners to improve their situation. Unfortunately, some end up in a foreign country abused and battered, prostituted, abandoned, or divorced from their foreign spouses, and at times even dead. This situation of Filipino wives affects their children the most. Child trafficking not only across national borders but also within the country is now a major concern. Filipino children are specifically vulnerable to recruitment strategies because of poverty, dysfunctional family, materialism, adventurism, peer pressure, cultural factors, gender issues,
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and lack of information. Filipino children aged seven to sixteen years old are the usual victims of trafficking for sexual purposes. They are from poor families who have limited skills and were not able to attend higher levels of education. Many of the trafficked girls were previously domestic workers. Another major concern is the issue of juvenile justice. Before the new law on Juvenile Justice and Welfare was passed in 2006, the Philippines did not have a separate juvenile justice system. What existed was an adult criminal justice system that also applied to children; however, there are certain considerations when children are the accused, such as applying a lesser penalty, suspending the sentence of these children, and subjecting them to rehabilitation or other appropriate measures and treatment such as counseling, care, and guidance orders. Children were mixed together with the adults in detention centers. If they had separate quarters at all, they were allowed to mingle with the adult and hardened criminals. This was not very conducive to children who were supposed to undergo rehabilitation, as they ended up more hardened like the criminals they mingled with. Even with the new law, the implementation of the law still remains to be seen, as many of the concerned implementing agencies are not yet able to do their respective roles in the new system. With these issues, the Philippine government has enacted a host of laws protecting Filipino children. The Philippines has a Child and Youth Welfare Code (Presidential Decree 603), which was enacted in the 1970s. In the 1990s, more laws were enacted by virtue of the ratification of the Philippine government of the United Nations Convention on the rights of the child. In 2003, the Philippines enacted a law against trafficking in persons, particularly women and children. In 2004, another law was passed on Anti-Violence Against Women and their Children (AVAWC). In the year 2006, the Philippines for the first time established a comprehensive juvenile justice system through the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act (Republic Act 9344). Aside from child abuse such as exploitation and juvenile delinquency, another issue is environmental degradation. Some of the environmental issues are uncontrolled deforestation, especially in watershed areas; soil erosion; air and water pollution in major urban centers; coral reef degradation; and increasing pollution of coastal mangrove swamps that are important fish breeding grounds. These issues greatly affect children because they are most likely to become the victims of floods, landslides, and pollution. At times because of environmental calamities, families are displaced, including children. Children are also the ones who suffer from the depletion of natural resources. In some areas of the country, particularly in Mindanao and other rebel-infested areas, children are recruited by armed groups as combatants, spies, couriers, or are assigned other types of work, including
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cooking and being in the medical team. At times, they are also caught in the crossfire between the government and rebel groups. Another important issue confronting children is the lack of participation in decision-making processes. Most of the time, children in the Philippines are seen but not heard; they are alienated from the world of adults and the opportunity to participate in governance is limited. EDUCATION Education is considered a priority of the Philippine government. No less than the constitution itself has provided that education should be prioritized in the national budget. It is a sad fact, however, that the share of education in the national budget is only second to the budget for debt servicing. Philippine education is patterned after the American system, with English as the medium of instruction. The Philippines has a free public education system from elementary to high school, which is compulsory. The elementary consists of six years while high school is four years. Recently, a program on early childhood education (pre-elementary) is being implemented. Complementing public education are private educational institutions mostly run by religious groups. Tertiary level (college) education is no longer free and compulsory, although there are a number of state colleges and universities in addition to the privately owned ones. Elementary and high school education is supposedly available for all children, including children of indigenous cultural communities, children in both urban and rural areas, of both sexes, and even for children with disabilities. However, participation rates in public elementary schools have decreased since 2000. Of the approximately 13 million children of elementary-school age, almost 11 million were enrolled in 2002. This translates to a net enrollment ratio of 90 percent. This is a sharp drop from the 2000 estimate of 97 percent. It is also a fact that many children drop out of school because even if the tuition fees are free, they cannot afford the uniform, transportation, and other fees required to attend school. Out of ten grade 1 students who were enrolled five years ago, only seven are now in grade 5. Worse, only 67 percent will eventually complete basic elementary education (Basic Education Information System, Department of Education 2002). There are approximately 10 million young people (twelve to seventeen years old) in the Philippines. The net enrollment ratio in public secondary education in 2002 was only 57 percent. Approximately four of ten children (twelve to fifteen years old) are not in school. Six out of ten children entering first year reach and complete the fourth year. Although the Philippines has a high literacy rate of 92.6 percent, this only means that many Filipinos know how to read and write. However,
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the quality of Philippine education leaves much to be desired. The average class size across Philippine regions ranges from thirty-three to fifty students per class. In July 2003, 1.3 million grade 6 students took the High School Readiness Test. Using a passing mark of 50 percent (proportion of questions answered correctly), only 18 percent of the incoming high school students who took the diagnostic test passed the competency level for English; 8 percent passed math, and 10 percent passed science. Early learning for children younger than six remains a major concern. Data from the education department show that only three of ten children attend preschool or daycare services. Despite the passage of a national law on early childhood care and development, many parents still shun the practice of early learning stimulation whether through formal or nonformal structures. There are some public schools with special education for the deaf and children with disabilities. However, this is only found in the central/ district schools and not available in the remote areas. There is a Magna Carta for Disabled Persons including children, but there are no particular mandates on education for these children. English and Filipino are the languages taught in schools. Before, Spanish was also taught in college and some high schools. However, during the 1990s, Spanish as a subject was abolished and is not compulsory anymore. The medium of instruction in government elementary schools is bilingual (English and the local language). In secondary schools, the medium of instruction is English. Most if not all private schools use English as a medium of instruction. PLAY AND RECREATION Some traditional games in the Philippines include sipa, which is the national game. Several sports events like Palarong Pambansa are organized at the local and national levels. In most schools, there is a week-long intramurals where different year levels/courses compete in the different sports. Schools from elementary to college have physical education where the students are taught different sports like volleyball, basketball, and baseball. The subject also includes dancing and other physical fitness activities aside from sports. The Child and Youth Welfare Code specifically recognizes the right of children to recreational activities. One of the functions of the Barangay (village) Council for the Welfare of Children is to promote the opening of playgrounds and day care centers as well as to promote wholesome entertainment. All municipalities/cities have parks for outdoor play for children. However, these are usually found in the town centers and are not accessible to children in the mountain and remote areas. Although the barangays (villages) have playgrounds, these are usually found inside the public schools and not accessible to the out of school children. Many
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children do not have time to play at all since they are working. Children need to work because their parents cannot support them. The right to recreation and play is very much related to the problem of child labor as discussed in the next chapter. The internet is very accessible in the Philippines through several internet cafes operating in urban centers and even in the rural areas. Yet, children in the public schools generally do not have access unless they go to the internet cafes. One problem is that the information they get from the internet is not regulated. They can easily access pornographic web sites and inappropriate information. There have been many cases wherein the internet is being used for ‘‘virtual’’ prostitution/pornography wherein women and girls expose their private parts on the internet through the web cameras for a fee to a client in another country. There is no law covering this ‘‘virtual’’ type of prostitution/pornography. The law only covers prostitution where there is actual sexual intercourse/lascivious conduct for a fee, and pornography when it is published or displayed in public. As for television, the Philippines has a Children’s Television Act wherein all broadcast outfits are required to devote 5 percent of their airtime to television programs for children. Thus, television channels are supposed to have educational programs for children. However, there are also other children’s programs like cartoons, which show violence. Children are also exposed to soap operas during prime time, which also portray violent scenes. CHILD LABOR According to estimates of the International Labour Organization (ILO), there are 5 million child laborers in the Philippines as of 1995. Most of the children are employed in agricultural work in rural areas. In urban areas, most are working in the informal sector. These children can be found working in poor and unsafe conditions, risking their life and health for little or no remuneration in order to survive. The majority of these children are abused and exploited, and their futures threatened by work, which inhibits their physical, intellectual, and moral development. Some are bonded—not allowed to go out of the working place at any time—and most are coming from remote places in Bicol, Visayas, and Mindanao. The worst forms of child labor identified by the ILO are present in the Philippines. This includes sale and trafficking of children, forced labor, offering a child for prostitution, pornography, pornographic performance, and using children in illicit activities. The problem of child labor can be traced to major societal and economic factors, such as overpopulation, poverty, unemployment, cultural beliefs, failures in the educational system, and political instability, among others.
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There are existing laws to protect children from child labor. The recent enactment was Republic Act 9231, which amended Republic Act 7658 and Republic Act 7610. According to these laws, children below fifteen years old should not be employed, with certain exceptions in public entertainment and in family enterprises. A family enterprise is defined as one where only members of the family are employed. Thus, small businesses like vending can be considered as family enterprise. Under the law, for those children falling under the exceptions, their development should not be affected and they are only allowed to work a maximum of four hours per day and should not be working between 8:00 in the evening to 6:00 in the morning. For children fifteen years old to below eighteen, the law provides that they may not be employed in hazardous work, which is defined as work that is hazardous or harmful to the health, safety, or morals of a child as follows: Debases, degrades, or demeans the intrinsic worth or dignity of a child; exposes a child to physical, emotional, or sexual abuses; underground, underwater, or at dangerous heights; dangerous machineries, equipments, and tools; manual heavy transport; radiation, fire, flammable substances, temperature, noise levels, vibration, co-agents, and so on; particularly difficult situations; biological agents, fungi, and virus; and explosives and other pyrotechnics products. Although these children may be employed in nonhazardous work not falling under the enumeration above, they are only allowed to work a maximum of eight hours per day, which should not be between 10:00 in the evening and 6:00 in the morning. However, even if there are laws on this matter, enforcement is another thing. There have been no convictions yet on child labor. It could be because in Filipino culture, children are taught the value of work. Because of poverty and the desire to help the family, a Filipino child becomes very enterprising and becomes self-employed in the informal sector like vending, watching cars, and scavenging. This is not treated in the law. Another issue is the employment of children in domestic work. Domestic workers remain one of the most vulnerable social groups. They overwhelmingly face exploitation, discrimination, and coercion because of the nature of their work and its close link to trafficking. Many families employ children and some are even below fifteen years old. This issue does not get reported because they are in the confines of the home. The law does not include child domestic work as hazardous. Thus, children below eighteen years of age but above fifteen may be employed as domestic helpers. Most of the time, they work long hours and are subjected to maltreatment by their employers. NGOs such as Kamalayan Foundation have been working on the child labor issue, particularly those in the agricultural sector. They also have conducted rescue operations for children working in factories. Visayan Forum, another NGO, is working on the issue of child domestic work
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and congress is in the process of enacting a law to protect domestic workers. This law, the Batas Kasambahay (Magna Carta for Domestic Workers), seeks to formalize the rights of domestic workers and set parameters for decent working conditions for this population. FAMILY The family starts with the union of a man and woman in marriage. Under Philippine law, marriage is considered an inviolable social institution and its primary purpose is to found a family. Thus, divorce is not allowed under Philippine law. The law only allows declaration of nullity of marriage, annulment, and legal separation. There are specific grounds for these actions, which have to be proven in court. Because marriage is primarily intended to establish a family, those couples without children are generally not considered a complete family. In the Philippines, a couple without a child are known as mag-asawa, a mother with a child is mag-ina or if it is the father that is present, magama. It is only considered as mag-anak, which is the Filipino word for a family, when both parents and children are together. A typical Filipino family is close knit, and most of the time includes the ‘‘extended’’ family consisting of the grandparents, uncles, aunts, and even cousins (known as kamag-anak). In a traditional Filipino family, it is usually the father who is the breadwinner and makes decisions in the family. Even in the Family Code, although it provides for a joint management of the household by both husband and wife, there is a provision that if they do not agree, it is the decision of the father that prevails unless the wife chooses to go to court and the court makes the decision. Since the father is the breadwinner, the mother stays at home, does the household work, and takes care of children. Children are expected to respect their parents and to obey them. Members of the family are expected to support each other. However, at this present time of economic crisis and to make both ends meet, this tradition has changed. Mothers are already working outside the family home, yet are still expected to take care of household work. In some instances, it is the mother who works outside the home and the father stays at home. It seems that job opportunities for women are now higher compared with men. This change is also reflected in the law. Under the Family Code, spouses are obliged to live together, observe mutual love, respect, and fidelity, and to render mutual help and support. Spouses are jointly responsible for the support of the family, and they have the right and duty for the management of the household. As for children, it is usually the role of the girl child to help in the family chores like taking care of younger siblings, cooking, and doing the
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laundry. In terms of education, there is still a tendency for parents to prioritize education for male children. Parents and their children are also bound to support each other. Thus, with both parents working yet with limited income or worse, when the parents cannot find jobs at all, children serve as bread earners for the family. The Filipino family values children since they are considered as assets ‘‘to pay the family debts.’’ Thus, some children, especially girls in rural areas, are offered by their parents to the landowner whom they have been indebted for ‘‘debt-servicing.’’ The girl goes to stay at the house of the landowner where she becomes a servant and oftentimes is exploited. Children in the family are most of the time taught not to talk back to their parents and remain respectful and docile. Some parents go to the extent of choosing the careers of their children and even their spouses. This trend is at present changing, as children are now aware of their right to participate in decision-making processes. The Child and Youth Welfare Code also provides as a parental responsibility to let children participate in family affairs and choose their careers and spouses. With the increasing number of solo parents, the Philippines has enacted a law to provide support for solo parents. With the phenomenon of Filipinos going abroad to work and other problems the Filipino family is facing, the family as a unit of Philippine society is fast disintegrating. There are now many solo-parent families. These include the unwed mothers and the spouses who have separated from each other legally or defacto with children living with one of the parents. Solo-parent families also include families where only one of the spouses is left at home while the other spouse works abroad. There are even times when both parents are working abroad and children are left with the eldest sibling or with a grandparent, or with an aunt or uncle. HEALTH The Philippines has a national health insurance program under the Republic Act 7875 (National Health Insurance Act), which is supposed to cover all Filipinos. However, in reality, only those employed and the retirees are assured of coverage through salary deductions. The selfemployed may choose not to enroll in the program, although they are encouraged to do so. As for indigent families, they rely on the sponsored programs wherein their premiums are being sponsored by local government units, politicians, or civic/charitable institutions. Thus, the existence of a national health insurance program does not really ensure the health of all Filipinos including children, as shown by the data. The health budget only consists of around 5 percent of the national budget. Maternal mortality rate in the Philippines is 200 per 100,000 live births (State of the World’s Children Report UNICEF 2004). Roughly eleven women die every day. Seven of ten deaths occur at child birth or
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within a day after delivery, and four of ten deaths are due to complications and widespread infections. For every death, forty more women get sick. This is because eight of ten births in rural areas are delivered outside a health facility through the hilots or mananabang (local midwifes). Seventy percent of pregnant mothers had at least four prenatal checkup visits, 78 percent for urban areas and 62 percent for rural areas. Thirty-seven percent of pregnant mothers had at least two tetanus toxoid injections, 37 percent for urban areas and 38 percent for rural areas (National Demographic and Health Survey National Statistics Office 2003). Some maternal deaths are also caused by abortion complications. Due to poverty, many pregnancies are unwanted. Since all forms of abortion are illegal in the Philippines, abortions are performed illegally in illequipped places, often resulting in complications and death of the mother. Hospitals more often than not refuse to treat these patients with abortion complications, because it is considered illegal. The use of contraceptives is also discouraged by the Catholic Church, which has a great influence on government and the people. Because of this, contraceptives are not very well popularized and disseminated. The contraceptive Postinor is even classified as an abortive, and thus is considered illegal. Amid these problems, the reproductive health bill has not been passed by congress until the present. This is because the Catholic Church is against its passage, and members of congress are being pressured since the Catholic Church is very influential. With the mothers’ reproductive health not being cared for, it is not surprising that infant mortality is high. The infant mortality rate in the country is twenty-two deaths per 1,000 live births. Under-five mortality rate is forty-two deaths per 1,000 live births. Only 70 percent of children twelve to twenty-three months old are fully immunized, 74 percent in urban areas and 65 percent in rural areas. Although child mortality rates in the Philippines have steadily decreased since 1998, disparities across regions remain. In 2003, seven of seventeen regions were estimated to have infant and under-five mortality rates higher than the national average. Rural areas are worse off, with an infant mortality rate of thirty-six deaths per 1,000 live births. Pneumonia is the leading cause of infant deaths. Among both children and infants, bronchitis and influenza—both of which can lead to pneumonia—make up more than half of the reported morbidity. Diarrhea is the next most important disease. Diarrhea-related dehydration as a cause of death varies by region. In provinces such as Samar, where sanitation and water supply are poor, it can account for as many as half of child deaths. Twenty-eight percent of children (five years old and younger) are underweight. The prevalence of underweight children (under five years
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old) has decreased since 1998 from 32 percent to 28 percent in 2003. However, the rate of progress is still not sufficient to reach the national target of 17 percent by 2015. The most common form of malnutrition in the Philippines is iron-deficiency anemia. There is also an extensive and severe problem of iodine deficiency. As for health services, there is one hospital for every 113,040 people, one doctor for every 24,417 people, one nurse for every 22,309, one dentist for every 578,100, and one midwife for every 722,654 people. Many hospitals are only found in the cities and in the municipal centers, and not all municipalities even have a hospital. The hospitals found in the municipalities also lack the necessary equipment and even medical supplies, thus those who are not even seriously sick have to be brought to the city just to have a dextrose. There are cases when children die of dehydration if they are not immediately taken to the hospitals in the city. This is the poor state of health services in the country. The ratio of health workers to population could already have worsened because of the recent phenomenon in the Philippines where doctors take up nursing to have more opportunities for working abroad. Most of the nurses in the local hospitals are new graduates because the ones with experience are going out of the country. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The Philippines is a state party to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), which it ratified in July 1990. Thus, it is obliged to report to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child the status of implementation after two years from ratification and every five years thereafter. Unfortunately, the Philippines has not been timely in submitting reports. To date, it has only submitted two reports, the initial report in 1993 and the next report in 2003. Even before the Philippines ratified the Convention, it already had a Child and Youth Welfare Code (Presidential Decree No. 603) enacted by President Ferdinand Marcos in the 1970s. This provided for the rights and responsibilities of children and parents and had special provisions. It provided for the rights of children and treated special categories of children like the abandoned and neglected children, children with disabilities, and children in conflict with the law. It also provided penalties for parents who abandon their children, parents who do not send children to school, those who allow children to carry deadly weapons or to drive without a license, and similar acts. After the Philippines became a party to the UNCRC in 1990, it enacted a law (Republic Act 7610) protecting children from child abuse, exploitation, and discrimination. This law penalizes a host of child abuse and exploitation activities that include the acts of child prostitution; child
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pornography or indecent shows; child trafficking; attempts to commit child prostitution or child trafficking; using children for criminal activities such as drug trafficking; and keeping or having the company of a child who is ten years or more younger than one’s age, among others. The penalties in this law are higher than those provided under Presidential Decree 603. The penalty ranges from six years and one day to life imprisonment, depending on the offense committed. Several other laws on child labor, domestic and intercountry adoption, barangay-level total development for children, and children’s television, to name a few, were also enacted in the 1990s. The more recent enactments include the Anti-trafficking in Persons Act (Republic Act 9208) and the amendment to the law on child labor protecting children from the worst forms of exploitation (Republic Act 9231), both of which were enacted in 2003. In 2004, an amendment to the Family Code allowing children born out of wedlock to use their father’s last name (Republic Act 9255) was passed. However, this amendment did not eliminate the discrimination against children born out of wedlock in terms of legal inheritance of paternal properties. Children out of wedlock receive only one half of what the legitimate child gets. Also in the same year 2004, the Anti-Violence against Women and their Children Act (Republic Act 9262) was passed. In this law, children are treated as extensions of the women who are violated. Recently in 2006, the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act was passed. For several years, this had been advocated and lobbied by the NGOs in congress. The law establishes a comprehensive juvenile justice in the Philippines in accordance with international standards. The new legislation increased the age of criminal liability to fifteen years old. Children below the age of fifteen are exempt from criminal liability. However, children above fifteen but below eighteen are still exempted from criminal liability if they are found to have acted with discernment. This is an improvement of the prior law where children as young as age nine could be criminally liable if found to be acting with discernment. Republic Act 9344 also provides for diversion at three levels: the barangay, police, and prosecutor levels. For crimes without any victims, it is delegated to the social welfare officer. The last attempt at diversion is with the family court. The system of diversion was earlier (before enactment of the law) established by a Supreme Court rule, which is applied when the case has already reached the courts. This has been reenacted in the law. Should diversion not succeed, the trial of the case will proceed and if found guilty, the child will be entitled to a suspended sentence wherein rehabilitation and other disposition measures may be used. Children as defined in Philippine law are those below eighteen years of age. The legal status of children starts at birth where it is required that they are registered. However, many Filipino children are not registered at birth, especially those in rural areas where they are delivered by
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traditional/local midwives and parents cannot easily access the local civil registrar. Some are registered late when they are already in school since schools require birth certificates for enrollment. Others who do not go to school are simply not registered at all until they die. They are, therefore, considered nonexistent and do not get the protection of the state. Although the legal status or personality of children starts at birth, the law provides that for purposes favorable to it, even the child inside the womb of the mother can acquire rights, provided that the child is born later. Thus, unborn children can inherit properties although they were not yet born upon their father’s death. Abortion is also illegal in the Philippines and is penalized under the law. Persons older than eighteen years of age may still be considered as children under some laws if they are not able to take care of themselves due to physical and mental disabilities. This is to protect even those older than eighteen who cannot take care of themselves from abuse and exploitation. As children, they are entitled to certain rights but only up to a certain extent. As they are still under parental authority, children cannot enter into contracts by themselves. It is the parents who enter into contracts for them. They cannot vote in national elections, although children fifteen and older may vote for the Sangguniang Kabataan (Children’s Council). For children who are witnesses in both criminal and civil cases, who may be accused, the victim, or mere witnesses, certain rules of evidence are to be followed under the Supreme Court Rule on Child Witnesses. This rule allows innovative methods of presenting children as witnesses in court, such as live-link television testimony, video- and audiotaped depositions, use of testimonial aids like dolls, and use of one-way mirror or screens, among others. Hearsay testimony is also allowed with certain conditions, and confidentiality is also given emphasis. This rule is already in effect, yet many judges, prosecutors, and lawyers are still not aware of it, thus, it has not been implemented in many courts yet. RELIGIOUS LIFE The Philippines is predominantly a Catholic country because of Spanish influence for hundreds of years under the colonial rule of Spain starting in the sixteenth century. Most Filipinos (82.9 percent) are Roman Catholics. Other Christian denominations compose 10.3 percent, and Muslims 4.6 percent. Thus, even in public places and government offices, religious images are displayed. Aside from the national anthem, prayer is always a part of most public functions. The Roman Catholic Church in the Philippines is very influential when it comes to politics. The People’s Power Revolution in 1986, which toppled down the Marcos dictatorship, was greatly influenced by the late
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Archbishop of Manila Jaime Cardinal Sin. During the ‘‘revolution,’’ many religious priests and nuns with their rosaries participated, and the image of the Virgin Mary was displayed in the mass mobilizations. The Catholic Church owns a significant number of real properties that can still be traced from the Spanish era. Many religious orders, both nuns and priests, run educational institutions including hospitals, as well as child care centers for the abused and neglected, and other children in need. The right to freedom of religion is recognized by the Constitution. The Supreme Court in a case has upheld this right where school children belonging to the Jehovah’s Witness religion refused to salute the Filipino flag because it violated their religious beliefs. Although the right to freedom of religion is recognized under the Constitution, Filipino children usually follow the religion of their parents. They are usually baptized to the Catholic faith and other religions as well when they are less than one year old. It is their parents and their godparents who answer the vows of faith for them. As they grow up, children usually follow the religious practices of their parents. It is seldom that children convert to another religion. It is only when they reach the age of majority and get exposure to other religions that they at times change their religion. Although majority of Filipinos are baptized Roman Catholics, most do not actually practice the tenets of their religion. Many Catholics do not go to church to hear mass, nor do they practice the religious sacraments required of their faith regularly. Some only go to church during baptism, marriage, and death. However, most Filipinos do believe in God and turn to him when they have problems. Even with a predominantly Catholic religion, Filipino families are still very superstitious. They believe in superstitions carried on from generation to generation. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT There has been an increase in cases of child abuse filed with the Department of Justice (DOJ) from 2001 to 2004. From 144 cases in 2001, it has increased to 374 in 2004, although there was a decrease in 2003 wherein only forty-six cases were filed. Relatively few cases have been formally filed compared with the victims who actually received appropriate recovery measures and assistance from concerned government agencies, which totaled 4,413 in 2002 and 4,408 in 2003. An overwhelming majority are females. The figures only include cases of sexual abuse, rape, incest, and acts of lasciviousness. Other forms of abuse such as physical abuse, child labor, and other forms of abuse are not included in the figures. In the Philippines, as in many other places, much emphasis is placed on family values and building strong families. Families are meant to be safe places. Nevertheless, statistics show that families are the most common source of sexual abuse against children. Year 2000 figures showed
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that for sexual abuse cases, 19 percent of the perpetrators were fathers, 11 percent were uncles, 4 percent were brothers, 1 percent were grandfathers, and acquaintances and neighbors comprised 21 percent each, while strangers only made up 5 percent. The Child Protection Law (Republic Act 7610) provides stiff penalties for offenders. The offenses include child abuse and exploitation, child prostitution, child trafficking, indecent publication and indecent shows, child labor, and all other forms of abuse of children. Physical abuse and corporal punishment, however, is regarded by most Filipinos to be a form of discipline and is generally accepted. Even with the law, there is a resistance among the law enforcers, prosecutors, and judges to consider corporal punishment as a form of child abuse. Most victims of abuse opt not to formally file charges against their perpetrators for a number of reasons, which include fear of retaliation by perpetrator, shame, a slow and unfriendly justice system, and an offer of settlement by the perpetrator, among others. In incest cases, victims are generally not supported by their mothers and their relatives. Because of the death penalty before its recent repeal, children hesitated to file cases against their father, as they did not want to be the cause of their father’s death. As for child abandonment and neglect, the Philippine government reported to the Committee on the Rights of the Child that as of 2003, there were 2,732 children who were deprived of a family environment and separated from their parents. Of this figure, 2,686 were brought to institutions. Also in 2003, 970 children were placed with foster families, and 1,902 were adopted domestically or through interagency adoptions. For the abandoned and neglected children, it is the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) that usually takes custody over them. At times, they are referred to other childcare institutions (both private and publicly owned) duly accredited by the DSWD. In order that these children will be placed in the legal custody of DSWD, the law provides that they have to be voluntarily or involuntarily committed. Under voluntary commitment, the parents will have to execute a commitment in writing, which must be duly notarized, to the effect that they surrender custody of the child to DSWD. For involuntary commitment, a petition must be filed in court by the DSWD to judicially declare the child as dependent, abandoned, or neglected. This will have to undergo a hearing wherein the parents are notified. If the parents show up and prove that they are able to take care of the child, the child will be given to their custody, otherwise, when the court declares the child as abandoned or neglected, the custody shall be given to the DSWD and the parents lose parental authority over the child. Once the child is declared as such, s/he can already be subject to adoption proceedings. Custody shall only be given back to the parents if they can show that they are able to take care of the child and if the child had not in the meantime been adopted.
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The process of child adoption is also governed by laws. The Philippines has a Domestic Adoption Act (Republic Act 8552) and an Inter-Country Adoption Code (Republic Act 8043). These laws, though, are not strictly followed. There are many instances when newly born babies are directly registered in the name of their ‘‘adopting’’ parents without undergoing the legal process. This practice of simulated births are rampant since most couples who want to adopt children do not like to undergo the legal process of adoption, as it is expensive and would take time. Although simulation of birth is a criminal offense, no one complains about it and it is not monitored. The consequence is that the child would not have any legal protection at all as an adopted child since the relatives of the adopting parent could eventually question his status especially when it comes to inheritance after the adopting parents have died. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Growing up in the twenty-first century in the Philippines will be quite a challenge for Filipino children. There is still the time-immemorial issue of poverty that causes children to be neglected, abandoned, abused, and exploited. Parental travel to other countries as OFWs causes unstable family life for children. This also causes a ‘‘brain drain,’’ since professionals such as teachers, nurses, engineers, and even doctors who could have served the country serve other countries instead. On the other hand, the Philippine legal system is improving in terms of laws and procedures for children geared toward a child-sensitive legal system. Philippine laws are in place to protect children from all forms of abuse, neglect, and exploitation. There is now a juvenile justice and welfare system for children who come in contact with the law. Special legal procedures for children involved in court cases are also in place. Structures from the barangay level to the national level have been created to protect children from abuse and neglect. Even with all the laws in place, this is not an assurance that Filipino children will now enjoy their rights to the fullest. Continuous advocacy and capacity building of the concerned agencies is necessary for full implementation of these laws and structures. Children themselves must be made aware of their rights and responsibilities so that they can be fully protected and that their rights are respected and promoted. Filipino children are fast becoming aware of their rights and are little by little participating in decision-making processes. However, there is still the challenge of changing the long-held cultural values and beliefs and the institutions and educational system so that children and youth can become full partners in the development of the nation. It takes a village to raise a child. It is not just the government’s obligation to implement the rights of the child and to make them responsible
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citizens. The whole nation must be involved in raising the Filipino child who is capable of meeting the challenges of the new millennium.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Alejandro, W. 1996. A Beginning in Child Labor: A Worst Form of Child Labor Discovered and Rescued (A 1993 KDF’s Experience) Quezon City. Quezon City: Kamalayan Development Foundation. Discusses the rescue of child laborers as a beginning in the intervention to protect children from economic exploitation. Ateneo Human Rights Center. 1997. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Philippine Legal System. Makati City, Philippines: Ateneo and UNICEF. Discusses the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and Philippine case law related to the provisions thereof. Ateneo Human Rights Center. 2003. Opening Doors: A Presentation of Laws Protecting Filipino Child Workers (Third Ed.) International Labor Office. A compilation of international and national laws relating to child labor in the Philippines. Bautista, Violeta, Aurorita Roldan, and Myra Garces-Bacsal. 2001.Working with Abused Children from the Lenses of Resilience and Contextualization. Sweden: Save the Children Sweden UP center for Integrative and Development Studies. A research study aimed to explore the resilience of abused children through life story interviews, look into existing interventions, identify psychosocial methods that inspire resilience among children, and offer recommendations to design and implement programs for abused children. Children’s Legal Bureau, Inc. Paralegal Manual on Child Abuse Cases. Children and Youth Foundation of the Philippines, Terres de Hommes. Discusses the framework in giving legal services to children, discussion of the law on child abuse and the skills needed by paralegals in assisting child abuse victims. Children’s Legal Bureau, Inc. A Guidebook on the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and its Monitoring. Children and Youth Foundation of the Philippines, Terredes Hommes. Discusses the highlights of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Philippine experience in monitoring the implementation of the convention. Children’s NGO Network. 2004. Philippine Alternative Report on the Implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. Cebu City: Philippines: Children’s NGO Network. A commentary on the Philippine government’s report on the implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in the Country with recommendations to fully implement the convention. Concluding Observations Committee on the Rights of the Child, 39th session. June 3, 2005. Consideration of Reports Submitted by State Parties under Article 44 of the Convention–Concluding Observations: Philippines. Comments and recommendations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child on the implementation of the UNCRC by the Philippine government ECPAT Philippines. 2004. Endangered Generation Child Trafficking in the Philippines for Sexual Purposes. Jakarta, Indonesia: ECPAT Philippines Terre des
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Hommes, Netherlands. A study conducted in certain urban centers in the Philippines on the dynamics and processes of child trafficking. Heaver, Richard A., and Joseph M. Hunt. 1995. Improving Early Childhood Development An Integrated Program for the Philippines. Washington, DC: World Bank. Discusses the situation of preschoolers in the Philippines, including their health and nutrition status and the importance of early childhood development. It also makes recommendations for an integrated program for early childhood in the country. Visayan Forum Foundation. 2006. Trafficked into Forced Labor: Selected Case Studies of Domestic Workers in the Philippines. Manila. A book compiling the life stories of domestic workers in the Philippines.
Nonprint Resources Bunso. 2004. Consuelo Foundation and UNICEF, Manila. Directed by Ditsi Carolino. A documentary film showing the lives of three children in one of the jails of the Philippines. Minsan Lang Sila Bata. 1996. Disti Carolino, Ateno Center for Social Policy, Archdiocese of Manila Labor Center, Manila. Directed by Ditsi Carolino. A documentary film on the forms of child labor in different areas of the Philippines including working in a slaughterhouse, agricultural work, quarrying, and stevedoring. No Time for Play. A documentary showing forms of child labor such as the making of brooms, mining in gold mine, agricultural work. Si Vina at Si Jane. 2001. ECPAT. Cebu City, Philippines. A documentary on the lives of two prostituted girls who were trafficked from different parts of the Philippines to one of the cities within the country.
Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Commission on Human Rights SAAC Bldg. Commonwealth Ave., U.P. Complex Diliman, Quezon City Philippines Phone: (þ632) 9287098/9285655/9266188/9290102 Web site: http://www.chr.gov.ph A commission created under the Philippine constitution that will investigate human rights violations, provide legal measures for the protection of human rights, and monitor the implementation of human rights instruments ratified by the Philippine government. Council for the Welfare of Children CWC Building 10 Apo St., Sta. Mesa Heights 1114 Quezon City, Philippines P.O Box No. 2363 QC Central Post Office Phone: (þ632) 7422013/7811037/35/39/63/64
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Web site: http://www.cwc.gov.ph An interagency council created to oversee the implementation of the Child and Youth Welfare Code and other laws related to children. Department of Education University of Life Complex Meralco Ave. Pasig City NCR 1605 Philippines Phone: (þ632) 6321316 Web site: http://www.DepEd.gov.ph The government agency tasked to provide basic primary, secondary, and tertiary education for the people. Department of Health San Lazaro Cpd. Rizal Ave. Manila NCR 1014 Philippines Phone: (þ632) 7438301-23 Web site: http://www.doh.gov.ph The government agency tasked to provide basic health services to the people. Department of Justice DOJ Building Padre Faura Manila NCR 1004 Philippines Phone: (þ632) 5238481 Web site: http://www.doj.gov.ph The government agency tasked on matters concerning the administration of justice, which includes investigation, prosecution, and providing legal services to the citizens. Department of Labor and Employment San Jose St., Intramuros Manila, Philippines Phone: (þ632) 5272116/5272118 Web site: http://www.dole.gov.ph The government agency tasked to monitor compliance of labor standards, to mediate, arbitrate labor relations cases including child labor. Department of Social Welfare and Development Batasan Complex Constitution Hills Quezon City, NCR 1126 Philippines Phone: (þ632) 9318101 to 07 Web site: http://www.dswd.gov.ph The government agency tasked with providing social welfare services for those in need including children, women, disabled, and senior citizens.
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National Youth Commission 4th Floor Bookman Building 373 Quezon Ave., Quezon City Philippines Phone: (þ632) 7499399/7499401/7499404 Web site: http://www.youth.net.ph A commission created by law to promote youth participation in governance and provide services to the youth. Nongovernmental Organizations Ateneo Human Rights Center G/F APS Building, 20 Rockwell Drive Rockwell Center 1200 Makati City, Philippines Phone: (þ632) 8997697 loc. 2109 Phone/Fax: (þ632) 8994342 An academic based institution of the Ateneo de Manila University catering the cases related to Human Rights. One of its programs is the Adhikain para sa Karapatang Pambata (AKAP), which deals with child’s rights related issues. Children’s Legal Bureau, Inc. #10 Queen’s Road, Camputhaw Cebu City Phone: (þ6332) 2558106 Phone/Fax: (þ6332) 254509 Email:
[email protected] Providing legal services for children, conducts trainings on child’s rights and laws, and advocates for child sensitive policies in government. Consuelo Foundation, Inc. 27th Floor Citibank Towers Paseo de Roxas St. Makati City, Philippines Phone: (þ632) 8480601 A Hawaiian-based foundation that has an office in the Philippines providing financial and technical support to different NGOs all over the country on programs related to children including juvenile justice, child’s rights protection unit, youth skills training, and other programs. ECPAT Philippines 123 V. Luna Rd. Ext. Sikatuna Village Quezon City, Philippines Phone: (þ632) 9252803-04 Fax: (þ632) 4331150 Email:
[email protected] ECPAT is an international network, with one of their offices is in the Philippines. The organization advocates for the elimination of various forms of child sexual exploitation, such as child prostitution, pornography, and trafficking not only in the Philippines but globally.
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Kamalayan Development Foundation 43 Happiness St., Diho 2 Subdivision Buhangin District, Davao City Philippines Working with the various groups of toiling children in a number of communities all over the country by enhancing their capacity to participate in the society and organizing them. Visayan Forum Foundation, Inc. 4th Floor, RFM Corporate Center Pioneer cor. Sheridan Sts. Mandaluyong City 1550 Philippines Phone: (þ632) 6318101 loc. 7401/7421 Phone/Fax: (þ632) 6340683 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.visayanforum.org Working on the issue of domestic work specially child domestic work and trafficking for purposes of forced labor. Their intervention is at the port area where they have established halfway houses in partnership with government for trafficked persons they intercept at the port.
Selected Bibliography Alejandro W., Apit Kamalayan, Development Foundation. 1996. A Beginning in Child Labor A Worst form of Child Labor Discovered and Rescue (A 1993 KDF’s Experience). Quezon City: Kamalayan Development Foundation. Ateneo Human Rights Center. 2002. Opening Doors: A Presentation of Laws Protecting Filipino Child Workers. (Third Edition) Makati City: Ateno Human Rights Center and International Labor Organization. Child Protection in The Philippines: Philippine Resource Network. http:// www.childprotection.org.ph/factsfigures/index.html. Children’s NGO Network. 2004. Philippine Alternative Report on the Implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. http://www. crin.org/docs/resources/treaties/crc.39/Philippines_CNN_ngo_report_doc. CIA–The World Fact Book: Philippines. http:cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/ geos/rp.html. Council for the Welfare of Children. http://www.cwc.gov.ph/data.html. Heaver, Richard A., and Joseph M. Hunt. 1995. Improving Early Childhood Development: An Integrated Program for the Philippines. Washington, DC: World Bank. Official Website of the Philippine Government. http://www.gov.ph/aboutphil/general.asp. State of the World’s Children. http://www.unicef.org. Visayan Forum Foundation. 2006. Trafficked into Forced Labor: Selected Case Studies of Domestic Workers in the Philippines. Manila: Visayan Forum Foundation.
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SINGAPORE Wing-Cheong Chan NATIONAL PROFILE Singapore was founded as a British trading outpost in 1819. It joined the Federation of Malaysia in 1963, but seceded two years later in 1965 and became an independent nation. It is now one of the world’s most prosperous and technologically advanced countries, with one of the highest standards of living. Its per capita gross domestic product (GDP) in 2005 was S$44,666 (Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports 2006). Singapore’s economic success can be attributed to its policy of having an open trading economy and the government’s investment in its people to maintain Singapore’s competitiveness. However, an open economy also has its drawbacks. Singapore’s economic growth slowed down in recent years owing to the negative impact from external shocks, such as the Asian economic crisis, high oil prices, and the outbreak of diseases in the region, such as severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) and avian influenza. In terms of its size and physical location, Singapore
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Table 17.1. Age Groups of Population Age group
Percentage
0 to 14 years 15 to 24 years 25 to 34 years 35 to 44 years 45 to 54 years 55 to 64 years 65 years and over
20 13 16 18 16 9 8
is a small country lying at the tip of the Malaysian peninsula in South East Asia. It has a total land area of 699 square kilometers, and as of 2007, its resident population of citizens and permanent residents was about 4.5 million, making it one of the most densely populated countries in the world. Singapore has a multiracial, multicultural, and multireligious population made up of the descendents of immigrants from China, the Malay Peninsula, and the Indian subcontinent. In 2005, Chinese made up 75.6 percent of the resident population, Malays 13.6 percent, and Indians 8.7 percent (Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports, 2006; CIA World Factbook 2007). Under the Singapore Constitution, the government is charged with the duty to ‘‘care for the interests of the racial and religious minorities in Singapore.’’ In particular, it shall ‘‘recognize the special position of the Malays, who are the indigenous people of Singapore’’ (Article 152). However, there are few preferences given in favor of the Malays and other minorities in view of the government’s policy of meritocracy in its administration. As of 2005, the median age of the population was thirty-six years. The resident population of Singapore in 2005 is shown in Table 17.1 (Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports 2006). Owing to delayed family formation and declining birth rates, the proportion of young people has declined over the years. The proportion of resident children aged between birth and fourteen years, for example, formed only 19.9 percent of the resident population in 2005 compared with 39.1 percent in 1970 (Singapore Department of Statistics 2006b). Children in Singapore have reaped the benefits of the country’s rapid socioeconomic development along with the rest of the nation. Singapore’s infant mortality rate per 1,000 live births dropped from 20.5 in 1970 to 2.3 in 2007 (Singapore Department of Statistics 2006b; CIA World Factbook 2007), which is one of the lowest in the world today. Life expectancy at birth is 77.7 years for males and 81.6 years for females
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(Singapore Department of StaKEY FACTS – SINGAPORE tistics 2006b). With a relatively equitable distribution of its ecoPopulation: 4,553,009 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 2.3 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) nomic success, there are no child Life expectancy at birth: 81.8 years (2007 est.) beggars or street children to be Literacy rate: 92.5 percent (2002 est.) seen in Singapore. The literacy Internet users: 2.422 million (2005) rate of Singapore residents over People living with HIV/AIDS: 5,500 (2005 est.) fifteen years of age is 92.5 perHuman Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 7 (2006 est.) cent (CIA World Factbook Sources: CIA World Factbook: Singapore. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ 2007). As a sign of the country’s publications/factbook/geos/sn.html. April 17, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development rapid development, the two Report 2006: Singapore. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ most prevalent health issues countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_SGP.html. April 26, 2007; faced by children in Singapore UNICEF. At a Glance: Singapore–Statistics. http://www.unicef. today are obesity and shortorg/infobycountry/singapore.html. April 25, 2007. sightedness. Unlike some Asian countries, there is no trend of preference for males over females in children. A study on all births between 1982 and 1993 showed that the sex ratio at birth stayed below 110 males per 100 females even for higher birth orders (Koh 1995). This was attributed to the improved status of women and equal educational and employment opportunities in a meritocratic society (Koh 1995). The overall sex ratio according to the Census of Population 2000 showed 998 males for 1,000 females (Leow 2001). The government agency in charge of family support programs in Singapore is the Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports (MCYS). Its work is supported by Family Service Centres and other voluntary welfare organizations, which may be privately funded or partially funded by the government. OVERVIEW Owing to its colonial heritage, most of Singapore’s laws follow the prevailing English law (statute or common law) of the time. As such, distinctions still remain in some areas of the law where males and females are held to different standards. The offense of kidnapping from lawful guardianship under the Penal Code (which was adopted by Singapore in 1871), for example, applies to males younger than fourteen years old and to females younger than sixteen years old. These distinctions, however, have gradually eroded over time. Men and women are increasingly treated as equals in law and at the workplace. The most recent change in this direction is a constitutional amendment in 2004 to the way citizenship is acquired by children born abroad to parents of whom only one holds Singapore nationality. Under the previous law, a child born outside Singapore whose father is a Singapore citizen (but mother is not) can acquire Singapore citizenship by
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descent, but a similar child whose mother is a Singapore citizen (but father is not) cannot do so by descent but must acquire Singapore citizenship by other means. This was changed such that there is no longer any such distinction between children based on the nationality of their fathers and mothers. Other laws in Singapore have also been amended such that greater attention is now given to the needs of children. These include increased protection of children from abuse and neglect and the introduction of compulsory education in Singapore. The age of majority in Singapore is still the same as that under the common law dating back to the nineteenth century; that is, twenty-one years of age. Statute law, however, may lower this age for specific purposes, such as sexual consent for girls (sixteen years), being able to obtain a driver’s license (eighteen years), having capacity to marry (eighteen years), being able to buy tobacco (eighteen years), being able to buy or consume alcohol in a licensed premise (eighteen years), and in the case of boys, being called upon to report for compulsory military service (eighteen years). This can cause discrepancies, such as a person who is married and has children or who is in active military service but is still unable to vote in parliamentary elections or be held to a commercial contract. There are no known plans to lower the general age of majority to eighteen years in line with Singapore’s obligations under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child 1985, which she acceded to in October 1995. EDUCATION The typical student in Singapore spends six years in primary education from the age of six years, followed by another four to five years of education before proceeding to the polytechnic or the junior college if he or she so chooses. Vocational courses at both the primary and secondary education stages are also available. In addition, a diversity of options has recently become available in the Singapore education system to allow a student to structure his or her education path according to his or her strengths. There are special schools that concentrate on sports, the arts, the sciences, or that offer greater flexibility in allowing a student to skip an examination (which used to be compulsory for all school children) at the age of sixteen years. Youths aged between fifteen and twenty-nine years of age had an average of twelve years of schooling in 2005. The educational profile of the young in Singapore has improved remarkably over the last decade. In 1995, only 24 percent of the resident population aged fifteen years and over had postsecondary and university qualifications. By 2005, this has increased to 40 percent. Those with less than secondary qualifications declined from 49 percent to 38 percent over the same period (Singapore Department of Statistics 2006a).
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After many years of debate, the government finally enacted the Compulsory Education Act in 2000, which requires all children who are citizens of Singapore, and children residing in Singapore who were born after January 1, 1996, to attend six years of primary education in a national primary school. A parent of such a child who fails to attend school regularly can be fined up to S$5,000 or imprisoned up to twelve months, or both. Efforts are made to counsel the parent first and to resolve any difficulty which may prevent the child from attending school before the drastic step to charge a parent in court is taken. Even before the enactment of the Compulsory Education Act, most young people in Singapore attended school. According to the Census of Population 2000, 98.4 percent of those between seven and sixteen years of age attended school. Five categories of pupils are exempted from the Compulsory Education Act: (1) pupils studying at madrassahs (Islamic religious schools), (2) pupils studying at San Yu Adventist School (a private school), (3) children who are home-schooled, (4) children with physical or intellectual disabilities, and (5) any other child whom the Director General of Education has determined is unsuitable to attend school, having regard to the interests and welfare of the child. Minimum standards must be met for those studying in madrassahs, San Yu Adventist School and those who are home-schooled in order for the exemptions to continue. The government has repeatedly turned down calls made by voluntary welfare organizations to include children with physical or intellectual disabilities within the scope of the Compulsory Education Act. The reason given for this is that it was felt that children with physical or intellectual disabilities are of such varying abilities that it would not be fair to impose this obligation to attend school on all such children irrespective of their conditions. Those who can be integrated into mainstream education are encouraged to attend designated mainstream schools where there are special resource teachers to assist the disabled child to cope. Those who cannot be integrated in this way receive their education in special education schools run by voluntary welfare organizations. As of September 2005, there were twenty-one special education schools catering to about 4,500 students, which obtain their funding from the Ministry of Education and the National Council of Social Services. These schools run different programs catering to specific disability groups of children. Unfortunately, owing to the high demand on such places, there is often a long wait for admission to these special education schools. Criticisms have also been made of the level of support available to children with mild disabilities studying in mainstream schools. It is estimated that there are 18,000 children of school age who have some form of learning disabilities. In terms of younger children, there are seventeen childcare centers with teachers who are trained to receive preschool children with special needs. The usual childcare subsidies and financial assistance programs are
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available to these families who enroll their children in these centers, and additional grants are given by the government to allow the centers to employ these specially trained teachers. Another issue of concern is that despite Singapore’s obligations under Article 28(1)(a) of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child 1985, primary education is not entirely free of charge in that children have to pay fees towards extra programs and teaching materials. Only the building maintenance costs are entirely borne by the government in primary schools. For non-Singaporean children, they must pay this amount as well. There is equal opportunity for all children in terms of access to all levels of education. Admission is based on merit and where applicable, aptitude and ability, and not on the basis of race, gender, or socioeconomic background. Those who are unable to afford the cost of education can tap the many avenues of financial help available from the government and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). The only exception in the past to admission on the basis of merit was that female undergraduates seeking admission to Singapore’s sole medical school were limited to one-third of the intake since 1979. This limit was removed in 2003. A potentially explosive matter concerning religious freedom and nondiscrimination against minorities surfaced in early 2002 when four primary schoolgirls were suspended from their national public schools for insisting on wearing a Muslim headscarf (or tudung) to school. Prior to the suspension, the parents had been counseled for a month by the schools involved, but the issue could not be resolved. The Ministry of Education argued that wearing the tudung contravened its policy that students do not wear anything that does not form part of the official school uniform, and that wearing of uniforms promoted integration among the different races in Singapore. The parents countered that this policy infringed their constitutionally protected freedom to practice their own religion, and that it was selectively applied since Sikhs (another minority group in Singapore) were allowed to wear their turbans in schools. It was reported that the parents were planning to litigate the case before the courts but no hearing of the matter has surfaced thus far. It is believed that the parents have since either complied with the policy on uniforms or have transferred their children to a madrassah (where wearing the tudung is allowed). A final concern regarding the highly competitive education system in Singapore is the level of pressure that students face in schools. This has translated into a peak in suicides among the young during the September and October period corresponding with the final term examinations in schools. Various assistance schemes, including a telephone helpline catering to children between seven to twelve years of age by the Singapore Children Society, have been put in place to prevent such instances from occurring.
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PLAY AND RECREATION The Ministry of Education and the Singapore Sports Council promote sports and recreational activities for children. Students are required to take up co-curricular activities in schools such as uniformed groups, sports and games, and the arts. The Singapore Sports Council runs sports facilities open to the public where children are charged a concessionary rate. The Singapore Sports Council also provides financial assistance for talented young athletes. Advisory committees on English, Chinese, Malay, and Indian television and radio programs have been set up to give feedback on the range and quality of programs for children. Their recommendations have been accepted by the media broadcasters. It is estimated that about two-thirds of Singapore households have internet access at home, with 90 percent of those who live in private housing having internet access and 59 percent of those who live in public housing having internet access (Lee 2006). In 2006, a new group called the Community Advisory Committee was formed to help monitor and guide youth in their use of technology. This group takes over the work of other existing committees, such as a volunteer group called Parents Advisory Group for the Internet formed in 1999 to help parents make the internet safer for children. This group had in the past held talks and exhibitions to help parents understand what they can do to promote online safety for children, as well as worked with internet service providers on optional service filters to block out pornographic and undesirable sites. Library services are provided by the National Library Board, which reaches out to children through its network of regional and community children’s libraries in addition to its main National Library. Children are able to access print materials, multimedia, and online resources through these libraries. It was recently announced that a 1.2-hectare site near Orchard Road (the main shopping thoroughfare in Singapore) has been set aside as a community space for young Singaporeans. The youth are asked for feedback as to how this space is to be designed and used for various sports and recreational activities and arts performances, as well as social and community events. In addition, the National Parks Board manages 1,841 hectares of parks, playgrounds, park connectors and open spaces, and 3,326 hectares of nature reserves (National Parks Board 2006). These parks and playgrounds are available for public use, and the nature reserves are sanctuaries for wildlife, plant, and animal conservation, and are valuable resources for education and outdoor recreational activities. In a survey conducted in 2004 among 1,003 children between seven and fourteen years of age, it was found that sports participation is high. Sports are the most popular activity in schools, with 40 percent of children taking them up as a co-curricular activity. Music and drama follow with 16 percent of children taking them up, and uniformed groups at
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9 percent. Of sports activities available in school, badminton is the preferred sport, with 21 percent of children playing it, followed by basketball (18 percent), swimming (15 percent), and football (14 percent). However, even though children spend as much time on sports (10 percent of leisure time) as they do on reading (10 percent) and computer games (11 percent), it was found that watching television takes up half of a child’s leisure time (Lim 2004). CHILD LABOR Singapore has ratified the International Labour Organization’s Convention concerning Minimum Age for Admission to Employment (Convention No. 138) and the Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention (Convention No. 182). In practice, child employment is negligible in Singapore as children under fourteen years old are either in schools or vocational institutions. Nevertheless, Singapore has recently amended its employment law such that it will be in compliance with international norms. Few complaints were received by the Ministry of Manpower for more than ten years on the employment of children under twelve years of age, and of the 1,200 young persons between fourteen and sixteen years of age working in industrial undertakings, almost all were working parttime in fast food restaurants. Under the present employment law, only persons who are fifteen years of age and older may be employed in general. There are four exceptions to this. First, this restriction does not apply to those persons younger than sixteen years of age who are employed in work carried out in any technical, vocational, or industrial training school or institute, and apprenticeship program. Second, those who are thirteen years of age and older may be employed in light work suited to their capacity in a nonindustrial undertaking. The third exception relates to persons employed in an industrial undertaking in which only members of the same family are employed. The fourth exception is that in relation to employment in any occupation or in any place or under working conditions injurious or likely to be injurious to health, the person must be at least sixteen years or older. Employers who flout these employment laws, as well as parents and guardians who either knowingly or negligently allow their children to be employed in violation of these laws, are subject to a fine of up to S$2,000 or imprisonment of up to two years, or both. FAMILY Singapore has seen a gradual shift toward smaller family households owing to the preference for newlyweds to set up home separately from their parents, as well as families choosing to have fewer children. The
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average household size in Singapore in 2000 is 3.7 persons as compared with 4.2 persons in 1990 (Leow 2001); and the average number of children born to each family is 2.5 in 2000 compared with 2.8 in 1990 (Leow 2001). Of the three ethnic groups, the Chinese and Indians have fewer children (2.5 and 2.4 children on the average in 2000, respectively) compared with Malays who have 3.1 children on average in 2000 (Leow 2001). Households with an extended family under the same roof also dropped to 5.6 percent of all households in 2000 compared to 6.7 percent in 1990 (Leow 2001). Of the three ethnic groups, only 5.2 percent of Chinese households have extended families living in them in 2000, compared with the Malays who have the strongest family orientation, with 7.7 percent of households with extended families living in them (Leow 2001). The percentage of dual career families increased significantly over the years, along with the rise in the education level among women and the greater labor force participation rate of women. The number of married couples where both the husband and wife are working increased by 93 percent between 1980 and 1990 (Singapore Department of Statistics 1994). The labor force participation rate of females in 2000 stands at 50 percent compared with 44 percent in 1980 and 29 percent in 1970 (Leow 2001; Lim 1994). More children are therefore raised in families now where both parents are working. Children are cared for by their relatives, private foster care, domestic helpers, or by childcare centers. With regards to the latter, infant care (for children from two to eighteen months) and childcare/nursery on a fullday and half-day basis are available for older children. Mothers who place their children in such programs are eligible for government subsidies depending on the number of hours the child spends in the program and whether the mother is working or not. For those who cannot afford it, there are financial aid schemes available. However, even though there is greater assurance of quality childcare services in childcare centers because of the specialized training of the caregivers and regulatory controls over such centers, childcare by parents and grandparents within the home is still the preferred option, possibly because of the inconvenience and the cost involved in sending a child to a childcare center. According to the Census of Population in 1990, only 16 percent of children were looked after outside their homes (Lim 1994). In 2004, 781 live births were born to teenagers in Singapore aged nineteen years and below. Slightly more than half (53.4 percent) of the teenage births were born to Malays and slightly less than one-third were to the Chinese (30.7 percent). Indians and other ethnic groups accounted for the remaining 15.9 percent (Registry of Births and Deaths 2005). This trend of Malays having the highest number of teenage births among all ethnic groups—exceeding that of the Chinese, the largest ethnic group—began in 1999 and is a source of concern.
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The statistics for 2004 also showed that 555 live births were registered without the father’s name, which implies that these children were born out of wedlock. Nearly one-third (30.6 percent) of these births were born to teenagers. Malays again made up the largest proportion of these single parent registration births (45.1 percent), followed by the Chinese (37.8 percent), Indians (10.8 percent), and other ethnic groups (6.3 percent) (Registry of Births and Deaths 2005). There is no distinction between parents in terms of their legal duty to maintain their children. This duty under Singapore law extends to legitimate as well as illegitimate children, and continues even after the breakdown of the parents’ marital relationship. MCYS implements Family Life Education and Parent Education programs nationwide to promote harmonious and healthy family interactions. Various committees have also been set up by the Ministry to promote strong families. In the event that the marriage does fail, both parents are expected to co-operate with each other and to continue to play their role in bringing up their children, if any. In a noteworthy case decided in 2005, the Singapore Court of Appeal endorsed the sentiment that ‘‘parental responsibility is for life.’’ In deciding which parent should be in charge of the day-to-day care issues concerning the child when the marriage breaks up, Singapore law requires that welfare of the child be given paramount consideration. The welfare of the child is not defined in purely material terms, but also involves emotional and psychological aspects such as the child’s need for security and stability. In most cases when the child is young, this person will be usually the child’s mother since she would inevitably have been the child’s main caregiver. The child, if mature enough to express himself, may also have his views made known to the judge before a decision is made. When needed, the judge may direct that an investigation be made by a court counselor or a welfare officer from MCYS before the appropriate orders are made. In the event that the parents pass away before their children, the legal rules that apply regarding the children’s inheritance rights depend on whether they are Muslim or non-Muslim. In the case of non-Muslims, the children will inherit the parents’ property in accordance with their will, or if a will was not made, in accordance with the intestate succession rules. These rules do not make a distinction between male and female children in terms of their respective shares of the parents’ property. In the case of Muslims, the property is distributed according to Muslim law, which generally favors male children over female children. Under Singapore law, it is possible for a parent or guardian of a person under sixteen years old with severe behavioral problems to temporarily suspend his or her relationship with the child on the basis that he or she is ‘‘unable to control the child.’’ A complaint is made by the parent or guardian to the Juvenile Court, and the Juvenile Court may order the
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child to be placed on statutory supervision for a period not exceeding three years; or for the child to be sent to an approved home for a period of not less than two years and not more than three years. The parent or guardian must consent to the order to be made. In such ‘‘beyond parental control’’ cases, the Juvenile Court may also make an additional order requiring either or both the child concerned and the parent or guardian to undergo counseling, psychotherapy, or other treatment to: (a) resolve any relationship problems between the child and the parent or guardian; (b) rehabilitate the child; (c) enable the parent or guardian of the child to manage the child; or (d) enhance, promote, or protect, the physical, social, and emotional well-being and safety of the child.
It should be noted that ‘‘beyond parental control’’ complaints are carefully scrutinized and where possible, parents and their children are referred to appropriate agencies for counseling instead of institutionalizing the child. According to MCYS, 136 ‘‘beyond parental control’’ complaints were made in 2004, comprising sixty-one males and seventy-five females. Six were between nine and ten years of age, eleven were between eleven and twelve years of age, seventy-two were between thirteen and fourteen years of age, and forty-seven were between fifteen and sixteen years of age. Among the Chinese, the main festival observed is the Chinese New Year, which falls in January or February and lasts for fifteen days. This is a time for family gatherings where the young offer their respects to their elders and married members of their families. In return, they receive token sums of money in red packets (hong bao), symbolizing good fortune. Malay and Indian families in Singapore also gather together to celebrate important dates in their religious calendar such as Hari Raya Puasa for the Muslims and Deepavali for the Hindus. HEALTH Singapore is generally pollution-free and prides itself as having a clean and green living environment. Modern sanitation is available to almost 100 percent of the population, and the incidence of food-, water-, and vector-borne disease is low. The water quality of inland water bodies and its coastal areas is closely monitored. Domestic air pollution is low. The use of open fires to dispose of waste has been banned since 1973. Air pollution by industries and motor vehicles must also be below stringent international criteria. The handling, transportation, treatment, and disposal of toxic industrial waste are strictly controlled. Environmental management and public health policies are implemented by the National Environment Authority.
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Table 17.2. Mortality Rates
Infant mortality rate Neonatal mortality rate Perinatal mortality rate Maternal mortality rate
1950
2000
82.2 29.8 35.4 1.8
2.5 1.7 4.3 0.2
The quality and range of health care available to children in Singapore has greatly improved along with the country’s economic growth. The infant mortality, neonatal mortality, perinatal mortality, and maternal mortality rates per 1,000 resident live births have dropped dramatically between 1950 to 2000 (Ministry of Health 2001) (see Table 17.2). The average life expectancy at birth for Singapore residents rose from 72.1 years in 1980 to 81.8 years in 2007 (Singapore Department of Statistics 2006b; CIA World Factbook 2007). The School Health Service provides health screening, immunization, and health promotion to students through school-based activities. Immunization is a major focus of the School Health Service’s efforts to maintain a high level of protection of school children against diphtheria, tetanus, poliomyelitis, measles, mumps, rubella, hepatitis B, and tuberculosis. These efforts reached 93 to 95 percent of the target groups in 2005. The School Dental Service promotes good oral health and treats oral conditions among the young in Singapore. According to the School Health Service, the most common health problems found in school children in 1998 were defective vision (52.4 percent), obesity (10.9 percent), asthma (8.1 percent), spinal problems (5.4 percent), and being underweight (3.3 percent). The most common causes of death among children aged five to eighteen years are accidental injuries, cancer, infections, congenital anomalies, suicides, and heart diseases. A survey conducted in 2000 among Singapore school children aged thirteen to sixteen years found that 11.3 percent currently smoke cigarettes (13.4 percent among boys and 8.8 percent among girls). In another survey carried out in 1993 on a sample of 5,149 Singapore students between twelve and nineteen years, it was found that 18.5 percent had engaged in sexual intercourse by the time they were nineteen years of age. Unfortunately, only one out of every two sexually active girls and boys reported that they or their partner had used protection against conception and sexually transmitted diseases. The actual extent of circumcision practiced on children in Singapore is not known, as there is no mandatory reporting of circumcision (male or female) to the authorities. Anecdotal evidence is that while male circumcision is common practice among Muslims and Jews in Singapore, female circumcision is rare, if practiced at all.
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Table 17.3. Numbers of Abortions by Year
Overall total Total (13 to 21 years) 13 to 14 years 15 to 16 years 17 to 18 years 19 to 21 years
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
14,504 2,661 17 223 679 1,742
14,365 2,729 19 228 698 1,784
13,827 2,764 29 256 793 1,686
13,838 2,475 9 155 682 1,629
13,753 2,610 7 168 689 1,746
There is no requirement under Singapore law for a minor to obtain parental consent for an abortion, which is available on demand up to the end of the second trimester. The number of abortions by those between thirteen and sixteen years is very small, less than 2 percent of the total number of abortions annually for the period 1995 to 1999. The number of abortions by those between thirteen and twenty-one years has remained relatively stable over the same period (Lim 2000) (see Table 17.3). Administrative procedures, however, have been put in place to counsel unmarried girls younger than sixteen years of age who request an abortion. They have to undergo compulsory preabortion counseling to ensure that they are aware of the consequences of their decision. There is also a minimum waiting time of forty-eight hours after the preabortion counseling before the pregnant girl can undergo an abortion. This time lapse seeks to ensure that the decision made is an informed one. The AIDS Education program, spearheaded by the Health Promotion Board, was launched in 1985. This program aims to educate the public and create greater awareness of AIDS, and what steps can be taken to reduce the risk of being infected with HIV. There is a specific School AIDS Education Program, which targets school students. In 2005, the proportion of those younger than twenty years infected with HIV accounted for 2.7 percent of the total HIV infections, compared with 1.6 percent for the period 1985 to 2004 (Ministry of Health Web site). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS As mentioned earlier, the default age of majority in Singapore is twenty-one years unless this has been lowered by legislation for specific purposes. Under the criminal law, the age of criminal responsibility starts from seven years of age. For those between seven and twelve years of age, the doli incapax provision applies such that a child in this age group is not held criminally liable unless he or she has sufficient maturity to understand the nature and consequences of his or her conduct. Children who are first time offenders who commit minor criminal offenses are usually given a warning by the police or diverted to a
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Guidance Program administered by MCYS with the help of voluntary welfare organizations. The aim of this program is to help them develop better self-control, take responsibility for their actions, acquire life skills, and involve parents in the child’s life. Upon successful completion of the program, the child is let off with a police caution. In 2004, a total of 853 persons had gone through the Guidance Program comprising 596 males and 257 females. Seventy-four persons were under thirteen years of age, 293 between thirteen and fourteen years of age, 407 between fifteen and sixteen years of age, and 79 were sixteen years and above (Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports Web site). Children who are under sixteen years of age and charged with a criminal offence must have their cases dealt with by a specialized Juvenile Court which practices a restorative model of justice and is required to have regard to the welfare of the child. The only exceptions are when a child is charged with an offense which is triable only by the High Court (such as murder and drug trafficking), or where he is jointly charged with a person who is sixteen years old or above in which case the case must be tried by the High Court (an adult court). Even where the offence is triable only by the High Court, the case can still be tried by the Juvenile Court if (a) the Public Prosecutor applies for it; and (b) the legal representative of the offender consents to the offence being tried by the Juvenile Court. The range of options available to the Juvenile Court include committing the child to the care of a relative or other fit person, making a probation order of between six months and three years, making a community service order of up to 240 hours, ordering the offender to be detained for up to 6 months or on weekends for up to 52 weekends, and sending the offender to an approved school for between two and three years. Institutionalization of the young offender is only considered as a last resort and community-based options are preferred. An example of a diversionary measure is the Streetwise Program, which aims to reduce delinquency among youths who may have unwittingly drifted into street corner gangs. Youths may be referred to this six-month program by the Juvenile Court, the police, or self-referrals. During this time, counselors engage with the youths in casework, life skills training, academic and career guidance, and recreational activities. The most common mode of dealing with young offenders is by way of a probation order. In 2004, a total of 979 cases were placed on probation. Twelve persons were twelve years of age and below, 412 were between thirteen and fifteen years, 432 were between sixteen and eighteen years, and 123 were nineteen years of age and above (Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports Web site). In the case of a young offender who has been found guilty of committing an offence, the Juvenile Court may, in addition, convene a family
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conference in order to make him realize the consequences of his actions and to provide an opportunity for him to express remorse such as by paying compensation to the victim of the offense or apologizing to the victim of the offense. In the event that the offender fails to attend the family conference or fails to comply with a requirement imposed by the family conference, the Juvenile Court is informed of this and may then deal with the offender as it thinks fit. For offenders who are between sixteen and twenty-one years of age, or between fourteen and sixteen years of age and have been previously sent to an approved school, and the court is of the opinion that it would be expedient for his reformation and the prevention of crime, the offender may be sentenced to reformative training at a Reformative Training Centre, which is a much harsher regime than that at the homes for juvenile offenders. Under the Criminal Procedure Code, a child who is under the age of eighteen years at the time when the offense was committed cannot be sentenced to death even if the offense carries a mandatory death penalty, and is instead detained at the President’s pleasure. Hence, such persons under eighteen years old who have been convicted, for example, of murder or drug trafficking (both of which carry a mandatory death penalty) in the past have been detained till released on the order of the President. In Singapore’s Initial Report to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, it was revealed that such cases are reviewed every four years and a report is forwarded to the Minister of Home Affairs and the President. After the tenth year of detention, the review is carried out every year. It appears that such persons are eligible for consideration for release only after serving a minimum of thirteen years of detention. There is an overlap between this general provision in the Criminal Procedure Code and a provision found in the Children and Young Persons Act (which applies to persons under sixteen years old) for those convicted of murder, attempted murder, or voluntarily causing grievous hurt. In the latter, the court is given the power to order the offender to be detained for a fixed period if it is ‘‘of the opinion that none of the other methods by which the case may legally be dealt with is suitable.’’ Such persons may be released earlier by order of the Minister on license, with or without conditions imposed. It is also possible for the Minister to revoke or vary the license, and if revoked, the offender has to return to detention. It has been suggested by one commentator that this provision in the Children and Young Persons Act should be used in all cases of persons under sixteen years of age as it allows the judge to consider the individual circumstances of the case and is a more flexible order, which incorporates the rehabilitative ideals of the juvenile justice system. On June 1, 2006, a new ‘‘Community Court’’ was set up to deal with youthful offenders aged between sixteen and eighteen years of age, as well as other categories of cases. This recognizes that the present ‘‘cut off ’’ at sixteen years of age for the Juvenile Court may be too harsh on
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young offenders to treat them as ‘‘adults’’ at that age. The aim of the Community Court is to adopt a more rehabilitative approach towards these cases and to partner community resources in the treatment plan. Hence, offenders who would have been sent to prison by the adult court in the past have been ordered to undergo probation by the new Community Court. RELIGIOUS LIFE A person’s freedom to practice a religion of his or her choosing and to propagate it in Singapore is protected in the Singapore Constitution, subject to the overriding need to preserve ‘‘public order, public health or morality’’ (Article 15). However, it is also specifically stated in the Singapore Constitution that the religion of a person under the age of 18 years shall be decided by his parent or guardian (Article 16[4]). In that sense, the religious freedom of a minor is curtailed since he cannot decide on his own religion without the consent of his parent until he reaches eighteen years of age. It is unclear if the word ‘‘parent’’ in the singular in the Singapore Constitution means that one parent can decide on the child’s religion without the other parent’s consent. In view of the developments in Singapore’s family law, which emphasizes the roles of both parents in the upbringing of a child, it is advocated that the word should be read to include both parents. According to the Census of Population 2000, the religion of those in the fifteen- to nineteen-year-old age group (the lowest age group for which the statistics are given) follow closely those of the general population, as can be seen in Table 17.4 (in percentages) (Leow 2001). The Singapore Constitution specifically allows every religious group to establish and maintain an educational institution for the education of children and to provide them with instruction in its own religion. A number of schools with different religious affiliations have been set up in Singapore, catering to a range of ages. Such schools are open to students from that affiliation as well as to others.
Table 17.4. Religions by Age Group
Christianity Buddhism/Taoism Islam Hinduism/Sikhism Other Religions No Religion
15–19 Years
Total Population
12.2 45.3 20.8 4.3 0.2 17.1
14.6 51.0 14.9 4.0 0.6 14.8
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Of the ten public holidays observed in Singapore, six recognize the more important religious observances of the diverse population. These are Hari Raya Puasa, Hari Raya Haji, Good Friday, Vesak Day, Deepavali and Christmas Day. Hari Raya Puasa and Hari Raya Haji are celebrated by Muslims to mark the end of the fasting month and the pilgrimage to Mecca respectively. Vesak Day is observed by Buddhists to mark the birth, enlightenment, and the passing of Buddha. Diwali or festival of lights, which symbolizes the triumph of good over evil, is celebrated by Hindus. Christmas Day is celebrated by Christians to mark the birth of Christ. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Protection of children from abuse and neglect is available under Singapore law through the Penal Code, the Women’s Charter, and the Children and Young Persons Act. The Penal Code protects adults and children alike by criminalizing more severe forms of conduct such as causing hurt, causing grievous hurt, criminal intimidation, incest, and outrage of modesty. The young age of the victim is usually an aggravating factor to be taken into consideration in sentencing. The Women’s Charter contains specific provisions protecting women and girls from sexual exploitation. Protection Orders (a type of restraining order) are also available for ‘‘family violence’’ committed against children by a family member. ‘‘Family violence’’ is defined as: (a) willfully or knowingly placing or attempting to place, a family member in fear of hurt; (b) causing hurt to a family member by such act which is known or ought to have been known would result in hurt; (c) wrongfully confining or restraining a family member against his will; or (d) causing continual harassment with intent to cause or knowing it is likely to cause anguish to a family member.
Applications for Protection Orders are made to the Family Court, which can in addition grant exclusive occupation of the home to the victim and refer the abuser, the victim, or both to attend counseling. A person who contravenes a protection order is liable to a fine or imprisonment term or both. The most important statute in this area is the Children and Young Persons Act, which provides specifically for the protection of children and young persons under the age of sixteen years from abuse and exploitation. This act was overhauled in 2001 in order to give a wide power to the state to intervene in cases where a child or young person is in need of care or protection, and created the new offense of ill-treatment of a child,
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which encompasses emotional abuse, as well as physical and sexual abuse. It was reported that in 2004, ninety cases of child abuse and neglect were taken up by the Child Protection Services of MCYS. Of these ninety cases, forty-nine cases involved physical abuse, twenty cases involved sexual abuse, ten cases involved physical neglect, and eleven cases involved emotional abuse. In terms of their age profile, twenty-seven were below six years old, forty-four between seven and twelve years old, and nineteen between thirteen and sixteen years old (Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports 2005). There is no general duty to report cases of child abuse to the authorities. Mandatory reporting of child abuse only applies to operators of childcare centers who must report instances of suspected child abuse to the Director of Social Welfare. For all other persons, the Children and Young Persons Act encourages the reporting of cases of child abuse by protecting those who make a report from professional discipline and legal action. Their identity is also kept confidential by law. Although MCYS continuously supports and educates the public on positive parenting, Singapore at present follows the common law position that parents and those in loco parentis, such as school teachers, have the right to inflict moderate corporal punishment on children in order to discipline them. Hence, reasonable use of force by way of correction will not amount to ‘‘family violence’’ under the Women’s Charter or an offence under the Penal Code. Local laws have restricted this right of school teachers somewhat such that corporal punishment may not be inflicted on girl pupils and corporal punishment for boys may only be administered with a light cane on the palms of the hands or on the buttocks over clothing by the principal or another teacher expressly authorized by the principal to do so. Corporal punishment may also be used in juvenile institutions on boys and girls although every effort is made to enforce discipline without resorting to corporal punishment. With the high degree of internet penetration among Singapore households, unfortunately some cases of adults targeting children for sexual activities through the internet have come to light in recent years. Such cases are severely dealt with by the courts. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Two key social transformations affecting Singapore are the decline in the total fertility rate in recent decades and the rise in marital breakdowns. In terms of the total fertility rate, this was 4.7 per resident female in 1965, but swiftly declined to 3.1 in 1970 and 1.60 in 2000 as a result of highly successful family planning campaigns. In 2005, the total fertility rate declined further to 1.25 (Singapore Department of Statistics 2006b). This rapid transition over a few decades from a high fertility country to a low fertility country has severe implications on Singapore’s population
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profile. The median age of the resident population rose from 19.5 years in 1970 to 35.9 years in 2005 (Singapore Department of Statistics 2006b). The percentage of elderly persons of at least sixty-five years increased from 3.4 percent of the resident population in 1970 to 8.2 percent in 2005. As a result of these demographic changes, Singapore’s labor force is shrinking and increased demands are made on its medical and social support services for the elderly. Various immigration and pronatalist policies have been put forward by the government in an effort to reverse the decline. It is still too early to predict if these will lead to any sustained changes in Singapore’s population structure. Another worrying trend is the rise in the number of marital breakdowns, with its consequential implications on the number of single parent families and juvenile delinquency. In 2005, a total of 6,909 divorces and annulments were recorded. This may be compared with a total of 3,634 recorded in 1990 and 1,721 recorded in 1980 (Singapore Department of Statistics 2006b). The rise is particularly worrying in the case of Muslim marriages (which come under a separate legal system), which have a far higher number of divorces and shorter marriage duration than their non-Muslim counterparts. It can also be observed that Malays as an ethnic group (who are predominantly Muslims) are overrepresented in teenage pregnancies, abortions, and juvenile delinquency cases. In 2004, 417 Malays aged nineteen and younger gave birth—which is about 53 percent of all teen births when Malays made up about nineteen percent of teens in Singapore at the time. In the same year, 434 Malays aged nineteen years and younger had abortions. This is almost one-third of all teen abortions, a proportion that has been rising since 2000 when it was 21 percent (Hussain 2005). The future for Singapore children certainly holds promise, but much will depend on whether Singapore’s economic growth can be sustained and how families can be helped in view of the social transformations mentioned earlier. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Leong, W. K. 1997. Principles of Family Law in Singapore. Singapore: Butterworths Asia. This is an authoritative book on the non-Muslim family law of Singapore. It is studied by law students at the university, lawyers, and judges. Lim, M, ed. 2005. Teens and the Law. Singapore: Singapore Association of Women Lawyers. This is a book written for teenagers to answer their queries related to the law. It is written in a question-and-answer format with a section on the various avenues of help available such as counseling, crisis shelters, and legal clinics. Magnus, R., H. M. Lim, M. L. Mesenas, and V. Thean V., eds. 2003. Rebuilding Lives, Restoring Relationships: Juvenile Justice and the Community. Singapore:
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Eastern Universities Press. This book describes the juvenile justice system in Singapore and the various initiatives that have been implemented to tackle the problem of juvenile crime. Ministry of Community Development and Sports. 2002. Singapore’s Initial Report to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. Singapore: Ministry of Community Development and Sports. This is a report submitted to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child detailing how Singapore has met its obligations under the Convention on the Rights of the Child and what further developments and challenges lay ahead. Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports. 2005. Protecting Children in Singapore. Singapore: Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports. This publication provides statistics on child abuse in Singapore which have been reported to the Ministry as well as details on the various programs and services available to such child victims. Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports. 2006. Singapore: Social Statistics in Brief 2006. Singapore: Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports. Advances made by Singapore over the decades in various fields such as health care, education, and employment are presented in this publication.
Web Sites Attorney-General’s Chambers. Singapore Statutes Online. Attorney-General’s Chambers, http://statutes.agc.gov.sg/. The text of Singapore laws can be found on this site. Government of Singapore. Family and Community Development @ eCitizen, http:// fcd.ecitizen.gov.sg/. This site contains information on such topics as setting up a family, caring for babies, and parenting of teenagers. National Youth Council. Inter-Ministry Committee on Youth Crime. http://www. imyc.org.sg/about_history.html. The Inter-Ministry Committee on Youth Crime (previously known as the Inter-Ministry Committee on Juvenile Delinquency) was formed in 1995 to monitor and steer measures to combat juvenile delinquency. This site highlights the various preventive and rehabilitative programs available, as well as the research done in this area in Singapore. National Youth Council. Youth Research Network, http://www.youthresearch.org. sg/facts.asp. This site provides statistics on youth that are extracted from existing statistical studies conducted by the Department of Statistics, other ministries, and statutory boards in Singapore. Singapore Department of Statistics. Statistics Singapore. http://www.singstat.gov.sg/. This site provides key statistics on Singapore, such as demographic, health, and education trends, as well as research papers on the trends observed. Subordinate Courts of Singapore. Family Court of Singapore, http://www.familycourtofsingapore.gov.sg. This site contains information provided by the Family Court on issues such as adoption proceedings, obtaining custody and access of children following divorce, protection against family violence, applying for maintenance payments, and so on.
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Subordinate Courts of Singapore. Juvenile Court of Singapore. http://www.juvenilecourtofsingapore.gov.sg/. This site contains information provided by the Juvenile Court on issues such as the approach of the court towards young offenders, orders which the court can make against young offenders, care and protection orders and beyond parental control orders.
Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Family Court of Singapore 3 Havelock Square Singapore 059725 Phone: 64355110 Fax: 64355112 Web site: http://www.familycourtofsingapore.gov.sg/ The Family Court of Singapore handles matrimonial cases among the non-Muslim population, including adoption of children, custody and guardianship, maintenance applications, and orders for protection against family violence. In some of these areas, Muslims may apply to the Family Court as well. Health Promotion Board 3 Second Hospital Avenue Singapore 168937 Phone: 64353500 Fax: 64383848 Web site: http://www.hpb.gov.sg/ The Health Promotion Board is the main driver for national health promotion and disease prevention programs in Singapore, including health and dental services for school children. Juvenile Court of Singapore 3 Havelock Square Singapore 059725 Phone: 64355107 Fax: 64355108 Web site: http://www.juvenilecourtofsingapore.gov.sg/ The Juvenile Court of Singapore deals with persons under sixteen years old who have been charged with committing a criminal offense, care and protection cases, as well as complaints of persons under sixteen years old being beyond parental control. Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports 512 Thomson Road, MCYS Building Singapore 298136 Phone: 1800-2586378 Fax: 63548140 Web site: http://app.mcys.gov.sg/web/home_main.asp The Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports is charged with the responsibility to build a cohesive and resilient society by fostering: (1) socially responsible individuals; (2) inspired and committed youth; (3) strong and stable families; (4) a caring and active community; and (5) a sporting people.
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Ministry of Education 1 North Buona Vista Drive Singapore 138675 Phone: 68722220 Fax: 67755826 Website: http://www.moe.gov.sg/ The Ministry of Education directs the formulation and implementation of education policies. It has control of the development and administration of the government and government-aided primary schools, secondary schools, junior colleges, and a centralized institute. It also registers private schools. Ministry of Health College of Medicine Building, 16 College Road Singapore 169854 Phone: 63259220 Fax: 62241677 Web site: http://www.moh.gov.sg/ The Ministry of Health plays a key role in reducing illness in Singapore through the control and prevention of diseases and ensuring that the resources are allocated appropriately to do this. Ministry of Manpower 18 Havelock Road Singapore 059764 Phone: 6438 5122 Fax: 6534 4840 Web site: http://www.mom.gov.sg/ The Ministry of Manpower is in charge of workplace safety, as well as ensuring that Singapore’s workforce is prepared for future challenges. National Environment Agency 40 Scotts Road, Environment Building #13-00 Singapore 228231 Phone: 1800-2255 632 Fax: 62352611 Website: http://app.nea.gov.sg/ The National Environment Agency is in charge of the implementation of environmental policies in Singapore, including pollution control, food hygiene in the food retail industry, and cleanliness of public toilets. National Youth Council 113 Somerset Road, National Youth Centre Singapore 238165 Phone: 67344233 Fax: 68362473 Web site: http://www.nyc.pa.gov.sg/index.html The National Youth Council was set up in 1989 as a coordinating body for youth affairs in Singapore. It supports the development of youth and youth organizations through grants, awards, national and international programs, research and publications, as well as other support services.
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Singapore Sports Council 15 Stadium Road, National Stadium, Kallang Singapore 397718 Phone: 63457111 Fax: 63409537 Web site: http://www.ssc.gov.sg The Singapore Sports Council operates various sports facilities all over Singapore, and its aim is to promote participation in sports among all Singaporeans. Syariah Court 512 Thomson Road, #02-00 MCYS Building Singapore 298136 Phone: 63548371 Fax: 63548381 Web site: http://www.syariahcourt.gov.sg The Syariah Court handles matrimonial cases among the Muslim population in matters such as divorce and custody of children on divorce. It also has jurisdiction over the distribution of a deceased’s estate if he or she died a Muslim. Nongovernmental Organizations Action for AIDS 21 Norris Road Singapore 208263 Phone: 62540212 Fax: 62565903 Website: http://www.afa.org.sg/ Action for Aids is a voluntary welfare organization committed to AIDS prevention, advocacy and support. It runs the only anonymous AIDS testing facility in Singapore. Centre for Fathering Blk 128A Lorong 1 Toa Payoh #01-01 Singapore 311128 Phone: 62528408 Fax: 62528428 Web site: http://www.fathers.com.sg/ The Centre for Fathering is a voluntary welfare organization that aims to encourage fathers to be more involved with their children. National Council of Social Service 170 Ghim Moh Road, #01-02 NCSS Centre Singapore 279621 Phone: 62102500 Fax: 64671705 Web site: http://www.ncss.org.sg The National Council of Social Services leads and coordinates the social service sector in Singapore. It funds voluntary welfare organizations in Singapore through donations collected from the public.
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Singapore Children Society 298 Tiong Bahru Road, #09-05, Central Plaza Singapore 168730 Phone: 62732010 Fax: 62732013 Web site: http://www.childrensociety.org.sg/ The Singapore Children Society is a voluntary welfare organization with programs and services specifically catering to children in need.
Selected Bibliography Ball, J., and K. Moselle. 1995. Health Risk Behaviors of Adolescents in Singapore. Asian Journal of Psychology 1:54–62. Chan, J. S., Y. Chow, and J. M. Elliot. 2000. Professional and Public Perceptions of Physical Child Abuse and Neglect in Singapore (Research Monograph No. 3). Singapore: Singapore Children’s Society. Chan, W. C., and A. Phang. 2005. The Development of Criminal Law and Criminal Justice. In Kevin Tan, ed. Essays in Singapore Legal History. Singapore: Singapore Academy of Law and Marshall Cavendish Academic. Chan, W. C. 1994. Changes to the Juvenile Justice System. Singapore Journal of Legal Studies: 448–56. Chan, W. C. 1996. Latest Improvements to the Women’s Charter. Singapore Journal of Legal Studies: 553–99. Chan, W. C. 2005. Custody Orders, Parental Responsibility and Academic Contributions. Singapore Journal of Legal Studies: 407–15. Chan, W. C. 2005. Protection of Underaged Workers in Singapore: Domestic and International Regulation. Singapore Academy of Law Journal 17: 668–92. Elliot, J. M., Y. S. Chua, and J. I. Thomas. 2002. Emotional Maltreatment of Children in Singapore: Professional and Public Perceptions (Research Monograph No. 4). Singapore: Singapore Children’s Society. Elliot, J. M., J. I. Thomas, and Y. S. Chua. 2003. Child Sexual Abuse in Singapore: Professional and Public Perceptions (Research Monograph No. 5). Singapore: Singapore Children’s Society. Elliot, J. M., J. I. Thomas, J. S. Chan, and Y. Chow. 2000. Professional and Public Perceptions of Child Abuse and Neglect in Singapore: An Overview (Research Monograph No. 2). Singapore: Singapore Children’s Society. Hussain, Z. 2005. Malay Community Tackles Problems of Rising Teen Sex. The Straits Times. November 12. Koh, E. C. 1995. Sex Selection At Birth. Statistics Singapore Newsletter 17(3):2–5. Lee, M. C. March 2006. Infocomm Usage by Households and Individuals 2000– 2005. Statistics Singapore Newsletter: 17–19. Leow, B. G. 2001. Census of Population 2000. Singapore: Singapore Department of Statistics. Lim, K. E. 1994. Census of Population 1990. Singapore: Singapore Department of Statistics. Lim, H. K. 2000. Abortion. Singapore Parliamentary Debates, Official Reports 72: 965–67. Lim, M. 2004. Kids enjoy sports but TV soaks up free time. The Straits Times. July 30. Ministry of Health. 2001. Annual Report 2001. Singapore: Ministry of Health.
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National Parks Board. 2006. National Parks Board Annual Report 2005/2006. Singapore: National Parks Board. Quan, P. 2004. Detention During the President’s Pleasure: A Forgone Sentence for a Young Person Convicted of Murder? Singapore Academy of Law Journal 16:192–235. Registry of Births and Deaths. 2005. Report on Registration of Births and Deaths 2004. Singapore: Registry of Births and Deaths. Singapore Department of Statistics. 1994. Dual-Career Couples in Singapore. Singapore: Singapore Department of Statistics. Singapore Department of Statistics. 2006a. Singapore 2006: Statistical Highlights. Singapore: Singapore Department of Statistics. Singapore Department of Statistics. 2006b. Population Trends 2006. Singapore: Singapore Department of Statistics. Tong, C. K., J. M. Elliot, and P. Tan. 1996. Public Perceptions of Child Abuse and Neglect in Singapore (Research Monograph No. 1). Singapore: Singapore Children’s Society.
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SOUTH KOREA Youngjoo Kim NATIONAL PROFILE South Korea is located in Northeast Asia and is a neighbor of China and Japan. The country is surrounded by sea on all sides except on the northern boundary, which connects to North Korea. South Korea and North Korea have been separated by the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) since the end of the Korean War (1950–1953). South Korea has an area of 99,313 square kilometers and a population of 48.5 million (Korea National Statistical Office 2005). While the current population density of the country is high, 487 people per square kilometer in 2005, the population growth rate has been continuously dropping from 3.01 percent in 1961 to 0.44 percent in 2005 due to the decreasing childbirth rate. The fertility rate was 1.16 in 2004, a significant decrease from 2.8 in 1980. The average life expectancy for males is 73.9 years old, and for females, 80.8 years old. The reduced childbirth rate and increased life expectancy are turning South Korea into an aging society. The proportion of children aged eighteen and under dropped from 51.3 percent in 1965 to 27.5 percent in 2006, while the elderly population of sixty-five or above grew from 3.1 percent in 1970 to 9.5 percent in 2006. The ratio of males to females is 101.6 for the total population, but the ratio at birth is 108.2, demonstrating a gender imbalance in the population of children (Korea National Statistical Office 2005). South Korea became a member of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in 1996. The gross national income (GNI) per capita was $13,980 in 2005. The overall unemployment rate was 3.7 percent in 2005 and that of youth aged fifteen to nineteen years was 12.6 percent. About 80 percent of the youth workers are employed in the social overhead capital or service sectors. The labor force participation rates for males and females were 72.9 percent and 48.9 percent, respectively, and their unemployment rates were 3.7 percent and 3.1 percent in 2005. The proportion of female employees in professional,
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technical, and administrative jobs was 16.9 percent, which has doubled from 7.7 percent in 1990 but is still smaller than the 23.1 percent rate of males. The average wage of female workers is 0.62 times as much as that of males. The occupational change rate for female employees is 1.3 times higher than that for males (Korea National Statistical Office 2005). Single-parent households have been increasing since the 1990s, and they made up 6.1 percent of the total households in Korea in 2000. There are about 2,755 child-headed households in 2005, which consist of underage children only or with economically inactive or unable adults. This number is a decrease of about 5,500 from that in 1997 when South Korea was struck by an economic crisis, resulting in job losses and family dissolutions. It is estimated that there are about 10,000 sheltered homeless in Korea today. This number is a decrease from about 32,300 in 1986 (Korea National Statistical Office 2005). However, the problem of homelessness has received a great deal of attention since the economic crisis occurred in 1997, as homelessness now takes a different form from the past. Until the middle of the 1990s, the homeless were predominantly those who had varied mental and physical disabilities, who were unable to work and were staying at shelters. Then, the economic crisis of 1997 led several thousand ordinary citizens to be homeless, those who lost their jobs and homes.
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These people, with no place to go, slept in public places such as train stations, subway terminals, and parks, although now they stay at newly constructed homeless shelters called Haeng-yeo-jan-shwim-tuh (resting place for the homeless). Korea has adopted a decentralized government system. The central government is a presidential government system. Under this system, there are twenty-two government agencies directly attached to the president’s office, and eighteen Ministries affiliated with the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister is appointed by the president and approved by the National Assembly. While several Ministries are involved, the Ministry of Health and Welfare takes charge of social welfare programs. In 2005, the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family was established to provide a more effective support system for women, families, and infant care. Local governments of metropolitan cities and provinces have Departments of Social Welfare and provide services and aid for family and children within the communities. In Korea, a nongovernmental organization (NGO) is understood to be similar to a civil society organization (CSO). NGOs have been augmented in full scale since the late 1980s. While their estimated number KEY FACTS – SOUTH KOREA varies from several to tens of thousands, about 5,000 NGOs Population: 49,044,790 (July 2007 est.) were registered by the governInfant mortality rate: 6.05 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) ment in 2004. NGOs, along Life expectancy at birth: 77.23 years (2007 est.) with religious organizations, are Literacy rate: 97.9 percent (2002) actively involved in the promoNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 99 percent tion of most areas of society, rang(2000–2005) ing from human rights, women, Internet users: 33.9 million (2005) and youth to the environment, People living with HIV/AIDS: 8,300 (2003 est.) civil issues, laws, administration, Sources: CIA World Factbook: Korea, South. https://www.cia.gov/ peace, education, economy, culcia/publications/factbook/geos/ks.html. April 17, 2007. ture, and consumption. OVERVIEW During the past decades, many changes have occurred to the lives of children in South Korean society. The Korean War that broke out in 1950, lasting for three years, ruined the infrastructure of the country. This conflict left many children in orphanages. Poverty and disease resulted in the deaths of many children at an early age. As the society began to rebuild from the rubble of the war, living conditions for children started to improve as well. Child mortality dropped dramatically, from 127 per 1,000 births in 1960 to 6 per 1,000 births in 2004 (Korea National Statistical Office 2005). The length of free public education has gradually expanded to nine years of primary and middle schools from the previously required six years of primary school. A pilot program of
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yearlong free education is currently offered to five-year-olds before they enter mainstream school. It is planned to expand this program to all fiveyear-olds in the nation by 2007, extending the free education program by one year. South Korea has also seen progress in the child welfare policy over time. Until the 1960s, child relief that provided orphans with shelter was the dominant form of child support; this activity mostly relied on religious organizations and foreign aid. Child welfare today is becoming more inclusive and extensive, concerning not only needy children but also the general child population and attempting to create healthy and quality living conditions for all children. While living conditions, the basic child welfare indexes, and the child welfare system have been improving, there are other issues that face children in South Korea today. Many children are affected by the divorces of their parents and by the changes in family structure. An increase in child abuse and an exposure to violent and sexually sensational materials have been a rising concern. Suicide is the second-leading cause of death for children. Most children of school age, high school students in particular, struggle under the pressure to achieve academic success, spending most of their day doing schoolwork, taking additional lessons from private learning institutions or private tutors after school, and returning home late-night. This leaves them little time not only for play and recreation but also for opportunities to interact with their families. The overwhelming academic pressure is a significant contributor to the increase in teenage suicide. In addition, the proliferation of costly private educational practice has created the problem of unequal distribution of educational resources and opportunities. The issue of welfare for children of foreign workers and refugees from North Korea has emerged as a growing concern. Beginning in the mid1990s, the number of foreigners, mostly from Asian countries, entering Korea in search of jobs began to surge. The Ministry of Justice estimated that the number of both legal and illegal foreign workers in South Korea totaled 678,000 in 2004. Many foreigners, particularly those who have illegal status in South Korea, are employed in menial and low-wage jobs, and the living conditions of their children are less than adequate. In addition, the number of North Korean refugees has soared since the 1990s. According to the Ministry of Unification, during three and a half years beginning in 2001, about 3,700 North Koreans entered South Korea— 1,000 people per year on average—escaping from the escalating poverty and food shortages in North Korea. Among them, more than 15 percent were children, demanding attention to the problems of nursing, education, and adjustment for them. EDUCATION Korea has a 6-3-3-4 school system. A single tracking system continues until middle school, and high school is broadly divided into two
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categories: academic high school and vocational high school. There are two-year junior colleges and four-year universities for undergraduate students. Postgraduate education is provided through master’s and doctoral programs offered at universities. The enrollment rate at primary schools is 98 percent, and 99.9 percent of the graduates proceed to middle school. The advancement rate of middle school graduates to high school is 99.7 percent, and that of high school graduates to tertiary institutions is 82.1 percent—about 90 percent for academic high school graduates and about 62 percent for vocational high school graduates (Ministry of Education and Human Resources Development 2005). Compared with the gross school enrollment ratios above, the enrollment of children with disabilities is relatively low. Among the total population of school-age children with disabilities, approximately 88 percent attend school. About 29 percent of children with disabilities are at special schools, 34 percent are in special classes, and about 37 percent attend regular classes (Ministry of Education and Human Resources Development 2005). Six years of primary school and three years of middle school are tuition free and compulsory. In high school, students are responsible for paying tuition and fees that range from $1,000 to more than $3,000, depending on the type of school they attend. The government pays the expenses for children living below the poverty threshold and those with disabilities. Beginning in 2005, a new education aid program was introduced to aid vocational high school students from relatively low-income families with school expenses. By 2007, tuition and fees will be waived for all vocational high school students in rural areas. South Korean children have demonstrated high literacy performance on various domestic and international assessment tests. In a survey of the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) conducted by OECD, South Korean fifteen-year-olds ranked second in reading skills, third in math literacy, fourth in science, and first in problem-solving skills among thirty OECD members and eleven partner countries participating in the assessment. Boys performed better than girls in all areas except reading. Although some of the marginalized children are helped with their education expenses, inequality in educational opportunities is a persistent problem in South Korea due to the high reliance on parents’ pockets for educational expenditures. According to Education at a Glance published by OECD, South Korea spent 8.2 percent of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) for education in 2002, becoming the highest spending country for education among the OECD countries. Close to 42 percent of the spending (3.41 percent of GDP) was supplied by private sources, while public spending for education was only 4.79 percent of the GDP. The great reliance on private spending to offset the cost of education presents a major disadvantage to the poor in obtaining equitable education opportunities. Immigrant children are allowed to attend elementary school regardless of their parents’ legal status in South Korea. In the case of secondary
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school, decisions about the admission of immigrant children are entrusted to the principals. Only 1,574 immigrant children attended public schools in 2004. Although this is close to double the number in 2003 (817), this number is believed to fall short considering that the number of legal and illegal immigrant workers combined in South Korea is nearly 700,000. In addition, a study conducted by the Korea Educational Development Institute (KEDI) (2005) discovered that many children of immigrant workers find it difficult to get adjusted to the school setting, as they are invisible and have poor resources of cultural capital, which is important to be successful in Korean schools. Similar problems have also been observed among North Korean child refugees. According to the Ministry of Education and Human Resources Development, only 303 of 801 North Korean children of school age attend schools, a 37.8 percent enrollment rate. The enrollment rate is particularly low for high school age children at 6.6 percent. Many of the North Korean students experience difficulty in keeping up with the material taught at school. PLAY AND RECREATION The term ‘‘digital generation’’ is well-suited for South Korean children. A Media Watch survey in 2005 found that the internet was the most frequently used and influential medium among children in South Korea, followed by television, mobile services, and newspapers. About 80 percent of the total households possess a computer, and about 70 percent of them are connected to high-speed internet. This allows computers to function as convenient and effective tools for many children to collect information, communicate, listen to music, play games, and so on. Playing games is a prime leisure activity the youth do with computers; this is particularly true for boys. For about 90 percent of boys, playing computer games is one way to spend their leisure time; about 60 percent of girls play computer games. In addition to four land-based broadcasting channels, nearly every household subscribes to cable television, which costs about five dollars a month. According to KEDI (2003), children in secondary school spend about nine and a half hours a week watching television. While the children’s favorite programs are entertainment, comedies, and soap operas, other programs ranging from the Korean version of Sesame Street, information, and culture to animation, dramas, movies, and sports are aired on land-based and cable television and radio channels. In particular, the Educational Broadcasting System (EBS) has channels that are entirely devoted to children’s educational and cultural programs, including lessons on subjects taught at school. The importance of play and recreation in children’s lives has been proclaimed in major children’s rights-related documents. The Three Chapters of Public Pledges on Children’s Rights, announced in 1923, first
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made a statement about play, urging the country to establish suitable conditions for children to play. A similar claim was included in the Children’s Charter written in 1975 and revised in 1988. More recently, the Youth Charter created in 1990 and revised in 1998 acknowledges the right to leisure along with other eleven youth rights. Despite the acknowledgment of children’s right to play and leisure, this right tends to remain unfulfilled for many children. About 70 percent of children are unsatisfied with their leisure lives, and the primary cause of this dissatisfaction is the lack of leisure time. In the case of secondary school children, according to a recent study conducted by KEDI (2003), the average leisure time is about eight hours per week. The children’s insufficient leisure lives are due to an overemphasis on academic accomplishment, which discourages children from assigning time for activities unrelated to schoolwork. Beginning in the early 1990s, the government started to pay attention to youth activity, building legal and administrative infrastructures such as the Youth Basic Law, the Youth Activity Promotion Law, and the National Youth Commission. According to the Youth Activity Promotion Law, the central government must build and maintain two or more national youth institutes. The law also obligates each province and city to install one or more youth training institutes and cultural centers (at least one of each). As of 2004, about 100 youth organizations and 687 youth training institutes exist throughout the country (National Youth Commission, 2006). Financial assistance is available for youth activities and institutions that are operated by individuals and organizations. Since 1992, the National Youth Commission has developed and supplied about 130 youth programs in order to facilitate quality youth activities. CHILD LABOR The Labor Standard Law prohibits employment of children under the age of thirteen with the exception of art performances. Employment of children above the age of thirteen and below fifteen is allowed with approval from the government. Children above age fifteen and below eighteen may be employed with the agreement of their parents. In order to prevent the exploitation of child labor, the Labor Standard Law prohibits a labor contract from being signed by a proxy, and payment must be made directly to the child employed. It is unlawful to hire children for work that may be harmful to their mental and physical health. Children may be allowed to work up to seven hours a day and forty-two hours a week. The minimum wage for children with work experience of six months or less is 90 percent of the minimum wage of adult workers. From the 1960s to 1980s, many youth used to work at factories and do other menial work to put bread on the family table. While children laboring to assure their families’ survival are rare, the number of those
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who work part-time for extra cash or experience is on the rise. According to the 2006 Youth White Book, about 40 percent of children have done some sort of part-time work. Part-time work tends to be more prevalent among children living in youth facilities and vocational high school students. Among youth part-time workers, about 12 percent report that they have experienced delayed payment, and another 12 percent, curtailment of wages. About 4 percent and 1.7 percent, respectively, report physical violence and sexual harassment. Slightly higher numbers of girls tend to be victims of those violations than boys. Child slavery and indentured servitude are illegal under the Child Welfare Law, and violators are punishable by a sentence of up to ten years or a fine of 30 million Korean won, which approximately amounts to US$30,000. The Youth Protection Law and the Juvenile Sex Protection Law prohibit sexual exploitation and offenses against children. Nonetheless, youth prostitution has continued to be a serious social concern since the 1980s. In addition to the trafficking of young females to red-light streets, two additional routes taking teens to sex work have arisen since the 1990s. One is through decadent entertainment establishments. Close to 4,000 minor females were found to be illegally hired by these entertainment establishments in 1999 (Supreme Public Prosecutor’s Office, 2000). Among others, the Ticket-Dahbahng (‘‘tea house’’) is the most notorious—it is supposed to be a drink delivery location, but illegal prostitution frequently takes place between the customers and female drink deliverers. Many runaway or poor girls are the main victims of this type of sex selling. Another pervasive form of youth prostitution is so-called Won-joh-kyojeh, in which teenage girls have short- or long-term sexual relationships with adult men for money (roughly $100–$150). Making extra pocket money and living expenses or sexual curiosity are the main reasons for these girls to do sex selling. The participating parties are mainly hooked on the internet and by chatting on the phone. The practice of luring children with easy money is spreading to not only runaway girls, who used to be the typical victims of commercial sexual exploitation, but also to those who are from decent family backgrounds. In 2004, 1,593 youth sex-selling cases were exposed, swelling from 1,255 in 2001 (National Youth Commission 2006). More than 50 percent of sex-selling youth are sixteen years old or younger. The Juvenile Sex Protection Law allows both those who arrange sex selling of youth and those who purchase sex from youth to be sentenced up to three years’ penal servitude or a fine of up to 20 million Korean Won. Yet, only 6 percent of the arrested sex-purchasers were given prison sentences and only 32.5 percent a monetary penalty in 2001, while the rest were granted probation. Follow-up measures for sex-selling teenagers are inadequate, as well. Only 6.5 percent were placed under protective custody in 2004. Most (83.15 percent) were sent home, while another 5 percent
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were criminally booked (National Youth Commission 2006). NGOs and religious organizations have responded by campaigning against the disturbing problem of teenage prostitution and supplying rehabilitation facilities to help the recovery of the ex-sex-selling children. Further, those organizations operate facilities called Shwim-tuh (meaning ‘‘resting place’’) for youth and accommodate runaway or homeless youth in order to prevent these children from selling themselves to make money and encourage their return home. FAMILY In the traditional family structure, the father is the breadwinner and the mother is the housekeeper and childcare provider. The division of family responsibilities and different gender roles continues to exist today, although they are much weakened due to the increased social participation and economic independence of females and the expansion of a sense of gender equity. According to a study conducted by KEDI (2003), about 20 percent of secondary school students believe that males and females are supposed to have distinctive gender roles. The time-honored values of unconditional love for children and respect for parents are being maintained in the current society of South Korea as well. Hyo (‘‘filial piety’’), derived from Confucian thought, is deemed to be a virtue, demanding that children to be obedient to their parents’ will. This hierarchical parent–child relationship often silences children’s voices, although they are heard more now than in past. While more and more elderly parents live independently from their grown-up children, it is still widely accepted that children should look after their aging parents as their parents did for them when they were young. Each turning point of a family is celebrated with a pertinent rite of passage from childhood. Baek-il (the 100th day after birth) and Dohl (the first birthday) are observed as two major milestones for a child, pronouncing with formality that the child is a new member of the community. On Baek-il, the child is dressed with clothes quilted with 100 scraps, and parents distribute rice cakes to their neighbors. On Dohl, parents dress the child with gilded Hahn-bok (traditional Korean dress) and invite extended family members and neighbors to celebrate with food. At the party, Dohl-jahb-ih is performed, in which people seat the child in front of a table with foods and materials, ask him or her to pick an item from the table, and infer a bright future for the child from the item. While people give meaning to the item and interpret it in association with the child’s future, it is more about wishing the child blessings and longevity rather than a prediction. Family structure in South Korea has diversified, and divorce is a major contribution to this change. The divorce rate has almost tripled during the past fifteen years, from 1.1 per 1,000 people in 1990 to 2.9 per
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1,000 in 2004. Statistics show that, in 2000, about 70 percent of the divorced couples had children age twenty or under, indicating that divorce affects a significant number of children (Korea National Statistical Office 2005). In divorced families, about 65 percent of the mothers assume full custody of their children. While economic difficulties are a widespread problem in single-parent households, it is particularly severe for a divorced woman with children. In the case of divorce, the property accumulated after marriage is supposed to be equally divided between both parties. Nonetheless, more than half of divorced women are denied a fair division of property by their husbands. About 60 percent of divorced childrearing women receive no aid from the biological fathers of the children. Further, females in the workforce are generally paid significantly less than males. This problem is further complicated by the lack of meaningful and productive employment for women who are returning to the workplace. Consequently, many children with divorced parents undergo not only the psychological distress of parental separation but also suffer from economic hardship. Government programs that support families with children are mostly intended for the marginalized. Parents of children in kindergarten with disabilities are assisted with roughly $200 a month per child for tuition or tuition is waived at the special kindergartens for children with disabilities. The government pays part of or the entire daycare cost and schooling expenses for children from families below the poverty threshold. Financing and housing aid are also available to low-income, single-parent families. For child-headed families, the government pays for basic living expenses and schooling-related expenditures including tuition, transportation, reference materials, and so on, as well as a monthly allowance that amounts to about $70 per child. In addition, the government bears 37 percent of the total nursing expenses of the nation and plans to expand that total up to 50 percent by 2008. HEALTH Under the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS) introduced in 1989, all Koreans, including Koreans abroad and foreigners living in Korea, are covered by either medical insurance or a protection program. The total health care spending in South Korea was 5.6 percent of the GDP in 2004, which was the lowest share of GDP among OECD countries (OECD 2006). The ratio of people to a doctor dropped from 1,631 in 1981 to 589 in 2004, and the ratio of people to a nurse from 345 to 249 (Korea National Statistical Office 2005). However, health care facilities are concentrated in urban areas and are lacking in remote rural and poor regions. Also, the co-payment, approximately 20 percent of the total health care charge, burdens the poor and discourages them from using medical facilities, thus making prevention or early diagnosis of disease difficult.
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Infant and child mortality rates are 5 and 6 per 1,000 live births, a significant decrease from 61 and 127 per 1,000 in 1960 (Korea National Statistical Office 2005). The National Immunization Program (NTP) allows all children to be provided with free vaccinations against diseases such as tuberculosis, hepatitis B, diphtheria, pertussis, tetanus, polio, measles, mumps, rubella, Japanese encephalitis, typhoid fever, influenza, and hemorrhagic fever with renal syndrome. All children are inoculated with vaccines against various child diseases recognized by the government. The inpatient care co-payment is waived for children under the age of six years. Infants of the poor receive health examinations free of charge. Limited financial support is also available for the treatment of premature babies born to poor parents. While parents assume primary responsibility for children with disabilities, the government provides financial aid for the poor, covering half or the whole co-payment for health care. According to the Ministry of Health and Welfare (2005), about 35 percent of the adult population is constantly under stress, and about 6 percent suffer from extreme stress. The suicide rate is higher than ever—the second-leading cause of death for children in South Korea. Mental disorders affect about 18 percent of the total population annually. While many are in need of mental health care, the prevailing stigma against mental illness discourages them from seeking treatment. The government and NGOs are campaigning to eliminate the public’s prejudice against psychiatric treatment. Between 1998 and 2003, the number of social rehabilitation centers and public mental health centers, such as community mental heath centers and halfway houses, increased by approximately twenty times. A study conducted by KEDI (2003) reports that close to 40 percent of secondary school students are or used to be dating. Among them, 2.2 percent are or used to be sexually active. About 31.5 percent of the total number of unwed mothers were teenagers in 2005, growing from 0.4 percent in 1984 and 28.7 percent in 1996 (Korean Women’s Development Institute 2005). Along with the increase of teenage unwed mothers, the issue of homosexuality has surfaced as an issue in the society of Korea. In particular, the mistreatment of the homosexual youth arose as a disquieting problem (Shin 2005). Gays and lesbians started to come out in the late 1990s and voiced their rights. Yet, society still holds harsh attitudes toward homosexuals. While it has been rare for bisexuals or the transgendered youth to come out in public, some have done so, only to be faced with isolation and violence from their peers. While schools are required to give sex education, it is mostly devoted to teaching the structure of genital organs and encouraging students to keep their passions under control and maintain their virginity. Although sexual identity, sexual behavior, and contraception issues are major concerns for youth, these issues are rarely discussed at school. Rapid economic development since the 1960s and population concentration around the metropolitan cities has caused a serious environmental
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pollution. The amounts of carbon monoxide, dust, and ozone in the air have risen dramatically. Air quality deterioration is particularly prevalent in large cities, including the Seoul Metropolitan Region and areas with major industrial complexes. Respiratory system-related diseases are the top causes for people to seek Medicare, generating 32 percent of the total number of outpatients in 2002. About 92 percent of the total population use improved drinking water sources. Tap water is piped to about 97 percent of the urban residents and about 71 percent of the rural residents (Korea National Statistical Office 2005). NGO activities for health promotion in South Korea vary from environment movement, free medical services, and emergency relief work to health campaigns, assistance with medical expenses, and exercise of influence on policy making. The environment is one of the areas in which NGOs are most active, keeping close watch on pollution and campaigning for environmental protection and preservation. NGOs are also vital resources for sex and sexuality education, offering related information and counseling via the internet, phone, and television channels. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Korea is a party to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) carried out in 1989. The country reports to the UN on the welfare of children in Korea every five years and consults with the UN to identify areas of child welfare needing improvement. The UNCRC was reflected in the Child Welfare Law that provides a frame for child welfare policies in South Korea. The central and local governments are accountable to take necessary action to protect a child when the child loses his or her home or his or her safety is threatened by the surrounding environments. According to the Ministry of Health and Welfare, as of 2005, there exist 282 child welfare facilities entrusted with close to 20,000 children. Slightly less than 30 percent of these children are children given up by unwed mothers, and about 50 percent of these children are the victims of poverty and abuse. The Youth Protection Law regulates the safeguarding of children from violent, sexually offensive, and other harmful environments that tend to lead them to delinquent behavior. The Juvenile Act outlines protective and punitive measures for juvenile delinquents. According to the Juvenile Act, juvenile delinquencies are crimes or crime-ridden offences committed by children between the ages of twelve and twenty years old. All juvenile delinquency cases are handled by the Juvenile Squad Police and classified into three categories: penal offense by children age fourteen or above, penal offense by children age twelve and thirteen, and crimeridden offense. Based on the Criminal Law, the legal majority starts at age fourteen. Only penal offenses by children age fourteen or older are treated as juvenile crime. The other two types are handled as protection
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cases. Juvenile crime occurrences reached the pinnacle in 1997 and have been on the decline since then. According to the 2005 White Book about Youth, there were about 93,000 cases in 2004, making up 3.6 percent of the total crime cases in South Korea. This is a substantial drop from about 164,182 cases in 2000, which accounted for 7.8 percent of the total crime occurrences in that year. Theft and violence are the leading forms of offenses committed by children, representing about 60 percent of the total juvenile crimes. Juvenile crimes are processed by the prosecution, and they are treated more generously than adult crimes. While the suspension rate of indictment for adult crimes was 11.2 percent in 2004, only about 23 percent of the total juvenile crimes were indicted (National Youth Commission 2006). The indicted juvenile case is subject to a criminal trial. Capital punishment and life imprisonment sentences are prohibited and replaced with fifteen years’ and five years’ imprisonment, respectively. There is an awareness that separating juvenile delinquents from society may not be beneficial in helping them adapt to society. Many delinquents are placed under probation. Also, a sentence may be replaced with parole after one-fifth to onethird of the original sentence period has passed. There are about 26,500 juvenile delinquents under probation. If a sentence is ordered, it is executed at juvenile prison; there are 903 juvenile penal offenders confined at two juvenile prisons in South Korea, which is a decrease of close to half from 1,701 in 2000 (National Youth Commission 2006). All protection cases are heard at family court; there are eight throughout the country. Protective custody is carried at various places such as the offender’s home, a youth facility, hospital, nursing home, or juvenile reformatory. Juvenile prisons, reformatories, and other protective facilities provide job training and subject matters along with counseling. There are sixty counseling centers affiliated with the Ministry of Justice that serve juveniles, and counseling is included as a part of the inspection and rehabilitation processes. RELIGIOUS LIFE Religion has been an important part of life for Koreans since ancient times. Buddhism was strong from the period of the Three Kingdoms, and was reclaimed as the national religion during the Koryo (918–1392) period. During the Choson (1392–1897) period, Confucianism was adopted as the national religion, replacing Buddhism. While each religion is grounded in its own unique doctrine and spirit, has distinctive rituals, and brings different lessons to its believers, the influence of Confucianism in South Korea was extraordinary. This is because Confucian thoughts directly address social relationships between people while offering moral principles that permeate everyday life. Confucianism supports distinctively different gender roles between males and females, and a strong family tie.
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Confucianism also suggests that the parent–child relationship be close and loving yet hierarchical, asking children to conform to their parents. Confucianism also encourages children to pay respect to the elderly. These Confucius principles are being followed less today, yet they still serve as fundamental life values for South Koreans in the present day. There is no national religion in South Korea today. While religious freedom is ensured, no religious activities are allowed in public schools. Diverse religions such as Buddhism, Confucianism, Christianity, Won Buddhism, Taoism, Shamanism, and Islam coexist in Korea. According to Report on the Social Statistics Survey by the Korea National Statistical Office, 2003, more than half of the total population, 61 percent of females and 46.4 percent of males, participate in religious activities. Younger generations are less religious than the older ones. Among children age fifteen or under, about 46 percent have a religion, while more than 60 percent of people age fifty or older do. Buddhism (47 percent) and Christianity (50.5 percent) are the two most prevailing religions, making up about 97.5 percent of the total religious population in 2003. Protestant Christians make up 36.8 percent and Catholic Christians make up 13.7 percent of those who believe in Christianity (Korea National Statistical Office 2005). Buddhism is most widely believed among adults and Christianity among youth. About 65 percent of the religious children age fifteen or younger believe in Christianity. Buddha’s Birthday and Christmas are observed as holidays. Contributions of religious organizations to social welfare in South Korea are noteworthy. In fact, a Catholic priest started the first modern orphanage for abandoned children in 1888. Christian missionaries introduced modern schools to Korea, building several hundred schools during the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century. It was mostly religious organizations that sheltered children orphaned by the Korean War or arranged adoptions for them. Religious organizations still play a crucial role in serving children in need of care in the present day, operating several thousand residential facilities for children and providing free day care facilities, communal study rooms, and scholarships for children from lowincome families. In addition to the relief work and service for marginalized children, religious organizations are active in promoting youth activity by organizing youth clubs, facilitating cultural and traditional events, and offering children volunteer opportunities for the public and the needy. Throughout the country, there are 130 counseling centers for children and family, and about 5,500 youth centers built by Buddhist, Christian, Catholic, and other religious organizations. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The Child Welfare Law broadly defines child abuse by including not only infliction of harm on children but also negligence and abandonment.
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However, the law is somewhat vague on what is regarded as abuse in South Korea, where discipline and corporal punishment by parents are culturally accepted and prevail. Also, this ambiguity allows many abuses to remain unexposed. Recently, however, child abuse reports substantially increased. According to the Ministry of Health and Welfare, 6,998 reports were made in 2004, multiplying by 8.7 times from 807 in 1997. This swelling number is viewed as a sign of enhanced understanding about child abuse as well as an actual increase of its occurrence. Out of the 6,998 reports in 2004, 3,891were concluded to be child abuse. The Ministry of Health and Welfare reported that about 80 percent of child abuse victims were of age twelve or under in 2004. Most abuses occur at home (about 75 percent), and parents are the most dominant abusers (about 80 percent). Child neglect occurred most frequently, making up about 35 percent of the total abuse cases, followed by physical abuse, emotional abuse, sexual abuse, and abandonment. Close to 40 percent of abused children suffered from more than two kinds of maltreatment. While current services for abused children tend to rely on counseling (about 32.4 percent in 2004), other various treatments through children’s hospitals or institutions and family support programs are available. Also, abused children may be admitted to protective facilities if it is necessary for them to remain separate from their abusers. Child abusers may face up to five years of imprisonment or a monetary penalty of up to 30 million Korean Won. Yet, they are rarely punished. Only slightly more than 1 percent of child abusers were imprisoned in 2001. As with the care of abused children, counseling is the dominant measure taken to help abusers (77 percent in 2001) and professional treatment is rarely conducted (0.4 percent in 2001) (Han and Song 2006). The hotline number (1391) for child abuse reports is open twenty-four hours a day. Social workers, medical personnel, teachers, and so on are required to report all abuse cases they discover. In addition, many prevention efforts have escalated. The Korea Association for the Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect holds seminars urging people to be attentive and responsive to the problem of child abuse. The association’s outreach program particularly targets children, parents, and teachers. The Good Neighbors provides Child Empowering Services (CES), teaching preschoolers about their rights to be protected from abuse and strategies for selfprotection when they are abused. Including ‘‘the child abuse zero campaign’’ launched by the organization of Save the Children, many anti-child abuse movements are carried out via various mass media channels. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The progress made in children’s living conditions during the past halfcentury is notable. Children’s organizations are being formed to discuss and speak for child welfare, criticizing rules and practices that intrude on
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children’s human rights. While these are hopeful signs, in order to advance child welfare, it is essential for the government to provide stronger leadership by fully acknowledging and protecting children’s rights. In addition to enhancing the welfare state of sheltered children, the government needs to construct a comprehensive support system for children of the marginalized so that poverty or being the children of unwed mothers does not have to cause children to be separated from their families or lose opportunities that are available to mainstream children. Also, a stronger government support system for families with children needs to be put into place. Economic pressure, one of reasons for the dwindling fertility rate in South Korea, needs to be alleviated. Parental education is another service in demand, considering that a dominant portion of child abuse is committed by parents. Accomplishing educational equity, creating curriculum sensitive to needs of children and the society such as sex and sexuality education, and bringing play back to their lives: all remain as tasks to be fulfilled. The disquieting problem of sex selling by teenage girls suggests the necessity of helping children to build strong values in addition to toughening legal actions against the individuals involved. Further, without accomplishing gender equity and transforming stereotypes of gender roles, the troublesome imbalance of gender ratio among children is likely to continue. Finally, it should be remembered that government policy alone cannot create a child welfare society but requires the participation of the country’s citizens. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Doe, S. 2001. Comparative review of children’s rights and women’s rights in Korea. Development 44(2):111–16. Reviews development of legal and social welfare system for children and women in Korea. Hahm, H., and N. Guterman. 2001.The emerging problem of physical child abuse in South Korea. Child Maltreatment 6(2):169–79. This research report discusses sociocultural factors contributing to child abuse and recent efforts to address the problem. National Human Rights Commission: The Republic of Korea, Annual Report 2004: National Human rights Commission. http://www.humanrights.go.kr. Provides an overview of human rights conditions, issues, and efforts towards improvement along with recommendations for future direction. Park, N. 2005. Life satisfaction among Korean children and youth: A developmental perspective. School Psychology International 26(2):209–23. Discusses degrees of life satisfaction among elementary, middle, and high school students, and their associated factors. United Nations, Committee on the Rights of the Child. 2003. Consideration of Reports submitted by States Parties Under Article 44 of the Convention: Convention
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of the Rights of the Child: Concluding Observations: Republic of Korea. The United Nations Web site. http://documents.un.org/mother.asp. An examination of child welfare state in South Korea, including general principles, children’s rights and freedom, family environment, care, health, and so on. Yang, O. 2002. Guidelines for a national policy model for early childhood education and care in Korea: Meeting the needs of knowledge-based societies. International Journal of Early Childhood 34(1): 37–44. Reports findings of a survey on the conditions of and the parental expectatio
