The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children's Issues Worldwide
General Editor Irving Epstein GREENWOOD PRESS
THE GREENWOOD ENCYCLOPEDIA
Children’s Issues WORLDWIDE
OF
THE GREENWOOD ENCYCLOPEDIA
Children’s Issues WORLDWIDE
ASIA AND OCEANIA General Editor
Irving Epstein Volume Editor
Jyotsna Pattnaik
GREENWOOD PRESS Westport, Connecticut x London
OF
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Greenwood encyclopedia of children’s issues worldwide / Irving Epstein, general editor. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-313-33614-0 (set : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33620-1 (v. 1 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33618-8 (v. 2 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33619-5 (v. 3 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33617-1 (v. 4 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33616-4 (v. 5 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33878-6 (v. 6 : alk. paper) 1. Children—Encyclopedias. I. Epstein, Irving, 1951. II. Pattnaik, Jyotsna. HQ767.84.G74 2008 305.2303—dc22 2007031312 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available. Copyright C 2008 by Irving Epstein All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2007031312 ISBN: 978-0-313-33614-0 (set) ISBN: 978-0-313-33620-1 (Asia and Oceania) ISBN: 978-0-313-33618-8 (Central and South America) ISBN: 978-0-313-33619-5 (Europe) ISBN: 978-0-313-33617-1 (North America and the Caribbean) ISBN: 978-0-313-33616-4 (Sub-Saharan Africa) ISBN: 978-0-313-33878-6 (North Africa and the Middle East) First published in 2008 Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881 An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc. www.greenwood.com Printed in the United States of America
The paper used in this book complies with the Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National Information Standards Organization (Z39.48–1984). 10
9 8
7 6 5 4 3 2 1
CONTENTS
Preface
Irving Epstein
vii
User’s Guide
xv
Introduction 1.
2.
Jyotsna Pattnaik
Australia
Merlyne Cruz, Glenda MacNaughton, and Sharne Rolfe
Bangladesh
3.
Bhutan
4.
Cambodia
5.
6.
Mesbah-us-Saleheen and Khondaker Mohammod Shariful Huda
Jeffrey S. Weaner, Joann Burkhardt, and Aaron Weaner
China
Heidi A. Ross with Jingjing Lou, Lei Wang, Ran Zhang, and Yuhao Cen
The Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) Fiji
8.
Hong Kong
10.
India Indonesia
1
27 55
T. W. Maxwell
7.
9.
xix
Robert W. Spegal
Sharon Bessell and Lynette Petueli Bianca Prather-Jones, Willie Elliott, and Elaine Jarchow
Deepak Kumar Behera and Nibedita Nath John A. Huss and Elaine Jarchow
79
99
123 143
169 189 211
CONTENTS
11.
Japan
12.
Malaysia
13.
Mongolia
14.
Gerald K. LeTendre and Motoko Akiba See Ching Mey Darikhand Bayar and Enkhtuya Sukhbaatar
New Zealand
15.
Pakistan
16.
Philippines
17.
Singapore
18.
South Korea
19.
Sri Lanka
20.
Taiwan
Michael Gaffney, Nicola Taylor, and Nicola Atwool Fazila Gulrez and Sabeen Hafeez Joan Dymphna G. Saniel
22.
Thailand
23.
Turkmenistan
24.
Vietnam
279
301 325 347 369
Youngjoo Kim
395
Hsiu-Zu Ho and Wei-Wen Chen, with Hsin-Yi Kung
Tajikistan
255
Wing-Cheong Chan
Upali M. Sedere
21.
237
Angela Baschieri and Jane C. Falkingham Wirot Sanrattana and Merrill M. Oaks Oguljamal Yazliyeva Gerald W. Fry and Pham Lan Huong
417
439 465 487 511 535
Bibliography
559
Index
567
About the Editors and Contributors
575
The Six-Volume Comprehensive Index begins on page 379 of the final volume, North Africa and the Middle East
[ vi ]
PREFACE Irving Epstein
The decision to publish The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide involved a number of considerations, but was primarily influenced by an understanding that children were deserving of an encyclopedia solely dedicated to a discussion of the quality of their lives. Although there are many sources that compile statistical information and data about the state of children around the world, we believed that by summarizing much of that information in one format, it would be easier for the general public, as well as students, teachers, and policy-makers, to gain a foundational understanding of the challenges the world’s children currently confront. However, the difficulties inherent in completing a project of this size and complexity raise larger questions about the ways in which we think about children and childhood in an era of globalization, and it is these questions that I intend to address in the following paragraphs. To begin with, it should be acknowledged that the Encyclopedia is both selective and comprehensive. It is selective, in the sense that we have not been able to adequately cover children’s lives in every country or nationstate throughout the world. Due to the prevalence of political, social, and economic conflict and dislocation, it proved impossible to locate experts who had access to the requisite information, and had the time to write about children in certain countries and affected geographical areas. However, the Encyclopedia is comprehensive, insofar as all major aspects of children’s lives, including educational provision, legal status, family life, health, abuse and neglect, play and recreation, and religious affiliation, are covered within each chapter. Together, the chapters give us a clear picture as to how children are treated and cared for within specific countries and geographical areas, as well as their general quality of life in the twenty-first century. The fact that so many of the chapters within these volumes are co-authored speaks to the penchant for disciplinary specialization that characterizes contemporary academic discourse within the social sciences, a tendency that makes it difficult for a single person to master the many facets of childhood that are covered in the Encyclopedia.
PREFACE
It also reaffirms, however, the usefulness of collaboration, in order to better facilitate the framing of a holistic representation of children’s lives. One can certainly raise the issue as to why we need an encyclopedia that is country- and region-specific in a globalized age. From an organizational and aesthetic perspective, it is reasonable to ask whether this project includes basic redundancies that could be eliminated by adopting a broader, thematic approach. From a conceptual standpoint, it is reasonable to ask whether privileging the nation-state and/or geographic region as a basic unit of analysis makes sense, given the challenges to the long-term viability of the nation-state that globalization tendencies seem to create. My response to both questions is strongly negative, for I believe that issues involving the characteristics of globalization and the nature of childhood can best be understood if they are contextualized. I would therefore reject contentions that an understanding of childhood can be essentialized or that any authentic view of globalization can be formulated through adhering to assumptions that dichotomize the global and the local. By embracing the importance of context, one may indeed at times sacrifice conceptual elegance, and as one reads the various chapters of this volume, no doubt one will find that similar stories are being told in different ways. Certainly, the current legitimacy and long-term viability of certain nationstates and political institutions is implicitly questioned, as the reader learns of their inability to protect children and their complicity in endangering children’s lives. Nonetheless, it is doubtful that within our lifetimes, in spite of the growing prominence of transnational influences we associate with globalization, that the nation-state will dissolve as a basic unit of governance, or that our sense of geographical place will no longer have an impact upon our expressions of personal and cultural identity. Therefore, while the importance of globalization influences upon the twenty-first century lives of children must be acknowledged, and while it is clear that our understandings of childhood are informed through cross-cultural comparison and generalization, the Encyclopedia’s authors reaffirm the importance of focusing upon the lives of children as they are understood within the regional, area, and nation-state framework. This being said, there are a number of issues involving the nature of globalization and childhood that can be noted from the outset. First, globalization has been defined according to radically different terms. For some scholars, it has signified the permanent and inevitable ascendancy of empire, be it Western (Fukuyama 1992; Huntington 1996), or in reaction to the self-serving nature of that analysis, Asian (Frank 1998). For others, it has signified both the triumph of neo-liberal liberalism and the decline of the nation-state as a fundamental organizational unit. Proponents of neo-liberalism, with its embrace of a de-regulated capitalism thriving within an environment of privatization, have associated globalization with these policies; critics point to the resulting decline and elimination of social services traditionally provided by the state that such policies
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have promoted. Widespread international institutional neglect and indifference to the needs of children can certainly be viewed, in part, as a result of these policies. Regardless of one’s political views regarding globalization, its economic dimensions have been characterized by the increasing power of consumption rather than production as a driving economic force. Global consumption patterns are by their nature, more difficult to chart and are less subject to hierarchical control, than are traditional patterns of industrial production. The fluid nature of global trade created a sense of decentering that has been observed in other realms too, including the use of technology to create an information age society (Castells 2000), the fluidity with which cultural interactions are transmitted (Appadurai 1996), and the existence of general patterns of flux, mobility, change, complexity, randomness, and contingency (Bauman 2004). The impact of these forces upon the world’s children is graphically portrayed within the pages of this Encyclopedia. Whether it be through the use of child soldiering, an over-reliance upon child labor and its subsequent denial of basic educational provision, engagement in child trafficking and prostitution, or the promotion of child pornography, often through use of the internet, children in the twenty-first century are increasingly being defined in global terms as consumable and perishable items, to be used, abused, and then discarded by those who are more powerful. Globalization theorists disagree as to whether the effects of these trends are irrevocable or whether the trends themselves need be viewed as rigidly deterministic. What is clear though, is that populations in the developing world are becoming increasingly young; 1.5 billion people throughout the world are aged twelve to twenty-four; 1.3 billion live in the developing world (World Bank 2007). Demographically, a ‘‘youth bulge’’ is predicted, as fertility rates decline. As a result, there will be new pressures for developing countries to integrate their youth into the workforce, encourage more civic engagement, and discourage risk-taking behavior on their part. Most importantly, because of their increasing numbers, youth will have greater opportunities to articulate their own needs within public spaces, to become public self-advocates. The work of UNICEF and other NGOs, in promoting greater child and youth participation in their own affairs, over the past fifteen years, is noteworthy in this regard. The tensions we have noted, between the casual disregard of children’s basic needs and the cynical use of children for personal interest and gain, on the one hand, and the increasing recognition of the potential for child and youth advocacy on the other hand, raise even larger questions as to how basic understandings of childhood are being defined and contested in the twenty-first century. One of the main conclusions one can deduce from a reading of the various chapters of the Encyclopedia is that our understandings of childhood express a significant variation as to how childhood is defined, how children develop, and how their interests are protected. Changing biological
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characteristics associated with childhood and adulthood have had an influence in expanding what it means to be a child in the twenty-first century. In addition, it is clear that notions of childhood are largely social constructions, influenced by such cultural, economic, political and social factors as the nature of labor markets, demographic trends, the creation and growth of mass education, and the changing notions of patriarchy and family roles and their relationship to the state. No longer can childhood be simplistically expressed as simply a transient state of dependency, defined by the child’s relationship to an adult world that she will eventually enter. Instead, it is important to acknowledge the complexity, ambiguity, and malleability that characterize the category we define as childhood. Archaeologists nonetheless point to the materiality of childhood as being an essential factor in understanding how children have lived their lives, and their emphasis upon the materiality of the child’s body (Derevenski 2000, 3–16) has resonance within the pages of this Encyclopedia as well. Throughout these volumes, one gains an appreciation as to how children’s bodies are abused, violated, harmed, or are in fewer cases protected and nourished. One can find a considerable degree of controversy, associated with how the chronological age of the child is defined, or what constitutes child abuse and neglect, when basic educational provision is satisfactory, or when certain forms of child labor can be considered productive and useful. But, as the chapter authors also emphasize the material nature of childhood, including how children play and negotiate social space, and how they adapt to the conditions around them, they reaffirm the view that it makes sense to examine childhood materiality while acknowledging its ambiguity. Governments, activists, scholars, and experts have been aided in their efforts to document how children live through their use of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and as the Convention has indirectly played a significant role in the construct of the categories of analysis within each Encyclopedia chapter, it is useful to make a few comments about its utility and the process through which it has been implemented. The Convention itself was adopted by the General Assembly on November 20, 1989, and entered into force on September 2, 1990. Two subsequent protocols have been passed that deal with the sale of children, child prostitution, child pornography, and child soldiering. Since its inception, the Convention has become one of the most successful international human rights instruments that have ever been created. Ratified by 192 countries (the United States and Somalia are the only two countries belonging to the U.N. that have failed to do so), it sets standards as to how children’s needs and interests should be defined and articulated. Countries are required to regularly report to the Committee on the Rights of the Child, a body charged with implementing the Convention, and NGOs are also encouraged to raise questions of concern with the Committee. As a result of this reporting process, member states
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PREFACE
have improved their data collection mechanisms for assessing the conditions under which their children live; some states have created ombudspersons and national governmental units specifically designed to protect and address the needs of children; others have made a good faith effort to give older children and youth a formal means of articulating their interests through the establishment of youth parliaments and related institutional structures. Indeed, national constitutions now include specific provisions regarding the protection of children. It is undeniable that the nearly universal ratification of the Convention has been accompanied by increased world attention to the plight of children and in that process, children’s lives have been saved as their interests and needs are being more clearly articulated (Epstein 2005). It is not surprising therefore, that many of the Encyclopedia authors have used information within country reports submitted to the Committee, documenting specific progress in complying with the articles of the Convention, as a basis for assessing the quality of children’s lives within the specific country. The Convention of course is not a perfect document. Scholars have pointed to its contradictory perspectives, with regard to its ambiguous definitions of the chronological age of childhood, contradictory perspectives involving the degree of autonomy that should be afforded the child, the gendered nature of document language (emphasis on child soldiering but not arranged early child marriage, and the lack of attention to the specific challenges girls confront, for example), and its privileging of the protection of children’s political rights over economic, social, and cultural rights as major deficiencies. Nonetheless, its importance and influence as an international instrument is beyond dispute, its having enhanced significance through the reporting process to which states voluntarily commit themselves and the responses to state reports offered by the Committee on the Rights of the Child. Although many of the rights enumerated within the Convention replicate those that appear in other international instruments, until the Convention was ratified, the rights of children in particular were merely assumed to fall within larger frameworks that were created for adults. It is perhaps the Convention’s greatest strength that it recognizes the fact that children are deserving of rights due their inherent status. This being the case, the rather progressive sections of the document that argue in favor of children themselves exercising their rights to the best of their capabilities makes logical sense. When examining country reports, the Committee operates from a fundamental assumption that the implementation of children’s rights cannot be viewed as a voluntary or charitable exercise. Bestowing rights to children is not an act of kindness or generosity; it is a State responsibility to secure, protect, and promote such rights insofar as they are inherently guaranteed to children on the basis of their humanity. Although the Convention was adopted at a time when the nature of globalization forces was just beginning to be appreciated, its wisdom has
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stood the test of time at least in one respect. The increasingly harsh circumstances with which many of the world’s children must contend, brought about to some degree by the globalization tendencies we have previously described, reinforce the truism that it is becoming increasingly perilous to their own health, safety, and well-being for children to be forced into relying upon adults to defend and protect their basic interests. They are too often the first casualties of poverty, internal conflict and displacement, and illness; the first victims when widespread social suffering occurs. Thus, the need for children to play an increasingly assertive role in defending and articulating their own interests through public advocacy, given the frequent abdication of adult responsibility in this area, is a theme that is strongly expressed within the Convention and is one that has become more salient through the passage of time. It is our hope that this Encyclopedia will serve a useful purpose by enhancing understanding about children’s lives, the challenges they confront, and the courage they and their advocates express, as they struggle to create a better future during the first decade of the twenty-first century. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide could not have been published without the collective efforts of hundreds of international scholars, a dedicated group of volume editors, and the hard work of the Greenwood Publishing Group editorial staff. Marie Ellen Larcada, who has since left Greenwood, was instrumental in conceiving of the project more than two years ago. But it was acquisitions editor Mariah Gumpert, who through her unlimited patience, laser-like focus, and generous encouragement, is most responsible for the Encyclopedia’s completion. My personal gratitude for her efforts is enormous. The task of generating substantive essays about the lives of children in so many countries and regions was extremely complex but was made easier through the hard work of volume editors Laura Arntson, Leslie J. Limage, Sheryl L. Lutjens, Jyotsna Pattnaik, Ghada Hashem Talhami, and Eleonora Villegas-Reimers. Each volume editor contacted numerous experts and convinced them of the importance of the project, worked assiduously with their authors in editing and revising manuscripts, and framed each volume in ways that have insured that the entire Encyclopedia is accessible and reader-friendly. For their efforts and for the efforts of the chapter contributors, I wish to convey my deepest appreciation.
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REFERENCES Appadurai, A. 1996. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Bauman, Z. 2004. ‘‘A Sociological Theory of Post-modernity.’’ In Contemporary Sociological Theory, eds. C. Calhoun, J. Moody, S. Pfaff, J. Gerteis, and I. Virk, eds. Oxford: Blackwell. 429–440. Castells, M. 2000. The Rise of the Network Society, 2nd ed. Oxford: Blackwell. Derevenski, J. S. 2000. ‘‘Material Culture Shock: Confronting Expectations in the Material Culture of Children.’’ In Children and Material Culture, Joanna Derevenski, ed. London: Routledge. 3–16. Epstein, I. 2005. ‘‘The Convention on the Rights of the Child: The Promise and Limitations of Multilateralism as a Means of Protecting Children.’’ UNICEF– China, International Forum on Children’s Development, October 29–31. http://www.unicef.org/china/P3_EPSTEIN_paper.pdf. Frank, A. G. 1998. Reorient: Global Economy in the Asian Age. Berkeley: University of California. Fukuyama, F. 1992. The End of History and the Last Man. New York: Free Press. Huntington, S. P. 1996. The Clash of Civilizations and the Making of the New Order. New York: Simon and Schuster. World Bank. 2007. World Bank Report: Development and the Next Generation. Washington, DC: World Bank.
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USER’S GUIDE
The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide is a six-volume set covering the world’s most populous regions. . . . . . .
Asia and Oceania Central and South America Europe North America and the Caribbean Sub-Saharan Africa North Africa and the Middle East
All of the volumes contain an introduction to the set from the general editor and a more specific introduction to the volume, written by the volume editor. A copy of the Convention on the Rights of the Child is also printed as an appendix in the North Africa and the Middle East volume. The volumes are divided into chapters organized alphabetically by country or in a few instances by regional name (where countries are grouped together on a regional basis). The following outline includes the sub-sections for each chapter. In a few instances, particularly when information is unavailable or irrelevant to a specific country or region, the sub-section has been eliminated. NATIONAL PROFILE The information gathered for this sub-section may include general demographic information, a summary of recent historical and political change within the country or region, a summation of the general challenges that confront the population, and how they might affect children.
USER’S GUIDE
OVERVIEW A discussion of the issues that affect children within the population, highlighting the general state of their welfare and the changing nature of their circumstances. EDUCATION A discussion of issues of access, literacy levels, drop-out, opportunities for educational advancement, equity and fairness with regard to socioeconomic status, gender, ethnic and religious affiliation, and disability. PLAY AND RECREATION A discussion of popular forms of play, children’s use of toys and the media, their use of technology, sports, games, and other types of recreation. CHILD LABOR A discussion of relevant legislation to protect children, efforts to enforce such legislation, cultural norms, social values, and economic pressures involving the use of child labor, the type of work children are expected to complete, the effects of globalization tendencies upon child labor abuses. FAMILY A discussion of relevant family structures, gender roles within the families, demographic trends regarding family size, effects of divorce, intergenerational relationships, effects of poverty and general socio-economic status upon family organization and behavior, rites of passage. HEALTH A discussion of issues related to infant and child mortality, vaccination and childhood disease, the general quality of medical care provided to children, access to clean water, exposure to air and other forms of pollution, and relevant sex education programming. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS A discussion of how the country’s legal system affects children—what protections they are given under the law, and how legal safeguards are guaranteed. The nature of the juvenile justice system, if one exists, how gang activity is handled, conditions for children and youth who are incarcerated.
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RELIGIOUS LIFE A discussion of prevailing religious practices and their meanings for children, forms of religious training, the role of religious organizations in children’s lives. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT A discussion including statistics that illustrates the scope of child abuse and neglect within the country or region, types of abuse and neglect and the reasons for their occurrence, and preventative measures that have been taken; how specific issues such as child soldiering, child trafficking, and child pornography are addressed. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY A discussion summarizing findings from other sub-sections of the chapter while offering assessments as to future prospects as well as what further measures will have to be taken in order to significantly improve children’s lives in the immediate and near future. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested readings, relevant video, film and media sources, web sites, and relevant NGOs and other organizations are listed in this section. Whenever possible, sources are annotated. MAPS AND INDEXES A regional map accompanies each volume, and each chapter has its own country or regional map. Each volume includes an index consisting of subject and person entries; a comprehensive index for the entire set is included at the end of the North Africa and the Middle East volume.
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INTRODUCTION Jyotsna Pattnaik
As the largest and the most populous region in the world with more than 60 percent of the current human population, Asia/Oceania is also the largest shareholder of issues facing children. Data reported from surveys and census on children’s issues may be over- or under-represented; they suggest, however, a significant failure and lack of commitment on the part of national governments to address these issues. Social exclusion of children as a group (and subgroups in particular) continues to marginalize children in the region. All countries in the region have ratified United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) and promised commitment to formulating and pursuing goals that would eliminate malnutrition, ensure basic education, water, sanitation, and immunization, and protect children against exploitation. However, periodic reviews by transnational agencies reveal a range between astounding progress in some countries and stagnation and dismal decline in others. A majority of the countries in Southeast Asia and Central Asia will fail to meet most of the eight Millennium Development Goals (MDG) by 2015. Experts cite many factors—economic, cultural, and social—that contribute to slow progress in the region. While many issues facing children are historically rooted, new and emerging challenges arise under the influence of globalization, technology explosion, and urbanization. Globalization’s economic impact is highly visible in the form of child labor in the export industry, sex industry, and non-formal sectors, plus growing consumerism among children. Its cultural colonization is equally visible in the popularity of western youth cultures (forms of entertainment, dress habits, and values) and loss of local languages, entertainments, games, and sports. While open market and immigration policies have increased diversity and plurality within countries, they have also paved the way for cross-border sex and drug trafficking, illegal immigration, and terrorism. According to the Protection Project, a human rights research institute in Washington, DC, between 50,000 and 70,000 Thai females participate in Japan’s commercial sex market alone
INTRODUCTION
(Bower 2005). These issues, individually and in concert, prevent children’s access to basic capabilities, such as the ability to be healthy, well housed, well fed, and integrated into the community (Sen 2002). Lack of political will and/or an inability to implement effective social policies by national governments also serve as barriers to addressing children’s issues in the region. Corruption at all levels of society has led to misappropriation of funds received from national and international aid agencies. National governments’ spending on social service sectors is inadequate and is overshadowed by military expenditures. For example, the ‘‘2003 State of the Child’’ (UNICEF 2003) reported that, in South Asia, the percentage of central government expenditure allocated to health was 2 percent; education, 3 percent; and defense, 17 percent. As a percentage of their total expenditures the South Asian governments’ defense expenditures are highest among all the world’s regions. It is appropriate to mention here that, while many internal developments have pushed governments in the region to make efforts to address children’s issues, the major push for action has come from outside the region––international trends, research, debates/discussions, and mandates. Although not legally binding, international policy documents such as UNCRC; Declaration of the World Summit for Children (1990), the Beijing Platform for Action of the Fourth World Conference on Women (1995); Education for All (EFA), and the Millennium Declaration leading to the eight MDGs 2000 (for more information on MDG goals, see the UN Millennium Project website), have contributed to setting global norms and standards for member countries. They have also forced national governments to introduce new laws or modify existing laws, such as the introduction of Compulsory Education Act and the Family Law Act in Fiji. In the present context of the world’s preparation to meet EFA and MDG goals, this volume is timely and will inform readers of the current developments and challenges facing individual countries in the region; it will also provide a comparative perspective on commonalities and uniqueness in issues facing children in the region. Although alphabetically presented, the chapters in this volume fall under the following major sub-regions: East Asia, Southeast Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, and Oceania. ISSUES FACING CHILDREN IN ASIA/OCEANIA There are myriad issues that challenge children’s well-being in Asia/ Oceania. The most salient of these issues are discussed here. Educational Issues The educational expenditure of national governments in Asia/Oceania has been steadily increasing, with budgets up by 80 percent on average.
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International financial support for EFA goals in Asia/Oceania increased from 3.8 billion US dollars in 1985 to 6 billion dollars in 1990 and 7.4 billion dollars in 1995 (UNESCO 2000). There has been a steady growth in primary school enrollment. In addition, preschool education has been expanded with enrollment in nurseries, kindergartens, and daycare centers (UNESCO 2000). However, there is a need for improving the quality of education, including improving curriculum and pedagogy, teaching materials, teacher training, and evaluation methods. Primary school dropout rates in the region are alarming, and retention measures are not adequate. Disparities exist in educational participation among children based on their regional, rural/urban, gender, socio-economic, religious, and caste/ethnic affiliations within a country. Government initiatives to address discrimination against children with disabilities and to supply provisions to meet the needs of these children in schools and society are minimal. Government spending on education has not matched the need for free primary education in some countries in the region. For example, China has not achieved the nine years of free and compulsory education required by laws introduced in 1986, and there is not enough money to meet the growing demand for tertiary education in the country. Indonesia ranks lowest among its Asian neighbors in public education expenditures. Most of the countries in East and Southeast Asia have adopted the policy of decentralization, transferring fiscal responsibilities from central government to local areas and relying on local resources for educational management. Experts maintain, however, that such a policy has widened educational gaps between areas with a strong revenue base and those with a struggling economy. For example, the literacy rate of China’s poorest regions lags almost 20 percentage points behind their most literate counterparts (King and Cordeiro 2005). Poverty Although the Asian economy has grown significantly in the last decade, a vast majority of Asia’s population live under unacceptably impoverished conditions. The Asian Developmental Bank (ADB 2006) estimates that about 46 percent of the population in the People’s Republic of China, 44.4 percent in the Philippines, 50.5 percent in Indonesia, 78 percent in India, and 72.6 percent in Pakistan lived on $2.00 a day in 2003. Household poverty has affected almost all aspects of children’s lives in Asia. The largest deficiencies in health and education occur among the poor. For example, between 2000 and 2003 in Indonesia, 52 percent of out-ofschool children (children who are eligible for but not attending school) were from the bottom quintile, compared with only 6 percent of children in the richest households (UNESCO 2006). Alberto Minujin and Enrique Delamonica (2003) reported increased inequalities in mortality rates of children under five years between poor and rich families from the
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mid-1980s to mid-1990s in Bangladesh, Indonesia, Philippines, and Kazakhstan. Economic liberalization and growth did not accompany economic democracy in the region. Some East Asian countries such as Japan, Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore have established economic policies (such as land distribution in Japan, investments in education) that support people from various income strata. On the other hand, income distribution in India is highly skewed. While it ranks eighth among countries in the number of millionaires worldwide, it ranks 126th on the Human Development Index (Aiyar 2007). Moreover, economists in India lament that India’s booming economy (a gross domestic product [GDP] growth rate of 9.2 percent in 2006–2007) under the neo-liberal market policies has bypassed the rural poor, as evidenced by dwindling rural sector expenditures by the government and increasing rates of migration, poverty, unemployment, and suicide among Indian farmers. Health Issues Infant mortality in Asia and Oceania has declined from 171 deaths per 1,000 live births in 1955 to 52 deaths in 2000 (UN Economic and Social Survey of Asia and the Pacific 2007). Some countries in the region, such as India, Cambodia, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, and several Central Asian republics, are far from the MDG goal number 4: ‘‘Reduce child mortality.’’ Childhood under-nutrition and underweight are recognized as important public health problems with negative consequences on all aspects of children’s development, performance, and survival in the region. Between 1990 and 2015, the prevalence of under-nutrition in Asia/Pacific was estimated to decrease from 35.1 percent to 18.5 percent (de Onis et al. 2004), and the largest decline was estimated in Eastern Asia due to the gains in China, where underweight prevalence was reduced by more than half (UNICEF 2006). Child under-nutrition also remains high in the Philippines, Indonesia, and even in Sri Lanka, which has a history of great achievements in the social services sector. The highest levels of underweight prevalence are found in South Asia, where almost half (46 percent) of all children under five are underweight. South Asia is projected to have high levels of childhood underweight in 2015. AIDS is another concern in the region. Decades of government denial and neglect, plus societal stigma and hostility, have contributed to the growth of the epidemic in the region. At the end of 2006, about 7.8 million people were living with AIDS in South and Southeast Asia (World Health Organization 2007). There is an urgent need for prevention as well as intervention measures such as preventing mother-to-child transmission of the virus and addressing the needs of children orphaned by AIDS. According to the 2007 UN Economic and Social Survey of Asia and the Pacific report (UNESCAP 2007), the region has $7.3 billion in
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HIV/AIDS-related treatment costs in 2001, an amount that is likely to increase to $17.6 billion by 2010. The report maintains that the cost of response to HIV/AIDS is so high that some countries in the region can no longer afford to bear it. Despite impressive economic growth, UNESCAP (2007) reports that the region is lagging behind all other regions on health spending and that about 20 developing countries in the region spend less than $20 per person per year on health-related expenses. Including both government and private expenditure, South Asia spends only 4.4 percent of its GDP on health, while East Asia and the Pacific spend 5.0 percent. In contrast, Sub-Saharan Africa spends 6.1 percent and Latin America and the Caribbean spend 6.8 percent. War and Conflict Children in many parts of the region face disruption, displacement, and death because of prolonged sectarian conflict. Children are also forcefully recruited into armed conflicts in Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, Myanmar, Nepal, and the Philippines. Up to one quarter of the world’s child soldiers are in East Asia and the Pacific (UNICEF 2003). By 2007, all the countries in the region have ratified the Optional Protocol to UNCRC on ‘‘Involvement of children in armed conflict,’’ which restricts the minimum age for compulsory recruitment and direct participation in armed conflict and other hostilities to eighteen years. However, child soldiers are still recruited by rebel forces in Nepal, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, and other countries in the region. In addition, after disarmament, limited measures have been taken to address the psycho-social needs of such children, even after the conflict is over. Millions of internally displaced people live in Myanmar, Nepal, and Sri Lanka. Asylum seekers from conflict-torn countries flee to neighboring countries, as witnessed in the case of Afghan refugees in Pakistan and Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh and Thailand. Refugee families and children continue to struggle for their rights because several countries in Asia have not ratified the UN Refugee Convention and/or do not follow the convention even after ratification. Discrimination Against Girls Girls in Asia and the Pacific face discriminations and violence from many fronts within and outside of their own families. Girls fall behind in every aspect of the Human Development Index (HDI) in the region. The female child worker is paid less than her male counterpart. In South Asia, girls are more likely to be underweight than boys. The legal system in many countries in Asia/Oceania discriminates against females. According to the 2007 UN Economic and Social Survey of Asia and the Pacific (UNESCAP 2007) report, with the exception of several Pacific island
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countries, there are wide gender gaps in primary school participation in the region. In Afghanistan, the enrollment of girls in primary schools is 47 percent lower than that of boys; in Pakistan, it is 29 percent, and it is more than 10 percent in Laos, Nepal and Cambodia. The gap further widens in secondary and tertiary levels of education. The gender ratio is deteriorating in the region. Millions of girls are missing in South and East Asia. The cultural belief of preference for boys over girls has contributed to harmful practices such as sex selective infanticide and feticide. Religious customs such as devadasis (female servants of god) in India and honor killings in Pakistan continue to threaten the girl child’s well-being. About one million Asian children, mostly girls between five and ten years old, are lured or forced to work in commercial sex markets every year (UNESCAP 2007). Intercountry sex trafficking of girls is a major issue in Asia. According to the 2006 GAP (Gender Achievement and Prospects in Education) report, which evaluates progress by countries toward the MDG goal number 3: ‘‘Promote gender equality and empower women,’’ most countries in the Asia/Pacific region failed to meet the goal by 2005, and with the current rate of progress, gender parity will not be achieved even by 2015. The 2007 UNESCAP report projects that an increase of even 1 percent in female secondary school enrollment rates would lead to a 0.23 percent increase in the region’s annual economic growth. The report also maintains that the entire region is losing $42 to $47 billion annually due to a lower labor force participation rate among women and another $16 to $30 billion annually due to gender gaps in education, which contribute to the lower productivity of women. Issues of Indigenous People’s Rights Asia and Pacific is home to about 250 million indigenous peoples. The goal of the first International Decade on the World’s Indigenous Peoples, 1994–2004, was to strengthen international cooperation to address problems faced by indigenous groups in such areas as human rights, the environment, development, education, and health. Some progress has been reported. For example, Bangladesh and Vietnam have included indigenous peoples’ issues in poverty reduction strategy papers, the Philippines passed the Indigenous Peoples Act in 1997, and tribal languages have been developed and used as mediums of instruction in primary schools in the region. However, experts maintain that indigenous communities and their children are still the poorest and most marginalized communities in the region. According to Ganesh Thapa of the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) in the year 2000, indigenous peoples constituted only 9 percent of the population but 40 percent of the poor in China and 11 percent of India’s rural population were indigenous peoples, but they comprised 48 percent of the country’s poor (GALDU 2007). Thapa notes that even with the halving of poverty (MDG number 1, ‘‘Eradicate
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extreme poverty and hunger’’) by 2015, the majority of the remaining poor will still be found among the indigenous people in Asia. Factors such as high family poverty, loss of land, displacement as the result of economic modernization policies, prolonged conflict between and among indigenous communities and national governments, as well as societal stigma affect children’s access to quality health and educational services. In addition, there has been an increase in HIV/AIDS infection among indigenous youth in the region. Commercial Exploitation of Children The majority of the world’s child laborers live in Asia/Oceania. There are laws that prevent children from working in formal sectors; however, a vast majority of the child laborers work in informal sectors. Domestic workers are not protected by labor laws. A high number of children, especially girls, serve as domestic workers in South Asia. The involvement of children in the sex industry is an area of great concern in the region. Thailand is the first country in the region to pass laws that impose greater penalties on customers than on sellers for involvement in commercial sex with underage partners. All countries in the region have ratified Article 12(1) of the optional protocol to UNCRC on ‘‘The sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography’’ passed in 2001. Many of them have also ratified related treaties such as the Protocol to the Convention against Transnational Organized Crimes on Human Trafficking and ILO’s Convention No. 182 on Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labor (2000). Based on the recommendations of the first and second World Congress against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children (held at Stockholm, Sweden, 1996, and Yokohama, Japan, 2001, respectively), some countries in the region have instituted domestic laws and national plans to address the issue. However, according to the UNICEF estimate, about one million children between ages twelve to seventeen work as sex workers in Asia, the highest rate among all regions in the world. Trafficking of children has been acknowledged as a labor issue, human rights issue, criminal issue, and public health issue. Asia is the most vulnerable region for sex trafficking because of its large child population, growing urbanization and industrialization, unemployment, and a large percentage of the population living in extreme poverty. Legal Issues A vast majority of the countries in the region have not aligned their domestic laws, including religious and customary laws, with the requirements of international standards. For example, children under sixteen can receive life imprisonment in Bangladesh. In Pakistan, the minimum age
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of criminal responsibility is seven. Juvenile and adult offenders are often kept in the same prison facility. The definition of a child has been inconsistently applied in legal documents across various aspects related to children’s life including labor participation, voting, and marital rights. In many cases, even the existing legal documents and constitutional mandates are not enforced. For example, in 2002, the Government of Pakistan passed the Juvenile Justice System Ordinance (JJSO). One of the provisions of JJSO is the abolishment of the death penalty. However, in 2002, there were 200 children on death row in the Punjab province alone (Amnesty International 2005). There is also a need for extra-territorial legislation to address issues such as cross-border sex trafficking of children and women in the region. Most countries in the region have been either source, transit, or destination countries or some combination thereof. Cross-border cooperation efforts meet a host of challenges when laws among countries differ and obtaining evidence is an arduous task. Corporal punishment in schools is not illegal in most countries in South Asia. It is also legally sanctioned in public schools in Pakistan. Corporal punishment within the family is not prohibited. While there has been a dramatic increase in the number of street children in all major cities in Asia/ Oceania, there are not enough legal safeguards and enforcement mechanisms to protect the rights of street children––not even to protect them from police brutality. Street children in India and most countries in the region are routinely detained illegally, beaten, tortured, and sometimes killed by police, and the law allows de facto immunity of police officers from prosecution. TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY: PROMISES AND CHALLENGES The twenty-first century poses both promises and challenges to the region. Issues facing particular sub-regions are presented here. The subregional trends and statistics presented need to be read with caution as there are wide variations among countries. East Asia Among all the sub-regions in Asia/Oceania, East Asia has made the most significant progress. The Human Development Index (HDI) trend for East Asia has inclined sharply from 0.5 in 1975 to 0.78 by 2004 (United Nations Development Programme 2006). Some countries in the sub-region have done a better job of converting income into education and health opportunities. For example, with a GDP of $6,000 (less than half of Saudi Arabia’s GDP of $14,000), China has achieved an HDI of 0.77 (compared to Saudi Arabia’s HDI of 0.78; UNDP 2006). Most countries in this sub-region have established nine years of compulsory schooling for children. The enrollment number in secondary
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schools for most of the countries is much higher compared with other sub-regions in Asia. China reports about 78 percent enrollment in junior high schools (twelve to fifteen years), and in Japan and Hong Kong more than 90 percent of children complete upper secondary or an equivalent vocational education. Children’s access to technology is widespread and in fact has become a concern with the rise of internet child trafficking and child pornography cases. However, compulsory schooling did not accompany free schooling provisions as in the case of China and Laos. Therefore, countries in the region need to address issues of equity, quality, and educational funding, especially for children from underserved communities. UNESCO (2000) rightly points out that making education free of cost dramatically enhances a country’s progress toward universalization of primary education, as in the case of Uganda and Malawi. With the exception of Taiwan, educational provisions for children with special needs are far behind the developments in the western world. Countries in East Asia need to make efforts toward early diagnosis of children’s needs, mandate inclusive education to incorporate children with mild disabilities in regular educational institutions, design curricula that address needs of children with disabilities, and provide ongoing support services for these children and their families. To counter excessive emphasis on academics, countries in East Asia have been implementing some form of curriculum reforms focusing on overall development of the learner: balancing academics with creativity, relevancy, and personal choice; and focusing on national as well as individual interests. The transition phase is critical and the countries in East Asia need to focus on changing the educational beliefs and expectations of parents, teachers, and administrators and on training teachers to move from a product-oriented focus to a process-oriented one. The sub-region needs to address the uneven developmental progress among countries. For example, among 177 countries in the world, the HDI ranking for Japan is 7 and for China, 81 (UNDP 2006). According to UNICEF (2006), Singapore has the lowest mortality rate in the world for children under five, lower than all industrialized countries except Iceland, and East Asia (and Pacific) has the highest level of household iodized salt consumption in the developing world after Latin America/ Caribbean. The government spending on education in 2001 exceeded US$16.31 billion, or roughly 5.89 percent of the GNP (4.22 percent for public schools and 1.67 percent for private ones) in Taiwan (Government Information Office, Republic of China, 2004). However, in all aspects of life and society, the region faces continuing challenges in achieving gender equality and preventing intra- and intercountry commercial sexual exploitation of girls. Parental abuse of children in Japan is drawing world-wide attention (for more information on the topic, see the award-winning
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documentary, Conquering the Darkness—The Fight against Memories of Abuse, 2006). The decentralization process in East Asia has been uneven and in many cases has not benefited children and families in poor communities. To reap the potential developmental benefits of a decentralized government system, the central governments in the region need to implement effective accountability systems to monitor and evaluate the activities of local governments, ensure intergovernmental transfers of funds in a timely fashion, and strengthen local fiscal and financial structures (White and Smoke 2005). Southeast Asia The sub-region has experienced rapid economic progress in recent decades, except in Cambodia, which is considered one of the poorest countries in the world. Countries in Southeast Asia have experienced higher primary school enrollment and lower infant mortality. However, in Cambodia, the male population has an average schooling of 4.17 years in contrast to females with 2.54 years. Cambodia has very high rate of child mortality and is least likely to reach the target set for MDG goal number 4, ‘‘Reduce Child Mortality.’’ There are also growing gaps between rich and poor and boys and girls in the sub-region. Issues such as ethnic conflicts, discrimination against minorities and refugees, and internal political unrest are recurring challenges in the region. Child labor is a problem in most of the countries in Southeast Asia despite legal safeguards. There are growing numbers of street children in major cities in Southeast Asia. Children from indiginous communities in mountain areas and from ethnic minority communities remain among the poorest and lack adequate access to education, health care, and other life needs. Children with disabilities, for the most part, are excluded from society and from school. Trafficking of children is an ongoing issue that Southeast Asian countries need to address. It is estimated that nearly one third of all global trafficking trade occurs in Southeast Asia (Richard 1999, cited by Derks 2000); about 60 percent are trafficked within the region and 40 percent are trafficked outside the region (Derks 2000). About 60 percent of the trafficked people in the U.S. are from Southeast Asia (Richard 1999, cited by Derks 2000). Thailand has been identified as a source as well as a receiving country. A common and dangerous form of trafficking in the region deals with parental consent and involvement in the process. Efforts have been made at the national, regional, and international level to address the issue. Governments have introduced policies such as the extension of compulsory education from six to nine years. Thailand also prohibits the sexual abuse of children through the Prevention and Suppression of Prostitution Act, 1996. Bilateral agreements have been signed with other countries. International organizations have been actively
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involved in the region to address the issue. Although some progress has been made, countries are far from implementing the key recommendations of the 1999 Bangkok Declaration on Irregular Migration. A large number of children in Southeast Asia are infected or affected by HIV/AIDs. Many children live at high risk of being infected by HIV as well. National and international NGOs and other organizations have launched successful programs to deal with the issue. For example, the Educational Development Center (2007) in Thailand has implemented comprehensive and locally tailored programs linking research and practice in three Southeast Asian countries: HIV prevention education and vocational training to youth in hill tribe villages in Thailand; working with HIVaffected street children in Cambodia; providing care and support to HIVaffected and infected children in Vietnam. There is a need to replicate such projects in the sub-region while simultaneously implementing preventive measures that are comprehensive, multisectoral, and sustainable to address the root cause of the issue. South Asia Five of the fifty Least Developed Countries (Afghanistan, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Maldives, Nepal) in the world are located in South Asia. South Asia is also home to the majority of the world’s children. However, South Asia falls behind other sub-regions in almost all aspects of children’s development and well-being. A stagnant economy in most of the countries accompanied by weak governance and corruption, insufficient infrastructure, internal conflict, and natural disasters pose challenges in meeting children’s rights to even the most basic needs of life. Social exclusion based on gender, social class, caste, ethnicity, geographical location, religion, disability, and/or language further marginalizes children. According to the International Food Policy Research Institute researchers, Smith and Haddad (2000), half of the world’s underweight children live in South Asia, and by 2020 South Asia will still have 37 percent of the world’s underweight children. A 2006 World Bank report titled India’s Undernourished Children: A Call for Reform and Action cited that, with approximately 60 million underweight children, India had the world’s highest number of underweight children, nearly double of that of Sub-Saharan Africa (Gragnolati 2006). With a significant number of children in need of quality services in health and education, one of the major balancing tasks for South Asian governments in the twenty-first century will be the challenge of balancing quantity and quality of service. The share of public spending on education in the GNP has declined since the EFA declaration in South Asian countries. The poor quality of education, including a shortage of teachers particularly qualified and unqualified teachers, endangers the chance of attaining EFA goals by countries in the sub-region including India as documented in the Public
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Report on Basic Education in India (De and Dreze 1999). The subregion has high dropout rates, and about 40 percent of children drop out before completing primary school. Nepal has the highest dropout rate in the world, and about 43 percent of students repeat grade one (UNESCO 2007). In most countries in the region, the length of compulsory education is up to age fourteen or grade eight. However, some countries in South Asia (Bangladesh, Nepal, and Pakistan) require only five years of schooling. Educational policies among countries vary. There is no constitutionally guaranteed free education in Maldives; Bhutan and Nepal charge fees despite legally guaranteed free education; other South Asian countries provide free education although secondary expenditures are burdensome for families Education funding in South Asia is lowest among all other sub-regions in Asia. According to the EFA Global Monitoring Report (UNESCO 2007), total public expenditure on education (as a percent of GNP) by the sub-region was 3.3 percent in the year 2004. For individual countries, the public expenditure on education in the year 2004 was 8.6 percent for Maldives, 2.0 percent for India, and 2.1 percent for Bangladesh. Six South Asian countries (Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Pakistan, and Nepal) were among the twenty-five countries in the world selected for the ‘‘25 by 2005’’ acceleration campaign by UNICEF. Under the microscopic scrutiny of world organizations and the international pressure to meet UNCRC mandates and MDG and EFA goals, South Asian countries will be required to intensify their efforts to reach out to all children. Birth registration is also a problem in South Asia. Bangladesh has introduced an electronic program that aims to achieve 100 percent birth registration by 2008. Birth registration impacts laws related to child prostitution, early marriage, and youth detention. South Asia is one of the lowest performing regions in the world in the area of gender equality. The 2006 Gender, Institution, and Development Index, compiled by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD 2006), which evaluated 161 countries on an array of 60 indicators of gender discrimination reported low rankings for South Asia countries: India, 95; Pakistan, 108; and Bangladesh, 101. An example of gender discrimination is Pakistan’s legal age for marriage—sixteen for girls and eighteen for boys. Central Asia Since their independence from the former USSR, countries in the subregion have faced many challenges. On a positive note, economic performance and stability for the region has been increasing steadily since the 1998 Russian economic crisis, especially in countries that successfully launched market economies. However, rising living standards, corruption at both the institutional and individual levels, and lack of democratic
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participation and social services pose serious challenges for children’s well-being. Overall levels of public expenditure on health and education remain low in many countries and have not increased since 1998. Kazakstan and Turkmenistan experienced increased child mortality rates from 1990 to 2004 (Asian Developmental Bank 2006). Factors such as the dissolution of the Soviet Union, internal conflicts, territorial disputes, and cross-border migrations have left thousands of families and children without determined nationalities and consequent denial of services, including enrollment in schools in their country of residence. Regional cooperation among Central Asian governments is needed to solve issues of nationality. According to the UNICEF’s social monitor (UNICEF 2003), the rate of infant death in Central Asia is twelve times greater than in western industrialized countries, 89 deaths per 1,000 children in Tajikistan. The survival of the child is a continuing concern despite a plummeting birth rate. Factors such as extreme poverty, parental unemployment, erosion of state-funded social services, violence and sexual abuse at home, and family abandonment have pushed many children to prostitution. Other issues such as child trafficking, illegal adoptions, and violence at home, community, school, and residential institutions need serious attention as well. Central Asian governments need to institute social services, in addition to community-based educational programs, to engage youth in meaningful activities. Child abandonment is a growing social issue in Central Asia. Central Asian governments have been placing thousands of neglected and abandoned children in institutions. However, experts recommend an increase in public spending on social services including health and education, higher levels of social transfers to families with young children; and supporting families in crisis rather than placing children in institutions. Severe physical punishments at home and in schools, along with police brutality are accepted and widely practiced in Central Asian countries. The participation of street children in illegal economic activities including selling drugs, smuggling, and prostitution will continue to grow unless governments upgrade the quality of their education systems and adopt poverty reduction measures. There are unresolved issues surrounding gender inequality and gender discrimination in education, employment, and health care in Central Asian countries. There is a need to institute and enforce anti-discriminatory legislation to protect girls. Governments in the sub-region need to organize educational awareness campaigns for parents to help them understand the value of their girls’ education and institute incentive programs to stop premature dropping out of girls from school. Central Asian countries need to increase their education spending, currently very low ranging between 2–3.7 as a percentage of GNP, compared to 4–6 percentage for countries with higher educational achievement.
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Oceania Oceania has the highest inter-country variations in almost all issues that affect children’s well-being. While Australia and New Zealand have made significant progress in addressing children’s issues, many Polynesian, Micronesian, and Melanesian countries lag behind. For example, the mortality rate for children under five per 1,000 births ranges from as low as 6 (per 1,000) in Australia and 7 in New Zealand, to as high as 98 in Papua New Guinea and 134 in Timor-Leste (UNESCO 2007). The 2006 HDI ranking for Australia was 3 and for New Zealand was 20. Other countries in Oceania were in the medium range: Fiji, 90; Solomon Islands, 128; and Papua New Guinea, 139. In some parts of Oceania, childhood obesity is a growing trend and health concern in Oceania. In other parts of Oceania, moderate (19 percent in Vanautu) to severe stunting (as high as 49 percent in Timor-Leste) is reported. With the exception of Australia and Papua New Guinea, HIV infection levels are low in other Oceania countries. Papua New Guinea has the highest HIV infection rate in the South Pacific. However, infection from other sexually transmitted diseases among pregnant women is a disturbing trend in some countries in the sub-region. For example, UNAIDS (2005) reports that about 43 percent of women receiving antenatal services were infected with at least one sexually transmitted disease in Apia, the capital city of Samoa. There have been significant negative reversals in immunization coverage in Oceania: from 70 percent coverage in 1990 to 48 percent coverage in 2004 (The United Nations Association of the United States of America, 2007). According to the 2007 EFA global monitoring report for the Pacific region, pre-primary school enrollment is more than 90 percent in Australia, New Zealand, and Tuvalu, and below 20 percent in Fiji and Timor-Leste (UNESCO 2007). In 2004, the net enrollment ratio (NER) for pre-primary school education was above 90 percent except in the Solomon Islands, where it is about 80 percent. However, the primary school completion rate (according to available data for 2003) is as low as 25 percent, and grade repetition is high as well. The average GER (gross enrollment ratio) for secondary education for the entire sub-region was 104 percent in 2004. Disparity exists among countries, ranging from 104 percent in Australia to less than 30 percent in Papua New Guinea and Solomon Islands. There is concern over the low enrollment of boys in secondary and tertiary levels in some countries. Gender parity is nearly achieved in Oceania. In 2001/2002, gross enrollment ratio for girls and boys in primary school was 93/100 and in secondary school was 91/ 100 (UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs Statistics division, 2005). The alarming dropout rates in some countries point to the need for upgrading the quality of education, instituting special programs for older children, and reducing the cost of schooling. Except for a few
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countries, children with disabilities are highly excluded from society across Oceania, and there is almost no provision for the education of children with special needs in the school system. The first decade of the Asian and Pacific Decade of Disabled Person, 1993–2002, did not bring much improvement in raising the status of children with disabilities. Therefore, by resolution 58/4, UNESCAP proclaimed the extension of the Asian and Pacific Decade of Disabled Persons to another decade, 2003–2012. Public spending on education is high across Oceania, at 7 percent (in GNP) or above in the majority of countries, ranging from 4.3 percent in Samoa to about 12 percent in the Marshall Islands. However, governmental spending on pre-primary education is low, representing between 0.01-0.2 percent of GNP in countries such as Australia, Fiji, and New Zealand (UNESCO 2007). The sub-region also suffers from low external aid to education as compared to South Asia. An increase in external aid may help some countries to reach EFA goals. Many countries in the sub-region have very poor juvenile justice systems. Even amidst recent juvenile justice reform efforts, police violence against children remains very high. Domestic violence against children, especially against women and girls, is rampant across Oceania. New Zealand has a poor record of abuse and neglect of children in comparison with other developed countries. The Micronesian Islands have witnessed extraordinarily high incidences of youth suicide. In 2007, a controversial law, effectively banning parents from striking their children, was passed by New Zealand’s parliament. CONCLUSION Childhood in Asia and Oceania is changing fast. In coming decades, Asia and Oceania will continue to deal with existing and emerging challenges from within and without as well as in overlapping spaces of the global and the local. Differentiated measures will be required to offset the evils of modern technology, such as internet pornography and trafficking, and traditional evils, such as domestic violence, social class/caste division, child labor, underage marriage, harmful health-related beliefs and practices, and other rituals, as well as the negative impact of the global economy on local childhoods. The region will witness more intensive interregional cooperation efforts because of the nature of issues common to the region as well as the need to share effective practices. There will be a greater need to collect qualitative information on the process and quality of schooling rather than quantitative data on enrollment, retention, and dropout rates only. In addition, the growing internal and cross-border conflicts, existing social and economic inequity, and exclusionary practices, as well as moral issues affecting children’s lives will necessitate the inclusion of human
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rights discussions and moral and ethical issues in the school curriculum. The growing awareness of the rights of indigenous children, the widening gap between indigenous and non-indigenous children, and the pressure by international organizations to meet the goals of the second UN International Decade of the World’s Indigenous Peoples, 2005–2015, will push governments to divert funding and resources to secure the rights of indigenous children. Based on similar logistics, we can also project that national legislation, strategies, policies, and plans for education in the region will include specific targeting of children with disabilities. Because the majority of the world’s out-of-school girls reside in Asia, and with rising incidences of child prostitution and trafficking involving girls, the governments in Asia will be pressured further by world leaders and organizations to build gender-sensitive and gender-equal societies, to continuously monitor and report progress through gender-disaggregated data, and to facilitate regional dialogues on the issue. Constant criticisms by internal and external evaluators on the region’s poor record of progress, despite legislation, will require governments to institute strict monitoring and evaluation procedures and to upgrade their accountability requirements from individuals and organizations. Governments in Asia and Oceania are obligated to institute rights-based approaches to programming, as required of all UNCRC signatories. Rights-based approaches to programming will focus on budget allocations for children’s programs and services at the local, state, and national levels. Such programming, accompanied with program-evaluation studies, will make children more visible in policies and decision-making processes, especially those related to budget and resource allocation. REFERENCES Aiyar, Mani Shankar. 2007. I was always Leftist. Economic Reforms Made Me Completely Marxist. http://www.indianexpress.com/story/29112.html. Accessed May 2007. Amnesty International. 2005. PAKISTAN: Protection of Juveniles in the Criminal Justice System Remains Inadequate. http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/ engasa330212005. Accessed May 12, 2007. Asian Developmental Bank. 2006. Part I—Special Chapter—Measuring Policy Effectiveness in Health and Education: Introduction and Background. http:// www.adb.org/documents/books/key_indicators/2006/pdf/Special-Chapter2006.pdf. Accessed April 20, 2007. Asian Development Bank. 2006. Key indicators 2006: Measuring Policy Effectiveness in Health and Education. http://www.adb.org/documents/books/key_ indi cators/2006/pdf/Special-Chapter-2006.pdf. Accessed February 23, 2007 Bhagwati, Jagdish N. 2004. In Defense of Globalization. New York: Oxford University Press. Bower, Bruce. 2005. Childhood’s End: In Thailand, Poverty Isn’t the Primary Reason that Girls become Prostitutes. Science News Website. http://findarticles.com/ p/articles/mi_m1200/is_13_168/ai_n15722045. Accessed February 23, 2007.
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Callaway, Rhonda L. and Julie Harrelson-Stephens, eds. 2007. Exploring International Human Rights: Essential Readings. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers. De, Anuradha and Jean Dreze. 1999. The Public Report on Basic Education in India. Oxford: Oxford University Press. de Onis, Mercedes, Monica Bl€ ossner, Elaine Borghi, Edward Frongillo, and Richard Moris. 2004. Estimates of Global Prevalence of Childhood Underweight in 1990 and 2015. Journal of the American Medical Association, 291, no. 21: 2600–606 Derks, A. 2000. Combating Trafficking in South-East Asia: A Review of Policy and Programme Responses (International Organization for Migration, IMO, Research series). Geneva. Switzerland: IOM. Education Development Center. 2007. EDC Health and Human Development Programs in Asia. http://asia.hhd.org/about.php. Accessed June 12, 2007. Estifania, Edna A. 2004. A Civic Service in East Asia and the Pacific. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, 33. no. 12: 127S–147S. Ferguson, Kristin M. 2006. Responding to Children’s Street Work with Alternative Income-Generation Strategies. International Social Work, 49: 705–17. GALDU. 2007. Fundamental Rights of Asia’s Native Peoples Increasingly Violated, Situation Long Neglected, UN Forum Told. http://www.galdu.org/web/ index.php?odas¼2038&giella1¼eng. Accessed May 2, 2007. Giri, Birendra. 2005. Mourning the 15th Anniversary of Crisis: The Plight of Bhutanese Refugee Women and Children. Journal of Asian and African Studies, 40. no. 10: 345–69. Gooneseker, Savitri. 1998. Children, Law and Justice: A South Asian Perspective. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Government Information Office, Republic of China. 2004. A Brief Introduction to Taiwan. http://www.gio.gov.tw/taiwan-website/5-gp/brief/info04_15.html. Accessed March 24, 2007. Gragnolati, Michele, Caryn Bredenkamp, Meera Shekar, Monica Das Gupta, and Yi-kyoung Lee. 2006. India’s Undernourished Children: A Call for Reform and Action. Washington DC: World Bank Publications. Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR). 2005. Lost children of Central Asia. Underage Prostitution in Kazakstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan (An IWPR special investigation). http://www.essex.ac.uk/armedcon/story_id/ 000170.doc. Accessed May 10, 2007. The Internet Center for Corruption Research. 2006. Transparency International (TI) 2006 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI). http://www.icgg.org/corruption. cpi_2006.html. Accessed April 26, 2007. King, Elizabeth M., and Susana Cordeiro Guerra. 2005. Education Reforms in East Asia: Policy, process, and impact. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/ INTEAPDECEN/Resources/Chapter-9.pdf. Accessed December 2006. Lanuza, Gerry. 2004. The Theoretical State of Philippine Youth Studies: Current Trends and Future Directions. Young, 12. no. 1:357–76. Minujin, Alberto, and Enrique Delamonica. 2003. Mind the gap! Widening child mortality disparities. Journal of Human Development, 4. no. 3: 397–418. Minujin, Alberto, Enrique Delamonica, Alejandra Davidziuk, and Edward D. Gonzalez. 2006. The Definition of Child Poverty: A Discussion of Concepts and Measurements. Environment and Urbanization, 18, no. 10: 481–500. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). 2006. Gender, Institutions, and Development Index. http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/57/ 20/36240233.pdf. Accessed May 12, 2007.
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Pattnaik, Jyotsna, ed. 2005. Childhood in South Asia. Greenwich, CT: Information Age Publishing. Reynolds, Pamela, Olga Nieuwenhuys, and Karl Hanson. 2006. Refractions of Children’s Rights in Development Practice: A view from anthropology– Introduction. Childhood, 13. no. 8: 291–302. Roby, Jini L. 2005. Women and Children in the Global Sex Trade: Toward more Effective Policy. International Social Work, 48. no. 3:136–47. Salmon, Claire. 2005. Child Labor in Bangladesh: Are Children the Last Economic Resource of the Household? Journal of Developing Societies, 21. no. 6:33–54. Seabrook, Jeremy. 2001. Children of Other Worlds: Exploitation in the Global Market. London: Pluto Press. Sen, Amrtya. 2002. Health: Perception versus Observation. British Medical Journal. 324:860–861. Smith, Lisa C. and Lawrence Haddad. 2000. Overcoming Child Malnutrition in Developing Countries: Past Achievements and Future Choices. http://www. ifpri.org/2020/briefs/number64.htm. Retrieved April 20, 2007. Stark, Barbara. 2006. International Family Law: An Introduction. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing. UNAIDS (2005). AIDS Epidemic Update: December 2005, Oceania http:// www.unaids.org/epi/2005/doc/EPIupdate2005_pdf_en/Epi05_12_en.pdf Accessed June 10, 2007. UNA-USA. 2007. Easing Their Plight. http://www.unausa.org/atf/cf/ percent 7B49C555AC-20C8-4B43-8483-A2D4C1808E4E percent7D/Spr percent 2007 percent20ID percent20pp percent2013-25.pdf UNDP. 2006. Human Development Index. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ flash/statistics_trends.cfm. Accessed February 12, 2007. UNDP. 2006. Human Development Report. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/pdfs/ background-docs/Issue_Notes/Unicef.pdf. Accessed May 17, 2007. UNDP. 2006. How HDI relates to GDP. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ flash/statistics_hdi.cfm. Accessed April 12, 2007. UNDP. 2006. Human Development Report. 2006 HDI Ranking. http://hdr.undp. org/hdr2006/statistics/. Accessed May 23, 2007. UNESCO. 2000. Gains, Losses in Education for All in Asia and the Pacific. http:// www.unesco.org/education/efa/wef_2000/press_releases/bangk_12_01.shtml. Accessed January 2007. UNESCO. 2006. EFA Global Monitoring Report: Regional Overview: South and West Asia. http://portal.unesco.org/education/en/ev.php-URL_ID¼49642&URL_ DO¼DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTION¼201.html. Accessed May 10, 2007. UNICEF. 2003. UNICEF urges Demobilization and Reintegration of Child Soldiers. http://www.unicef.org/newsline/02pr58soldiers.htm. Accessed June 10, 2007. UNICEF. 2003. The State of the World’s Children, 2003. Washington, DC: United Nations. UNICEF. 2004. Gender Achievement and Prospect in Education. The GAP report: Part one. http://www.ungei.org/gap/reportPacific.php. Accessed March 10, 2007. UNICEF. 2006. Progress for Children: East Asia/Pacific: China Leads the Way. http://www.unicef.org/progressforchildren/2006n4/index_eastasiapacific.html. Accessed May, 10, 2007.
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UNICEF. 2003. UNICEF Report Finds Child Survival Crisis in Caucasus and Central Asia. http://www.unicef-icdc.org/presscentre/presskit/sm2003/sm03_ pr_en.pdf. Accessed March 19, 2007. The United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (UNESCAP). 2007. Economic and Social Survey of Asia and the Pacific 2007. http://www.unescap.org/survey2007/. Accessed April 20, 2007. van Heeswijk, Jan P. M., ed. 2004. Combating Trafficking of Women and Children in South Asia: Regional Synthesis Paper for Bangladesh, India, and Nepal. Chicago: Asian Development Bank. White, Ronald and Paul Smoke. 2005. East Asia Decentralizes. http://siteresources. worldbank.org/INTEAPDECEN/Resources/Chapter-1.pdf. Accessed December 18, 2006. World Health Organization. 2007. HIV-AIDS in the Southeast Asia region. http:// www.searo.who.int/LinkFiles/AIDS_SEARO-Report07.pdf. Accessed June 10, 2007.
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AUSTRALIA Merlyne Cruz, Glenda MacNaughton, and Sharne Rolfe NATIONAL PROFILE Australia is a federation of six state and two territory governments with three tiers of government—commonwealth, state, and local government. It has a parliamentary democracy that draws from British and North American models of liberal democracy. Australia has a population of approximately 20 million people of whom 3.9 million are children (birth to fourteen years of age) (ABS 2003), with 78 percent of Australia’s child population living in its three most populated states: New South Wales, Victoria, and Queensland (AIHW 2005). Sixtyfour percent of children live in major cities. Children living in remote areas account for only 3 percent of the total child population, and the majority of those children (51 percent) live in the Northern Territory. The Australian population is ethnically and culturally diverse with peoples from an Oceanic, North-West European, Southern and Eastern European, and North African and Middle Eastern ancestry, with almost one-quarter of the population born overseas.
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Around 40 percent of Australia’s culturally and ethnically diverse population is made up of first- or second-generation migrants, mostly from Europe, New Zealand, and Asia. Australia is ranked thirty-second in the world in the numbers of refugees it takes in, averaging 12,000 refugees a year. While Australia is culturally and ethnically diverse, the Anglo-Celtic population makes up almost 80 percent of the population, and English is the most widely spoken language. The three most common languages other than English spoken at home in 2001 were Chinese languages, Italian, and Greek (ABS 2001). Australia also has an indigenous population that constitutes approximately 2 percent of the population. However, indigenous children form 4 percent of the total child population, with one-third of all indigenous children living in New South Wales, 28 percent in Queensland and 11 percent in the Northern Territory. A total of 5.8 percent of the child population was born overseas (ABS 2001). Australia is a relatively wealthy county. In 2006, it had the eight highest standards of living in the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, and an average per capita income per gross domestic product (GDP) of 30,897 in 2005. This placed it fourteenth in the world in the International Monetary Fund’s rankings. It has had an average growth of 3.5 percent in its economy over the past ten years. Its GDP is predicted to reach a trillion dollars in 2006– 2007 for the first time in its hisKEY FACTS – AUSTRALIA tory. In 2006, its employment Population: 20,434,176 (July 2007 est.) rate sat around 5 percent with Infant mortality rate: 4.57 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) approximately equal rates of Life expectancy at birth: 80.62 years (2007 est.) unemployment for man and Literacy rate (age fifteen and over): 99 percent women. Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 96 percent (2000–2005) Most people in Australia (87 Internet users: 14.664 million (2006) percent) live in a family with 60 People living with HIV/AIDS: 14,000 (2003 est.) percent of all families including Human Poverty Index (HPI-2) Rank: 14 children. In 2003, there were Sources: CIA World Factbook: Australia. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ 5.5 million families in Australia. publications/factbook/geos/as.html. April 17, 2007; UNICEF. A majority of those families Australia at a Glance–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ were in a one-family household infobycountry/australia.html. April 26, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report averaging 3.1 people in size. 2006–Australia. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ Only 4 percent of Australians countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_AUS.html. April 26, 2007. live in multifamily households. OVERVIEW While Australia is a relatively wealthy country and children on the whole are very healthy, children’s life chances vary according to socioeconomic and racial background and geographical location. Major issues confront the
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well-being of indigenous Australian children, particularly in rural and remote areas of Australia. In recent times, there has been a focus on the effects of homelessness on children’s health and well-being and increasing concern with children as victims of domestic violence. These issues are emerging in a wider context of rapid social change and the specific ways in which this is affecting children. Specific issues in relation to education, health, and children’s rights are outlined in the sections that follow. EDUCATION Education is the responsibility of state and territory governments in Australia. There are differences in the formal starting age for school between the states and territory governments, but since 1930 schooling between the ages of six and fifteen has been compulsory throughout the country. School education consists of thirteen years generally divided into a one-year preparatory year, six or seven years of primary schooling, and up to six years of secondary schooling. Now, 98 percent of all children complete a full course of primary education in Australia, and 96 percent of all children enroll in secondary school. Australia’s schooling system consists of private, nongovernmental schools and government schools. Churches are involved in the provision of schools. Approximately 30 percent of children attend nongovernment schools associated with religious organizations (Christian Research Association 2006). Religious schools in Australia have both a religious and a social mission. The formal language of education is English, but many schools offer programs for students to study other languages. There are some bilingual schools and preschools. All states and territories provide specialist programs for children with disabilities, and efforts are being made to address the specific needs of indigenous students within the government school system. All states and territories have a curriculum framework based on key learning areas and outcomes for each level of schooling. The National Goals for Schooling in the 21st Century focus on improving learning outcomes and provide a framework for national reporting on student achievement. In line with these goals, the Australian government instituted a nationally comparable system of reporting student achievement at years three, five, and seven of schooling. Literacy and numeracy outcomes are now reported in a National Report on Schooling annually. Assessment processes in addition to these national reports differ from state to state but involve a combination of school-based assessment and some state or territory-wide assessment in the final year of schooling. Since 2006, all schools have been required to provide parents with individual student report cards that show student achievement relative to the achievement of other students. Though it is not compulsory, a majority of Australian children receive some form of preschool education. In Australia, play has been an integral part of the early childhood curriculum. Challenges to the traditional notion
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of the value of play have multiplied in recent years. The development of early childhood policies in relation to the needs of parents, workplace, and economy and the emphasis on raising the standards of literacy and numeracy of Australian schoolchildren are seen as potential contributing factors in devaluing play. In particular, the OECD argues for a curriculum that integrates the best traditions of preschool and primary education and focuses on children’s cognitive, socio-emotional, and physical development. PLAY AND RECREATION Australia places a higher value on leisure activities than many societies. The 2003 Survey of Children’s Participation in Culture and Leisure Activities (Australian Bureau of Statistics) estimates that in the twelve months prior to April 2003: .
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Almost all children (99.8 percent) participated in at least one of the selected leisure activities surveyed; most frequent were watching television or videos, reading for pleasure, and playing electronic or computer games. 62 percent participated in organized sport. 29 percent were involved in selected organized cultural activities. 29 percent did not participate in organized sport or selected organized cultural activities.
As well as formally organized activities, children take part in a range of leisure activities. The most common leisure activity was watching television or videos (97 percent of children aged five to fourteen years), playing electronic or computer games, and bike riding. Some of the Australian television shows enjoyed by most preschool children are Play School, The Wiggles, Bananas in Pajamas, and Hi-Five. The Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s share of children’s audiences is particularly high among children in the four- to twelve-year age group. Walking and bike riding are two of the most popular family active leisure pursuits. Favorite family recreational activities are generally passive or nonactive, and tend to occur in the home. Television and video watching are favorite family pastime activities. Australian Bureau of Statistics 2003 surveys on recreation patterns indicate that Australian children devote inordinate amounts of time to technology, causing concern over isolation and detachment from social interaction and communication. Other negative consequences linked to the increased use of entertainment technology (such as computers, television, the internet, mobile phones, CD players, and electronic games) include the following: . .
Further segregation of the lives of children and parents Reduction of time spent by children in imaginative play; focus on mechanical, solitary play
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Exposure to violence and graphic sex Children being targeted as consumers of technology themselves Less time for physical activity that contributes to the dramatic rise of obesity and overweight problems among Australian children
Article 31 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child provides the right to rest and leisure, to engage in play and recreational activities appropriate to the age of the child, and to participate freely in cultural life and the arts. As Australia is signatory to the Convention, it has a responsibility to actively pursue the right of the child for play and recreation in legislation, policy, and practice. The government recognizes the profound detrimental effects of limited independent exploration and physical activity on children’s total development. In June 2004, ‘‘The Building a Healthy, Active Australia’’ initiative was launched to address the growing problem of declining physical activity and poor eating habits of Australian children. The initiative consists of four key components: Healthy School Communities, Healthy Eating and Regular Physical Activity—Information for Families, Active After-School Communities, and Active School Curriculum. The Australian Department of Health and Aging (2005) has recommended the adoption of the following guidelines: .
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All children and youth should be physically active daily, as part of play, games, sports, work, transportation, recreation, physical education, or planned exercise, in the context of family, school, and community activities. All children and youth should engage in physical activity of at least moderate intensity for sixty minutes or more on a daily basis. Children and youth should avoid extended periods of inactivity through activities such as television watching, video, computer games, and surfing the internet. Children and youth who currently do little activity should participate in physical activity of at least moderate intensity for at least thirty minutes daily, building up to sixty minutes daily.
The Department endorses the utility of the National Association for Sport and Physical Education (NASPE) guidelines for infants, toddlers, and preschoolers. The most popular organized sport for boys (in the year ending April 2003) was outdoor soccer, swimming, and Australian Rules football. For girls, netball, swimming, and tennis were predominant. Bike riding, skateboarding, and roller-blading rank high as favorite non-organized sport activities. Junior sport in Australia has different paths for young people, including school-related sports, local clubs or national sporting organizations. Some sports have talent identification programs across the country. The
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Australian Institute of Sport and some state and territory institutes and academies of sport also conduct talent identification programs that aim to recognize and tap into the potential that young people display for specific activities. In addition, school sport is an integral part of the Australian education system. Sport, including health and physical education, is one of the eight key learning areas in school curriculum. CHILD LABOR In Australia, the rights of workers of any age and legal requirements pertaining to employment are addressed in legislation at both federal and state/territory levels. Although Australia is a democratic, developed, and unionized nation with a relatively high standard of living, there are no federal laws setting a minimum age for employment or prohibiting forced or bonded labor by children. State and territory laws indirectly regulate the employment of children through laws setting minimum ages for leaving compulsory education (fifteen years), claiming unemployment benefits, and entering particular occupations. This means children can be employed full-time in a job at the age of fifteen. To work full-time before the age of fifteen, children must be exempted from school by the Department of Education and Training and be granted a permit by the Secretary of the Department of Human Services. But these provisions do not prevent the exploitation of children. Research by the Textile, Clothing and Footwear Union of Australia in 1995 uncovered examples of child labor, including young children working on industrial sewing machines after school, until late at night, and for twelve-hour shifts on weekends and during school holidays in home-based outwork within the clothing and textile industry. General occupational health and safety legislation in Australia does not specifically consider the special needs of children in workplaces due to their particular anatomical, physiological or psychological characteristics. The International Labour Organization (ILO) has repeatedly criticized Australian labor laws for falling short of international core labor standards and has regularly reviewed child labor laws across world regions (for example, ILO 2006). Regarding child labor specifically, Australia is one of only 20 out of 177 ILO member countries that have not yet ratified ILO Convention 138 establishing a minimum age for employment or ILO Convention 182 on the worst forms of child Labor. Australia does have laws against slavery and sexual servitude—the Criminal Code Amendment (Slavery and Sexual Servitude) Act of 1999—with those found guilty of perpetrating conditions of slavery facing penalties of up to twenty-five years’ imprisonment. Forcing, or intending to force, a child under eighteen years to provide sexual services or having knowledge of such activity warrants a penalty of nineteen years’ imprisonment.
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From January 27, 2006, the Department of Families, Community Services and indigenous Affairs is responsible for social policies and support affecting Australian society and the living standards of Australian families and the Office of indigenous Policy Coordination (OIPC). Various reports detail examples of exploitative child labor in Australia and/or injuries sustained by children at work. One of the more extensive of these recent reports, submitted by the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organisations (AFL–CIO) in 2003, reported that: .
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Approximately 450 children across Australia every day are believed to be engaged in commercial or quasi-commercial sexual activity (Grant, Grabosky, and David 1999) In 1999–2000, a total of 29,000 young people aged fifteen to nineteen years experienced work-related injury (Australian Bureau of Statistics 2000) Over a two-year period to December 2001, there were 21,000 workrelated problems in persons under fifteen years (National Occupational Health and Safety Commission 2001)
Newspapers have presented even more graphic statistics, including deaths of children involved in farm work (Sydney Morning Herald, November 4, 2000) and burns, fractures, and amputations in the teenaged work force (The Herald Sun, January 25, 2002). As just one example of state-level initiatives in this area, in 2003, the Victorian Government enacted the Child Employment Act 2003, which aims to protect the health, safety, and moral welfare of children under fifteen years of age who are working in Victoria. Before then, child employment in Victoria was regulated by provisions in the Community Services Act 1970, and this Act had not been substantively amended in thirty years. The new act recognizes that working children have particular needs and rights and establishes conditions that must be met before someone can employ children. Although the new act retained the child employment permit system that existed under the Community Services Act for the employment of children under fifteen, family businesses no longer require a permit to employ children, Child Employment Permits are free of charge, and parents are responsible for applying for permits. There is also a new mandatory requirement for a police check of the criminal record of those people employing and directly supervising children in the workplace. FAMILY Most children in Australia live at home with their families. Families with children make up 60 percent of all families in Australia. In 2003, there were 2.5 million families with at least one child younger than
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eighteen years old, and the majority of these (1.8 million or 71 percent) were from intact couple families, 22 percent (542,600) were from oneparent families, and 176,700 were from stepfamilies or blended families. As a proportion of all families with children under eighteen years, oneparent families are increasing (from 17 percent in 1992 to 22 percent in 2003), with most being single-mother families. In 2003, just over 1 million children under eighteen years lived with one parent and had a birth parent living elsewhere, mainly due to separation and divorce. This represented 22 percent of children in this age group, a similar proportion to that in 1997 (ABS Document 4102.0 Australian Social Trends 2006). Most Australian families live as one-family households, with only 4 percent of families living in multi-family households. The average size of Australian family households is decreasing, from 3.3 persons in 1992 to 3.1 persons in 2003. While the extended family is very important in Australian family life, many Australian families live long distances from their relatives, or as recently arrived immigrants, may have few if any extended family in Australia. This, accompanied with the increase in single-parent families, means that many Australian families rely on informal friendship networks or formal services such as child care and after-school care to assist them with their parental responsibilities. Use of informal care (nonregulated child care, including care by friends, extended family, or babysitters) is most common, especially for infants, but the proportion of children in formal care has also increased, from 19 percent in 1993 to 25 percent in 2002. While grandparent families with children under the age of eighteen years represented only 1 percent (22,500) of all families with dependent children in 2003, grandparents provided 58 percent of informal care to children aged younger than twelve years. Children living in low-income families are more likely to be from single-parent families, indigenous families, some families of non-English speaking backgrounds, and rural or remote families. The extent of family and child homelessness in Australia has been a contentious issue for many years, and it is very difficult to estimate the number of homeless children in Australia. However, most statistics indicate a significant increase in youth homelessness since 1991. Women’s participation in the labor force is increasing in Australia and in 2001, around 43 percent (867,700) of all families with children aged less than fifteen years were couple families where both parents were employed. The proportion of traditional ‘‘sole breadwinner’’ families is decreasing in Australian society. This, and the increase in one-parent families, means that a growing proportion of Australian families face particular challenges combining family and paid work responsibilities. ‘‘Family friendly’’ arrangements (including parental leave or flexible working hours) are available in some workplaces, and part-time work is the most common form of employment for most women up until their youngest
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child reaches early high school age. Reflecting these patterns, work is the most commonly cited reason for using childcare. However, personal reasons, such as to undertake study, to go shopping, or to give parents a break or time alone, are also commonly given, especially for children receiving informal care. Family life for indigenous children is different in many respects from that of non-indigenous children. In terms of family type, as just one example, in 1994 nearly 13 percent of indigenous people lived in households shared by two or more families compared with 2 percent of the non-indigenous population. Only 64.1 percent of indigenous young people aged fifteen to nineteen lived with a parent, although there has been a growing trend in Australia generally for young people to continue to live with their parents for longer periods of their childhood. Marriage rates (per 1,000 of unmarried population) have fallen over the last two decades, and in 2003 there were 106,400 marriages registered in Australia. Marriage data for 2003 confirms the thirty-year trend for more Australian couples to cohabit prior to entering a registered marriage. Over the last ten years, the proportion of divorces involving children under eighteen years has fallen slightly from 53 percent in 1993 to 50 percent in 2003. The actual number of children involved in divorce in 2003 was 49,900. Of these divorces involving children, the age of the youngest child was between zero to four years of age for 26 percent of divorces, five to nine years of age for 36 percent of divorces, and ten to seventeen years for 38 percent of divorces. The proportion of divorces involving children varies between states and territories according to the 2004 Australian Bureau of Statistics. Parents have the legal obligation to provide for their children’s needs—provision of food, shelter and clothing, education and protection—until they are eighteen years of age, and parents have the right to decide what is in their child’s best interests. Only recently have children in Australian courts been able to enter into a direct relationship with their legal representatives, rather than having another adult, usually the parent, acting as go-between child and lawyer, and this has only occurred in some jurisdictions. Parental powers stop completely (along with their legal responsibility toward their children) when a young person attains eighteen years of age. Parental responsibility also ceases when a child marries or is in a de facto relationship. In all states and territories of Australia, the age of majority is eighteen. Under the Federal Marriage Act 1961, the legal minimum age for marriage is eighteen years. However, with court approval in exceptional circumstances, a marriage may take place if one of the parties has attained sixteen years. In Australia, children have rights of inheritance from their parents in all states/territories whether their parents are married or not. If a parent dies without making adequate provision for a child, an application can be made to the courts for child maintenance from the estate.
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Family violence is a serious social issue in Australia, and the Family Violence Committee was established by the Family Court of Australia in 2002 to review all court polices and practices in relation to family violence. A major consultation was conducted resulting in the Family Violence Strategy launched in March 2004. The court also must ensure that any orders made are consistent with any family violence order and do not expose a person to an unacceptable risk of family violence. The family court program seeks to promote justice for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in the jurisdiction of family law and to assist the court in adapting its processes and operations to accommodate the specific needs of indigenous families in conflict on issues of children, family breakdown, and separation. There is a range of government payments—most means-tested—made to Australian families to assist them in caring for their children, including benefits paid through the taxation system, the Child Care Benefit to help families who use approved and registered child care, the Large Family Supplement, Maternity Payment, Maternity Immunisation Allowance and rent assistance. Child support for children of divorce is paid by one parent to the other based on residency of the children and is collected and administered through the Child Support Scheme. HEALTH Australia’s infant mortality rate was 4.57 per 1,000 live births in 2007. The major causes of infant mortality include perinatal conditions (50 percent) and congenital malformations, deformations, and chromosomal abnormalities (23 percent). Nearly 17 percent of postneonatal deaths are associated with sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS). The infant mortality rate for indigenous Australian infants is three times higher than for the general population, and it is generally higher for infants in rural and remote areas than for infants in metropolitan areas. Forty-seven percent of all deaths of children one to fourteen years of age occur in the early childhood years (one to four years of age), with the major external causes, such as injury or poisoning, accounting for 40 percent of these deaths. Again, there are differentials in the death rate between indigenous and non-indigenous children. In the age groups one to four years of age and ten to fourteen years of age, indigenous children are three time more likely to die than non-indigenous children. In 2003, approximately 8 percent of the child population (zero to fourteen years of age) had a disability, with more than half of these children deemed to have a severe disability, and the 2001 population census suggests that approximately 7 percent of the child population has a longterm mental health problem or disorder. In all states, there are private and not-for-profit organizations that offer private health services and public services that receive state government assistance that can provide
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support and assistance to children, youth, and families where a child has a disability or mental health problem. For most low-income families, it is possible to access public services free of charge if their local health practitioners are prepared to charge the recommended government fee for their services. However, not all practitioners will do this. Although the number of reported AIDS deaths peaked in Australia in 1985, by the end of 2005, thirty-four Australian children between the age of one and twelve had died of the disease. As there is no mandated sex education in Australian schools, discussion on HIV-related issues is ad hoc, and controversy surrounds the inclusion of issues related to lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) youth in school-based sex education classes. There are several ways in which children and youth can access counseling services in relation to pregnancy, sexuality, HIV/AIDS, and related personal relationship and health issues. There are several nongovernment counseling services available to youth on pregnancy and related issues, including HIV/AIDS, and several telephone hotlines such as the AIDS hotline, Abortion Grief Counselling, Online Kids Counselling, and Gay and Lesbian Switchboard Counselling services. In addition, most state governments have an online health information directory that provides information about government and nongovernment counseling and health services that are available within their state. One of the issues faced by families, youth, and children is the potential confusion their diversity can create about where to go for help. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Australia was one of the first countries to ratify the United Nation’s Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989). It became binding on the Australian government on January 14, 1991, and is incorporated in federal law as part of the human rights responsibilities of the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission. Australia’s National Framework for Human Rights: National Action Plan (NAP) launched in December 2004 (available at http://www.dfat.gov.au/hr/nap/nap_2004.pdf). This document details many areas in which the policies and laws of Australia address children’s rights. These include Federal Parliament legislation that makes unfair discrimination on the basis of age unlawful; the development of integrated policy and programs to strengthen families and prevent child maltreatment; income support and policy for those caring for children; a national child care policy; and the Family Law Act 1975, which prioritizes a child’s best interests in family law decisions. The NAP also draws attention to the new position, created in 2002, of Minister for Children and Youth Affairs to promote an integrated approach across the spectrum of Australian government policies and programs for children and young people.
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The Australian government has reported twice on its performance of obligations under the Convention on the Rights of the Child (December 1995 and September 2003). In addition, the Australian Law Reform Commission and the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission in 1997 produced Seen and Heard: Priority for Children in the Legal Process and the National Children’s and Youth Law Centre (NCYLC) in 2004 produced What’s up CROC? Australia’s Implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child raising concerns about Australia’s record in regard to children’s rights. Established in 1975, the Australian Law Reform Commission (ALRC) is a permanent, independent federal statutory corporation, operating under the Australian Law Reform Commission Act 1996 (Cth). The NCYLC is an independent, nonprofit community legal center established in 1993, which advocates the legal rights and responsibilities of children and youth. These major reports raised many serious concerns about the legal status of children in Australia and Australian laws pertaining to children. For example, the NCYLC report notes that under Australian law, the fundamental civil liberties described in Articles 2, 13, 14, 15, and 16 of CROC, with the exception of the nondiscrimination provision in Article 2, are not guaranteed. While decisions affecting children are made daily by federal, state/territory, and local government agencies, it is rare for children to be consulted in these processes. There are legal restrictions on those younger than eighteen years old entering into contracts, thus disadvantaging children by precluding them from entering tenancy agreements or mobile phone contracts unless someone over the age of eighteen years is willing to sign their contract or go guarantor. Australian children have no right of participation in school decision-making, and under section 40 of the Victorian Equal Opportunity Act (1995), schools are allowed to set and enforce reasonable standards of dress and appearance even if these discriminate on the grounds of sex, race, or cultural background. Australian children suffer discrimination in relation to minimum and junior wage rates under industrial laws and workplace agreements that are not subject to antidiscrimination legislation. It has been estimated that about one-third of all crime in Australia is committed by juveniles, costing the community an estimated $1.5 billion a year. In Australia, juvenile offenders under the age of seventeen years are generally incarcerated in youth detention or training centers but can be sentenced to custody in an adult prison if convicted of a serious criminal offense, such as homicide. Data indicate there has been a general decline in the number of persons aged ten to seventeen years in juvenile detention over past years. On June 30, 1981, 1,352 young people were detained in juvenile detention facilities, whereas on June 30, 2003, only 640 juveniles were recorded as detained. Indigenous status is only available from 1994, but the rates of detention for both indigenous and nonindigenous young people have been declining since then. In 2003,
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Aboriginal juveniles accounted for 47 percent of those between the ages of ten to seventeen years in juvenile correctional institutions (U.S. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices–2005, March 8, 2006). Indigenous children and their families are the most disadvantaged group in contemporary Australian society and continue to experience inequality in access to services and benefits compared with non-indigenous Australians, with these inequities being widely recognized contributing factors to the extent of criminal offending. In terms of gender, young men have always been highly overrepresented in juvenile detention, with young women consistently comprising only a small proportion of the total persons detained. On June 30, 2004, young males were twelve times more likely than young females to be in detention. There have been reports of children in juvenile justice centers being subjected to abuse and inadequate safeguards established in law and policy to protect them. Figures from South Australia (Government of South Australia, Office of Crime Statistics, Fact Sheet No. 1, December 2000) provide some insights into the types of offenses for which young people are apprehended. In 1999, larceny and receiving (mainly shoplifting and theft of motor vehicles) was the major offenses (30.3 percent), followed by good order offenses (16.4 percent); burglary, break and enter (12.2 percent); drug offenses, mainly possession and use of cannabis (10.7 percent); offenses against the person, excluding sexual offences (10.2 percent); and damage to property and environmental offenses (10 percent). Robbery and extortion (2.1 percent), fraud and misappropriation (0.9 percent) and sexual offenses (0.7 percent) were rare. Two SA apprehension reports in 1999 listed murder as the major offense, with three reports of attempted murder. Recent research into the lifetime offending and substance use patterns of 371 juveniles incarcerated in Australian juvenile justice centers has shown that young people sentenced to detention often have extensive offending and drug use histories. The research showed that almost all juvenile detainees had used alcohol (97 percent) and cannabis (94 percent), half had used amphetamines, and one-third had used ecstasy and nearly one in three juvenile offenders were regular polysubstance users in the months prior to detention (Australian Institute of Criminology, Crime Facts Information Sheet No. 111: Drug use by young serious offenders, November 22, 2005). Another major concern in recent years is the forced detention of children and their families in immigration detention centers. Australia is the only Western country that has a policy of mandatory detention of all ‘‘unauthorized arrivals,’’ including children. In February 2002, there were 365 children in mainland Australian immigration detention centers, including thirteen unaccompanied minors. Children in Australian immigration detention centers do not enjoy the same rights under the Convention as those outside of detention. Australia penalizes asylum-seeking
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‘‘unauthorized arrival’’ children by detaining them for long periods of time, which further exacerbates their vulnerability and development. In July 2005, all children were released from indefinite detention and the Migration Act was amended to say that detention of children is an action of last resort. In regard to child trafficking, the Criminal Code Amendment (Trafficking in Persons Offences) Bill became law on August 3, 2005. Criminal offenses include general trafficking (bringing a person to Australia by means of threats, force or deception) punishable by up to twelve years imprisonment, or twenty years if the offender intends that the victim will be exploited, or the victim is subjected to cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment. The legislation also includes the specific offence of trafficking in children, with penalties of up to twenty years. Consistent with the Protocol, it is not necessary to prove the offender used force or threats, and the consent of the child is not relevant (http://www.dfat.gov.au/illegal_ immigration/laws.html). As noted earlier, under the Criminal Code Amendment (Slavery and Sexual Servitude) Act of 1999, those found guilty of forcing, or intending to force a child under eighteen years to provide sexual services or having knowledge of such activity warrants a penalty of nineteen years imprisonment. The Criminal Code Act also mandates a penalty of ten years for use of a carriage service (such as the internet) to access, obtain, or distribute child pornography (http://www.aba.gov.au/internet/overview/pornography. shtml). In addition, ISP or Web hosts also face monetary penalties if they are made aware that their service can be used to access child pornography, and they do not refer the information to the federal police. Corporal punishment in schools is banned in all Australian states, although in Queensland, this is still not legally binding. As a result, teachers can defend a charge of criminal assault if their conduct is considered ‘‘reasonable under the circumstances,’’ falling back on a Queensland law on Domestic Punishment dating back to 1899. Whether parents should be allowed to smack their children is a controversial issue, and appears to be still supported by a majority of Australians. For example, Tucci, Saunders, and Goddard (2002, cited in Australian Psychological Society, InPsych Highlights, October, 2002), reported that 75 percent of Victorians (as opposed to 88 percent of British respondents) agreed that: ‘‘Parents should be allowed by law to smack a naughty child who is over five years old,’’ with figures dropping to 50 percent and 16 percent respectively for ages two to five and below two years. The legal working age for children in Australia is fifteen years, and the ADF observes a minimum recruitment age into the armed forces of seventeen years. In regard to the age of criminal responsibility, since the publication of The Age of Criminal Responsibility (Urbas 2000, as cited in Australian Institute of Criminology Crime Facts Sheet No. 106, The age of criminal responsibility, September 13, 2005), some Australian
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jurisdictions have revised their legislation, confirming a trend over the last twenty years toward uniformity in age limits for criminal responsibility. For example, from July 1, 2005, in Victoria, the age jurisdiction of the criminal division of the Children’s Court has increased from seventeen to eighteen years. In Queensland, per the 1992 Juvenile Justice Act, a child is a person who has not turned seventeen years. Doli incapax means a presumption that a child is ‘‘incapable of crime’’ under legislation or common law. Recent Australian reviews (Bradley 2003 and Crofts 2003, as cited in Australian Institute of Criminology Crime Facts Sheet No. 106, The age of criminal responsibility, September 13, 2005) have discussed amending the doli incapax presumption, including reversing the onus of proof and changing its application to ages twelve and under. RELIGIOUS LIFE There is no official religion in Australia. The Constitution allows all Australians to follow any religion they choose or to have no religion. Religious practice, however, must conform to Australian laws. The Australian Constitution does not define religious minorities. There are no specific provisions in the Australian Constitution to protect human rights. Australia’s human rights obligations are largely derived from Australia’s international obligations under the various human rights treaties. It is arguable that Section 116 of the Constitution allows the free exercise of any religion and protects religious minorities (and majorities) from discrimination, but this section is more about restrictions on the powers of the legislature than a Constitutional guarantee of rights of individuals. Religious faith has been a vital part of Australian life since the early European settlement. Prior to that, the Aboriginal inhabitants followed their religions involving beliefs in spiritual forces and interrelationships between human beings, nature, and deities. Faith traditions have been influential in the formation of Australian multicultural society and have contributed immensely in the formation of Australian values. In Australia, the family remains the primary agent of a child’s religious development. There are also ties between religious institutions and family life. For newly arrived immigrants, participation in familiar religious observances and rituals in Australia operates as an integrating and connecting force. In some immigrant communities, religious institutions have played an important role in people’s spiritual, social, psychological, and cultural needs. The Australian Bureau of Statistics 2001 Census identified affiliations as follows: 70 percent Christians of different denominations and 5 percent non-Christian religions. Extensive immigration from the Middle East and Southeast Asia has increased the ethnic diversity of existing Christian denominations. It has also expanded Buddhist (now the largest nonChristian religion in Australia) and Muslim numbers significantly. The rise
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of new spiritualities alongside ethnically diverse traditional Christian denomination and the increase of people claiming no religious affiliation (16.5 percent) are shaping Australia to become, paradoxically, both a more secular and more multi-faith society. Australia also faces the challenges of continuing the traditions of Christian faith and of combining the need for community with strongly individualistic attitudes and behavior. More recently, a proliferation of full-time schools sponsored by ethnic and religious communities has occurred, some motivated by religious faith, others by concerns for cultural and linguistic maintenance. Examples of these are Greek Orthodox, Armenian, Jewish, Turkish Muslim, and Coptic Orthodox schools. There are several early childhood centers with a spiritual orientation. Steiner preschools, for example, aim to awaken the child’s ‘‘natural reverence for the wonder of life.’’ Jewish early learning centers in New South Wales and Brisbane introduce children to Jewish values and traditions and aim to develop caring members of the Jewish community and Australian society. Schools with a religious affiliation are a significant feature of the Australian educational system, and religious groups have played a major role in supporting the establishment and growth of nongovernment schools. For example, Australia has a significant sector of systemic Catholic schools, which enrolls about 20 percent of the school-age population. The Salvation Army and Uniting Care provide community services in the areas of aged and community care, children, youth and family, disability, employment, and rural and remote communities The 1959 Convention on the Rights of the Child requires Australia to protect children’s rights to cultural identity, language, and religion. Every child staying in Australia, whether citizen, temporary resident, or refugee seeking asylum, has the right to profess and practice his/her religion. In Australia, most religious denominations use communal centers and places of worship that hold spiritual significance for their believers. There are many Aboriginal sacred sites, which are generally places in the landscape. Religious activities and ritual ceremonies encompass a range of activities, including eating religiously appropriate food; baptism; fasting; prayer; religious meditation; religious text; visiting a burial site; worshipping at a sacred place; going to a wedding, funeral, confirmation, coming of age or rite of passage ceremonies; and other religious initiations. Rites of passage for children practiced by different religious groups include baptism, first communion/first confession for Christians, circumcision and bar mitzvah/bat mitzvah for Jews, and upanayana (‘‘sacred thread ceremony’’) for male Hindu children. Some Australian Aboriginal rites of passage include tooth pulling for males and food taboos for girls. The emergence of an era of terrorism has triggered debates on the contribution of religion and religious schools to cultural diversity and social cohesion. The role of education in promoting interfaith understanding in
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Australia is recognized as essential to a culture of harmony, justice, and nonviolence. Australians schools adopt the National Framework for Values Education that gives emphasis to freedom, respect, integrity, tolerance, and inclusion. Results from the 2004 National Church Life Study indicate that Australians are united in affirming these values. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT In Australia, the term child maltreatment includes four types of abuse: physical, sexual, emotional/psychological, and neglect. The total number of Australian children who have experienced maltreatment cannot be accurately known, with the best approximations based on the number of reports of suspected child abuse made to statutory child protection authorities. In Australia, this statutory responsibility resides with state and territory governments—not federal government—and there is inconsistency between the states in definitions of abuse, mandatory reporting requirements and processes, and child protection legislation. According to the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW) in 2002–2003, there were 198,355 reports received by state or territory authorities of suspected child maltreatment, and of these, about one in five (40,416) were substantiated through subsequent protective services investigations. These figures underestimate the extent of the problem, as much child maltreatment is not reported. In Australia, any person can report in confidence to protection authorities if they believe a child is being maltreated, and certain professional groups are required by law (mandated) to make such reports. This varies from state to state. In Tasmania, for example, every adult is mandated, whereas in Victoria, police, doctors, nurses, and teachers only are mandated. Recent AIHW statistics reveal that school personnel, police, and parents/guardians are those who most commonly report. Other available statistics indicate that boys are more likely than girls to be physically abused, whereas girls are more likely to be sexually abused. Australia’s indigenous children (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders) are more likely to be the subject of a substantiated report, and in one state (Victoria), this rate is ten times that of non-indigenous children. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are also overrepresented among children who have been removed from their homes due to child maltreatment, constituting in 2002, 23 percent of all children in care (of a total of 20,297 in care in 2002–2003). Most children removed from their homes are placed in community, home-based foster care placements (92 percent), with very few children (5 percent) placed in residential-type care (that is, group care settings with paid carers). Statistics in Victoria give some sense of trends, with the number of children removed from homes due to protective issues increasing by 27 percent between 1996 and 2004. The length of time children
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spend in placements has also increased, from an average of 1.5 years in 2000–2001 to 205 years in 2003–2004. Accurate statistics on fatal child maltreatment, where a child’s death results from physical violence or neglect by a parent or carer, are not available for Australia because comprehensive information is not collected currently in all Australian states. Some states have established a Child Death Review Committee (for example, Victoria and NSW). The review work of the NSW Committee revealed that of the seventy-five deaths over the period January 7, 1999, to June 30, 2002, that were attributed to maltreatment, forty children were found to have died from abuse and thirty-one from neglect. Infants and young children up to the age of four years were the most likely to suffer fatal abuse or neglect, and over half the deaths occurred in the child’s home. In 85 percent of cases, parental illicit substance abuse, domestic violence, and/or poverty were evident and in 47 percent of cases reviewed, criminal proceedings were commenced as a result of the child’s death. The ‘‘Cinderella Effect’’—where children living in families with a stepparent are at greater risk—has been reported in Australia for both intentional and unintentional childhood fatalities. Scott (2006) described child protection services as ‘‘demoralized, investigation-driven bureaucracies which trawl through escalating numbers of low income families to find a small minority of cases in which statutory intervention is necessary and justifiable, leaving enormous damage in their wake’’ (p. 1). Scott notes the diminishing resource of alternative within-family or community-based placements for children removed from their parent(s) and the fact that two-thirds of children removed from parental care have had four or more previous placements. As a new legislative approach to child protection in Australia, the Victorian government recently set out a new policy framework that aims to create a more integrated system of services that will connect vulnerable families to accessible and flexible community-based prevention support services more quickly, with local service networks redesigned to facilitate a shared approach to responding to children and families at-risk. The new approach, which also strengthens the investigative powers of Victorian child protection services, is enshrined in new legislation, the ‘‘Children’s Bill’’ that was introduced into the Victorian Parliament in late 2006. An important aspect of the new legislation is that all actions and decisions taken under it, including in the children’s court with respect to child protection, will be subject to a ‘‘best interests of children’’ test, focusing on the need to protect children from harm, to protect their rights, and to promote their development. Stable care is to be a key goal of case planning. The new legislation also aims to strengthen the cultural responsiveness of services so they are more inclusive of children from Aboriginal and other cultural backgrounds. With regard to age of recruitment into the military, the Australian Defence Force (ADF) observes a minimum age of seventeen years.
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GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Growing up in Australia in the new century presents a picture of a high degree of economic well-being and greater access to opportunities but also an atmosphere of complexity and uncertainty about the future for many children. The visible affluence, greater access to education and health and welfare support, as well as seemingly better opportunities for success brought about by urbanization, technology, and globalization conceal some serious problems. Many of the social and economic trends and changes to society—falling birth rate, an aging demographic structure, smaller households, older parents, increase of mothers in the workforce, parental separation, divorce, and high mobility—have had significant impact on the quality and provision of care for children. Many forces compete with raising children, including difficulties of combining work with family and changing social values. There are more children living in stress and trauma of marriage breakdown. Incidents of family violence and abuse are high. Isolation, disconnection, and abandonment are issues families face due to changing family structures and family life patterns. The issue of providing high-quality, affordable, and equitable access of early childhood education and care for all children remains a challenge. Provision of inclusive approaches for children requiring special support (indigenous children, children from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds, children with disabilities, children from low socioeconomic backgrounds, children from rural and remote areas, and children at-risk) still needs improvement. Australia, a highly multicultural society, is becoming a paradoxically multi-faith and secular society. However, ethnocentrism, racism, and xenophobia are prevalent in some sections of the population. The fear of terrorism has become the dominant issue in Australian politics. An atmosphere of suspicion pervades as the population witness the influx of new refugees from Middle East and African countries. Antagonism towards indigenous Australians continues to persist. Social inequalities exist. The indigenous population is recognized as the most economically and educationally disadvantaged. The infant mortality rate for indigenous infants is three times higher than from non-indigenous infants. Indigenous children are overrepresented in outof-home care. Increasing proportions of children suffer from obesity, partly due to the trend in sedentary and unhealthy patterns of living. There are more children suffering from asthma, mental health problems (such as depression and anxiety), and behavioral disorders (such as attention-deficit disorder and hyperactivity). There is increasing recognition that the health, development, and wellbeing of children cannot be addressed in isolation from the family,
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community, and broader socioeconomic, political, and cultural environments in which children live. In recognition of the importance of early years of a child’s life and in response to the challenges of living in the twenty-first century, the Howard/Anderson Government has identified early childhood as a priority area for action in its third term. In September 2001, a Task Force on Child Development, Health and Wellbeing was established to develop a whole-of-government approach to the early years of life. A National Agenda for Early Childhood was formed to bring together policy makers across government departments to coordinate efforts to improve outcomes for children. In June 2004, a draft policy framework that focuses on four key action areas—healthy young families, early learning and care, supporting families and parenting, and creating child-friendly communities—was created. Other government initiatives are the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children, Stronger Families and Communities Strategy, and the Australian Early Development Index: Building Better Communities for Children project. In some nongovernmental sectors, child advocates are lobbying for children’s rights and citizenship participation of children. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Australian Institute of Family Studies. 2006. Growing Up in Australia: The Longitudinal Study of Australian Children. AIFS: Melbourne. A very current analysis of children’s lives in Australian families, with a specific focus on parenting and parental leave, work–family balance, and childcare patterns for children. Bowes, J. M. 2004. Children, Families and Communities: Contexts and Consequences. 2nd ed. Melbourne, Victoria: Oxford University Press. A good multi-disciplinary examination of current issues for families and children within Australia covering a diverse range of topics and influences on children’s lives. It includes treatment of controversial issues including the treatment of children stolen from indigenous families. Brennan, D. 2003. The Politics of Australian Child Care. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. A thorough and important analysis of how childcare developed over time in Australia, its history, its politics, and its philosophies. Hartley, R. 1995. Families and Cultural Diversity in Australia. Sydney: Allen & Unwin in association with AIFS. This book provides an insight into the diverse characteristics of family life of key groups in Australia: Aborigines, Anglo-Celtic, Chinese, Filipino, Greek, Italian, Latin American, Lebanese, and Vietnamese. It examines the differences between immigrant groups in relation to family life and changing social and political circumstances in Australia. Stanley, F., Richardson, S. and Prior, M. 2005. Children of the lucky country? How Australian society is turning its back on children and why children matter. Sydney: Pan MacMillan Australia. This book identifies the lack of improvement in key indicators of the health, well-being, and development of children in Australia as the inequalities between the advantaged and disadvantaged grow.
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Nonprint Resources The United Nations. 2005. What’s Going On: Indigenous Children in Australia. DVD. The United Nations. A DVD exploring the lives of indigenous children living in outback Australia and urban Australia.
Web Sites Australian Association for Religious Education, http://www.aare.org.au/. Australian Bureau of Statistics, http://www.abs.gov.au. Australian Institute of Criminology, http://www.aic.gov.au/. Australian Law Reform Commission, http://www.alrc.gov.au/. Australian National Occupational Health and Safety Commission and European Agency for Safety and Health at Work, http://www.nohsc-eu.gov.au/. Australian Research and Alliance for Children and Youth, http://www.aracy.org.au. Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs, http://www.immi.gov.au/. Growing Up in Australia—The Longitudinal Study of Australian Children, http:// www.aifs.gov.au/growingup/. UNICEF—Statistics regarding Australian children and families, http://www.unicef. org/infobycountry/australia_statistics.html.
Organizations and NGOs Australia Institute of Family Studies, National Child Protection Clearinghouse 300 Queen Street Melbourne, Vic 3000 Australia Web site: http://www.aifs.gov.au/nch Australian clearinghouse of information, publications, and resources on child protection issues and the prevention of child abuse and neglect. Australian Bureau of Statistics Web site: http://www.abs.gov.au The official organization for the collection and dissemination of statistics on all aspects of life in Australia, including families and children. Australian Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission GPO Box 5218 Sydney NSW 2001
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Australia Web site: http://www.hreoc.gov.au An organization that administers federal legislation and handles complaints in relation to human rights, anti-discrimination, social justice, and privacy. Australian Institute of Health and Welfare: Children and Youth Index GPO Box 570 Canberra ACT 2601 Australia Web site: http://www.aihw.gov.au/childyouth/index.cfm A source of statistical information and data in relation to child and youth health and well-being and children’s services (childcare and preschools), child protection services, adoptions, and family support services. Family Court of Australia Family Law Courts National Enquiry Centre GPO Box 9991 Parramatta 2124 Australia Web site: http://www.familycourt.gov.au/ The Family Court of Australia presides over family law matters, including custody of children in the event of marriage breakdown. Federal Department of Families and Community Services and Indigenous Affairs National Office Box 7788 Canberra Mail Centre ACT 2610 Australia Web site: http://www.facsia.gov.au The commonwealth government department responsible for social policies and welfare support for Australian families, including childcare support. The National Children’s and Youth Law Centre c/o University of NSW Sydney NSW 2052 Australia Web site: http://www.ncylc.org.au This organization is a nongovernment organization that addresses human right issues for children and young people.
Selected Bibliography Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). 2002. Census of Population and Housing: Selected Social and Housing Characteristics, Australia 2001 [Catalogue No: 2015.0]. Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics. Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). 2003a. Culture and Leisure: Children’s Out of School Activities. The ABS web site. http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/
[email protected]/2f762f95845417aeca25706c00834efa/a92e7d04746803ccca2570fe 00198566!OpenDocument. Accessed October 30, 2006.
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Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). 2003b. Children’s participation in organised cultural activities 2003. The ABS web site. http://www.abs.gov.au/Ausstats/
[email protected]/94713ad445ff1425ca25682000192af2/0186CB55C35783E5CA256 F720083301B?opendocument. Accessed October 30, 2006. Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). 2003c. Children’s participation in organised sport. The ABS web site. http://www.abs.gov.au/Ausstats/
[email protected]/94713ad 445ff1425ca25682000192af2/57E1C764BFA85942CA256F7200832FBC?open document. Accessed October 30, 2006. Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). 2003d. Children’s participation in selected leisure activities. The ABS web site. http://www.abs.gov.au/Ausstats/
[email protected]/ 94713ad445ff1425ca25682000192af2/EE480A67897DDD23CA256F72008 33043?opendocument. Accessed October 30, 2006. Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). 2004a. Marriages, Australia [Catalogue No: 3306.0.55.001]. Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics. Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). 2004b. Divorces, Australia [Catalogue Number: 3307.0.55.001]. Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics. Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). 2006. Australian social trends 2005. The ABS web site. http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/
[email protected]/mf/4102.0?OpenDocument. Accessed October 30, 2006. Australian Government. 2006. Country Education Profiles. Australia: Canberra: Australian Government. Australian Institute of Family Studies (AIFS). 2005. What can we learn from the Growing Up in Australia study? The AIFS web site. http://www.aifs.gov.au/ growingup/new.html. Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW). 2005a. A Picture of Australia’s Children. http://www.aihw.gov.au/publications/index.cfm/title. Accessed October 10, 2006. Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW). 2005b. Australia’s welfare 2005. The AIHW web site. http://www.aihw.gov.au/publications/index.cfm/title/ 10186. Accessed October 10, 2006. Australian Law Reform Commission and the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission. 1997. Seen and Heard: Priority for Children in the Legal Process The Christian Research Association web site. http://www.cra.org.au/pages/ 00000089.cgi. Accessed October 27, 2006. Bouma, G. 2003. ‘‘Religion and Spirituality.’’ In Eds. I. McAllister, S. Dowrick, and R. Hassan. The Cambridge Handbook of Social Sciences in Australia. New York: Cambridge University Press. 626–37. Cahill, D. and M. Leahy. 2004. Constructing a multi-faith network. ACT: Commonwealth of Australia. Cahill, D., G. Bouma, H. Dellal, and M. Leahy. 2004. Religion, Cultural Diversity and Safeguarding Australia. ACT: Commonwealth of Australia. Christian Research Association. 2006. Australian Schools: Growth in the Independent Sector. The Christian Research Association web site. http://www.cra.org.au/ pages/00000089.cgi. Accessed November 30, 2006. Crotty, R. 2006. Reform of religious education curriculum: a cross national opportunity. The Australian Association of Religious Education web site. http:// www.aare.edu.au/96pap/crotr96120.txt. Accessed November 30, 2006. Department of Education, Science and Training (DEST). 2006. National Framework for Values Education in Australian Schools. http://www.valueseducation. edu.au/values/. Accessed November 30, 2006. Department of Education, Training and Youth Affairs (DETYA). 2000. Numeracy, a Priority for All: Challenges for Australian Schools. Canberrra: DETYA.
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Department of Education, Training and Youth Affairs (DETYA). 1998. Literacy for all: the challenge for Australian schools. Canberra: DETYA. Department of Families, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs. 2006. Towards the development of the National Agenda for Early Childhood. The FACS web site. http://www.facs.gov.au/internet/facsinternet.nsf/family/early_childhood. htm. Accessed October 30, 2006. Department of Family and Community Services. 2000. Tomorrow’s children: Australia’s national plan of action against the commercial exploitation of children. Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia. Department of Health and Ageing. 2005. Discussion paper for the development of recommendations for children’s and youths’ participation in self-enhancing physical activity. The Department of Health and Ageing web site. http:// www.health.gov.au/internet/wcms/publishing.nsf/Content/phd-physical-discussioncnt.htm. Accessed October 15, 2006. Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs (DIMA). 2006. Religious values and principles. The Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs (DIMA) web site. http://www.immi.gov.au/settle/states/values.htm. Accessed October 12, 2006. Earle, L. and R. Fopp. 1999. Introduction to Australian Society. Orlando, FL: Harcourt Brace. Early Childhood Australia. 1990. Code of ethics. ACT: Early Childhood Australia. Goumas, D. 2003. ‘‘Religion and spirituality.’’ In Eds. D. Dowrick, R. Hassan. and I. McAllister. The Cambridge Handbook of the Social Sciences in Australia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Grant, A., P. Grabosky, and F. David. 1999. The commercial sexual exploitation of children. Paper presented at the Children and Crime Victims and Offenders Conference, Brisbane, Australia. Hartley, R. 1995. Families and Cultural Diversity in Australia. New South Wales: Allen & Unwin. Hay, D. and R. Nye. 1998. The Spirit of the Child. London: Fount. Howe, J. 1999. Early Childhood, Family and Society in Australia: A Reassessment. Katoomba: Social Science Press. Hughes, P. 2006. Christianity in the twenty-first century: reflections on the challenges ahead. The Christian Research Association web site. http://www.cra.org. au/pages/00000182.cgi. Accessed October 30, 2006. Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission. 2006a. A last resort? The report of the National Inquiry into Children in Immigration Detention. The Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission web site. http://www.hreoc .gov.au/human_rights/children_detention_report/report/index.htm. Accessed October 27, 2006. Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission. 2006b. Religion, culture and language for children in immigration detention. The Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission web site. http://www.hreoc.gov.au/Human_Rights/ children_detention_report/report/chap15.htm. Accessed October 27, 2006. International Labour Organisation. 2006. The end of child labour: Within reach. Global Report under the follow-up to the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work. International Labour Conference, Geneva. Jureidini, R. and M. Poole. 2000. Sociology: Australian Connections. NSW: Allen & Unwin.
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Ministerial Council on Education, Employment, Training and Youth Affairs. 2006. National goals for schooling in the twenty-first century. Victoria: MCEETYA. National Accreditation Childcare Council. 2005. Quality Improvement and Accreditation System Handbook. NSW: National Accreditation Childcare Council. National Catholic Education Commission. 2002a. The contribution of religion and religious schools to cultural diversity and social cohesion in contemporary Australia; submission to the Australian multicultural foundation. The National Catholic Education Commission web site. Accessed October 29, 2006. National Catholic Education Commission. 2002b. The church community in multicultural Australia. The National Catholic Education Commission web site. http://www.ncec.catholic.edu.au.multi.htm. Accessed October 29, 2006. The National Children’s and Youth Law Centre. 2004. What’s up CROC? Australia’s implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. A background briefing paper. http://www.ncylc.org.au/croc/images/backgroundbriefing. pdf. Accessed September 28, 2006. National Church Life Survey Research. 2006a. Mum’s the word. The National Church Life Survey web site. http://www.ncls.org.au/default.aspx?do cid=3551. Accessed October 27, 2006. National Church Life Survey Research. 2006b. Overseas migrants. The National Church Life Survey web site. http://www.ncls.org.au/default.aspx?do cid=2298&track=1664. Accessed October 27, 2006. National Church Life Survey Research. 2006c. Exploring what Australians value. The Christian Research Association web site. http://www.cra.org.au/pages/ 00000251.cgi. Accessed October 26, 2006. New South Wales Commission for Children and Young People. 2005. Kids speak out about life in immigration detention centers. The New South Wales Commission for Children and Young People web site. http://www.kids.nsw.gov.au/ ourwork/immigrationdetention.html. Accessed October 29, 2006. New South Wales Department of Community Services. 2006. NSW Curriculum Framework for Children’s Services: The Practice of Relationships. Essential Provisions for Children’s Services. New South Wales: Department of Community Services. Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). 2001. Early childhood education and care policy in Australia. The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development web site. http://www.oecd.org. Accessed September 28, 2006. Scott, D. 2006. Sowing the seeds of innovation in child protection. Paper presented to the 10th Australasian Child Abuse and Neglect Conference, February, Wellington. Stanley, F., S. Richardson, and M. Prior. 2005. Children of the Lucky Country? How Australian Society is Turning its Back on Children and Why Children Matter. Sydney: Pan MacMillan Australia. Swee-Hin, T. 2004. ‘‘Interfaith dialogue: signs of hope.’’ Faith and Religion in South Australia, South Australian Multicultural and Ethnic Affairs Commission. Adelaide: Multicultural Australia. Tooley, G.A., M. Karakis, M. Stokes, and J. Ozanne-Smith. 2006. ‘‘Generalising the Cinderella Effect to unintentional childhood fatalities.’’ Evolution and Human Behaviour 27:224–230.
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BANGLADESH Mesbah-us-Saleheen and Khondaker Mohammod Shariful Huda NATIONAL PROFILE The People’s Republic of Bangladesh, previously known as East Pakistan, emerged as an independent and sovereign state from what was then Pakistan on December 16, 1971, following a nine-month-long War of Liberation. Bangladesh, run by a parliamentary form of government, is situated in the northeastern part of South Asia and is bordered by India to the west, north, and east, Myanmar to the southeast, and the Bay of Bengal to the south. Except for the high lands in the north and hilly regions in the east, the country is mostly low, flat, and fertile. Some of the world’s largest rivers flow through the country to form the largest delta on earth, and floodplains occupy 80 percent of the country. With a population of more than 150 million (CIA World Factbook 2007), in an area of 147,570 square kilometers (about the size of Arkansas or Wisconsin in the United States of America), the land is one of the most densely populated
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countries in the world with approximately 900 persons per square kilometer (Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics [BBS] 1994). Historically, the country is a transition zone between southwest and southeast Asia. Ethnically, the country is homogeneous, and the language of the vast majority of the people is Bangla (Bengali), except for a small tribal population of about 1.2 million (BBS 1994). Nearly 89.7 percent of the population’s religion is Islam. Hinduism, Buddhism, and Christianity are the religions of the rest of the population. The total population of Bangladesh is 150 million, 13 percent of which (about 16.9 million) is under age five, and 39.5 percent of which is under age fifteen (BBS 2003). The average number of persons per household is 4.9, and the population growth rate is 1.5 percent per annum. About 28 percent of the population lives in urban areas. The age distribution of younger children age five to nine and ten to fourteen is 13.6 and 12.8 percent, respectively (B.B.S. 2003). In 2007 the sex ratio was 1.052 male(s)/female. The birth rate per 1,000 population was estimated at 29.36 and infant mortality rate was 59.12 per 1,000 live births (CIA World Factbook 2007). Total fertility rate (TFR) is currently estimated at 2.6. Life expectancy for men and women was estimated at sixty-three and sixty-four years respectively in 2005 (BBS 2003). Child mortality rate under the age of five was estimated at 4.1 per 1,000 live births and the maternal mortality ratio (MMR) is 3.8 per 1,000 live births in 2001. Stunting among girls has declined from 65.9 in 1989– 1990 to 49.1 percent in 2000. Prevalence of underweight girls declined from 67.8 percent in 1989–1990 to 50.9 percent in 2000 (BBS 2003). There has been a steady increase in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita from US$273 in 1990–1991 to US$441 in 2004 (Ali, 2006). The country demonstrated a steady economic growth by an average of 4.75 percent per year throughout the 1990s. The Human Poverty Index for Bangladesh was ranked at 85 in 2006 (UNDP 2006). Sixtythree million people in Bangladesh continue to live below the poverty line. Compared with male-headed households, female-headed households are more likely to live in extreme poverty. Bangladesh ranked 110 among 144 countries on the UNDP Gender Development Index (GDI) for 2004, an increase of thirteen positions since 1999. There has been a narrowing of the gender gap in most social MDG (Millennium Development Goals) indicators in general and in the education sector in particular. For example, with targeted government policies, recent female enrollment rates in primary and secondary schools have exceeded that of males. Yet critics maintain that much work is needed in terms of women’s economic and political participation and adult literacy. Except in some ethnic minority groups, the family system in Bangladesh is patriarchal. The father, as legal guardian, is responsible for taking care of the children, though by nature they may remain close to their
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mothers. In Bangladesh, boys and girls under the age of fourteen are considered children. The UN Convention of the Rights of the Child treats every person younger than eighteen years old as a child, although the convention also allows every society to consider its own laws and customs. Generally, children in Bangladesh are grouped into three categories: Sishu—a child under five years of age, Balak (male) or Balika (female)—a child of six to ten years, and Kishor (male) or Kishori (female)—a child of age eleven to fourteen.
KEY FACTS – BANGLADESH Population: 150,448,339 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 59.12 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 62.84 years (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 43.1 percent (2003 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 84 percent (2000–2005) Internet users: 300,000 (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 13,000 (2001 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 85 (2006 est.) Sources: CIA World Factbook: Bangladesh. http://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/geos/bg.html. April 17, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Bangladesh. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/ statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_BGD.html. April 26, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Bangladesh–Statistics. http:// www.unicef.org/infobycountry/bangladesh_bangladesh_ statistics.html. April 25, 2007.
OVERVIEW Public commitment to children’s welfare and children’s rights has a long tradition in Bangladesh. Article 28 (4) of the country’s Constitution, adopted in 1972, the Bangladesh Children’s Act of 1974, and the Bangladesh Shishu Academy (Bangladesh Children’s Academy, BSA) Ordinance of 1976 bear testimony to such early special attention. Currently, the government is deliberating on a comprehensive national policy on children. The government’s social policy attaches highest priority to the survival, protection, and development of children in the country. It has taken up a number of activities that directly impact the welfare of children. The Ministry of Social Welfare (MSW) oversees all welfare activities pertaining to children in the country. To give more importance to the development of children, the Ministry of Women’s Affairs has been renamed as the Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs. This Ministry is responsible to the National Council for Children Affairs, the National Awards for Children, and matters relating to the BSA, leaving child welfare and coordination of activities of other ministries and organizations in connection with social welfare. UNICEF and other international bodies/foreign agencies coordinate with MSW. The Ministry manages its own programs and monitors programs initiated by other government departments and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). The definitions of a ‘‘child’’ given by different acts and statutes in force in Bangladesh are inconsistent. For example, while the Bangladesh Majority Act of 1875 defines a person below the age of eighteen years as a
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child, the Guardians and Wards Act of 1890 allows a child to remain a ward under the court until age twenty-one. The age of majority is twenty-one years for boys and eighteen for girls. Under Muslim law, a child becomes an adult at puberty, which varies with gender. Childbirths are usually attended by female members of the family along with perhaps an untrained villager or a friend to help. Ten percent of rural births and 45 percent of urban births are attended by people trained in modern obstetric practices. Twelve of every 1,000 newborns die immediately from birth injuries, often caused by untrained attendants, premature birth, and other causes. Low birth weight babies have a high risk of mortality. Approximately half of all newborn babies weigh less than 2,500 grams. Maternal malnutrition, small stature of the mother, infections during pregnancy, anemia, and closely spaced pregnancies contribute to low birth weight. In the first week of life, an additional 23 babies of every 1,000 die due to premature birth, neonatal tetanus, and other causes. Throughout the first year, another 75 per 1,000 live births die from tetanus, acute respiratory infections including pneumonia, diarrhea, and other causes (BBS 2003b). Mortality for children under five between the years 1992–1996 was 116 per 1,000 births, meaning that one in nine children born in Bangladesh dies before reaching their fifth birthday. The infant mortality rate was 82 deaths per 1,000 births, and the child mortality rate was 37 per 1,000 each year. During infancy, risk of death in the first month of life (48 per 1,000) was greater than in the next eleven months (34 per 1,000 [BBS 1998]). The figures suggest that child survival in Bangladesh has improved since the mid-1980s. Under-five mortality has declined by one-third from 173 deaths per 1,000 births in the period ten to fourteen years before the survey (approximately 1982–1986) to 116 for the period zero to four years before it. The pace of decline was faster for child mortality than for infant mortality; child mortality rate declined by 42 percent (from 63 per 1,000 births ten to fourteen years before the survey to 37 per 1,000 during the period zero to four years before the survey), while infant mortality rate declined by 30 percent over the same period (from 117 to 82 per 1,000 births). It is interesting to note that neonatal mortality rates have fallen more sharply than postnatal mortality in the recent past. EDUCATION There are four separate systems of education in Bangladesh: government-run schools, private schools, madrassas (Islamic religious schools), and schools run by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Currently, more than 400 NGOs in Bangladesh are involved in the basic education sector. Formal education consists of five years of primary education, five years of secondary education, two years of higher secondary education, and three to five years of higher education.
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According to the Primary Education Act of 1992, the compulsory age of entry into a primary school is six years, although many children enter at four to five years. Tuition fees and textbooks for all children up to grade five and up to grade eight for female children are supplied free of cost by the government. To increase primary school enrollment, the government of Bangladesh introduced the Food For Education (FEE) program in 1993, allowing poor families to receive a free monthly ration of rice or wheat for sending their children to primary school. There are about 37,000 government schools in the country with a student enrollment number of approximately 12 million students (BBS 2003). The total budget allocation of 2 percent of the GDP for education in Bangladesh is the lowest of all the South Asian countries. Many parents in Bangladesh consider female children a family burden and are less likely to send them to school; male children are given educational preference. Despite this, education is a high priority of the government, and special importance has been attached to primary education. Stipends have been introduced at the primary level for ensuring education of underprivileged and poor children. Consequently, the dropout rate has decreased, and the enrollment rate has increased. The government introduced the Reaching Out of School Children Project in order to bring underprivileged children under the purview of primary education. Half a million children would get educational opportunities under this program. At present, 90 percent of school-aged children are now being enrolled in schools. Education for girls is now free up to grade twelve to promote female education. In addition, 20 million girls receive a stipend for continuing their education. Preschool education is mostly confined to the urban and suburban areas of the country through kindergarten. Preschool education is divided into playgroup, nursery, kindergarten one, and kindergarten two. These are all privately owned, and kindergarten programs are not financed by the government. PLAY AND RECREATION The government is highly aware of the recreational and cultural needs of the children. There are various types of institutional and noninstitutional facilities for recreation and cultural activities. Private groups, government organizations, and children’s groups provide facilities for recreation. One leading organization in the government sector is the Bangladesh Shishu (Children) Academy (BSA). Objectives of the academy include the development of patriotic feelings, a sense of discipline, and love for the national heritage. It organizes countrywide cultural activities, including songs, dances, drama, and children’s films, holds countrywide competitions, and publishes a children’s magazine. Other private children’s organizations, such as Kochi Kachar Ashar (meaning ‘‘children’s
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party’’ or ‘‘get together’’) and Khelaghor (meaning ‘‘playhouse’’) also organize cultural activities. Schools and colleges also organize games and cultural activities for children in the country. Generally, children in Bangladesh do not have adequate access to facilities for games and sports. Not all educational institutions have sufficient arrangements for outdoor activities. Some urban communities provide open spaces and parks, but those are diminishing due to increased population. Many urban parks are now occupied by vendors or used for other purposes. In rural areas, almost every school has an open field and students play there. Soccer and volleyball, apart from some traditional games, like Daria Bandha, Golla Choot, and Ghuti (mainly played by girls), are very popular in rural areas while cricket is very popular with urban children. Every year competitions in games, music, dance, oratory, painting, and acting are organized at national and district levels. There are about sixty television channels available to the public, including nine channels broadcast in Bengali. Every channel offers children’s programming, and several organize nationwide competitions. Some western childrens’ programs like Sesame Street, Tom & Jerry, Baby Loonytoons, Pingu, Scooby Doo, Bob the Builder, and Postman Pat are popular among children, particularly in urban areas. CHILD LABOR In Bangladesh’s agrarian economy, the connotation given to child work may be problematic, because children take part in various activities and for different reasons. They perform household activities and various work within the family enterprise, and work as wage laborers outside the household. They work to assist their parents, to learn certain skills, or purely for reasons of survival. Whether such activities should be considered deleterious to their physical and mental development depends on the length, intensity, and the nature of the work. Light household work may be beneficial to the extent that work does not interfere with school attendance. Child labor is not illegal in Bangladesh, although different laws discourage employment of children below fourteen years of age. In 1996, the National Sample Survey of Child Labor in Bangladesh, conducted by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS) defined child laborers as children five to fourteen years old who worked either one or more hours for profit or without pay in a family enterprise during the twelve-month survey period, or were not found working but were absent from a job during the reference period. According to BBS, the number of child laborers was 6.6 million in 1995–1996. Nineteen percent of the total child population (five to fourteen years) was found to be economically active. A total of 11.6 percent of the child labor force belonged to the five- to nine-year age group and the rest to the ten- to fourteen-year age group; 95.6 percent of the child labor force was employed. Of the employed child
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workers, males constituted 59.8 percent and females 40.2 percent (BBS 2003a). Child workers were scattered all over the country. Seventeen percent of the child labor force lived in the urban areas and the rest in rural areas. Child workers were present in almost all the sectors of the economy with the exception of mining and utilities. Agriculture accounted for 65.4 percent of the child workers, followed by services (10.3 percent), manufacturing (8.2 percent), and transport and communication (1.8 percent). Other activities including household work accounted for 14.3 percent of the working children (BBS 2003a). The second National Child Labor Survey (NCLS) 2002–03 was conducted by the BBS, which followed international concepts and definitions as adopted by the Statistical Information and Monitoring Program on Child Labor (SIMPOC) of International Labour Organization (ILO) IPEC (International Program on the Elimination of Child Labor) for the measurement of child labor parameters. The survey covered the entire country and aimed at providing reliable estimates of economically active children aged five to seventeen years and child labor at the national level, both urban and rural (BBS 2003a). A comparison of the two surveys indicates noticeable changes in some important aspects of child population in the country and its participation in the work force. It is expected that with the increase in population, child population will also increase. However, child population as a percentage of total population declined during the same period as evident by both Population Census 1991 and 2001 and Child Labor Force Survey 1995–96 and 2002–03. Children’s participation in the labor force declined between the two survey periods. The proportion of working children in the total child population aged five to fourteen years dropped from 18.3 percent in 1995–1996 to 14.2 percent in 2002–2003. Girls largely contributed to these changes; the percentage of working girls aged five to fourteen has declined from 15.2 to 8.5 percent. The decline was faster in rural areas than in urban areas, possibly because of introduction of female secondary stipend program at the secondary schools in the country. Significant redistribution also occurred in the major occupations of working children, which shifted largely from the agricultural sector to other sectors. The proportion of working children in the agricultural sector has declined from 71 percent in 1995–1996 to 56 percent in 2002–2003. On the other hand, the proportion of working children in production and transport laborers has increased from 5 percent in 1995–1996 to 25 percent in 2002–2003. Boys largely contributed to these changes, and the girls’ share remained almost unchanged. The proportion of sales workers has also increased significantly (from 6 to 14 percent), and both boys and girls have shared the increase almost equally. A research report conducted in six divisional cities showed that children were involved in 430 types of economic activities and 67 of these were hazardous (BBS 2003a). In 1990, Bangladesh became one of the signatories to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and the ensuing Summit Declaration
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and Plan of Action. Also in 1990, the government began taking measures to attract poor children and their families to primary education, and to tackle the high dropout and low attendance rates in the formal school system. This trend provided a sustainable solution to the primary education problem and made a substantial impact on solving the child labor issue. In March 2001, the government of Bangladesh ratified the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention No. 182 and, in December 2001, the Ministry of Labor and Employment took the initiative to begin developing a national policy on child labor. On a more practical level, the Ministry of Labor and Employment is trying to implement a USAID-funded project titled ‘‘Eradication of Hazardous Child Labor in Bangladesh.’’ Interventions under this ‘‘demonstration’’ project, which covers areas in Dhaka and Chittagong Municipal Corporations, include nonformal education and skills training for working children and micro credit support for their guardians/parents. FAMILY Kinship is the core of social life in Bangladesh. A family group residing in a bari (home or house) functions as the basic unit of economic endeavor, landholding, and social identity. In rural areas, the chula (kitchen) defines the effective household—an extended family exploiting jointly held property and being fed from a jointly operated kitchen. A bari might consist of one or more such functional households, depending on the circumstances of family relationship. Married sons generally lived in their parents’ household during the father’s lifetime. Although sons usually built separate houses for their nuclear families, they remained under their fathers’ authority, and wives under their mothers-in-law’s. Death of the father usually precipitated the separation of adult brothers from their united households. Such a split generally caused a little change in the physical layout of the bari, however. Families at different stages of the cycle would display different configurations of household membership. Girls in Bangladesh are discriminated against socially, psychologically, and economically, although discrimination against girls/women is against the law. In poor families, a girl child is considered a burden and transitory member of the family, and is married off with a huge dowry. The parents, for economic reasons, are reluctant to send her to school, giving preference to the male child, the family heir and future breadwinner. Girls are expected to help with all household chores, fetch water, cook, bring fuel and fodder, and look after the animals and siblings. Girls who work outside the home are paid less than boys. The Family Courts Ordinance of 1985 regulates the maintenance of children in case of separation or divorce of parents. A father is bound to maintain his sons until they have reached puberty. He is also bound to
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maintain his daughters until they are married, but he is not bound to maintain his adult sons unless infirmity or disease disables them. The fact that the children are in the custody of their mother during their infancy does not relieve the father of the obligation to maintain them. If the father is poor and incapable of earning by his own labor, the mother—if she is able—is bound to maintain her children as the father would. If the mother is also very poor, the obligation to maintain children lies with the grandfather, provided he is in easy circumstances. Divorce still is not a growing phenomenon. In urban areas in particular, extended family structure is diminishing in favor of nuclear family. Females are the core members of a family in child rearing. There are several family customs that have been observed methodically. For a Muslim boy/girl, aqiqa, a function of naming the child, is performed after sacrificing one goat/sheep for a girl and two goats/sheep for a boy. For a Hindu boy/girl child, annaprashan (the first intake of solid food) is performed. For a girl, it is done in an even month, either sixth or eight months after birth, and for a boy, it is done in an odd month, either seven or nine months after birth. HEALTH The Bangladesh Demographic Health Survey (BDHS) in 2004 showed that neonatal, postneonatal, infant, child, and under-five mortality rates are improving. Comparison of the 2004 data with the earlier BDHS survey results, show a substantial (20 percent) improvement in child (one to four years of age) survival, but no recent evidence of progress in infant mortality rates. In conjunction with the World Health Organization guidelines, the government calls for all children to be vaccinated against tuberculosis, diphtheria, pertussis and tetanus, polio and measles. A pilot program on hepatitis B vaccination is also underway. As many as 73 percent of Bangladeshi children aged twelve to twenty-three months can be considered to be fully immunized. Only 3 percent of children aged between twelve and twenty-three months do not receive any childhood vaccinations. Deficiencies in vitamin A can be avoided by giving children supplements of vitamin A, by capsule, every six months. About 82 percent of the children aged between nine and fifty-nine months receive vitamin A supplementation. Dehydration from diarrhea is an important contributing cause of childhood mortality. The data show a slight decline in the prevalence of diarrhea over time: from 8 percent of children under five in 1996–1997 to 6 percent in 1999–2000, and an increase in the use of oral rehydration solution (ORS) from 49 percent in 1996–1997 to 61 percent in 1999–2000. The data from 2004 BDHS also show that about 40 percent of children under five had fever, and around 21 percent suffered from acute respiratory infection (ARI). The proportion of families seeking care from a trained provider
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for children with ARI was only 20 percent in 2004, compared with 27 percent in 1999–2000. In 1998, the Government of Bangladesh adopted the Integrated Management of Childhood Illnesses (IMCI) strategy for reducing child mortality and morbidity. By December 2004, IMCI interventions were introduced in 48 new upazilas (police stations). The government of Bangladesh is committed to accelerating the implementation of IMCI as a key strategy to reduce childhood mortality. The Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (MOHFW) is responsible for health policy formulation, planning, and decision making at the macro level. Under MOHFW, the Directorate General of Health Services (DGHS) is responsible for the implementation of all health programs and providing technical guidance to the Ministry, and the Directorate General of Family Planning (DGFP) is responsible for implementing Family Planning (FP) programs and providing FP-related technical assistance to the Ministry. There has been an epidemiological transition of mortality patterns in Bangladesh. Due to the relative decline in infectious disease-related deaths, injuries and accidents now account for a higher percentage of deaths. Recent studies show that injuries and accidents cause 8 percent of all under-five deaths. Injuries and accidents contribute to 30 percent of total deaths among children younger than one to four years. Malnutrition has declined in rural Bangladesh and with it, strong disparities by gender have been reduced. The increase in female education and the reduction of high-order births have increased children’s chances for good health. Although not fully eradicated, sex bias in nutrition, documented in the past, has been greatly reduced. Factors such as mothers’ educational and income levels as well as household resources have significantly contributed to positive childhood nutritional practices within the family. Children’s health is going through demographic transition in Bangladesh, being characterized by declining fertility and higher rates of child survival. Education of girls and women is on the rise, and women demonstrate increasing autonomy at home. Despite these positive developments, many children remain at serious risk of malnutrition. Therefore, there is a serious and immediate need for targeted efforts to improve treatment and education. For the first few months of life, the mortality rate of girls is lower than that of boys. This is the norm around the world. However, the growth of infant girls in Bangladesh begins to falter at about seven or eight months of age, and their mortality rate surpasses that of boys. On average, the incidence of severe malnutrition among girls under five is two to four percent higher than that of boys. There are a number of reasons for this reversal in trend. First, once weaning begins, girls are given less food than boys. Second, parents generally are slower to seek medical help for a sick girl. There is a strong belief among mothers that boys get sick more often; therefore, they need more medical help. Once malnourished, a child is at greater risk from a host of childhood diseases. If a girl lives until the
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age of five, she has survived the hardest period. By the time she reaches school age, her likelihood of dying has decreased. Nevertheless, the mortality rate for girls after the age of five, even before the childbearing years, remains higher than for boys. The government has adopted no specific measures to effectively evaluate, identify, track, or monitor children with disability. This can mainly be attributed to the much-reduced number of children with disabilities and the lack of awareness and sensitization among policy makers. The government runs several schools for children with disabilities. Apart from this, several NGOs have programs for these children. The public health service system is not very bright. Poor families can go to the public hospitals for their treatments, which can be done without cost in many cases. A number of NGOs are very active and provide free health care to poor people. Children working in some industries are exposed to environmental health hazards. At present, there is no specific law to protect children from such hazards. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The legal protection and welfare of children in Bangladesh is present in various laws and statutes enacted at different periods, from the British rule of the undivided India up through the present day. A number of laws in Bangladesh contain specific provisions dealing with the protection, maintenance, and well-being of children. The age of majority varies as well. According to the Constitution of Bangladesh, a child remains a child until the age of sixteen, while according to the National Child Policy the age is fourteen. In the factory law, the age of a child is fixed at sixteen, while in the Shops and Establishment Act it is twelve. The Mining Law fixes the age at less than fifteen, the Law of Contract at eighteen and the Child (Labor Registrar) Law at fifteen. There are numbers of laws and acts relating to the protection and welfare of children in Bangladesh. Some of the main points are summarized below: .
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The Penal Code (1860) provides that nothing done by a child under twelve is an offense, and the age of consent is twelve. The Contract Act (1872) makes a contract by a minor absolutely void. The Guardians and Wards Act (1890) empowers a court to appoint a guardian for a minor if he/she is in agreement. The Mines Act (1923) prohibits employment of a child (under fifteen years of age) in a mine and regulates the employment of those above fifteen years but below seventeen years. The Child Marriage Restraint Act (1929) provides punishment for a male adult marrying a child below sixteen years of age. The Suppression of Immoral Traffic Act (1933) provides punishment for forcing a girl under eighteen years into prostitution.
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.
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The Children (Pledging of Labor) Act (1933) provides for penalty for parent or guardian making agreement to pledge the labor of a child below fifteen years. The Employment of Children Act (1938) regulates the employment of children in specified industries. The Maternity Benefit Act (1939) regulates the employment of women for certain periods before and after childbirth. The Minimum Wages Ordinance (1961) prohibits employers from payment of workers under eighteen years of age below the minimum rates fixed by the board set up under the act. The Factories Act (1956) regulates secure and healthy working conditions for children or adolescents. The Children’s Act (1974) and Children’s Rules (1976) provide for the custody, protection, and treatment of children, and trial and punishment of youthful offenders by juvenile courts.
In addition to these formal laws, a number of personal and religious laws that relate to social customs, such as marriage, divorce, guardianship, adoption, and inheritance, also affect children. Some have even been modified by special legislation to provide greater rights to women and children. More concerted attempts to review the children’s laws of Bangladesh are in the active agenda of the government. There is a subcommittee on child legislation within the MSW designed to review existing child laws and make recommendations for their amendment or for the introduction of new laws. The committee has commissioned a number of reviews of existing laws related to children, and the MSW has also prepared a review of legislation affecting the girl child. The formation of the Bangladesh Shishu Adhikar Forum (Bangladesh Child Rights Forum, BSAF) represents the most important development in the NGO sector toward harmonizing national policy with the convention. This forum, a network of organizations and the people in the country, has been established to coordinate child rights activities of different NGOs working for children in Bangladesh. By maintaining links with national and international bodies, the forum aims at upgrading the rights and privileges enjoyed by children, especially the most disadvantaged. The BSAF’s relationship with the government is one of partnership. Bangladesh is a signatory to the ILO Worst Forms of Child Labor Convention (No. 182), ILO Forced Labor Convention (No. 29), ILO Abolition of Forced Labor Convention (No. 105), and UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC). Existing legislation deals only with children working in the formal sector. There is no single code or law dealing with children working in informal areas. Cooperation is necessary between the Ministry of Labor and Employment and the ILO’s International Program on the Elimination of Child Labor (IPEC) to review the existing child labor laws with a view to removing anomalies. Fixing a
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uniform minimum age for admission to work at fourteen years (eighteen years for hazardous occupations) and prohibiting employment of children in hazardous operations in shops and other establishments is essential. RELIGIOUS LIFE The people of Bangladesh are deeply religious but not guided by any extreme ideology or intolerant philosophy. It is manifest in the rich cultural diversity that they celebrate throughout the country on important occasions, irrespective of religious affiliation. Freedom of religion is enshrined in Article 2A of the Bangladesh Constitution, which guarantees all citizens of Bangladesh equal rights and privileges and equal protection under the law. Article 28 of the Constitution prohibits any type of discrimination on religious or other grounds while the contents of religious freedom have been detailed in Article 41. The government of Bangladesh is committed to meet the obligations that flow from the above-mentioned constitutional provisions. Schools remain closed for religious holidays of different religions. There is freedom for religious rights in schools. Religious books, according to different religions, are incorporated in school curriculum. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The government estimates that approximately 6.6 million children between the ages of five and fourteen years work. Working children were found engaged in 200 different types of activities, of which 49 were regarded as harmful to children’s physical and mental well-being. Out of 31 million children between the ages of five and fourteen years, 6.13 million were economically active, of which 1.9 million were between five and nine years. Child workers represent about 12 percent of the total labor force of the country. For the year 2000, the ILO projected 4,846,000 economically active children: 2,300,000 girls and 2,547,000 boys between the ages of ten and fourteen, representing 27.7 percent of this age group. At the 1996 Third SAARC Ministerial Conference on Children, the government statistics indicated the figure to be only around 6 million for all children aged between five and fourteen. Of the 34.5 million children between five and fifteen years, 6,584,000 (19 percent) are child workers. More than 9,000 girls are trafficked each year from Nepal and Bangladesh into bondage in India and Pakistan, often with the acquiescence or cooperation of state officials. Human Rights Monitors report that child kidnapping and trafficking for labor bondage and prostitution continue to be serious and widespread problems. Children who work in the domestic sector may work in conditions resembling servitude and prostitution. It was reported that 168 children were trafficked, 369 children were missing, and 295 children were kidnapped in the year 2001. Human Rights Monitor estimates that in
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a year more than 20,000 women and children are trafficked from the country for the purpose of forced prostitution. It is estimated that there are anywhere from 100 to more than 1,000 underage South Asian camel jockeys currently working in the United Arab Emirates alone; while many are from India and Pakistan, a growing number come from Bangladesh. A joint study report prepared by the Ministry of Home and Social Welfare and Women’s Affairs shows that over the last five years at least 13,220 children have been smuggled out of the country, and only 4,700 have been rescued. Trafficking of children consists of all acts involved in the procurement— transportation, forced movement, and/or selling and buying of children within and/or across borders by fraudulent means, deception, coercion, direct and/or indirect threats, abuse of authority for the purpose of placing a child against her/his will without his/her consent in exploitative and abusive situations, such as commercial sexual abuse, forced marriage, bonded and forced labor, begging, camel jockeying, and other sports and organ trade. Causes of trafficking and the factors leading to this apparent increase are multiple and complicated. These factors are embedded within the socio-economic structure of the country. Traffickers adopt different strategies and tricks to allure and enroll young children and women (and their families) into the trafficking process (Gazi et al. 2001). Bangladesh’s police department estimates that there are about 20,000 children currently engaged in street prostitution. About 10,000 girls are active in prostitution inside the country. Over the last decade, more than 200,000 Bangladeshi girls were lured under false circumstances and sold into the sex industry in countries including Pakistan, India, and the Middle East. About 40,000 children from Bangladesh are involved in prostitution in Pakistan. Bangladeshi girls are also trafficked to India for commercial sex trade. Ten thousand Bangladeshi children are in brothels in Western India. An estimated 35,000 to 45,000 children are believed to be involved with criminal gangs engaged in arms and drug trading. An estimated 13,000 children in Bangladesh are prey to the commercial sex industry of the country. More than 20,000 children are born and live in the eighteen registered red-light areas of Bangladesh. Here, they see their mothers being exploited, and they ultimately resign themselves to the same exploitation. Small children help their mothers in household chores and bring refreshments for their mothers’ clients. Boys tend to become pimps once they grow up and girls continue their mothers’ profession. Most girls enter the profession before the age of twelve. Of all child workers, about 3 percent work as domestic servants. According to a survey conducted by SHOISHOB—an organization working with child domestic labor in Bangladesh—of more than 10,000 middle-class households in Dhaka, there are between 250,000 and 300,000 resident child servants in the Dhaka metropolitan area alone. More than 20 percent of child domestic servants were between five and ten years age.
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The BBS conducted Quick Count Survey (QCS) of Street Children in November–December 2002. According to the QCS estimate, there were 2,573 street children in Bangladesh. To create an accurate and verifiable database of street children, BBS-ILO conducted a base line sample survey of Bangladesh’s street children and entrusted the Foundation for Research on Education Planning and Development (FREPD) to carry out the study in April–May 2003. Among all surveyed street children, 97.56 percent were boys and 2.44 percent were girls. An overwhelming 55 percent of street children were found in Dhaka. Many of the country’s poorest children migrate to urban areas, particularly to the metropolitan cities of Dhaka and Chittagong. Among the street children covered in the survey, 48.7 percent were between eleven and fourteen years old, 26 percent were between fourteen and seventeen years old, and 25 percent were between five and eleven years old. Girls were relatively younger (average age: 11.5 years) compared with boys (average age: 12.2 years). The first job of 33.78 percent of street children was a street-related job, while 66.22 percent had other jobs before becoming street children. While the list is quite long, domestic servants, agricultural workers, beggars, porters, paper pickers, and flower sellers feature prominently as being typical of the ‘‘first job.’’ Street children are involved in a wide variety of activities, including collecting old papers, working as porters and hawkers, begging, shoe-polishing, selling flowers, and so on. A small percentage of street children are, as reported by key informants, involved in theft, snatching, pick-pocketing, sex work, drug business, informer, and so on. Age variation is also noticeable. Begging was predominant among younger children, while porter and paper pickers are common activities among the elder children. However, regardless of age, children frequently work as porters and paper pickers. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The most important step of the government towards harmonizing national law and policy with the convention was the formulation of the National Children Policy in December 1994. Divided into eight chapters, the policy’s principal objectives are to formally harmonize all child development activities in the country with the provisions of the Convention. It declares six general objectives in the light of the Convention objectives. These are related to: (a) safe birth and survival; (b) proper educational and psychological development; (c) ensuring family environment for development; (d) providing assistance to children in difficult circumstances; (e) ensuring the best interest of the child; (f) protecting children’s legal rights and, thus protecting them from discrimination. To achieve these objectives, specific measures elaborated in the policy document are to be taken. A proposed National Council will monitor the application of these specific measures to government development activities as well as other
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children-related welfare activities. The council will be the highest police body working for children in the country. The minister in charge of the Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs will be the ex-officio vicechairperson of the Council and the secretary of the Ministry will act as the member-secretary. A separate Ministry is being developed for the welfare of women and children. The government has already implemented two National Plans of Action. The Third National Plan of Action for the period 2004 to 2009 has focused on five specific areas: food and nutrition; health; education and empowerment of the girl child; protection from abuse, exploitation and violence; and physical environment. The program, a high priority of the government, also focuses on education for all children, especially girls. It has introduced stipend programs for the students at primary and secondary levels. The main focus of the program is to increase enrollment and prevent dropouts. Bangladesh figures among the low prevalence countries affected by HIV/AIDS. However, as a precautionary measure, the country has adopted a National Policy on HIV/AIDS giving particular focus to children affected by HIV/AIDS and an all-party Parliamentary Committee to monitor the situation in the country. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Ackerman, P., M. S. Thormann, and S. Huq. 2005. Assessment of Educational Needs of Disabled Children in Bangladesh. Creative Associates International Inc. for USAID. Contract No. HNE-1-00-00-00038-00. The study provides the results of a desk study analysis, informational site visits, and a research study to assess preschool and primary education in Bangladesh for children with disabilities. Ahmad, A., and M. Quasem. 1991. Child Labor in Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh. The Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies. The report analyzed the child labor scenario of Bangladesh. Ali, Z. 2006. Do Child Labourers Come from the Poorest? Working Paper Number 11. Programme for Research on Chronic Poverty in Bangladesh (PRCPB). Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies (BIDS), Dhaka, Chronic Poverty Research Centre (CPRC), Institute for Development Policy and Management (IDPM), University of Manchester, UK. An in-depth study on the child laborers of Bangladesh. Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS). 2003. Statistical Pocketbook. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Government of Bangladesh. The volume gives the Statistical Data of Bangladesh on some relevant topics. Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS). 2003a. Report on National Child Labour Survey 2002–2003. December. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Government of Bangladesh. The report presents detailed information on the size and composition of working children as well as child labor in broad occupation and industry groups, cross-classified by urban and rural areas.
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Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS). 2003b. A Baseline Survey of the Street Children in Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Foundation for Research on Education Planning and Development (FREPD). The report provides an in-depth study on the street children of Bangladesh. Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS). 1998. Statistical yearbook of Bangladesh (19th ed.). Dhaka, Bangladesh; Government of Bangladesh. The volume gives detailed statistical data on Bangladesh. Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS). 1997. Statistical Pocketbook. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Government of Bangladesh. The volume gives the Statistical Data of Bangladesh on some relevant topics. Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS). 1994. National Census Report of 1991. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Government of Bangladesh. Banglapedia (National Encyclopedia of Bangladesh). 2003. Volume 2, BAN-CHO. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh. The topic gives information on children’s issues in Bangladesh. Banu, N., S. Bhuiyan, and S. Sabhlok. 1998. ‘‘Child Labor in Bangladesh.’’ International Journal of Technical Cooperation 4(1):1–16. The article explains the nature of child labor in Bangladesh. Barua, S. K. 2005. Poor and Destitute Working Children in Bangladesh. Chittagong, Bangladesh: SPG Welfare Society. The paper discusses implementing child rights in early childhood. Conticini, A. and D. Hulme. 2006. Escaping Violence, Seeking Freedom: Why Children in Bangladesh Migrate to Street. Working Paper Number 10. Programme for Research on Chronic Poverty in Bangladesh (PRCPB). Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies (BIDS), Dhaka, Chronic Poverty Research Centre (CPRC), Institute for Development Policy and Management (IDPM), University of Manchester, UK. The paper explores the argument that children abandon their families and migrate to the street because of economic poverty through the analysis of detailed empirical research. Frankenberg, E. and R. Kuh. 2004. The Implications of Family System and Economic Context for Intergenerational Transfers in Indonesia and Bangladesh. Los Angeles, CA: California Center for Population Research, University of California at Los Angeles. The paper examines the transfers of money and goods between parents and adult children, using extremely detailed similar data from Indonesia and Bangladesh. Gazi, R., Z. H. Chowdhury, S. M. N. Alam, E. Chowdhury, F. Ahmed, and S. Begum. 2001. Trafficking of Women and Children in Bangladesh: An Overview. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Centre for Health and Population Research. ICDDR,B. The report includes a discussion on the context of trafficking from the global, regional, and Bangladesh perspectives. South Asia is one of the most vulnerable regions for trafficking because of its large population, largescale rural-urban migration, the large population living in conditions of chronic poverty, and recurrent natural disasters. Khan, Z. R. and H. Arefeen. 1990. The Situation of Child Prostitutes in Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Dana Publishers. This book gives a detailed study on the nature of the child prostitutes in Bangladesh. Maitra, P. and S. Pal. 2004. Early Childbirth, Health Inputs and Child Mortality: Recent Evidence from Bangladesh. AHES Annual Conference, Melbourne, Australia. This paper examines the relationship between early childbearing, parental use of health inputs and child mortality in Bangladesh.
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Web Sites The Children Trust, http://www.childrentrust.org/child_law/index.htm. The Children Trust organizes strategically important activities related to development, which in turn will facilitate a sustainable and equitable improvement of life specially for children, women, and the disadvantaged population of Bangladesh through their increased participation in the socioeconomic, cultural, and civic life of the country. Consortium for Street Children: Bangladesh, http://www.streetchildren.org.uk/ resources/details/?type=country&country=35. The mission of the Consortium for Street Children is to improve the lives of street children worldwide in the areas of prevention and early intervention, HIV/AIDS, violence, street child-centered education, and child participation and empowerment. The International Development Research Centre. Environment and Child Survival: Bangladesh, http://www.idrc.ca/en/ev-83008-201_900082-1-IDRC_ADM_INFO.html. The international Development Research Centre (IDRC) is a Canadian Crown corporation that works in close collaboration with researchers from the developing world in their search for the means to build healthier, more equitable, and more prosperous societies. An extensive number of risk factors are examined within the themes of water and sanitation; household environment; and parental behavior factors related to children. Save the Children Denmark, http://www.redbarnet.dk/Default.asp?ID=2200. Save the Children Denmark is working together with UDDIPAN to improve living conditions for mothers and children in rural districts in Bangladesh. SOS Children’s Villages, http://www.sos-childrensvillages.org/cgi-bin/sos/jsp/wherewe help.do?cat=/Asia/Bangladesh&lang=en&nav=2.3&site=ZZ. SOS Children’s Villages is an independent, nongovernmental, and social development organization, which has been active in the field of children’s needs, concerns, and rights since 1949. Its activities focus on neglected and abandoned children and orphans, as well as disadvantaged families. UNICEF. Bangladesh: Newsline, http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/bangladesh_ 22673.html. This is the Web site for the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF). UNICEF is the driving force that helps build a world where the rights of every child are realized. UNICEF. Bangladesh: Statistics, http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/bangladesh_ bangladesh_statistics.html.This is also the website for UNICEF where statistics on children are found.
Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Ministry of Chittagong Hill Tracts Affairs Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 4 (6th Floor) Dhaka Phone: 7163639-43, 7163645-49 Fax: 880-2-7160781/9365300. Task Force on Repatriated Tribal and Internal Refugees Rehabilitation Chittagong Hill Tracts.
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Ministry of Cultural Affairs Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 6 (10th Floor) Dhaka Phone: 7163639-43, 7163645-49 Fax: 880-2-7160290, 7169008 Bangla Academy, Bangladesh Shilpokala Academy, Bangladesh National Museum, Nazrul Institute for Arts & Culture. Ministry of Disaster Management & Relief Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 4 (2nd floor) Dhaka Phone: 9110111-2-9118306 Fax: 880-2-7174148. Directorate of Relief and Rehabilitation, Disaster Management Bureau. Ministry of Education Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 6 (18th floor) Dhaka Phone: 9110111-2-9118306 Fax: 880-2-7167577 National Academy of Education Management, National Curriculum and Text Book Board, Bangladesh National Commission for UNESCO, Directorate Secondary and Higher Secondary Education, University Grants Commission, Directorate of Technical and Vocational Education. Ministry of Health & Family Welfare Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 2 (3rd floor) Dhaka Phone: 7163639-43 Fax: 880-2-7169077/8571301 Directorate of Health Services, Directorate of Family Planning. Ministry of Labor and Employment Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 7(4th & 5th Floor) Dhaka Phone: 7163639-43, 7163645-49 Fax: 9660688 Department of Labor, Office of the Chief Inspector of Factories, Labor Appeal Tribunal. Ministry of Law Justice & Parliamentary Affairs Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 4 (7th floor) Dhaka Phone: 9110111-2-9118306
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Fax: 880-2-7168557 Email:
[email protected]. Ministry of Primary and Mass Education Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 6 (6th Floor) Dhaka Phone: 7163639-43, 7163645-49 FAX: 880-2-7168871 Directorate of Primary Education, Directorate of Compulsory Primary Education, National Primary Education Academy. Ministry of Science and Information and Communication Technology Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 6 (9th floor) Dhaka Phone: 7163639-43, 7163645-49 Fax: 880-2-7169606 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.mosict.gov.arg Bangladesh Computer Council, National Museum of Science and Technology. Ministry of Social Welfare Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 6 (3rd floor) Dhaka Phone: 7163639-43, 7163645-49 Fax: 7168969 Department of Social Service, Bangladesh National Social Welfare Council, Jatiya Protibandhi Unnayan Foundation (National Disabled Development Foundation). Ministry of Women and Children Affairs Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 6 (2nd floor) Dhaka Fax: 7162892 Department of Women Affairs, Bangladesh Shishu Academy (Bangladesh Children’s Academy) Ministry of Youth and Sports Bangladesh Secretariat Building No. 7 (5th floor) Dhaka Phone: 7163639-48,7163645-49 Fax: 880-2-7160664 Department of Youth Development, Bangladesh Krira Shikkha Protishtan (Bangladesh Sports Educational Institute), National Sports Council, Diectorate of Sports Nongovernmental Organizations Active Implementing Sub-network on Child Labor Plot 09, Road 16
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Gulshan 01, Dhaka–1212, Bangladesh Project interventions to improve the living conditions for group of child laborers and victims of prostitution and trafficking, with the goal to increase the knowledge and change the attitude on children’s rights. Assistance for Slum Dwellers (ASD) 12-A Mohammadi Road Mohammadpur, Dhaka-1207, Bangladesh ASD aims to improve the life of slum dwellers, especially women and children, through access to basic facilities. Bangladesh Coalition for Child Rights Plot 09, Road 16 Gulshan-01, Dhaka-1212, Bangladesh Project interventions to improve the living conditions for group of child laborers and victims of prostitution and trafficking. Bangladesh Mohila Unnayan Sanghstha (Bangladesh Women Development Organization) Ratanganj, Narail 7501, Bangladesh The main activities are child rights, human rights and legal aid, implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, and poverty alleviation. Bangladesh Shishu Adhikar Forum (Bangladesh Children Rights Forum) House No 24B (2nd Floor), Road No 14A Dhanmondi Residential Area, Dhaka-1209, Bangladesh Apex body of 235 NGOs in Bangladesh working in the child rights sector. BIKASH P.O. Box 64 Kamtapara, Panchagarh 5000, Bangladesh Bikash is committed to the development of disadvantaged children, women, and poor families. Blind Education and Rehabilitation Development Organization (BERDO) 3/1 Road No 11 Rupnagar, Section #5 Mirpur, Dhaka, Bangladesh BERDO is involved with the development of the disabled community in Bangladesh— children, adolescents, and adults suffering from visual, physical, and intellectual impairment—through education, training, social awareness, and treatment. Center for Development Communication 50 Purana Paltan Line, 3rd Floor Dhaka-1000, Bangladesh Raises awareness through radio, television, publications, workshops, seminars, study circles, and networking activities and to produce films, television programs, and television spots that focus on child rights, social development, the environment, and gender and development issues.
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Children’s Television Foundation of Bangladesh (CTFB) Flat # A-3 (3rd Floor) Oriental Log Cabin Mirpur Road Dhaka-1205, Bangladesh CTFB aims to erect a platform for children to understand diverse cultures and the socioeconomic scenario, with a view of overcoming the artificial barriers created out of tension and conflict among some nations. Child Rights Information Network (CRIN) 1 St. John’s Lane London EC1M 4AR A global network that disseminates information about the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and Child Rights among NGOs, UN agencies, IGOs, educational institutions, and other child rights experts. Chinnamul Shishu Kishore Sangstha (Organization for Destitute Children and Adolescents) 3rd Floor, Road No 5 Dhanmondi, Dhaka, Bangladesh Provides outreach workers to contact and build relationships with street children. Commitment for Advancement Learning Society Colonel Rahman Sarak Arappur, Jhenidah 7300, Bangladesh Creates a learning society in Bangladesh by protecting the rights of children, youth, and disadvantaged poor people through various development projects and activities. Cultural Movement for Human Development 37, Road-14, Rupnagar, Mirpur Dhaka-1216, Bangladesh Focuses on combating poverty, illiteracy, unemployment, malnutrition, and disease with the age groups between birth and eighteen years of age. Human Development and Research Organization No 47/48 Rahmatpur Colony PO Natun Bazar, Chandpur, Bangladesh Helps poor and disabled children; educates poor children of rural and urban areas and on the streets; and provides health care, education, nutrition, assistance, and treatment and rehabilitation to those children. Human Rights–First the Child Esha Garden, House 23A, Road 113A Gulshan-2, Dhaka-1212, Bangladesh To alleviate the sufferings and thus improve the living condition of millions of underprivileged children/orphan care and to provide safe home and family environment to orphans and children living in difficulties. Institute of Neglected and Oppressed Children’s Environmental Networking and Training 156/1 Shuvechya, Ground Floor (West Side)
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East Subid Bazar, Sylhet-3100, Bangladesh To build a child friendly Bangladesh and to establish child rights on the basis of UNCRC. Integrated Social Development Effort (ISDE) Bangladesh House No 339, Road No 14, Block-B, Chandgaon R/A Chittagong-4212, Bangladesh The major activities are nonformal education, human and skill development training, and women and child development. Jesh Foundation Alta Plaza, House No 1, Road No 10 Dhanmondi, Dhaka Ensure social justice through awareness building on fundamental human rights and child rights. Implement CRC in Bangladesh. Parbatya Bouddha Mission (Hill Buddhist Mission) Pilotpara, Kamalchari, Khagrachari Sadar, Khagrachari Hill Tracts, Bangladesh The organization working for the socioeconomic education and cultural development of minority indigenous peoples of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, emphasizing children. Rural Development Society P.O. Daspara, Bauphal, Patuakhali, Bangladesh Improves awareness of child rights, primary education, and nutrition education. Save the Children Australia–Bangladesh House No 3/1, Road No 8 Dhanmondi, Dhaka, Bangladesh Aims to place the children and anticipate their needs, interest, and perspectives at the center of socioeconomic and political programs. Save the Children UK–Bangladesh House No 28, Road No 16 (New) Dhanmondi, Dhaka, GPO Box 55, Bangladesh Working with local partners (NGOs and government agencies) to promote children’s rights in Bangladesh. Save the Children US–Bangladesh House No 35A, Road No 9A Dhanmondi, Dhaka, Bangladesh Working with local NGOs and research organizations. Social Advancement Society Vedvedi, Rangapani Road Rangamati-4500, Rangamati Hill Tracts, Bangladesh. Aims to provide need-based support to disregarded hill peoples. Social Welfare Advancement Brilliant Association Mirashi, Chunarughat, Habiganj-3320, Bangladesh
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Aims are to assist poor people, especially women and children, through various activities. Underprivileged Children’s Educational Programs (UCEP) Plot No 2 & 3 Mirpur-2, Dhaka-1216, Bangladesh One of the premier national nongovernmental development organizations. Has been providing services to the underprivileged working children of the country for the last twenty-seven years: four to five years general education, six months to two years technical training assistance in job placement assistance for students. UNICEF Bangladesh BSL Complex 1 Mintoo Road Dhaka-1000 Universal primary education, nonformal education, and adult literacy Work Development Center Razzak Mohori House Terokhadia, Rajshahi Cantonment Rajshahi-6202, Bangladesh. Coordinate activities involving child rights, women rights, primary education, child health, and anti child-trafficking.
Selected Bibliography Ahmed, A. 1996. Bangladesh Struggles to End Flesh Trade. Outlook 8 in Bangkok Post. Bangkok, Thailand. Ahmed, F. 2002. The Girl Child: Bangladesh Scenario. Steps Towards Development. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Adhunika. Ali, A. K. M. M. and R. Sarkar. 1997. Misplaced Childhood: A Study on the Street Child Prostitutes in Dhaka City. Integrated Community and Industrial Development Initiative, Dhaka, Bangladesh. Ali, S. 1998. Trafficking in Children and their Commercial Sexual Exploitation in Prostitution and Other Intolerable Forms of Child Labor in Bangladesh. Country Report Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: National Women Lawyers’ Association. Amin, S., M. S. Quayes, and J. M. Rives. 2004. Poverty and Other Determinants of Child Labor in Bangladesh. Southern Economic Journal 70(4):876–892. Bangladesh Ministry of Women and Children Affairs. 2000. Project Proforma (PP), Child Development: Coordinated Programme to Combat Child Trafficking (pilot project). Dhaka, Bangladesh: Ministry of Women and Children Affairs, Government of Bangladesh. Bangladesh National Women Lawyer Association. 1996. Movement against flesh trade: Beware of the Traffickers—Protect Women and Children. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Bangladesh National Women Lawyer Association. Bangladesh National Women Lawyer Association. 1997. Movement against flesh trade. Child Workers in Asia 13:9–11. Bangladesh National Women Lawyer Association. 1998. Special Bulletin. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Bangladesh National Women Lawyer Association
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Bissell, S. 2001. Young Garment Workers in Bangladesh: Raising the Rights Question. Development 44(2): 75–80. Bissell, S. 1997. Little women in Bangladesh—working children? Women in Asia 16:12–16. Blanchet, T. 1996. Lost Innocence, Stolen Childhoods. Dhaka: University Press Limited. Boyden, J. and W. Myers. 1995. Exploring Alternative Approaches to Combating Child Labor: Case Studies from Developing Countries. Florence: UNICEF. Child Workers in Asia. 1997. Regional Field Workers Exchange Programme on Child Domestic Workers. Bangkok, Thailand: Child Workers in Asia. Crawford, S. 1995. Child Labor in South Asia: A Review of the Literature. Kathmandu, Nepal: UNICEF. de Dios, A. J. 1997. Trafficking in Women in Asia: A Human Rights Crisis. In L. Akanda, F. Kabir, K. Salahuddin, and I. Shamim, eds. Proceedings of the Consultation Meeting on Trafficking and Prostitution in the Context of Violence against Women and Children Center for Women and Children Studies. Dhaka, Bangladesh. Delap, E. 2001. Economic and Cultural Forces in the Child Labor Debate: Evidence from Urban Bangladesh. The Journal of Development Studies 37(4): 1–22. Deolalikar, A. B. and W. P. Vijverberg. 1987. A Test of Heterogeneity of Family and Hired Labor in Asian Agriculture. Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics 49(3):291–303. Falkus, M., S. Blackburn, H. Brasted, A. Kaur, and D. Wright. 1997. Child Labor in Asia: Some Perspectives on Selected Countries. Canberra: Aus AID. Fauveau, V., A. Briend, J. Chakraborty, and A. M. Sarder. 1990. The Contribution of Severe Child Mortality in Bangladesh: Implications for Targeting Nutritional Interventions. Food Nutrition Bulletin 12: 215–19. Giani, L. 2006. Migration and Education: Child Migrants in Bangladesh. Working Paper Number 33. Sussex, UK: Sussex Centre for Migration Research. University of Sussex. Gupta, T. D. 2000. Preliminary Directory of Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) involved in Combating Trafficking in and Sexual Exploitation of Children and Women. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Action Against Trafficking and Sexual Exploitation of Children, Bangladesh Chapter. Hossain, H. 1997. Trafficking in Women and Children from Bangladesh: Causes and Measures for Combating Trafficking. Dhaka: Ain o Salish Kendro. ILO-IPEC and Karen C. Tumlin. 1998. Overview of Child Trafficking for Labor Exploitation in the Region. Working Papers on Child Labor in Asia. Vol 2. Bangkok: ILO, 2001. ILO-IPEC and HKW. 1998. Women and Media Seminar: Journalists’ Encounter on Child Labor in Asia. Bangkok: ILO-IPEC. Integrated Community and Industrial Development Initiative. Undated. Study on the Socio-Economic Dimensions of Trafficking in Girl Children. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Integrated Community and Industrial Development Initiative. Kabir, A. H. M. 2001. The State of Violence against Children in Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Law Watch, a Centre for Studies on Human Rights Law. Khan, M. R. Undated. Situation Analysis on Trafficking of Women and Children in Bangladesh. Shishu Angina. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Child and Women Development Center. Khan, Z. R. and H. K. Arefeen. 1989–1990. Report on Prostitution in Bangladesh. Dhaka Bangladesh: Centre for Social Studies, Dhaka University.
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Khatun, T. 1998. Child Labor in the Bangladeshi Commercial Sector. Child Workers in Asia 14:4–5. Kumar, D. 1989. Child Work and Family Life in South Asia. Bangkok, Thailand: ILO/LAPTAP. Lawyers for Human Rights and Legal Aid. 1993. The Flesh Trade: The Trafficking of Women and Children in Pakistan. Karachi, Pakistan: Lawyers for Human Rights and Legal Aid. Mahbub, A. and M. U. Rahman. 1996. Annotative Inventory and Mapping of Service Areas on Working Children in Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: BASF. Mhatre, S. 1995. Child Labor Legislation in South Asia 1881–1995: A Documentation and Analysis. Kathmandu, Nepal: UNICEF. Mia, A. 1989. Our Unfortunate Children as Laborers. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Underprivileged Children’s Educational Programs. Mia, A. 1990. Child Workers get Education and a way of Better Living. Dhaka, Bangladesh: UCEP–Bangladesh. Mia, A. undated. A Promising Path: UCEP Non-Formal Education in Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: UCEP. Mitra, S. N., Al-sabir Ahmed, A. R. Cross, and K. Jamil. 1997. Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey 1996–1997. Dhaka, Bangladesh: National Institute of Population Research and Training. National Institute of Population Research and Training. 2004. Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey (BDHS) 2004. (Preliminary Report). Dhaka, Bangladesh: Mitra and Associates and Macro International Inc. National Youth Bureau Office of the Prime Minister. 1988. Child Abuse and Neglect: Prevention and Protection of Working Children and Abandoned Children. Bangkok, Thailand: National Youth Bureau Office of the Prime Minister. Policy Research for Development Alternative. 1999. Fact-Finding Missions on Trafficking in Women and Children from Bangladesh to India and Pakistan. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Narigrantha Prabartana Pradhan, G. 1988. Working Children in South Asia: Realities and Challenges. First South Asian Regional Seminar–Workshop on Working Children. Child Workers in Nepal. Kathmandu, Nepal. Rahman, A. 1992. Disaster and Development: A Study in Institution Building in Bangladesh. In H. Hossain, C. P. Dodge, and F. H. Abed, eds. From Crisis to Development: Coping with Disasters in Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: University Press Ltd., 352–71. Rahman, M. M., R. Khanam, and A. Nur Uddin. 1999. Child Labor in Bangladesh: A Critical Appraisal of Harkin’s Bill and the MOU-Type Schooling Program. Journal of Economic Issues 33(4):985–1003. Research Evaluation Associates for Development. 2000. Need Assessment Survey of the Disadvantaged Women and Children in the Urban Areas of Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Concerned Bangladesh. Salmon, C. 2005. Child Labor in Bangladesh. Journal of Developing Societies 21(1– 2):33–54. Shamim, I. 1997. Proceedings of the Fact-Finding Meeting and the National Workshop on Trafficking in Women and Children. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Center for Women and Children Studies. Shamim, I. 1998. Trafficking and Sexual Exploitation of Children: Bangladesh Perspective. Cross Border Workshop to Combat Trafficking, November 16–18, 1998. Siliguri, Center for Women and Children Studies, Dhaka, Bangladesh.
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Shamim, I. 1993. Child Trafficking and Sale. Report submitted to Bangladesh Shisu Adhikar Forum as part of the Project of Case Studies on Child Abuse, Exploitation and Oppression. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Center for Women and Children Studies. Shamim, I. and F. Kabir. 1998. Child Trafficking: The Underlying Dynamics. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Center for Women and Children Studies. Siddiqui, F. and H. A. Patrinos. 1995. Child Labor Issues, Causes and Intervention. HR and Operations Policy working paper, World Bank. Washington, DC: World Bank. Souza, J.D. 1996. Trafficking from Bangladesh to other countries. Child Workers in Asia 12:16–19. Stalker, P. 1996. Child Labor in Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: UNICEF. Trapp, E. M., J. Williams, J. Menken, and S. Fisher. 2004. Disappearing Sex-Bias in Child Health in Bangladesh. Working Paper Number PAC 2004-003. Boulder, Colorado: Institute of Behavioral Science, Population Aging Center, University of Colorado at Boulder. UCEP. 1995. A Promising Path: Education, Skill Training and Employment. Dhaka: UCEP. UN High Commission for Human Rights. 1995. Convention for Human Rights of the Child: Bangladesh. Geneva, Switzerland: Committee on the Rights of the Child. UNICEF. 1997. The State of the World’s Children 1997: Focus on Child Labor. Oxford: Oxford University Press. U.S. Department of State. 2000. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices–1999, 25 February. Vlassoff, M. 1991. An Assessment of Studies Linking Child Labor and Fertility Behaviour in Less Developed Countries. In R. Kanbargi, ed. Child Labor in the IndianSubcontinent: Dimensions and implications. New Delhi: Sage Publications. Ward, Kathryn, Fahmida Rahman, A.K.M. Saiful Islam, Rifat Akhter, and Nashid Kamal. 2004. The Effects of Global Economics Restructuring on Urban Women’s Work and Income-Generating Strategies in Dhaka, Bangladesh. Critical Sociology 30(1):63–102. World Bank. 2005. Children and Youth: A Resource Guide. Washington, DC: World Bank. World Vision. undated. The Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Street Children: World Vision. http://www.cwa.tnet.co.th/References/ref_bangladesh.html.
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BHUTAN T. W. Maxwell The future of the nation lies in the hands of our younger generations. It is, therefore, crucial that they live up to our high expectations and ensure the continued well-being (of the people) and security of the nation. His Majesty former King Jigme Singye Wangchuck
NATIONAL PROFILE Bhutan is a small (about 300 miles east–west and 200 miles north–south), landlocked country sandwiched between two great populations: the People’s Republic of China (Tibet) to the north and India to the south. In the 1950s, Bhutan’s third Druk Gyalpo (King in Bhutan) led the country out of isolation. It remained an essentially medieval society until the 1960s, and traces of this harsh lifestyle remain even today. Bhutan was established as a hereditary and absolute monarchy in 1907, but in recent times Bhutan’s fourth king has moved toward democracy and toward establishing international relations. Since 1961, Bhutan
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has begun modernization using a series of Five Year Plans (5YPs) based upon foreign aid. At that time Bhutan was extremely poor, with a per capita annual income estimated in 1961 at US$51. Subsistence agriculture dominated the economy, as it still does in mountain regions. Very few children attended secular schools, as the only education system was via longestablished Mahayana Buddhist monasteries, set up mostly for boys. There were also virtually no drivable roads, and travel was largely on foot. Movement around the country was further hindered by the deeply incised, narrow valleys of the Himalayas, running north to south. Even now, it takes three days to drive 500 kilometers from the capital Thimphu in the west to the easternmost town. The people of Bhutan have many origins, but most are Mongoloid or Indo-Mongoliod. An influx of Nepali people, the Lhotshampas, also settled in the foothills in the twentieth century. Bhutan’s current population is estimated at around 672,425 (Bhutan Census). Mahayana Buddhism is the state religion. Buddhists comprise about 70 percent of the population. Maroon-robed monks and religious symbols such as chortens and prayer flags are common. Some lhakhangs (temples) remain from the seventh century. The head abbot, His Holiness the Je Kempo, leads the monastic bodies in Bhutan. He is highly revered. The Lhotshampas follow Hinduism. Remnants of religions such as Bon also remain integrated into Bhutan’s Buddhist tradition. The official language is Dzongkha. Dzongkha and English are the languages of instruction from the first days in school at age six. However, a range of other languages is spoken. Sarchopa is a notable minority language in the east, as is Nepali in the south. Educated Bhutanese often speak four or five languages. The government’s focus on Dzongkha reflects its goal to create a nation based upon Drukpa (eastern) cultural traditions, exhibited in traditional architecture, dress, and official language. English, meanwhile, is a key modernizing influence. Bhutan’s geography and diverse history have lead to considerable variations in both industry and cultural heritage. Women’s weaving of silk (in the east) and wool (central) is highly valued and now forms a cottage industry. Although more than 80 percent of the country is forest, agriculture is the main employment sector. This has decreased from threequarters (1998) to two-thirds (2004) as people find work in industry (6 percent to 10 percent in the same period) and services (9 percent to 16 percent). The private sector is undeveloped. Unemployment, virtually unknown in 1990, has risen from 1.4 percent (1998) to 2.5 percent (2004). Sixty percent of the latter is youth unemployment (5.5 percent in 2004), which will continue to grow. Females are twice as likely to be unemployed. More than 36 percent of those who are employed are unpaid family workers. Adult men and women roughly share workloads and responsibility for children. Life expectancy has grown from fifty-eight
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years (1990) to sixty-three years (2001). Women, more than men, inherit property in some areas. The gross domestic product (GDP) per capita has reached US$775 (2004). Although this represents a high rate of recent growth for Bhutan, about one-third of the population remains below the national poverty line (Nu740/month = US$16.51/month). This is largely a rural phenomenon, with 38 percent below the national poverty line (compared with 4.2 percent urban). Rural livelihoods are still made from subsistence agriculture in mountainous dispersed communities. Subsistence farming engaged 79 percent of population from just 8 percent of land under cultivation. Extreme poverty is, however, rare and few suffer from hunger or homelessness. Forty-two percent of the population is below the age of fifteen, and at 2.1 percent the population growth rate is one of the highest in Asia. This growth has been brought about by the halving of the infant mortality rate and doubling of the life expectancy between 1970 and 2000. These achievements in health are paralleled by those in education where, starting from close to zero in the 1950s, now more than 90 percent of children (48 percent girls) are enrolled in primary school. Secondary education statistics are not as spectacular (see Table 3.1). Despite its physical barriers and low incomes, the Kingdom of Bhutan has experienced rapid development, which can be attributed to the (a) dynamic leadership of the kings of Bhutan; (b) its rich resource base, such as hydropower and biodiversity, and low population density; (c) wellfunctioning administrative machine and community organization free of corruption; (d) long-term support of various donors; and (e) primacy of the Bhutanese culture (Ura 2003, pp. 2–3). The fourth king’s guiding notion of Gross National Happiness (GNH) has captured the imagination of many and is followed by Ministries in the Royal Government of Bhutan (RGoB). Following GNH, the nation’s prosperity is not gauged against its economic fortunes but ultimately by the happiness of its people. The government aims to encompass both cultural traditions and modern developments. Table 3.1. Percentage of Rural and Urban Education Indicators Education indicator
Rural
Urban
Gross primary enrollment rates Gross lower secondary enrollment rates Gross middle secondary enrollment rates Gross higher secondary enrollment rates School participation rate (six to twelve years old) School participation rate (thirteen to nineteen years old)
88.3 47.7 36.9 7.0 65.3 46.3
109.0 84.8 77.5 39.9 89.0 77.3
Source: RGoB 2005, p. 55.
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The series of Five Year Plans from 1961 has provided the basis for development in the following phases: 1. Road construction and internationalization of relations (1961–73) creating a single east–west road across the country. Bhutan joined the United Nations (UN) in 1971; 2. Establishment and expansion of health, education and agricultural services (1973–83); 3. Revenue-generating investment in hydroelectric and mineral-based projects (1983–87), including the Chukka hydro project; 4. Expansion of air links and digital communications (1988–98) to bring global communication to Bhutan. Satellite television was introduced in 1999, and 5. From 1998, the emphasis appears to be on democratization and globalization (Ura 2003, p. 4).
Several principles have guided development in the kingdom and reflect the characteristics of the Bhutanese. These include economic self-reliance, preservation of the environment, regionally balanced development to address rural poverty, and decentralization and community empowerment. Cultural preservation, the fifth principle, identifies the idea that the Drupkpa (western) heritage will characterize Bhutanese culture (Ura 2003, pp. 5–6; RGoB 1999). With the focus on development over the last five or six decades, the government has worked to provide families with basic support services. These include the development of a legal, health, and education infrastructure for a largely dispersed population in rugged terrains. The decentralized dual systems of traditional and western-style medicine are government initiatives. Health care, like education, is free and has seen substantial improvements (see Table 3.2). There are few Bhutanese agencies outside the government supporting children and families, but UN agencies, such as UNICEF, WHO, and UNDP, and NGOs, like Save the Children (US), Danida, and Helvitas, have been long-term supporters. India has provided continuing support and is Bhutan’s major bilateral development partner. Similarly, a legal system has been developed culminating in the adoption of a penal code. Bhutan is a signatory to the UN’s Elimination of the Discrimination against Women, and the Rights of the Child. Young people constitute 57 percent of the population. Three groups of children and youth are most vulnerable in Bhutan. First, many children, primarily in the southeast, will have to catch up on schooling because of unrest from insurgent camps built in Bhutan by those opposing the Indian government in Assam prior to 2003. Some families have been able to obtain schooling, however, by moving north into the central area. A second group includes children who live in the remotest parts of
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TABLE 3.2. Health and Related Statistics in Bhutan, 1984–2004 1984 (Alt. year)
1994 (Alt. year)
2004 (latest)
2.1 (1985) 5.9 7.7
2.9 (1990) 5.6 3.8
2.5 4.7 (2003) 2.6 (2000)
142
70.7
60.5 (2000)
162
97
84 (2001)
38 (1988) 38 (1989) 56 (1989) 4.1 (1989) 65 (1983) — — 46 (1979) —
17 (1999) 40 (1999) 2.6 (1999) — 45 (1990) — 59 (1992) 57 (1992)
19 (2000) — — — <5 (2005) 78 (2003) 88 (2003) 66 (2003) 66 (2003)
Annual population growth rate Total fertility rate (births/woman) Maternal mortality rate (per 1,000 live births) Infant mortality rate (below one year/ 1,000 live births) Under-five mortality rate (below one year/1,000 live births) Child malnutrition (% below age five) Under-five underweight (%) Under-five stunted (%) Under-five suffering from wasting (%) Goiter prevalence (%) Population with access to safe water (%) Population with access to sanitation (%) Life expectancy at birth–female Life expectancy at birth–male
Source: ADB 2005, p. 49, 50; RGoB 1999, p. 18; RGoB 2005, p. 28.
Bhutan where community schools have not yet been built. This is being addressed via a government Millennium Development Goal (MDG) aiming to create more community schools in remote areas. Urban, educated, out-of-school youth constitute the third group, where expectations and skills are mismatched. For these young people, work in the village is not appealing. This has created some social concerns in the towns. Additionally, up to 100,000 adults and children in United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) camps in southeast Nepal claim to be Bhutanese and have been the subject of ongoing negotiations KEY FACTS – BHUTAN between the Nepalese and Bhutanese governments since 1993. Population: 672,425 (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 47 percent (2003 est.) Article 7 of Bhutan’s draft Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 70 percent Constitution underscores equal (2000–2005) rights for men and women. People living with HIV/AIDS: <500 (2005 est.) There has been an increasing Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 71 (2006 est.) awareness and recognition of Sources: CIA World Factbook: Bhutan. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ violence against women, though publications/factbook/geos/bt.html. April 17, 2007; United more indirect forms of bias are Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development still a reality. Many older women Report 2006–Bhutan. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_BTN.html. April 26, 2007; are not literate, and women are UNICEF. At a Glance: Bhutan–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ underrepresented in governinfobycountry/bhutan_bhutan_statistics.html. April 25, 2007. ment. However, women often
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head households in Bhutan. A National Commission for Women and Children was established in 2004. There is guaranteed equal pay, many businesses are run by women, and the often matriarchal system of land inheritance has resulted in around two-thirds of holdings registered to women. The civil service has about one-quarter females. Disaggregated data are not very evident in Bhutan, and this includes employment. According to the 2005 census, 2.4 percent of persons older than eighteen were unemployed, and two-thirds of the economically active workforce were males. Employment rates for rural women are about twice those of their urban peers. About one-fifth of both men and women are employed in agriculture. OVERVIEW The fourth king, and so the government, has placed great store in the well-being of children and youth. While education is not compulsory, it is free. Great strides have been made since the large-scale introduction of secular education and the introduction of health measures. These have largely resulted from the resources provided through successive 5YPs since 1976. Still, student retention in primary, and particularly secondary, schools remains a problem. The establishment of the Royal University of Bhutan in 2003 brought together (now) ten institutes into a federated institution. Technical education remains a difficulty, but renewed efforts in this area can be expected, especially given present and projected youth unemployment as more young people complete some form of secondary education. Within the health sector, immunization programs have reduced deaths considerably. Nutrition has improved, and Bhutan is a ‘‘normal iodine nutrition country,’’ though iron deficiency is still a concern. Thanks to improved sanitation, the MDG target of safe drinking water for the entire country is likely to be reached by 2007. HIV/AIDS is considered nascent. The Human Development Index for Bhutan has grown steadily from 0.325 in 1984 to 0.583 in 2004, held back by low tertiary enrollments and low adult literacy rates (46 percent). Bhutan’s Human Poverty Index (2007) rates 71 of 103 developing countries. Bhutan benefits from a stable government and stable neighbor relations, the ongoing difficulties with Nepal (Bhutanese/Nepali citizenship for those in UNHCR camps) and some border concerns not withstanding. Indentured servitude is not present, though, as noted earlier, many family members work without pay in rural areas. As many as 45,000 children work as part of family activities. The definition of a child is under eighteen years in all matters of the state, and the legal age for voting in 2008 will be not less than eighteen years. The nature of childhood, especially in urban areas, has changed dramatically over the last decade, with major developments in education and health and the introduction of television.
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EDUCATION Education is now seen as both a basic right and a prerequisite for Bhutan’s far-reaching social, economic, and cultural goals to be achieved. Monastic education, for a small minority, was only available until the mid-twentieth century, when secular education was introduced. Initially, parents were reluctant to send their children to secular primary schools. Now parents plead to enroll their children, particularly in secondary schools. It is not unusual for rural primary-aged children to walk up to two hours to school. Other families build small shelters and may have a family member stay with the child(ren) during the week to attend primary school where the walk is too far. Boarding facilities at secondary schools are common. Children and teachers are required to wear national costume with the children’s school uniform color varying from school to school. Buildings also vary greatly. Some are stone and mortar, others concrete. Mostly, community schools are made of wood and may not have glass in the windows. Some schools in the mountains do not have heating, and many do not have electricity. Furniture is basic in most Bhutanese schools, and libraries are not well developed. Enrollment has increased dramatically in primary, secondary, and tertiary sectors over the last decade or so (see Figure 3.1) in the 408 schools and institutes, reaching 155,234 in 2004. At that time, there were about
Figure 3.1. Total secular enrollment in government institutions, 1961–2002 (RGoB 2003, p. 4)
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3,750 teachers, including about 700 non-Bhutanese instructors in secondary schools. By 2002, there were, in addition to 125,000 secular students, 15,000 students in monasteries or as private students in temples, 3,000 students in vocational education, and 10,000 young adults enrolled in nonformal literacy education. Over all eight 5YPs, the average budget set aside for education was 10 percent. Bhutan is working toward universal primary enrollment by 2007 and full adult literacy by 2012. Secondary education is free, including the supply of texts, with gross enrollment rates reaching 45.4 percent (49.4 for boys and 41.7 for girls). Early childhood education is only now beginning in some for-profit schools; no government-supported preschool institutions have been developed. The education of disabled children is being addressed, including a school for the visually impaired. It is interesting that nonenrollment in some rural areas, and a dropout rate of 5.5 percent to Class X across the country, together with a repeater percentage of 11.5, do not constitute a major problem at present according to the Ministry of Education. This is largely due to the recent difficulty in creating enough schools, but will change as education MDGs have been identified, rural to urban drift continues, and educated youth try to get jobs. Enrollment in public education requires a relatively small school fee from families, yet this is a barrier for the very poor. Poor children also suffer because they are often needed at home, especially on farms. To date, relatively more resources have been given to primary education. Net enrollment reached 62 percent in 2002, up from 35 percent in 1990. Given the virtual zero starting point fifty years ago, these data are spectacular. However, considerable disparities exist between rural and urban areas (Table 3.1), with urban enrollment more than five times the rate in rural areas. This is partially explained by the establishment of secondary boarding schools in urban areas. As has noted earlier, nonenrollment is a problem in remote areas where students must walk long distances to school. In the 1990s, in order to achieve Education For All (EFA) goals, Bhutan began developing community schools in remote and mountainous regions. It has been projected that more than 120 community schools will be developed during the ninth 5YP (2007–2012). As a result, many more children from minority ethnic groups can be admitted into the primary education system. In fact, the draft Constitution (Article 7) stipulates that there be no discrimination on the grounds of race, sex, language, or religion. The issue of language of early instruction is critical since most children’s first language is neither Dzongkha nor English. In many parts of Bhutan, local languages are used. The high urban primary gross enrollment (109 percent, see Table 3.1) reflects high pressure on primary places in towns and cities. The New Approach to Primary Education (NAPE) has been signaled as the reason for a shift from rote to activity-based learning, but teachers
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were not well equipped and resources were not sufficient for this strategic shift. By the year 2000, more than 60 percent of teachers had only passed Class X or even Class VIII. The integration of children with special needs (estimated at 3.5 percent of the population) into the primary education system is almost nonexistent. These students have received care through Health Department/Ministry community-based rehabilitation. UNICEF has begun a child-friendly schools project that incorporates the idea of inclusive education. The Ministry recognizes that quality is now the focus in primary and special education. The importance of early childhood education throughout the country is formally recognized, but few resources are directed to this sector. Nonformal education does provide broad support for many mothers. This illustrates the government’s intention to focus on the family through direct contact between parents and health workers in basic health units and outreach clinics. Entry by the private sector into urban early childhood has been encouraged. Private operators of nursery schools do so under a memorandum of understanding, but there is little regulation. They exist largely for wealthy urban families who want to give their children a ‘‘head start.’’ The success of primary education has resulted in pressure being placed upon secondary education. The gross enrollment rates for secondary rural and urban students vary markedly (see Table 3.1). Provision for secondary students in rural areas is accomplished by construction of boarding facilities, which at the same time take young people away from their homes and their family’s often subsistence farming. Many secondary schools are overcrowded and have inadequate facilities. Qualified secondary teachers are in short supply. The Bhutanization of the curriculum has already begun in the secondary sector and the Bhutan Board of Examinations has complete control of the secondary examination system. Provision of secondary places is the key secondary education issue of the immediate future. The modern Bhutan will need substantially higher numbers of tertiary graduates. In 2003, the first university, the Royal University of Bhutan (RUB), was created. Tuition is free, and students are provided a small weekly payment as a government incentive. Gross enrollment is about 8.3 percent, with males at 10.8 percent compared with 6.4 percent for females (though female enrollment is expected to increase). Of the 3,000 students at RUB, only 1,000 are enrolled in degree programs. The RUB is working to increase enrollment and resources through the addition of more qualified staff and supplementary arrangements with other universities. Vocational education and training (VET) is not yet overtly linked to secondary education; VET does occur in the traditional arts and crafts, but few apprenticeship programs have been initiated. Formal VET is slated to increase more than fourfold by the end of the ninth 5YP. Adult
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literacy continues to be low. The Ministry of Education puts women’s literacy as low as 20 percent. Nonformal education in Dzongka is provided for many rural and urban women. Rates of female adult literacy are important because literate mothers have a greater tendency to support primary school education for their children. PLAY AND RECREATION As a signatory to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, Bhutan has affirmed its commitment towards ensuring the emotional, intellectual, and physical growth of its children. The modest play and recreation facilities throughout Bhutan are a matter of concern given present and projected youth unemployment and underemployment in the towns and cities. In recent years, the Department of Youth, Culture and Sports (DYCS) of the Ministry of Education has implemented programs such as scouting. The DYCS also undertakes guidance and career counseling, as well as games and sports including intra- and inter-Dzongkhag (district) sports. Due to the lack of funds for such activities, a Youth Development Fund was established in the late 1990s. It aims to address the current and future development of the nation’s youth. Schools encourage sports and contribute to intra- and inter-Dzongkhag competition in such sports as football (soccer), basketball, volleyball, athletics, table tennis, badminton, and taekwondo. Children can be seen playing with makeshift balls and the like in schools and in the streets where cricket has become popular amongst young, urban boys. Even rural schools have an area carved out of the hill to use as a field for sports. Often the school space is the only flat area for children to play on. Even in the towns and cities, there are few specially created outdoor play areas for children. Khuru, a form of long distance darts and not requiring a flat area, is happily played by boys (and also men) in villages and towns. Bhutan has a well-developed oral tradition. Indeed, many local languages are not written, thus an oral tradition is the means of carrying the wisdom and history of the local cultures. Amongst many oral forms in Bhutan, the proverb (dpe gtam) is singularly important. It is possible to see Bhutanese (and other) proverbs written on the walls of many schools. This tradition puts the wisdom of such proverbs daily in front of primaryand secondary-aged students. Some commentators are concerned about the loss of other, traditional cultural forms of recreation, such as art and nursery rhymes, and it is indeed quite easy to see them fall against the relentless pressure of Bollywood (the movie industry in India), western music, and television. Since most rural areas do not have electricity, the introduction of television in 1999 has not yet reached many rural children. Bhutanese television airs only two hours per day, but residents are able to watch the India package of television, where cartoons and MTV are popular. There are
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clear concerns about their combined impact, especially on children. Bollywood movies are not often seen in rural towns, but they are popular in the movie houses found in bigger towns and cities. Kuensel, the official newspaper of Bhutan, comes out in Dzongkha, English, and Hindi and has a significant section of the paper devoted to children such as comics, quizzes, and articles by children. The first edition of Bhutan’s first private newspaper, The Bhutan Times, came out on April 30, 2006. CHILD LABOR Bhutan has not yet established a minimum age for employment in conjunction with the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. However, eighteen years of age is considered the minimum age for employment. The Ministry of Labor has informally linked the minimum employment age with the end of a child’s compulsory education. This is reflected in the 2005 census where the participation rate in employment for rural fifteen- to nineteen-year-olds is about 40 percent for both males and females and in urban areas around 20 percent for both males and females. Some children also do household or field work before and/or after school. Remembering that only fifty years ago Bhutan came out of isolation, traditional values will take some time to work through. Similarly, secondary education (and to a lesser extent, primary education) has not yet been able to accommodate all children up to the age of fifteen years old, let alone those up to eighteen. Many families value children and youth as part of the family labor force in agriculture and see this as a reasonable option for their children if they have left school. Being ‘‘needed at home’’ gives directions to some young lives. Such agricultural work for children includes tending animals, carrying firewood, ploughing wet and dry fields, and planting crops and for some females in weaving. In urban areas, children help in shops, wait on tables, assist in vehicle workshops, or act as domestic workers. Children above the age of fifteen are permitted to join the army, but there is little if any child labor in factories. UNICEF has reported foreign children as young as eleven employed with road-building teams. As with many areas of Bhutanese society, there is a lack of disaggregated data on child labor and sexual exploitation. The minimum age of criminal responsibility is ten years. FAMILY The family remains a tightly knit unit, often with senior family members living at home and receiving care. Some families have become extended especially among educated people where both mother and father are in paid employment. The family, together with the school, is
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seen as the keeper of Bhutan’s driglam namzhag, that is, its way of life and etiquette based upon a moral tradition that can be traced back to Lord Buddha’s teachings. Roles remain quite strongly defined in many homes. Women and girls, particularly those who do not speak English, may remain in the kitchen when guests are present. Men and women cook. Traditional rural chores for boys include taking animals to and from the fields and protecting crops and animals. Typical chores for girls include water carrying and cleaning. Both mothers and fathers generally value education for their children. Women may be the heads of the family making decisions about the home and about the work in the fields. Clearly, the major changes in education and health over recent decades have altered family structures and ways of life, but other changes are evident. Urban drift has affected many, and the problems of urban youth unemployment are still to be dealt with. There are statutes that protect men’s and women’s rights in the family. Marriage is customary. Polygamy and polyandry are present but not common, especially the latter. Marriage is legally permitted above the age of eighteen, but common law marriages below this age are present. There are no great social taboos associated with divorce. The rate of divorce has not been established. The extended family structure is presently becoming more nuclear as families take up employment opportunities in urban areas, leaving older members to take care of the traditional family home and farm. Some families are also separated as men take up work elsewhere, leaving the women and children at home. Female inheritance, which occurs in some parts of the country, means that a woman is head of the household and of the family land. In such situations, the male partner comes to live in the woman’s house. The female head of a central Bhutan household, for example, makes decisions about what is to be done in the house and fields and what to buy. She also arranges finances and receives any income made by male members of the household, but does not pay for her husband’s medicine or funeral expenses. These costs are borne by his original family. The woman makes decisions about religious rituals and the level of engagement in community projects like the building of another family’s house, liaison with government officials and political influence. Inheritance is carefully arranged. Many rural places in Bhutan are poor. For the one-third of Bhutanese families in this situation, it is a daily struggle to ensure that there is enough food. Many that do have enough food still earn less than US$1 per day. This lack of income occurs mostly in rural areas and is likely to be those families with larger households of six to eight people. Poorer families are less likely to enroll their children in school. Many poor families cannot afford meager school fees and uniforms. Some poor people can be found in the towns and cities living in shanties. Support for needy families is provided more though family structures than from religious
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bodies. However, the gains in basic health provision over the last fifty years have been significant for families, including those that are poor. HEALTH Improvements in basic health surpass those in the education sector. Health care, like education, is free to all citizens. There are no private physicians or hospitals. In Bhutan, both the traditional and western styles of medicine are supported by the government. The biodiversity of Bhutan has, over the years, underpinned the development of an extraordinary level of expertise in Bhutan in the practice of traditional (Tibetan) medicine. A traditional teaching hospital has been established in the capital city of Thimphu and is associated with the National Institute of Traditional Medicine of the RUB. Thimphu is home to the major westernstyle hospital, the Jigme Dorji Wangchuk National Referral Hospital, which contains operating rooms and specialists. Dzongkhag headquarters towns have hospitals (twenty-eight in all) but for a dispersed community the policy of developing strategically placed Basic Health Units (145) and also 450 Out Reach Clinics appears to have been most effective. More than 1,000 trained village health workers complete the decentralized structure. The Bhutanese population suffers from such diseases as cholera, malaria, rabies, tetanus, tuberculosis, diarrhea, and some forms of hepatitis, though these are declining rapidly. Some sense of the gains made in Bhutan over the eight 5YPs can be gauged from Table 3.2. Starting from a low base, major progress been made to improve quality of health, and all major indicators are improving. Particularly notable are the maternal, infant and under-five mortality figures. The differences are seen clearly in the changed life expectancy rate. Health has been improved by better sanitation and access to safe water (Table 3.2). From 1987 to 1995, rural access to safe water increased from 31 percent to 58 percent. Sanitation has improved in rural areas, and piped sanitation systems are being developed in Thimphu, Phuntsholing, and other towns. Immunization covers more than 90 percent of children. Polio, neonatal tetanus, and diphtheria are no longer seen, while malaria and leprosy are under control. MDGs in health, to be achieved by 2015, are to (a) reduce under-five mortality by two-thirds, (b) reduce the maternal mortality by three-quarters, and (c) halt the spread of HIV/AIDS. As of February 2005, seventy-two individuals were identified as HIV-positive. Data on abortions in Bhutan are not known. Generally, abortion is not supported in Bhutan except in the cases where a woman’s life can be saved. Since December 17, 2004, there is a complete ban on tobacco sales, although some smoking is still seen in the streets. Lifestyle diseases have increased as infectious diseases have declined. Leading causes of death
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include cardiovascular disease (14.5 percent) and cirrhosis of the liver (9.3 percent). The Ministry of Health has been supported by UN organizations and also nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Save the Children has been active in the Zenghang Dzongkhag, one of the most remote regions in Bhutan. UNICEF has established emergency obstetric care centers and supported the prevention of mother-to-child transmission of HIV/AIDS. UNICEF has also helped establish voluntary testing, counseling, and support facilities in all Dzongkhags and the development of life skills programs for 10,000 scouts (male and female) as peer educators on HIV/ AIDS. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Bhutan has a range of laws that cover the legal rights of children and youth. Generally, the courts consider persons younger than eighteen years as children. The Penal Code of Bhutan sets out penalties for law breaking. The code covers rape, child molestation, sexual harassment, incest, abandonment, child abuse, endangerment of a child, pedophilia, and trafficking of a child. Specific examples of laws directly pertinent to children include ten as the age at which a child may be formally charged. Penalties for children are generally half those of the adult population. The court may consider other kinds of facilities or correctional institutions instead of imprisonment for a child. There has been some research into child crime. Lham Dorji analyzed the public record of juvenile and youth crime from 1984 to 2003 because of the growing concern about delinquency in the towns and cities. He found that delinquency is largely a male phenomenon, and that juvenile crime has increased overall since 1999. Delinquency/crime generally increases with age starting at about twelve and peaks at age twenty-three. There is a clear link between unemployment and crime statistics. Bhutan is a signatory to two of the seven major UN human rights instruments, namely, The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Committee for the Rights of the Child (CRC). Both committees have expressed concern about the inadequacy of legislation and the lack of disaggregated data for children in Bhutan. Bhutan is developing a legal framework to conform to UN recommendations. An exception to this is in the area of nationality, particularly in the case of those of Nepali origin who were expelled from or left Bhutan in the 1990s; their status is still uncertain. RELIGIOUS LIFE Buddhism is practiced throughout the country by as many as threequarters of the population. Many of the Lhotshampas (from the south)
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follow Hinduism. Mahayana Buddhism, of the Drukpa Kagya school, is the official religion of Bhutan, although a majority of Bhutanese follow the Ningmapa school. Although some people in the north still follow Bonism, an animist religion, and 1 to 2 percent of Bhutanese are Christian, Buddhism is a key aspect of life for the majority of Bhutanese. There are about 12,000 monks, mostly male, in Bhutan, and about one-third of these are financed by government. Monasteries are a separate educational system; the students do not take part in secular schooling. Those who drop out of monastic education can encounter social problems, as their skills are limited to those associated with the Buddhist texts and rituals. Many houses in Bhutan have shrines; in some cases the best room is set aside as a place for an altar. Many children have daily reinforcement of the place of Buddhism or Hinduism in their lives, not only in this symbolic form, but also in the discourse and actions amongst many of the people. Rituals are also an important part of the Buddhist daily life. Again, many children habitually take part in these rituals. These include invocation of local deities and incense burning and, on special occasions, the placing of prayer flags. During a visit to a lhakhang, Buddhist children will see Bhutanese prostrate themselves three times, receive holy water and a blessing from a monk, and make a gift offering. Names of babies are usually given by the head monk at the local lhakhang, not by the parents. Traditionally, families would send one child (usually male) to a monastery, but this practice has decreased due to the availability of secular education. Children also take part in annual festivals celebrated across the country. Schools are closed for such occasions so that school children can participate with their families. Tsechu festivals celebrate Guru Rinpoche and take place over several days. Most dzongs and monasteries have one each year. Dances, performed by the monks, depict the biography of the Guru and are interspersed with comic relief and traditional dances performed by local women. The children are especially entertained by the monks dressed up as clowns. People attend the festival to learn more about the Buddhist way of life. It is also an important social gathering for families. Hindu holidays are also celebrated in the south of the country. Cities and major towns have religious tsechus each year and these are wellattended family occasions. There are also other days commemorated such as the accession to the throne of the fourth king, the death of the third king, Blessed Rainy Day, and so on. Buddhism shares many of its ideas and deities with Hinduism. Hinduism is practiced by the majority of Lhotshampas, perhaps as many as one quarter of the population of Bhutan. The draft Constitution permits freedom of religious expression. However, in practice, non-Buddhist religious gatherings are discouraged. Proselytism of other faiths is illegal. The fourth king made the point of making one Hindu festival a public holiday and his example of observing it also is likely to have had a positive effect upon public attitudes.
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CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Bhutan was one of the first countries to ratify the Convention of the Rights of the Child in 1990. It did not sign the optional protocols on the sale of children, child prostitution, child pornography, and children in armed conflict until September 2005. As is consistent with the tenets of Buddhism, child abuse is thought to be rare in Bhutan. There are no recorded instances of female infanticide or dowry deaths. Child slavery, although not specifically prohibited by law, is thought not to exist in Bhutan. There have been occasional reports of child trafficking for forced labor and kidnapping for sale into the sex trade, but there are no official reports of trafficking to, from, or within the country. In 2003, the RGoB ratified the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC) protocol combating and preventing trafficking in women and children. The UN Committee for the Rights of the Child is maintaining pressure on Bhutan to complete its legislation consistent with UN statutes. There has been no official data collected on child abuse in Bhutan. The situation of around 45,000 ethnic children expelled or who voluntarily left Bhutan in the early 1990s continues to be a problem. Child abuse, including rapes, domestic violence, and physical and sexual assaults, has been reported in the Nepalese camps. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY It is unlikely that the changes for Bhutanese children in the twenty-first century will be as momentous as for those in the twentieth century. Nevertheless, change will have a considerable impact upon children and youth in Bhutan this century. Globalization will be felt strongly in Bhutan, especially for children growing up in a world brought to them via television. Greater prosperity and increased travel will also play a role. It is likely that traditional forms of family life and the importance of Buddhism and the driglam namzhag will be threatened. These will not be evenly felt across Bhutan as social imperatives, such as family traditions and the importance placed upon GNH. Thanks to Bhutan’s mountainous topography, some children will be less affected than others. As Bhutan will achieve its MDGs and beyond in the twenty-first century, education and health will continue to improve the lives of many children. Multigrade schools will bring primary education to all schoolage children. The quality of the primary school experience will be addressed through the development of the quality of teachers. Primary schooling is likely to become compulsory. The key issue for secondary education is the expansion of places largely in urban areas. Free secondary education to Class X will continue. Enrollment projections are impressive as the numbers of children successfully completing seven years of primary increase. More than 20,000 new secondary institutions, as well
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as increased teacher education, are planned. The curriculum is increasingly being viewed as too academic and traditional, producing graduates who do not have the required skills for the work force and a globalized world. More attention will be given to the idea of dignity of labor, meaning that all work, however menial, is worthwhile. The dignity of labor will be complemented by a renewed emphasis upon what has been termed ‘‘wholesome education,’’ meaning values that should be enshrined in the primary and secondary curriculum. It is anticipated that all students will progress to Class VIII, and many will go on to Class XII and beyond. Children of the twenty-first century will also have better-educated parents. Children will increasingly consider play and recreation as a normal part of their day, although child labor in agriculture before and/or after school is likely to continue. Improvements in health care and water quality will mean less suffering and unnecessary death among infants and children. Parents and grandparents will be more likely to die of diseases borne of lifestyle choices. These trends, together with the impact of television, will create tremendous pressure on local customs, especially languages. This will be particularly felt in rural areas. The government and the people will be pressed to create worthwhile activities for the increasingly educated youth of Bhutan. Much of these pressures will be played out in urban areas. To this end, the ideas of values education and the dignity of labor, already becoming a part of the secondary education curriculum, will be increasingly important. Parents too in the twenty-first century will have an important role to play in assisting their children to find fulfilling directions in life. Coupled with the impact on urban areas, it can be anticipated that the Bhutanese government will continue to address rural poverty. Together with the rise of the private sector, the government should be able to do this increasingly from its own resources. Major hydropower schemes will be implemented. Markets for Bhutanese specialties, such as those from its biologically diverse resources, will be brought to an international market. There will be less subsistence farming. Accordingly, farm labor by young, rural family members is bound to decrease further continuing the structural changes in family life in rural Bhutan. The children of the twenty-first century in Bhutan will grow up in a more democratic society. Although it is not certain what directions the fifth Druk Gyalpo will influence, the democratization of Bhutan has been set on an irrevocable path by the fourth Druk Gyalpo and the constitution. The first democratic elections will take place in Bhutan in 2008, and formal election practices took place starting in 2006. Children are likely to grow up to take part in elections where the candidates are attached to different political parties. Almost certainly they and their children will live in a land whose legislation is attuned to most, if not all, key statutes of the UN. The importance or influence of the king will probably decrease
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as democratic institutions take hold. The issue of refugees in eastern Nepal will likely be resolved, thus ending the plight of many children presently found there. Given the continuing importance of Buddhism during the twenty-first century, child abuse and neglect will remain low, although there will be pressures upon these too as the society increasingly gears itself to attain materialist goals. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Dorji, Jagar. 2005. Quality of Education in Bhutan: The Story of Growth and Change in the Bhutanese Education System. Thimphu: KTM Publisher. This book contained a passionate plea for the importance of education for Bhutan’s future. It also recounts lessons from the past. Dorji, Lham, and Sonam Kinga. 2005. Youth in Bhutan: Education, Employment, Development. Thimphu: Monograph #14, The Center for Bhutan Studies. This monograph contains three recent studies about youth in Bhutan. Hutt, Michael. 2003. Unbecoming Citizens: Culture, Nationhood, and the Flight of Refugees from Bhutan. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. This is an authoritative account of the refugee question in Bhutan. Royal Government of Bhutan (RGoB). 1999. Bhutan 2020: Vision for Peace, Prosperity and Happiness. Thimphu: Planning Commission, RGoB. This document sets out the government’s goals twenty years hence. It also presents the government’s view, ministry by ministry, about the state of development at that time. Royal Government of Bhutan. 2005. National Human Development Report 2005: The Challenge of Youth Employment. Thimphu: Finance Ministry, RGoB. As the title suggests, this report addresses the major issues that are apparent to the youth of Bhutan and their implications for government. Schicklgruber, Christian, and Francoise Pommaret, eds. 1997. Bhutan: Mountain Fortress of the Gods. New Delhi: Bookwise (India) Pvt Ltd. This beautifully illustrated and written glossy also contains excellent chapters from experts on aspects of Bhutanese culture. Tabuchi, Satoru, Mynak Tulku, Karma Ura, and Yoshiro Imaeda. 2002. Festival and Faith at Nyimalung. Tokyo: Hirakawa Shuppan Inc. This book contains a wonderful photo essay of religious life at Nyimalung in central Bhutan. There are also several essays about religious life. Ura, Karma. 2003. ‘‘The Bhutanese Development Story,’’ Monograph # 15, Centre for Bhutan Studies. This is an authoritative account of the economic and political development story of Bhutan. Ura, Karma, and Karma Galay, eds. 2004. Gross National Happiness and Development. Thimphu: The Center for Bhutan Studies. This is a major work where authors explore the impact of the idea of gross national happiness as it relates to the consideration of such issues as economics and politics. Wangchuck, H.R.H. and Dorji Wangmo. 2000. Of Rainbows and Clouds: The Memoirs of Yab Ugyen Dorji as Told to His Daughter. New Delhi: Bookwise (India) Pvt Ltd. This marvelous autobiography tells the story of the development of Bhutan over much of the twentieth century from the perspective of the wellto-do.
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Web Sites Bhutan Census, http://www.bhutancensus.gov.bt/census_results_6.htm. This site provides summary statistics of the recent census, as well as other information from the census. Bhutan Education, http://www.education.gov.bt. This site presents more information about the education system in Bhutan and current matters of interest. Bhutan Health, http://www.health.gov.bt. This site presents more information about the dual health system in Bhutan and related matters such as recent statistics. Bhutan Portal, http://www.bhutan.gov.bt. This Web site is well organized, and contains a search engine and a large amount of information about the government and its activities. The second draft of the Bhutanese Constitution can be found at http://www.constitution.bt. Reading the draft constitution gives a strong idea of the important values of the Bhutanese people. Bhutan Sports, http://www.education.bt/Departments/Department_YCS/Youth_ Culture.htm. Some ideas about sport and recreation in Bhutan can be found together with other activities encouraged for youth in Bhutan. Centre for Bhutan Studies, http://www.bhutanstudies.org.bt/index.htm. The Centre for Bhutan Studies focuses on research into Bhutanese culture. A number of research studies are published on this website. The Journal of Bhutan Studies is a biannual publication of the Centre for Bhutan Studies. It is available electronically at http://www.bhutanstudies.org.bt/journal/journal.htm. Kuensel, http://www.kuenselonline.com. Kuensel is the national newspaper of Bhutan. Recently, two other private newspapers have developed in Bhutan. World Bank, South Asia Region (SAR) Bhutan, http://www.worldbank.org/bt. At this site a number of reports by the World Bank on South Asia countries can be found.
Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Election Commission of Bhutan Post Box No. 2008 Thori Lam, Lower Mothithang Thimphu, Bhutan Web site: http://www.election-bhutan.org.bt/ This commission has the responsibility for ‘‘Ensuring Free, Fair and Democratic Elections and Referendum.’’ Ministry of Agriculture P.O. Box 252 Thimphu, Bhutan Web site: http://www.moa.gov.bt/
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The Ministry’s mission is to achieve an adequate supply of food, shelter, clothing, clean air and water for the people of Bhutan while protecting their spiritual heritage and environmental surroundings. Ministry of Education Royal Government of Bhutan Thimphu, Bhutan Web site: http://www.education.gov.bt/ The MoE oversees all educational matters in Bhutan, including early childhood education and development and primary and secondary education. It contains the Department of Youth Culture and Sports. Ministry of Health Royal Government of Bhutan Thimphu, Bhutan Web site: http://www.health.gov.bt/ The Ministry is charged with supporting families and children for general wellness and for specific health issues using traditional and allopathic methods. Ministry of Information and Communications (MoIC) Post Box: 278 Thimphu, Bhutan Web site: http://www.moic.gov.bt/ ICT that assists the development of the country for the people is the focus of this Ministry. Ministry of Labour and Human Relations (MLHR) P.O. Box 1036 Thongsel Lam Lower Motithang Thimphu, Bhutan Web site: http://www.employment.gov.bt/ Labour and Human Relations intends to ensure that people are able to find work and also that they can develop within the workplace. Ministry of Trade and Industry P.O. Box No. 141 Thimphu, Bhutan Web site: http://www.mti.gov.bt/secretariat/secretariat.htm This Ministry oversees industry, trade, energy, and tourism. Royal Civil Service Commission (RCSC) Post Box No. 163 Thimphu, Bhutan Web site: http://www.rcsc.gov.bt The RCSC mission is to create a ‘‘dynamic and professional civil service committed to promoting Good Governance in pursuit of Gross National Happiness.’’ Nongovernmental Organizations Helvetas/SDC Coordination Office P.O. Box 157
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Hejo, Thimphu Web site: http://www.helvetas.org.bt/ Helvetas assists Bhutan particularly through its Education, Youth, and Culture programs. Save the Children (USA) P.O. Box 281 Chang Gedaphan Thimphu, Bhutan Web site: http://www.savethechildren.org/countries/asia/bhutan.asp Save the Children endeavors to meet the ever-changing needs and ensure positive physical, cognitive, and social-emotional development of all Bhutanese children and particularly of the isolated Zhemgang district. UNICEF P.O. Box 239 Lhaki Lam 1-11 Thimphu, Bhutan Web site: http://www.unicef.org/bhutan UNICEF has been intimately involved with children and youth development in Bhutan for many years.
Selected Bibliography ADB (Asia Development Bank). 2005. Country Strategy and Program 2006–2010: Bhutan. Thimphu: South Asia Regional Department, Asia Development Bank. Basu, Gautam Kumar. 1996. Bhutan: The Political Economy of Development. New Delhi: South Asian Publishers. Beyer, Yannick. 2005. The Convention of the Rights of the Child (CRC) and the Development of Child Friendly Schools (CFS) in Bhutan. CAPSD Newsletter Issue 33, March, pp. 21–23. Bhutan DYCS. http://www.education.bt/Departments/Department_YCS/Youth_ Culture.htm. Accessed May 1, 2006. Bidha, Sangay. 2004. Nursery rhymes: Out the window? Rabsel V, Autumn, pp. 90– 105. Binney, Janee. 2001. Towards a Framework for Early Childhood Care and Development in Bhutan. Draft paper for the UNV project funded by UNICEF for Early Childhood Care and Development, October 21. Bloom, Alexis. Journey to the Hidden Kingdom. http://www.pbs.org/frontline world/stories/bhutan/journey.html. Accessed April 11, 2006. Brauen, Martin. 1997. A village in central Bhutan. In Christian Schicklgruber and Francoise Pommaret, eds. Bhutan: Mountain Fortress of the Gods. Delhi: Bookwise (India) Pvt Ltd. Dorji, Jagar. 2003. Fostering values and traditions in schools. Rabsel III, Autumn. Dorji, Jagar. 2005. Quality of Education in Bhutan: The story of growth and change in the Bhutanese education system. Thimphu: KTM Publisher. Dorji, Lham. 2005. Determinants of School-dropout and Non-enrollment: From the Young People’s Perspective. In Dorji, Lham, and Sonam Kinga, eds. Youth in Bhutan: Education, Employment, Development. Thimphu: Monograph #14, The Center for Bhutan Studies.
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Dorji, Lham. 2005. Juvenile Delinquency as an Emerging Problem in Bhutan. In Dorji, Lham, and Sonam Kinga, eds. Youth in Bhutan: Education, Employment, Development, Monograph #14. Thimphu: The Center for Bhutan Studies. Dorji, Lham, and Sonam Kinga. 2005. Youth in Bhutan: Education, Employment, Development. Monograph #14. Thimphu: The Center for Bhutan Studies. Dorji, Tshering C. 2003. Shadow around the Lamp. Thimphu: Deki Pema Publication. European Commission (EC). 2003. Country Strategy Paper: Bhutan and the European Community Co-operation Strategy, 2002-2006. Geneva: EC, p. 11. http:// europa.eu.int/comm/external_relations/bhutan/csp/index.htm. Accessed April 8, 2006. Gyeltsen, Yang. 2002. The role and place of children’s art in Bhutanese primary schools. Rabsel, Autumn. Hutt, Michael. 2003. Unbecoming Citizens: Culture, Nationhood, and the Flight of Refugees from Bhutan. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Kinga, Sonam. 2005. Youth and Unemployment in Bhutan. In Dorji, Lham, and Sonam Kinga, eds. Youth in Bhutan: Education, Employment, Development. Thimphu: Monograph #14, The Center for Bhutan Studies. Laird, D., T. W. Maxwell, W. Tenzin, and S. Jamtsho. INSET within Bhutan 1996– 1998 and the INSET Framework within Bhutan 2000–2004/6. Thimphu: Royal Government of Bhutan. Mathew, Joseph C. 1999. Ethnic Conflict in Bhutan. New Delhi: Nirala Publications. Maxwell, T.W. 2001. International Collaboration for In-service: the Bhutanese Multigrade Attachment Program. Asia-Pacific Journal of Teacher Education 29(3): 289–96. Miko, F. T. and G. Park. 2002. Trafficking in Women and Children: The U.S. and International Response. CRS Report for Congress, Washington: Foreign Affairs, Defense and Trade (updated March 18, 2002). http://fpc.state.gov/ documents/organization/9107.pdf. Accessed October 16, 2006. National Library of Bhutan. 1998. Handbook of Bhutan’s Driglam Namzhag. Thimphu: National Library of Bhutan. Ninnes, Peter, T. W. Maxwell, Wanchuck Rabten, and Karchung Karchung. 2007. ‘‘In Pursuit of EFA: Expanding and Enhancing Multigrade Schools in Bhutan,’’ In Wiseman, A., and A. Baker, eds. Education For All: Global Promises, National Challenges. New York: Elsevier. Protection Project. 2003. Outline for Human Rights Report on Trafficking in Persons—Bhutan. http://www.protectionproject.org/bhutan.doc. Accessed October 16, 2006. Royal Government of Bhutan (RGoB). 1999. Bhutan 2020: Vision for Peace, Prosperity and Happiness. Thimphu: Planning Commission, RGoB. Royal Government of Bhutan. 2003. Education Sector Strategy: Realising the Vision 2020. Policy and Strategy. Thimphu: Ministry of Health and Education, RGoB. Royal Government of Bhutan. 2004. Penal Code of Bhutan. Thimphu: RGoB. Royal Government of Bhutan. 2005. National Human Development Report 2005: The Challenge of Youth Employment. Thimphu: Finance Ministry, RGoB. Schicklgruber, Christian, and Francoise Pommaret, eds. 1997. Bhutan: Mountain Fortress of the Gods, New Delhi: Bookwise (India) Pvt Ltd. Scott, Cathy, and Adrian Levy. 2003. Small screen, big trouble. Good Weekend, insert to Sydney Morning Herald, July 26, pp. 26–27, 31–32.
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Tabuchi, Satoru, Mynak Tulku, Karma Ura, and Yoshiro Imaeda. 2002. Festival and Faith at Nyimalung. Tokyo, Hirakawa Shuppan Inc. Thinley, Dorji. 2005. The Boneless Tongue. Samtse, Bhutan: Dorji Thinley. Tulku, Mynak. 1997. Religion and Rituals. In Schicklgruber, Christian, and Francoise Pommaret, eds. Bhutan: Mountain Fortress of the Gods. New Delhi: Bookwise (India) Pvt Ltd. UN Committee on Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). 2004. Press Release Wom/1426, dated 16/01/2004; and WOM/1429, dated 01/ 22/2004. UNICEF. 2005. Meeting with the Minister for Labor. Note for the record, UNICEF Office, February 2. UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCR). 2005. Country Profile of Bhutan and the international human rights system. Report to UNDP representative, Thimphu, March 17, Annex II, paras. 58–9. Ura, Karma. 2003. The Bhutanese Development Story. Monograph # 15, Centre for Bhutan Studies. Ura, Karma. 2004. Deities, Archers and Planners in the Eras of Decentralization. Thimphu: Karma Ura. Ura, Karma and Karma Galay, eds. 2004. Gross National Happiness and Development. Thimphu: The Center for Bhutan Studies. U.S. Department of State. 2006. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices– Bhutan. Washington, DC: Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (Released March 8, 2006) http://fpc.state.gov//g/drl/rls/hrpt/2005/ 61706.htm. Accessed October 16, 2006. Van Driem, George. 1994. Language Policy in Bhutan. In Aris, Michael, and Michael Hutt, eds. Bhutan: Aspects of Culture and Development. Gartmore: Kiscadale Publications. Wangchuck, H.R.H., and Dorji Wangmo. 1999. Of Rainbows and Clouds: The Memoirs of Yab Ugyen Dorji as told to his daughter. New Delhi: Bookwise (India) Pvt Ltd. World Bank. South Asia Region (SAR) Bhutan. http://www.worldbank.org/bt. Accessed April 16, 2006.
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CAMBODIA Jeffrey S. Weaner, Joann Burkhardt, and Aaron Weaner NATIONAL PROFILE Modern Cambodia is descended from the Angkor Empire, which between the tenth and thirteenth centuries dominated much of Southeast Asia. Throughout the ensuing years, the power of the empire gradually diminished and the region became part of French Indochina near the end of the nineteenth century. Following World War II, Cambodia gained its independence from France. Bordering Vietnam during the Vietnam War left Cambodia vulnerable to incursions into both its land and air space, as well as to a communist insurgency, which triumphantly marched into Phnom Penh in 1975. At that time, one of the most horrific periods of the country’s history commenced: the Pol Pot era, the time of the Khmer Rouge. After four years of persecution, forced labor, torture, and the killing of more than 2 million people, Cambodia has slowly emerged from occupation by Vietnam and internal conflict to forge a constitutional monarchy whose final incarnation is still taking shape (CIA 2006).
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Cambodia, with an area of 181,040 square kilometers, is slightly smaller than the state of Oklahoma. It shares its borders with Thailand, Laos, and Vietnam, and the country abuts the Gulf of Thailand, giving it sea access. The topography is mostly low, flat plains, with mountains found in the southwest and north. Twenty-one percent of the land is arable, principally used for paddy farming (CIA 2006). Cambodia has a relatively homogeneous population, with 90 percent of the people being Khmer, 5 percent Vietnamese, 1 percent Chinese, and the remaining 4 percent of other descent. Khmer is the official language and is spoken by 95 percent of the country’s inhabitants (CIA 2006). The country has a population of approximately 13.9 million people, with nearly 1 million people living in the capital of Phnom Penh. Life expectancy in Cambodia is 61.29 years. The annual growth rate is 1.729 percent. The birth rate is 25.53 births per 1,000 people and the death rate is 8.24 per 1,000. The total fertility rate is 3.12 children born per woman. The median age of the population is 21.3 years; the population under age five is more than 1.8 million, or approximately 13 percent. Forty percent of the population is younger than fifteen. In contrast, only 10 percent of the population is more than fifty years of age (CIA 2006). The country’s constitutional definition of a child is consistent with UNICEF’s Convention on Children’s Rights: a person eighteen or younger. This legal status of children is evident in the constitutionally mandated consideration of age in punishment and reduction of sentences for minors. As inhabitants of one of the poorest countries in Asia, approximately 37 percent of Cambodians live below the poverty line and on less than US$1 per day. The per capita gross domestic product (GDP) is US$2,100 and the GINI index (measure of income inequality) is estimated to be 40 (CIA 2006). Approximately 61 percent of the people over age seven are KEY FACTS – CAMBODIA employed in Combodia, split 48– 52 percent between men and Population: 13,995,904 (July 2007 est.) women. Nearly two-thirds of Life expectancy at birth: 61.29 years (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 73.6 percent (2003 est.) unemployed persons are women Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 65 percent (2000–2005) (NIS, CIPS 2004). Street chilInternet users: 41,000 (2005) dren are estimated to number as People living with HIV/AIDS: 130,000 (2005 est.) many as 22,000 in Phnom Penh Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 73 (2006 est.) alone. While a difficult populaSources: CIA World Factbook: Cambodia. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ tion to count, UNICEF estipublications/factbook/geos/cb.html. April 17, 2007; United mates do provide an indication Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development of the numbers of vulnerable Report 2006. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ data_sheets/cty_ds_KHM.html. April 26, 2007; UNICEF. At a youth at risk of violence and Glance: Cambodia–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ exploitation (‘‘What are Street infobycountry/cambodia_statistics.html. April 25, 2007. Children’’).
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OVERVIEW In the aftermath of the Pol Pot regime, Cambodian society has experienced years of internal turmoil as a result of loss of life significant in both number and the positions the deceased occupied in the society. The educated, the literate, and the professionals were specifically targeted for extermination along with others in the country, leaving those who remained to rebuild since the removal of that regime. The changes occurring over the span of those years displaced the population, disrupted families, and destroyed the economy and the education system within the country. It is not coincidental that the major issues impacting the children of Cambodia today are all related to those disruptions. Poverty is the overarching problem for the children because of the need to work at an early age, or, especially in the case of young girls, being sold by the family into prostitution or other indentured positions in order for families to survive. The access to adequate education is also a significant issue, as Cambodian schools are extremely underfunded and taught by underqualified teachers. Despite being one of the most heavily mined countries in the world, the number of deaths and injuries is small and generally related to persons attempting to salvage landmines to sell for scrap metal. And finally, the health problems resulting from malnutrition and lack of resources for medical care seriously impede the quality of life for the children of this country. EDUCATION Under the rule of the Khmer Rouge, approximately 2 million of 7 million people died (Sodhy 2004). In addition, it was during this time that more than three-quarters of Cambodia’s teachers were either executed, subjected to working conditions that resulted in their deaths, or fled the country. Included in the death and destruction were Cambodia’s college professors and lecturers. None of the professors remaining in Cambodia during the period from 1975–1979 survived (Kiernan 2004a, History Today). Furthermore, the Khmer Rouge destroyed school buildings, scattered libraries, and burned books (Kiernan 2004b, Comparativ). It was during this time that more than half of the written materials in Khmer, the Cambodian language, were eliminated (Ledgerwood 2005). It was important to begin to develop an understanding of the effects of such death and destruction on the state-sponsored school system and more importantly, on the human resources, the teachers. The rebuilding of the education system began with the overthrow of the Khmer Rouge by the Vietnamese communist army and the establishment of the People’s Republic of Kampuchea (PRK) in January 1979 (Kiernan 2004a, History Today), The PRK began a restructuring of the educational system, but
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their effort was hampered by lack of resources, and most importantly, lack of teachers. At this time, the PRK encouraged almost anyone with any level of education to work as a teacher. These new ‘‘teachers’’ were given short-term training for up to a month, but sometimes as little as one week (Ledgerwood 2005). Currently, less than 1 percent of the primary teachers have completed their secondary education. Approximately 60 percent of these teachers have completed only eight years of the state-sponsored nine year education program (Sodhy 2004). According to the literature, it became apparent that the teachers in the state-sponsored one through nine education system were undertrained and underpaid. Teachers in Cambodia are poorly paid and earn between RM75 and RM115 (US$20) per month (Nagu 2005). Furthermore, Nagu (2005) stated that the teachers in Cambodia’s state-sponsored schools are often ‘‘too busy taking on second jobs to concentrate on teaching.’’ Low wages, combined with poor schools lacking physical resources (only 13 percent of 698 secondary schools in Cambodia have electricity [Xinhua News Service]), and severely undertrained teachers, result in a quality of education that is considered one of the poorest in the world (Sodhy 2004). The challenges facing the Ministry of Education, Youth, and Sport within the Kingdom of Cambodia are substantial, but school attendance continues to increase. Although adult literacy is 70 percent for the overfifteen years of age demographic, the rate for the fifteen- to twenty-fouryear bracket is 80.5 percent (76.6 percent for women). The Kingdom of Cambodia is making efforts to improve the quality of education (NIS, CSES 2003). PLAY AND RECREATION Cambodian children enjoy a variety of sports and games. Soccer is being played by people living in both the rural areas and the city. Rice paddies, after harvest, are often converted to soccer fields in the countryside. Others sports played include volleyball and badminton. The National Sports Centre located in Phnom Penh is a government facility that people use for these sports, in addition to swimming. People in the country take pleasure in swimming at the beaches, rivers, and in pools (Sports and Recreation web site). Schools have little in terms of recreational facilities and usually provide only an open space for free play. Basketball nets are available in some of the schools, as well as soccer goals. Urban stores and markets do offer sport equipment, and western-style toys are available. These items are not, however, widely used because of the poverty level of most families. Three traditional games played by children are heoung, a mostly boys’ game similar to baseball, and tress and baycon, which are popular among
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young girls. Tress is similar to pick-up sticks, and baycon is a variation of an ancient African game more commonly known as Kalaha. Significant holiday festivals include Khmer New Year, a three-day festival in mid-April marking the end of the harvest and the three days of celebration during October or November when the Tonle Sap River reverses the direction of its flow (Cambodia Culture Profiles Project). There is a renewed interest in other types of traditional recreation forms participated in by children, such as folk plays, shadow puppetry, and dance. These activities have reemerged since the Pol Pot era and are receiving support from both the Cambodian government and international groups (Sports and Recreation web site). Mass media including radio, television, and the Internet are present in the country, with seven Cambodian television stations and numerous internet cafes to be found in the urban areas. Even in the rural areas, it is common to find television antennae attached to homes. Popular viewing includes a variety of international, regional, and local shows. Perhaps the most popular show is professional wrestling from the United States. CHILD LABOR As could be expected, child labor is among the myriad of social problems besetting the Kingdom of Cambodia in the first decade of the new millennia. A number of reasons exist for this. Primarily, Cambodia is an agricultural society, with 75 percent of the population surviving by subsistence agriculture, specifically the cultivation of rice. As rice farming is a highly labor-intensive activity and very little in the way of mechanization has reached the rural areas of the country, it is essential that every possible hand be put to the basic task of growing food. This reality brings the second factor into play: demographics. Due to the genocide of the Khmer Rouge years and the dislocations and periodic unrest recurring subsequently, Cambodia’s prime working-age population (fifteen to sixty-four years old) is disproportionately female (CIA 2006). Even when compared with other neighboring countries, Cambodia’s percentage of males in that age group is visibly diminished; Thailand, Vietnam, and Laos all reported an average of 0.98 males per woman, whereas the figure for Cambodia was 0.92 (CIA 2005). As a substantial number of the remainder have been physically or mentally impaired by mines, posttraumatic stress disorder, other conflict-related causes, or the region’s highest HIV/AIDS rate (2.6 percent vs. 1.5 percent in Thailand), the reality is that a very large percentage of Cambodian families are thus deprived of the traditionally principal breadwinner and, therefore, the contribution of any able-bodied family member is essential. Fifty percent of the population is under the age of twenty, with 37 percent being under fifteen (figures for Thailand and Vietnam are 23.9 percent and 27.9 percent for the birth to fourteen years old age bracket) (CIA 2006). Thus, it can hardly
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be surprising that, especially in rural areas, children are frequently enlisted to help in the fields or perform any number of occupations to assist in the survival of the family. Cambodia is a poor country and as such, has a large number of children saddled with responsibilities beyond their years. It has been estimated that more than 44 percent of Cambodia’s children between the ages of five and fourteen years are working, with the figure lower for Phnom Penh (38.9 percent) and higher for rural areas (54 percent) (NIS; CCLS 2001). Of these, some 86 percent were described as ‘‘unpaid family workers,’’ largely working on the family farm or in their parents’ business. The nature of child labor in Cambodia reflects the agricultural nature of the society as a whole: 71 percent of underage laborers in the country are reported to be engaged in agriculture, chiefly in the planting, tending, and harvesting of rice on family farms, largely under the supervision of relatives (NIS, CCLS 2001). Another 4 percent work in the industrial sector. Their occupations are diverse. Many work in the fisheries industry: peeling shrimp, cleaning anchovies, and preparing seafood for shipment and sale. Some, mainly boys, even go out to sea on the fishing boats for days at a time. Others were observed working in brick factories, loading and unloading bricks from the kilns and doing other menial tasks (Te 2005). Children were also reported to be working in salt fields with their parents in Kampot Province and on rubber plantations, where they collected latex and prepped trees (U.S. Department of Labor 2002). Other children do domestic work in the homes of more affluent families than their own. These children numbered around 28,000 (NIS, CCLS 2001) in the capital and were roughly evenly split between males and females. In 2003, the Cambodian Ministry of Social Affairs, Labor, Vocational Training, and Youth Rehabilitation (MOSALVY) estimated this to be 9.6 percent of the children aged ten to seventeen in the area (NIS, CCLS 2001). In most cases, the children were given over to their employers for reasons stemming from poverty, the two most commonly cited being the parents’ inability to provide for the child’s education and the inducement of meals for the child at the employers’ expense. Granted, conditions for such domestic workers vary widely and discrepancies in reporting can be great. The aforementioned Cambodian government’s study had 70 percent of respondents working one to five hours per day (NIS, CCLS 2001), whereas researchers from World Vision Cambodia reported that most respondents in its study stated they worked from 5 A.M. to 10 P.M. daily (Te 2005). Most of these workers are also paid money in addition to food and lodging, with a figure between US$7 to US$12 per month being typical (Te 2005). Most of this is generally remitted home to the child’s parents, with most children interviewed claiming to keep around $1 for personal use. As could be expected, most of these workers are no longer able to continue attending school (NIS,
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CDWS 2003). Last, there is the informal sector. This encompasses the most tragic realities of child labor in Cambodia, as the children consigned here perform occupations that are especially unsafe, grueling, or illegal. Scavenging in garbage dumps and on the streets is common in large cities such as Phnom Penh and Battambang, where children clad in rubber boots wielding long metal rods wade through heaps of refuse salvaging items for resale. These children are obviously subject to a host of diseases and toxic agents and many of the street scavengers are easy victims for local criminals, but they claim to earn between R$2 to $5 per day for their efforts (Te 2005). A similar figure was given by the child beggars who throng the boulevards and by the host of other children hawking every sundry imaginable, from newspapers to snacks. Along the Thai border, hundreds of children are engaged in smuggling, trekking heavy loads through the arduous woodland paths, and Thai authorities claim to detain and deport 400 to 500 Cambodian minors per week. Finally, there is the commercial sex industry, which although it is not the focus of this chapter, still merits mention due to its scope and tragedy. More than 15 percent of the country’s prostitutes are believed to be between nine and fifteen years old, and there is a lively traffic in children both to and from neighboring countries for this purpose. (U.S. State Department 2002). The Cambodian constitution provides for children’s rights and has made the welfare of children a goal, but inadequately funds such efforts and has depended on modest external funding for most programs. The Cambodian Constitution includes a number of provisions specifically dealing with child labor. Article 177 sets fifteen years as the basic minimum age for employment, with eighteen being the minimum age for hazardous work. Children twelve to fifteen can do ‘‘light work’’ that doesn’t interfere with their schooling (U.S. State Department 2002) However, adequate definitions of ‘‘light’’ and ‘‘hazardous’’ work still have yet to be provided by the responsible official agency (MOSALVY) (NIS, CCLS 2001). Further relevant provisions include Article 175, which forbids children from performing night work, but then gives a list of industries for which exceptions may be made (metalworks, glassworks, sugar, and paper mills) (NIS, CCLS 2001). And, finally, Article 177 gives MOSALVY the fiat to make further exceptions on a case-by-case basis. As for implementation, Cambodia’s record is also less than ideal. Monitoring of various industries occurs, but it is selective and focuses largely on the high-visibility garment sector (unclassified telegram no. 001719). Not surprising, only one instance of child labor was found in the 64 factories inspected since 2001. In rural areas and the brick-making plants, investigation is sporadic at best and usually only comes as a response to a complaint (unclassified telegram no. 001719). Finally, and most egregiously, there is the commercial sex industry, which is prominently listed by the International Labour Organization (ILO) as one of the ‘‘worst forms of child labor.’’ Commercial sex is big
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business in Cambodia, where an estimated 14,000 prostitutes ply their trade in every imaginable circumstance. Of these, Tearfund estimates 31 percent to be between the ages of twelve and seventeen. This number is reflected by the preponderance of minors represented in the Cambodian government’s annals of prosecuted cases involving sex trafficking: in 2004, 433 of 636 recorded prosecutions involved underage victims (Miles and Varin 2005). Due to its poverty and reputation for lawlessness, Cambodia has become a popular destination for sex tourists, many of whom are from Europe, the United States, or other developed countries. In addition, there is also a brisk cross-border trade among the Southeast Asian nations themselves. Thai police deport between 400 and 500 Cambodian children every month, many of whom are working as prostitutes, and there is also considerable commerce in Vietnamese women and children, who now account for up to 30 percent of the sex workers in Cambodia (LICADHO). The Cambodian government has taken stringent measures to combat this in recent years. The Law on Suppression of the Kidnapping, Trafficking, and Exploitation of Human Beings clearly defines all sexual contact with minors, regardless of the minor’s consent, as debauchery (punishable by ten to fifteen years in prison) and the Tourism Law of 2004 provides further protections, prohibiting minors from entering an adult’s hotel room (Chapter 12, Article 44) and forcing hotelkeepers to comply with this restriction (Chapter 12, Article 45). However, despite these laws, the number of arrested and convicted perpetrators seems very small considering the scope of the problem. Childsafe Cambodia notes that in a five-year period from 2000–2005, only sixty pedophiles were arrested, forty-six of them foreign. Additional legal assistance has been provided by foreign governments and by NGOs. The United States government enforces the Protect Act, which enables the U.S. government to prosecute American citizens for overseas child sex crimes the moment they return to U.S. soil (the first successful case was in March of 2005), and other countries such as Australia have similar measures (Childsafe). In Cambodia, Childsafe Cambodia is active in coordinating a campaign involving taxi drivers, moto drivers, innkeepers, and guesthouse and bar owners to identify and report perpetrators as the offenses occur. This type of grassroots action will be crucial in the future, as the tragic results of this commerce are already being seen. Cambodian street children have an estimated 30 percent rate of HIV infection (Childsafe), not to mention the horrific psychological scars they will no doubt bear for a lifetime. FAMILY The nuclear family, often extended to include grandparents, is the fundamental unit of Cambodian society and within it, new members of the
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society are produced and socialized into the culture. Besides being the source of both social and psychological support for one another, the family is also the major economic unit in Cambodia in terms of production and consumption. The family, adults and children, join in economic cooperation in the sharing of labor and also the sharing of produce and income. Although households may extend to include grandchildren, uncles, aunts, cousins, nieces, and nephews, family organizations and ties between related families are weak (Wetzel 1995). Particularly in rural areas, while family and close friends constitute the closest support system for Cambodians, the members of the local community are also very important as a source of support, affiliation, and pride. The nominal head of the family is the husband, who is responsible for feeding and sheltering his family. His wife often manages the family finances and is the religious and ethical model for the children. When couples marry, women take their husbands’ first and last name in addition to their own (Cambodia [Kampuchea] Cultural Info). Inheritance is awarded to both the male and female family members, irrespective of birth order. Legal children can inherit equally from both parents, but the usual practice is the eldest child inheriting a greater share (Family Structure). Fictive relationships are a unique way in which Cambodians bolster interpersonal and interfamily ties. A thoa is a fictive parent–child or sibling relationship. One person seeks permission of another to establish a thoa relationship, and the relationship can become as close as both parties agree to make it. A less common form of fictive relationship between males is a kleou, very much like that of a blood brother and involves a ceremony and ritual drinking of water mixed with blood in front of witnesses. While a stronger bond than the thoa, kleou is far more rare and limited to only a few rural areas of the country (Family Structure). HEALTH Health care standards in Cambodia are a reflection of its overall level of development, as well as a weak health infrastructure. The Cambodian government expenditures for health care were 2.1 percent of the 2002 GDP according to UNICEF’s 2005 HDR and only 9.9 percent in private health care expenditures for that same year. Just 44.2 percent of the population has access to safe water (72 percent in urban areas and 39.9 percent in rural areas). The figures for sanitation are worse at 21.9 percent for the total population (55.4 percent for urban dwellers and 16.4 percent for the countryside) (World Health Organization). Cambodia’s child mortality rate for children under five is the highest among the twenty-six countries in the western Pacific region as defined by the World Health Organization. The infant mortality rate is estimated at 95 deaths per 1,000 live births and the under-five rate is 124 per 1,000 live births. Poor infant and child feeding practices and having
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limited access to medical care are leading factors contributing to this high rate. The leading causes of mortality are identified as pneumonia and other acute respiratory infections, diarrheal diseases, and neonatal conditions including tetanus. In spite of these statistics, the figures for immunizations have steadily improved over the last five years for diptheria, pertussis and tetanus, tuberculosis, measles and polio. Government estimates of the percent of the population immunized or innoculated range from a low of 80 percent for the measles virus to a high of 95 percent for tuberculosis. Another significant health problem affecting children is malnutrition, resulting in 53 percent of children aged three to five experiencing stunted growth (World Health Organization Western Pacific Regional Office). UNICEF estimates the number of children (birth to fourteen years) living with HIV to be 7,300 (At a Glance). The latest reports suggest that while knowledge of the disease has increased among the population (You and Aids), that knowledge is lower among the rural and poor population. Condom use has substantially increased among sex workers under the age of twenty, and transmission of the disease has shifted to husbandto-wife and mother-to-child as reported in UNAIDS Update 2005. The government has stepped up its efforts to combat HIV/AIDS by specifically referencing it in its third Five-Year National Strategic Development Plan. The Ministry of Education has introduced HIV/AIDS education into the national curriculum (You and AIDS). The National Abortion Law of 1997 allows for first-trimester abortions for all pregnant women who request them. Special case criteria exist for requests after the twelfth week. In cases of rape, the parents or the girls’ tutors must request the procedure (Long and Ren 2001). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Article 31 of the Kingdom of Cambodia’s Constitution explicitly recognizes the application of all ‘‘covenants and conventions on human rights,’’ including the Convention on the Rights of the Child (Egger 2005). However, while a broad legal framework is thus provided, an adequate system of clearly defined rights and guidelines regarding minors is sorely lacking. Cambodia’s legal structure pertaining to juveniles is largely based on the UNTAC law, a series of statutes intended to shepherd the country through the transitional period in the early 1990s and be amended subsequently. These contain many basic provisions, such as establishing ages of consent (sixteen), military eligibility (eighteen), and marriage (eighteen for females, twenty for males), and protections (prohibiting pretrial detention for children under thirteen) (Egger 2005). However, this code cannot be considered sufficient as, most significantly, it does not provide for separate judicial systems and incarceration facilities for juveniles, as is specifically stipulated by Article 40 of the UN Convention on the Rights
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of the Child (UNCRC) (Vibol 2005). Thus, juvenile offenders in Cambodia face the same charges, appear in the same courts, are detained in the same holding facilities, and, horrifically, serve time in the same decrepit prisons as their adult counterparts. Children represented 4.2 percent of Cambodia’s prison inmates in 2004, up from 3 percent in 1997. In addition, minors are much more likely to be held in detention pending their trials than adult defendants (53 percent of child inmates reported this vs. 33 percent of adults). Conditions in custody are predictably bad; only 45 percent of Legal Aid’s survey respondents confirmed that their parents had been contacted following their arrest and 45 percent had been threatened or beaten while in police custody. In regard to legal representation for minors, Article 76 of the State of Cambodia Law mandates an attorney for several categories of persons, including disabled and children, as well as dictating that presiding judges clearly explain charges to the defendant. In practice, conditions remain less than ideal, as a Legal Aid survey found that 67.7 percent of juvenile defendants had counsel at their hearings (Egger 2005). Cambodia is an exceptionally violent society, and juvenile crime has continued to be a major social problem. Government statistics from the Ministry of the Interior, as Egger notes, are often unavailable (the age of the suspect is not recorded), but useful data can be gleaned from other sources. The Bar Association of the Kingdom of Cambodia reports prosecuting 320 underage perpetrators in the period between May 2000 and September 2003, with theft and robbery accounting for 55 percent of the cases and rape encompassing another 8 percent. Comparing these figures with those of Legal Aid intimates a disturbing trend in juvenile crime, as the Juvenile Litigation Project represented 147 underage offenders in 2005 alone. This perceived trend could be the result of several factors, not least among them, the government’s recent ‘‘Iron Fist’’ policy (Annual Report). This campaign, initiated by the Prime Minister, urges judges to be much stricter on all who run afoul of the law, thereby throwing into the maw of the system a large number of petty offenders who might have avoided this fate in a more lenient sociopolitical milieu. In addition, there are the growing social ills of drug use and gangs, which have infected Cambodia in recent years. A total of 68 percent of high school students interviewed in a 2002 Gender and Development (GAD) for Cambodia survey reported being afraid or ‘‘worried’’ about assaults by gangs, while 62.4 percent had actually witnessed beatings or robberies by gang members. Also, drugs, particularly yama (methamphetamine) have gained a new prominence on the social scene, with 54 percent of respondents stating methamphetamine use was popular at their school. In a 2001 survey of street children, Mith Samlanh/Friends found that 51.9 percent of the surveyed children reported using drugs. Among them, glue sniffing was the method of choice.
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Of further value in understanding the rise in juvenile crime can be the easy attitude towards violence ingrained in Cambodia. Family violence is pervasive (25 percent of married women interviewed in a 2000 government survey reported this), and many students are often known to engage in a practice called bauk, where several young males engage the services of a prostitute and escort her back to a room to be set upon by a group of additional waiting cohorts. Disturbingly, more respondents in the GAD survey viewed this practice as ‘‘fun’’ rather than ‘‘rape.’’ Until the society rids itself of such mores, a rise in juvenile crime is hardly inexplicable (Egger 2005). Many NGOs are actively involved in seeking justice for juveniles in Cambodia, particularly Legal Aid of Cambodia with its Juvenile Litigation Project. The government itself is also engaged, mandating more severe penalties for a wide variety of sex industry-related crimes involving juveniles (fifteen to twenty years in jail for abducting girls under age fifteen for prostitution, ten to twenty years for ‘‘debauchery’’ with minors under that age, and a five to ten-year stint for pimping) (Egger 2005). Further, the government has stated that separate legal systems, as enjoined by the UNCRC, will be in place by 2008 (Vibol 2005). However, as human rights groups have observed, enforcement and prosecution efforts are significantly hampered by police, judicial, and governmental corruption. RELIGIOUS LIFE It is estimated that 95 percent of the people of Cambodia are Theravada Buddhist, the state religion. The presence of this religious and cultural tradition is pervasive throughout the country and is most visible by its nearly 4,100 pagodas and the omnipresent saffron-robed monks. Buddhism is inseparable from both the country’s ethnic and cultural identities. The religious orientations of the remainder of the population include Islam and Christianity. The 1 percent of the population that is Christian is subdivided into more than 1,000 separate congregations affiliated with more than 100 different Christian denominations and organizations. There are parochial and other missionary schools in operation. The influence of Buddhism is felt through its impact on the values of the culture. Cambodians are raised to accept and follow the personal code of conduct set forth through Buddhist teaching. Respect and deference between people of higher and lower class ranks is observed. The Cambodian Buddhist tradition also emphasizes harmonious relationships with others, as well as humility and self-discipline. The needs of the group or community supersede the interests of the individual, as do ancestors and rulers, and respect is the result of good conduct and services to the community (Cambodia Religion, undated).
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Freedom of religion is guaranteed to all Khmer citizens, male or female, to practice their beliefs under Article 43, Subsection 1, of the Constitution. There are limitations however. The freedom of belief and worship is conditional upon its not affecting the beliefs of others nor it violating the public order or security of the country (Cambodia [Kampuchea] Cultural Info, undated). Thus, minority religions do not have the freedom to promote their beliefs or proselytize. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Child abuse is believed to be widespread in the country. It is a largely unacknowledged problem. According to many children’s advocates, parents see it is a necessary tool for disciplining their children (Ball 2002). The problem is further compounded, in terms of enforcement as children are economic contributors to the family and separation because of removal of the abusive adult or the victim may result in severe financial consequences. As in most societies, the common response on the part of victims is ultimately to run away and escape the abuse. In families where abuse is inflicted on girls, the most common form is molestation and sexual abuse. In a 2002 study of 198 cases of female child abuse, a clear two-thirds of the cases were rape or indecent assault (LICADHO). For girls, options are fewer because they are shamed, and running away is both culturally unseemly and considerably more dangerous. Unfortunately, as with issues of domestic abuse, child abuse continues to be viewed as a ‘‘family matter,’’ and authorities remain reluctant to interfere. In Cambodia, as in many other Asian societies, physical discipline for wives and children is very much the norm in both the household and the school. A 2004 Child Rights Foundation study found that in 56 percent of respondents’ homes, ‘‘people were hit sometimes,’’ and Tearfund reported in an exhaustive 2005 study that 50 percent of boys and 36 percen of girls interviewed reported being physically disciplined or beaten by their parents (the line remains thin here). Significantly, more than 80 percent of each stated they had seen violence in other homes, which can be construed as meaning the problem is more commonplace than the students’ self-reporting indicates (Miles and Varin 2005). A similar pattern was discerned in Project Against Domestic Violence’s 1994 survey of Cambodian women, which found that 74 percent of the women acknowledged knowing an abused woman but only 16 percent admitted being victims themselves (Zimmerman 1994). Cambodia did not even have a domestic violence law on the books until 2005, and many NGOs complained that they were not even consulted in the law’s drafting (Ball 2002; Seng 2006). The new law is similar to U.S. domestic violence law in that it obliges police to intervene,
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even preemptively, if they witness violence, anticipate that it might occur, or receive a complaint from a third party. The law also provides for protection orders and the relocation of abuse victims. Neglect of one’s children is also criminalized, with up to one year in jail and a 2 million riel (US$500) fine stipulated as punishment (3 years and 5 million riel if the child dies) (Ball 2002). Regarding violence in schools, the law is very clear. Article 25 of the Ministry of Education’s ‘‘Internal Regulations of General Knowledge for Secondary School’’ enumerates the series of punishments for misbehavior as (1) advice, (2) verbal discipline, (3) the incident is recorded in the report card, (4) suspension, and finally (5) expulsion. No provision for corporal punishment is listed. However, it appears that this practice continues to be prevalent, as 41 percent of boys and 34 percent of girls surveyed in the Tearfund study acknowledged being beaten by their teachers (Miles et al. 2005). Cambodian attitudes toward domestic violence and corporal punishment are deeply ingrained in the society’s traditional culture and will be extremely difficult to change. One Cambodian proverb states ‘‘Plates in a basket will rattle’’ while another, establishing the status of teachers, notes, ‘‘When I give my child to the teacher, all I ask in return is their eyes and their bones.’’ For generations, Cambodian girls were taught a set of norms and mores known as Cbab Srey, or ‘‘Rules for Women.’’ These enjoin Confucian-style submissiveness in the home and no doubt greatly inhibit the reporting of crimes like domestic violence, or even viewing it as wrong. A 1994 survey of Cambodian parents found that 67 percent believed in physical discipline (Zimmerman 1994), while Tearfund’s 2005 study reported that 40 percent of the children themselves believed it was ‘‘sometimes OK.’’ In the context of the classroom, the figure rose to 50 percent of children conceding the teacher’s right to impose corporal punishment (Miles and Varin 2005). However, despite these daunting circumstances, work is still being done to combat the problem. The government has initiated a campaign of television and radio advertisements, and the NGO community has been very active at the grassroots level with a number of projects, such as World Vision’s establishment of Children’s Clubs, involving 12,000 Cambodian children in classes educating them as to their basic human rights and exposing them to positive role models to break the cycle of abuse (World Vision). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The outlook for the majority of Cambodian children growing up in the twenty-first century is challenging. The country is mired in such widespread poverty that meeting the basic needs for survival becomes a constant pursuit for many. For the situation to improve, economic
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options that provide above subsistence wages need to be developed. The current economy has difficulty absorbing even educated Cambodians, so that underemployment is a reality for many who have persevered and achieved in their studies. In the absence of economic development, the problems of child labor, trafficking, lack of schooling, and poor public health will continue. The societal infrastructures of education, government, and health care are all seriously underfinanced and in need of attention. The current economic expansion is benefiting the few and denying the many. True reform and government expenditures on health, education, and the public good are the true challenges for the current and the upcoming generation. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings At a Glance: Cambodia. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/cambodia_statistics. html. Accessed March 22, 2006. Cambodia Cultural Profiles Project. http://www.cp-pc.ca/english/cambodia/holi days.html. Accessed March 3, 2007. Coates, Karen J. 2005. Cambodia Now: Life in the Wake of War. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co. Stagg, Sophal Leng. 1998. Hear Me Now: Tragedy in Cambodia. Tampa, FL: Mancorp Publishing.
Web Sites Cambodian Information Center (CIC), http://www.cambodia.org/. The main purpose for CIC is to provide relevant and informative information about Cambodia and its people. Mekong Network, http://www.mekong.net/cambodia/index.htm. The site provides information on Southeast Asia. The Southeast Asia pages contain information on Cambodia and Burma. Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport, Kingdom of Cambodia, http:// www.moeys.gov.kh. Information and statistics about education, schools and training.
Organizations and NGOs Cambodia Baseball 16 Riverview Drive Newton (Wickburg), AL 36352 Phone: 334-790-8382 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.cambodiabaseball.com Nonprofit group dedicated to bringing baseball to young people in Cambodia.
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CamboKids #21, Ar 492 Sangkat Phsar Deurm Tkov Khan Chamkarmon Phnom Penh, Cambodia Phone: 855-23-224-007 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.online.com.kh/~cambokids/main.htm Volunteer organization dedicated to stopping the cycle of violence through play and the arts. Children of Cambodia Phnom Penh Office Phone: þ855 23 883 826 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.childrenofcambodia.com Works to help orphans and victims of child prostitution. ChildSafe Cambodia Web site: http://www.childsafe-cambodia.org This web site provides background information about the situation in Cambodia and the laws protecting children. Friends-International 9a, Street 178 P.O. Box 597 Phnom Penh, Cambodia Phone: 855-23-986-601 Email:
[email protected] NGO organized to meet the essential needs of Cambodian street children. Friends of Street Children Web site: http://www.streetfriends.org A nonpolitical, nondenominational NGO that runs twelve interlinked programs for homeless and vulnerable street children. Hagar Project Email:
[email protected] or
[email protected] Nonsecular organization working with exploited and destitute women and children NYEMO Numbers 14 and 33, Street 310 Phnom Penh, Cambodia Phone: 855-23-213-160 Fax: 855-23-216-944 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.nyemo.com A Cambodian NGO aiming to help the vulnerable and poor women and their children who are victims of abuse to regain their dignity.
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Protection of Juvenile Justice (PJJ) P.O. Box 859 Phnom Penh, Cambodia Phone: 855-23-959-516 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.pjj.org.kh Local NGO provides legal services and services to child victims and juveniles in trouble. Save the Children Cambodia Web site: http://www.crin.org/Organisations/viewOrg.asp?ID=815 Organization forms partnerships and provides technical and financial assistance to local organizations for long-term projects Sharing Foundation: Helping to Care for the Chidren of Cambodia Web site: http://www.sharingfoundation.org/ The mission of the Sharing Foundation is to help meet the physical, emotional, educational, and medical needs of orphaned and seriously disadvantaged children in Cambodia. Southeast Asian Children’s Mercy Fund P.O. Box 283 Palm Harbor, FL 34682-0283 Web site: http://www.cambodiamercyfund.org A not-for-profit corporation founded April 28, 1997, dedicated to providing humanitarian aid to the children of Cambodia.
Selected Bibliography Ayres, D. M. 2000. Tradition, modernity and the development of education in Cambodia. Comparative Education Review 44: 440–63. Ball, Molly. December 2002. With Brave Faces. http://www.camnet.com.kh/cam bodia.daily/selected_features/abuse.htm. Accessed March 20, 2006. Cambodia (Kampuchea) Cultural Info. http://asiarecipe.com/camculture.html. Accessed March 15, 2006. Cambodia Religion. http://www.cambodiazone.com/cambodia/culture/cambodiareligion.htm. Accessed March 15, 2006. Childsafe Cambodia. http://www.childsafe-cambodia.org. Accessed February 12, 2006. CIA World Factbook. 2006. http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/. Accessed March 13, 2006. Coe, Michael D. 2003. Angkor and the Khmer Civilization. Ancient Peoples and Places Series. New York: Thames and Hudson. Egger, Sandra. 2005. An Assessment of the Situation of Children in Conflict with the Law in the Kingdom of Cambodia. The Research Institute for Asia and the Pacific, University of Sydney. Family Structure. http://cambodiaportal.com/index.php?mymenu=aboutcambodia& submenu=familystructure&submenutitle=family%20structure. Accessed March 23, 2006.
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Kiernan, B. 2004a. Coming to terms with the past. History Today 54, no. 9: 16–19. Kiernan, B. 2004b. Recovering history and justice in Cambodia. Comparativ, 14: 76–85. Ledgerwood, J. 2005. Education in Cambodia in Cambodian Recent History and Contemporary Society: An Introductory Course (syllabus). http://www.sea site.niu.edu/khmer/Ledgerwood/Contents.htm. Legal Aid of Cambodia. 2005. Annual Report. http://www.lac.org.kh/main.htm. Accessed November 22, 2006. LICADHO. Briefing on Child Abuse, Violence and Exploitation in Cambodia. http://www.licadho.org/reports/files/22BRIEFING%20ON%20CHILD. Accessed February 12, 2006. Long, Chhun, and Neang Ren. 2001. Abortion in Cambodia: Country Report. http://www.ipasihcar.net/expacc/CambCR.htlm. Accessed November 1, 2006. Miles, Glenn, and Sun Varin. 2005. Stop Violence Against Us. Tearfund. http://www.crin.org.org/docs/rdf.pdf. Accessed February 12, 2006. Nagu, S. U. 2005. Where teachers toil. News Straits Times (Malaysia), January 16, p. 17. National Institute of Statistics, Ministry of Planning Royal Government of Cambodia. 2001. Cambodia Child Labor Survey. http://www.nis.gov.kh/ SURVEYS/CCLS2001/index.htm. Accessed February 12, 2006. National Institute of Statistics, Phnom Penh. 2004. Cambodia Inter-Censual Population Survey. http://www.nis.kh/Surveys/cips2004/table8.htm. Accessed November 6, 2006. National Institute of Statistics, Phnom Penh. 2004. Cambodia Socio-Economic Survey. http://www.nis.gov.kh/SURVEYS/CSES2003-04/table11.htm. Accessed February 10, 2007. National Institute of Statistics, Phnom Penh. 2003. Child Domestic Workers Survey. http://www.nis.gov.kh/SURVEYS/CDWS2003/Introduction.htm. Accessed February 12, 2006. Seng, Ratana. 2006. Lawyers and NGOs Discuss How to Implement Domestic Violence Law. Voice of America News, August 31. Sodhy, P. 2004. Modernization and Cambodia. Journal of Third World Studies 31: 153–74. Sports and Recreation. http://www.cp-cp.ca/english/cambodia/sports.html. Accessed March 27, 2006. Te, Holly. 2005. How and Why We Work: Child Workers in the Informal Economy in Phnom Penh and Battambang, World Vision Cambodia, Combating the Worst Forms of Child Labor Project Peace and Justice Programme. Phnom Penh: World Vision, Cambodia. Unclassified Telegram no. 001719. US Embassy Phnom Penh. September 12, 2000. U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of International Labor Affairs. 2002. Advancing the Campaign Against Child Labor: Efforts at the Country Level http:// www.dol.gov/dol/topic/youthlabor/intlchildlabor.htm. Accessed February 13, 2006. U.S. State Department. 2002. Country Report on Human Rights. http://www. state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2002/18238.html. Accessed March 13, 2006. Vibol, Op. 2005. Implementing the CRC in Cambodia: Experiences in Research and Training. Legal Aid of Cambodia. Wetzel, Linda. 1995. Cambodian Cultural Profile. http://ethnomed.org/ ethnomed/cultures/cambodian/camb_cp.html. Accessed March 02, 2006.
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What Are Street Children. http://www.streetfriends.org/CONTENT/background/ what_are_sc.html, Accessed November 3, 2006. World Health Organization. http://www.who.int/immunization_monitoring/en/ globalsummary/countryprofileresult.cfm?C=’khm’. Accessed March 18, 2006. World Health Organization Western Pacific Regional Office. Undated. http:// www.wpro.who.int/countries/05cam/health_situation.htm. Accessed March 18, 2006. World Vision. http://www.wvi.org/wvi/country-profile/profiles/cambodia.htm. Accessed March 20, 2006. Xinhua News Service. Lack of electricity hampers teachers’ lessons in Cambodia. April 26, 2005. You and AIDS. Cambodia at a Glance. http://www.youandaids.org/Asia%/20Pacific %20at20a%20Glance/Cambodia/index.asp. Accessed November 1, 2006. Zimmerman, C. 1994. Plates in a Basket Will Rattle: Domestic Violence in Cambodia. Project Against Domestic Violence, The Asia Foundation. USAID.
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CHINA Heidi A. Ross with Jingjing Lou, Lei Wang, Ran Zhang, and Yuhao Cen NATIONAL PROFILE Confucius said, ‘‘A youth must be regarded with respect. How do we know that his future will not be equal to our present?’’
China is the world’s most populous country, with more than 1.3 billion people. Stringent family planning has resulted in a lower population growth rate (0.6 percent) and higher median age (32.7 percent) than most developing countries. Still, China’s 2000 census indicated that children under the age of fifteen numbered nearly 290 million (National Bureau of Statistics 2006). China’s huge landmass (3.7 million square miles) spans subarctic, desert, and tropical ecological zones. China is a ‘‘unified, multi-national country,’’ home to fifty-six nationalities, including Han Chinese, who comprise 92 percent of the population. Childhoods vary across ethnicity, region, and socioeconomic background, complicating aggregate portraits of children’s lives (Ross et al. 2005). Yet all children share in common the likelihood that their futures will surpass, not equal, the present. Chinese childhoods are being transformed by the impact of ‘‘reform and opening’’ policies, responsible since the late 1970s for globally unprecedented
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economic and social reform. China has sustained an annual growth rate of between 8 and 10 percent for twenty-five years, creating a middle class as large as the total population of the United States. A quadrupling of per capita income has lifted 250 million people out of poverty, improving most children’s standard of living. However, disparity has accompanied prosperity, and 45 percent of the population lives on less than US$2 per day. Census reports show that the disposable income of urban citizens climbed from two times their rural counterparts in 1985 to more than three times by the early 2000s (State Statistical Bureau 2006; China Statistical Yearbook 2006). Three key factors influence children’s access to economic and social resources. First, Chinese Communist Party (CCP) ‘‘fourth generation’’ leaders advocate the creation of a ‘‘harmonious society’’ based on balanced development. Recent state policies include rebalancing income distribution, maintaining economic growth while protecting the environment, and improving education, medical care, and social security for rural residents. Second, China may be more predisposed than any other country to support education for the cultivation of individual talents and mutual social action. Faith in schooling for social mobility and progress, coupled with a millennia-old view that children are the future, place children at the forefront of social policy. Third, China plays a leading role in the complex geopolitical, economic, demographic, technological, cultural, and ecological changes we have come to associate with globalization. Chinese policy makers have embraced global development standards and frameworks for children, China’s educational system is looked to for inspiration by scholars and teachers worldwide, and the increasing engagement of Chinese scholars and activists in international organizations and NGOs have lead to an explosion of research on Chinese children and youths. These trends insure that what happens to Chinese children will have a KEY FACTS – CHINA profound impact on children Population: 1,321,851,888 (July 2007 est.) around the world. Infant mortality rate: 22.12 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 72.88 years (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 90.9 percent (2002 est.) People living with HIV/AIDS: 840,000 (2003 est.) Internet users: 123 million (2006) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 26 (2006 est.)
OVERVIEW
Sources: CIA World Factbook: China. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/geos/ch.html. April 17, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–China. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_CHN.html. April 26, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: China–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/china_statistics.html. April 25, 2007.
China is generally viewed by the development community as a friend to the world’s children. In addition to rapid economic growth and rising average per capita income, achievements on behalf of children have been the result of state policies that emphasize cooperation across social
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sectors, enhanced monitoring of children’s well-being, and the universalization of basic education. Although state expenditures on education have remained well below world averages for five decades, educational expenses get first priority in family budgets, along with health and housing. The value of social exchange, the social meaning of learning that includes seeing oneself in relation and obligated to family and community, is a persistent characteristic of socialization that brings schools and families into commensality on behalf of academic achievement. Yet, challenges to children’s well-being remain, including disruption and violence (lack of school access, exploitative child labor, trafficking) associated with massive internal migration; the shape of ‘‘new’’ poverty compressed into ever more difficult-to-reach pockets of need; and gaps in capacities (early childhood education, health care) to provide safe and nurturing environments to all children. Rural, minority, female, disabled, and migrant children are particularly at risk of malnutrition and inadequate schooling and health care. The reform era paradigm shift in social and cultural values that stress individual goals rather than collective responsibility, coupled with economic inequality and changing patterns of child-rearing that leave some children without strong adult role models, have increased public concern regarding juvenile socialization and crime. Water and air pollution have been blamed for rising numbers of birth defects, and persistent if declining son preference results in discrimination against girls. EDUCATION The scale of China’s school system is staggering. More than 20 million (or 40 percent of) three- to six-year-olds attend preschool. Two hundred twenty-five million children and youth study in the nine-year compulsory primary and junior secondary school system, in which 10 million teachers teach in half a million schools. Ministry of Education data show that compulsory school enrollment rates, nearly 99 percent of six- to elevenyear-olds and more than 78 percent of twelve- to fifteen-year-olds, are the highest among the world’s nine countries with the largest numbers of illiterates. Indeed, China’s success during the last two decades in implementing nine-year compulsory schooling and expanding literacy may represent the single greatest educational effort in human history (Ministry of Education 2005a; Ross et al. 2005). The release of China’s 1982 census marked a turning point in education policy. Stalled literacy rates and what at the time was considered illadvised expansion of secondary schooling touched off a firestorm of debate regarding ‘‘quality’’ education. Officials called the failure of basic education one of three ‘‘big mistakes’’ of CCP policy. Since then, the education system has undergone reform on a scale never before seen internationally, including (1) decentralization of funding, (2) expansion
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of compulsory education to nine years, (3) improved teacher education and in-service training, (4) replacement of community-paid teachers by qualified, public-paid professionals, (5) reformed curricula to support high standards and innovation, and (6) support for private schools. Responding to policies to adapt education to the needs of the twenty-first century, schools are increasingly diverse, including specialty public and private schools for foreign language training, all-girls’ schools, and the highly effective national system of sports schools, which train more than 300,000 carefully selected students in a hierarchy of institutions for regional, national and international competition. Expansion of the private school sector is a particularly potent symbol of education’s exchange value within the market economy. In 2000, there were more than 50,000 non-state educational institutions at all levels, and by 2005 the postsecondary system had radically transformed, with 1,400 public and 1,300 private universities (Ministry of Education 2005a; Study Group 2005). As school enrollment and attainment rises, ‘‘examination-oriented education’’ (EOE), the bete noire of Chinese education, is sharply criticized. In contrast to EOE, which is blamed for endangering children’s psychological and physical health, ‘‘quality education’’ is characterized as student-centered teaching and learning that upholds high standards while emphasizing practical knowledge that assists students to cope with rapidly changing social values, expectations and opportunities. As China’s babyboom echo generation matriculates into and beyond secondary school, declining primary-school enrollments in major metropolitan areas have allowed officials to close poor schools, reduce class size, and raise teaching standards. New standards for the primary school curriculum, for example, are designed to facilitate well-rounded training in language arts, social studies, mathematics and sciences, physical education, and art and music. English-language and information-technology instruction begin in grade three (and sometimes earlier) in schools with adequate resources. Continuous media attention on funding irregularities and student workload indicates how competition for educational resources extends to the lowest levels of schooling. Shanghai’s regulations are typical in prohibiting donations linked to entrance, mid-year tuition increases, and extra fees for supplementary courses for all students. At the same time the Ministry of Education urges lightening the oppressive workload of school children, measures promoting that end (including restrictions on homework) can prove unpopular with parents who fear jeopardizing their children’s educational future. China’s basic 6-3-3-4 schooling system (see Figure 5.1) is preceded by up to six years of early childhood education. Preschool has been a majority experience for urban children since the 1980s, reflecting the mobilization of women’s labor outside the household and the one-child or, more accurately, one-son family policy. Children under three years attend daycare centers; children between the ages of three and six attend preschools.
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Figure 5.1. China’s schooling system.
Preschools can be half-day, full-day, hourly, boarding (with mid-week and/ or weekend home visits), or a mixture of these forms. Generally run by local governments or public-service units, preschools may also be established by businesses, citizen groups, and individuals. According to the Ministry of Education, by 2004 China had achieved a gross preschool enrollment rate of 45 percent for three- to five-year-olds, and 60 percent for children in their last year of kindergarten (Ministry of Education 2005a). Compulsory schooling includes six years of primary and three years of junior secondary school. The vast majority of children aged six to fourteen belong to the Young Pioneers, an organization that has changed dramatically since its inception in 1949. To signify membership, children wear red scarves (symbolic of the Chinese flag) and present these to adults on ceremonious occasions. In the reform period, Young Pioneer activities focus less on political indoctrination and more on all-round moral education and collaborative school learning, including servicelearning projects in the local community.
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Generally, the primary, junior, and senior secondary school year is thirty-eight, thirty-nine, and forty weeks long, respectively. Students generally go to school five days each week. About 64 percent of junior secondary school students enter high school, the real bottleneck to educational equality in China, particularly in rural areas where access is still limited. In 2005, 36.5 million students were enrolled in senior secondary academic, vocational, and technical schools, which in response to concerns about both equity and the need for a more educated workforce, are expected to expand dramatically by 2010 (Ministry of Education 2005a; China Statistical Yearbook 2006). China’s system of higher education is now the largest in the world, educating more than 23 million students, one-quarter of the age cohort, up from 7–8 percent just a decade ago. This transition from elite to mass higher education has increased children’s aspirations and expectations of attending postsecondary schooling but has also created a growing number of unemployed and disgruntled college graduates. In the context of system-wide expansion, equality of opportunity is compromised by four educational gaps: between genders, ethnicities, geographic regions, and rural and urban communities. Children with disabilities and migrant children face additional barriers to education. Gender Female enrollment has steadily increased at every level of schooling, with parity achieved at the primary school level. Most but not all studies predict that gender parity in secondary education will be reached by 2015. The proportion of female students in postsecondary institutions exceeds 40 percent (in contrast to 19.8 percent in 1949 and 24.1 percent in 1978), and first-year female college students outnumber males in cities like Shanghai and Beijing. Nevertheless, according to the Ministry of Education, in 2005, 3 million girls were not completing five years of primary school, and more than 70 percent of dropouts were female (Seeberg et al. 2007). Ethnicity, Region, and Rural Poverty In 2003, as many as 27 million children (10 percent of school-age children) were unable to attend various levels of compulsory schooling. Seventy-seven percent of youths completed compulsory education in western China, 14 percent under the national average. Poverty is concentrated in the west, with grave implications for the educational opportunities of minority populations, a disproportionate number of whom live in that region. With some notable exceptions, educational attainment of ethnic minorities is lower than that of Han Chinese, and minority students are hampered by national language policies that privilege Chinese.
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In China’s poorest villages in 2000, nearly all girls and one-half of boys did not attend school. Dropout rates in rural junior secondary schools were as high as 40 percent. The major factor explaining low attendance was the prohibitive cost of schooling. When financial responsibility for schooling was shifted from central to local levels in the 1980s, local schools were prohibited from requiring tuition payments. They resorted to out-of-budget charges like fees and ‘‘voluntary’’ contributions that in turn exacerbated dropout rates. In 2006, more than one-third of all west China households could not afford junior secondary school fees. Pressured to respond, the state abolished compulsory school and textbook fees for rural children and provided boarding school subsidies to students in poor communities, the first step in what is to become free compulsory education for all by 2015 (Ross et al. 2005). Migrant Children The complex set of restrictions that prohibited rural residents from internal migration during the pre-reform period has broken down during the past two decades, and more than 200 million workers have left farming for city-based service and manufacturing jobs. In 2006, 150 million migrant workers, 11.5 percent of the population, were on the move. Migration reshapes family relationships and the configuration of households, and nearly 70 million children are ‘‘left behind’’ in homes with one or no parents. In 2000, 20 million migrant children under 18 years of age also lived in cities. All China Women’s Federation studies show that many of these children work as child laborers and almost one in ten receive no schooling (Ministry of Education 2005a; China Statistical Yearbook 2006). Until recently, migrant children had three options for schooling: enrolling in urban schools that charged high fees; enrolling in private, friendlier, but often substandard and unlicensed migrant schools; or enrolling in hometown (often poor quality) schools where they were separated from one or both parents. In 2003, the State Council ordered local governments to provide public school education for migrant children, but cash-strapped localities balked. Heavy-handed migrant school closings and limited access to public schools continue as local educational authorities wrestle with state regulations against substandard schools and public schools’ discrimination against migrant children. Children with Disabilities Nearly 10 million of China’s official disabled population of 60 million is under the age of fourteen. More than one-half are not enrolled in school, and those who are enrolled are concentrated in eastern cities. National policy since the mid-1990s has included children with
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disabilities in ‘‘education for all’’ goals. Depending on the severity of disability and the ability of a school to accommodate the disability, students are placed in a regular classroom, a special class within a regular school, or a special institution. However, the development of special education services remains hampered by low public awareness, due in part to the tradition of relying on families, not state institutions, to take care of disabled children, lack of trained teachers and teaching materials, and lack of funding. According to the Ministry of Education, by 2000 only 4.5 percent of disabled children received specially designed education services. China is far from reaching its 2000 target to extend schooling to 95 percent of children with disabilities residing in cities, 85 percent residing in rural areas that have achieved universal compulsory schooling, and 60 percent in impoverished areas where compulsory schooling has not been universalized (Ross et al. 2005; Study Group 2005). PLAY AND RECREATION Children’s play and recreation mirror the contradictions inherent in rising living standards and material expectations of China’s urban middle class. The increased decision-making power of single children within the household has been described as the ‘‘four-two-one syndrome’’ or ‘‘filiarchy,’’ where the respect and filial piety due to elders by children are turned on their heads in favor of pampered ‘‘singletons’’ who are the suns around which four grandparents and two parents orbit (Tobin et al. 1989; Chan and McNeal 2004; Fong 2004). Urban parents spend from one-quarter to one-third of total family income on children, and advertising to them is a big business. The snacks, educational supplies, pay-to-play video games, brand-named clothing, and sporting goods marketed to children construct a world of play and consumption unimaginable a generation ago. The common experience of ‘‘eating bitterness’’ or enduring hardship then is today fathomable only to impoverished children (Croll 2006; Xi et al. 2006). Middle-class childhood is perceived as a mixed blessing. Play is recognized as crucial to child development, yet is also tamed as ‘‘healthy leisure’’ in the moral training of schools. In physical education classes, students play basketball and football, run, jump rope, and are engaged in flexibility and strength exercises. Educators and parents are concerned about safety and sometimes restrict children from engaging in sports that have a high risk of injury. But they still view recess with little adult supervision as an essential means for students to recoup their energies after intense concentration on lessons shaped by high stakes tests. During recess time between classes, girls engage in what children worldwide have come to colloquially call ‘‘Chinese jump-rope,’’ and children of both genders play hacky sack, ping-pong, and chat about their favorite cartoon or television show.
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Children in China’s small contemporary households are perceived to need emotional independence. Viewed as peer-focused and materialistic, they are nevertheless thought to be deprived of the companionship of siblings and cousins. According to the China Youth and Children Research Center, they participate in housework much less (twelve minutes each day) than children in developed countries, yet they also have more homework and less free time (about one hour each day) to pursue Chinese children’s two most common leisure activities, television viewing and playing with friends (Special Issue on Chinese Children 2003). The pattern of intense cultivation that professional families use to rear achievement-oriented children constrains play. Even as parents and educators criticize the competition and frantic schedules that deprive children of childhood, they support after school enrichment and tutoring programs. Youth and children activity centers (qingshaoniangong) sponsored by local Chinese Youth League committees used to be a major venue for these activities, but now a wide variety of commercial programs are readily available. During holidays and weekends, a number of middle-class urban parents take their children traveling or to visit museums, amusement parks, and zoos, which increasingly cater to children. And although rural children are less regulated by adults, even when they spend long hours working in fields, they are depicted as lacking the cultural and material capital (adult mentoring and libraries) to ‘‘understand healthy leisure.’’ Rural play is increasingly deemed potentially dangerous and in need of adult supervision. Traditional Chinese toys and pastimes that remain popular with children include whistles and bamboo flutes, tiny clay figurines and dolls, marbles, kite flying, diabolo juggling, elaborate paper cutting, playing with shadow puppets, and making and eating holiday snacks. While these are still favored at festivals and often featured in schools and extracurricular programs at holidays, they are rapidly giving way to the modern toy industry, sports, and television watching, with Japanese cartoons and fantasy shows particularly popular. Changing perceptions of appropriate recreation for children are most clearly reflected in the rapid development of children’s media. Television viewing, for example, is thought to both educate children and exacerbate sedentary life styles. Television (and film) is also seen as a less objectionable (and more controllable) leisure pursuit than computer games and the internet, which is criticized for exposing children to on-line gambling and pornography (Croll 2006). Concern about the corrupting influence of computer culture was one of the catalysts for the establishment of China’s first children’s television channel in 2003. Shortly thereafter the State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television required that all provincial stations launch at least one children’s channel to provide programs suitable for young viewers, and internet cafes were banned within 200 meters of primary and secondary schools.
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CHILD LABOR Numerous policies and regulations protect children from exploitative child labor. ‘‘Juvenile workers,’’ defined as youths between sixteen (the age most students complete compulsory education) and eighteen, are protected by regulations that stipulate appropriate jobs, training and benefits. Regulations on the Protection of Minors and The Prohibition against Child Labor define ‘‘minors’’ as citizens under the age of eighteen, consistent with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, which China signed in 1991. China adheres to the International Labour Organization’s Minimum Age Convention and has ratified the Convention Concerning the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labor. Despite a strong policy environment, exploitative child labor exists, with female children largely working in homes and restaurants (and sometimes textiles), and boys largely working in construction. Census estimates of child laborers vary from 10 percent of the 20 million migrant children in cities who are under the age of eighteen to 60 percent of all migrant children between the ages of twelve and fourteen. Conservatively, 10 million children work, primarily in food, toy, and textile production and construction, not including an estimated 150,000 working street children (China Statistical Yearbook 2006). Media attention to the trafficking of child workers, the contracting out of children by schools under the guise of ‘‘work-study,’’ and the deaths of working children have cast a spotlight on China’s child labor challenge. Its persistence despite increased penalties is related to lopsided development, lack of enforcement, and rural poverty. With work sometimes an appealing alternative to inadequate schools, underage workers obtain falsified identification cards in a large black market, and local officials fail to check young workers’ birth certificates. Until economic deprivation among rural communities is mitigated and free and quality compulsory schooling is available to all children, exploitative child labor will continue. FAMILY ‘‘Family’’ is a root metaphor of Chinese culture, defining moral sentiments based on kinship ties that anchor values related to appropriate human relationships and good governance. Filial piety, the indissoluble bond and reciprocal obligation to obey, nourish, and care between child and parent, is at the core of traditional, Confucian-inspired ideals for an appropriately ordered society. For two millennia, children have learned these lessons through family practice and morality tales inscribed in language primers. Global modernization and industrialization processes have interacted with China’s volatile political history to reform marriage laws, equalize
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inheritance laws, and increase participation by women in formal education and the labor force. The one-child family planning policy, changing economic patterns, global human rights discourse, and more equitable gender roles have had profound and contradictory impacts on the structures and values which bind Chinese families and households, the average size of which in 2006 was 3.44. Greater equality between parents, changing notions of child discipline, and increasing economic power of children within the household have created what psychologists describe as more friendly, supportive parent-child relationships. Yet, a new marriage law in 2003 that simplified divorce procedures precipitated a recent rise in divorce rates and anxiety about the well-being of single-parent children. Likewise, researchers have shown that families are thought to pay a high social price for the state’s strategy to create a generation of ambitious singletons. Single children are depicted as living in precarious positions at the center of ‘‘fragile’’ families, carrying on their shoulders unrealistically high familial and social expectations. While the majority of families have more than one child, public perceptions about singletons reveal the changes and the contradictions in the cultural production of childhood as China becomes embedded in the world economy, as community structures are uprooted through migration to towns and cities, and as social classes diverge. While the one child (or in rural China, one son) policy ‘‘spared’’ the country an estimated 390 million births, low birth rates and longer life spans are also creating a dependency crisis between young and old, and some couples are now allowed to have two children. In addition, the traditional association of many children with blessings, fecundity, and a protected old age has lost its appeal for urban parents who struggle to support and pay for the upbringing of even one child. While the one-child policy has raised the status of urban girls, in rural areas, where public healthcare is scarce and parents want a son to provide old-age support, son preference has led to selective abortions, underreporting of female births, female infanticide and abandonment, and a skewed sex ratio at first birth of approximately 120 boys born for every 100 girls. The state has responded by prohibiting selective abortion in the 2001 Law of Population and Family Planning, and initiating in 2003 a ‘‘Care-for-Girls Campaign’’ to protect girls’ rights and enhance their status within households (Xi et al. 2006; Seeberg et al. 2007). HEALTH According to the Ministry of Health, between 1949 and 1978 China’s average life expectancy increased from thirty-five to sixty-eight years. By 2006, this figure had climbed to seventy-two years. In the last fifteen years, the quality of life for mothers and children has greatly improved. From 1990 to 2006, the infant mortality rate fell from 65 to 22 per 1,000. Maternal mortality rates dropped more than 25 percent from
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2000–2005 to a current figure of about 53 per 100,000 (China Statistical Yearbook 2006). These impressive figures obscure regional disparities exacerbated by the collapse of rural health and insurance programs in the 1980s, the marketization of medical services during the 1990s and 2000s, and the compounding impact of the consequences of rising tobacco use (one in three of the world’s cigarettes are smoked in China), the relatively low but growing prevalence of HIV/AIDS, and overall increased levels of air and water pollution. Since 1986, China’s per capita spending on health has fallen to the lowest level in Asia, standing in 2005 at less than 3 percent of gross domestic product (GDP), compared with a global average of 4.2 percent. China ranks near the bottom of the world’s nations in terms of equality of medical resources, and almost two-thirds of government health funding goes to urban areas. The number of Chinese without health insurance ranges from about 60 percent in urban areas to more than 90 percent in the countryside, where many residents cannot afford and therefore forego medical treatment (Ministry of Health 2004; Donald and Benewick 2005). Inequality in health care has created a crisis for all poor children, but rural children and their mothers are at greatest risk. By the early 2000s, child immunization coverage, an area in which China receives high international marks, was just over 84 percent in rural areas compared to nearly 95 percent in urban areas. In comparison to a national maternal mortality ratio of 53 deaths per 100,000 live births, Shanghai’s rate of less than ten contrasts sharply with Tibet’s rate of 466. Eleven percent of children under five are moderately to severely underweight, and malnutrition and micronutrient deficiencies remain a problem in the west. Migrant and children with disabilities and children born ‘‘out of plan’’ are much less likely to receive preventive health care, and rural children are also more vulnerable to road and work-related injuries (Donald and Benewick 2005; Ross et al. 2005; China Statistical Yearbook 2006). Meanwhile, 18 percent of Beijing’s primary and junior secondary school students are obese, more than double the percentage ten years ago, and 25 percent of urban boys aged seven to eighteen are overweight. This trend stems from the changing composition of the Chinese diet. Forty percent of Chinese consume a diet composed of 30 percent fat, and most take in 400 percent more edible oil, eggs, and meat than they did a generation ago. Both rural and urban children’s health is seriously impacted by pollution. Seven of the world’s ten most polluted cities are in China, and respiratory and heart diseases related to air pollution are a leading cause of death. Half of the population lacks access to clean water, and 90 percent of urban water bodies are severely polluted (Ministry of Health 2004; Donald and Benewick 2005). Mental health problems among children and teenagers are also significant. The Ministry of Health estimates that 30 million teenagers under
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seventeen years of age suffer from psychological problems. Suicide is the leading cause of death among twenty- to twenty-five-year-olds, and is particularly high among rural females and young urban professionals. Psychological services are inadequate, with a shortage of trained specialists and no professional standards. Both migrant children and youth at risk of exploitation and materially advantaged but pressured urban singletons are called ‘‘victims of a changing society.’’ Nearly 20 million children reach puberty each year at an average age of twelve to thirteen—four to five years earlier than in the 1970s. Premarital sexual activity is rising, as are reported incidents of child sexual abuse, and undergraduate students are now allowed to get married before graduation. Parental consent is required for an abortion for girls under the age of eighteen. While virtually no attention has been paid to sexuality education and the issue of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) issues among the youth population, sex education has become a widely discussed and more frequently implemented curricular reform in secondary school classrooms in major cities. China’s first officially published comprehensive textbook on sex education was released in 2002, and the government has launched a fiveyear AIDS education project (Ministry of Health 2004; Xi et al. 2006). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Although the CCP continues to direct state policy and legislation, significant efforts begun in the 1990s to establish rule of law have been accompanied by an increase in the general population’s access to information and rights consciousness. In 1991, China ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, recognizing the need to protect children from violence, maltreatment and neglect. The convention provided the framework for the National Plan of Action for Children, 2001–2010. This plan, in tandem with other laws, has created a national policy context that is expanding the rights and protection of children. China’s Basic Civil Law prescribes guardianship procedures for children, as well as children’s rights from the age of ten to the legal age of majority at eighteen. China’s Criminal Law deals with juvenile crime (of which there were about 70,000 cases in 2004) and crimes against children including abduction, trafficking, and sexual abuse (Drissel 2006). Children who are under the age of eighteen are exempt from the death penalty. Those who induce juveniles to commit a crime (such as using or selling illegal drugs) are subject to heavy penalties. Those who traffic more than three children or are involved in cross-border trafficking are subject to sentences that range from ten years in prison to death. Although China has one of the lowest overall crime rates in the world, crime increased dramatically (20 percent annually) during the first reform decade of the 1980s, which also saw a particularly steep rise in juvenile delinquency. While cases of juvenile crime have dropped since that period,
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nevertheless, the percentage of overall crime committed by fourteen- to twenty-five-year-olds in China, in 2005, 44 percent, and the percentage of all violent crimes, as high as 70 percent, is much higher than most countries. For example, 17 percent of all arrests in the United States involved juveniles, dropping to 15 percent of all arrests for violent crimes (Drissel 2006). Juvenile crime in China, which takes place in largely urban and low income neighborhoods, is blamed on a number of social and economic factors associated with reform, including lack of family guidance due to high levels of migration and divorce; the increase in youth subcultures; the expanding gap between the rich and the poor; inadequate education; ‘‘addiction’’ to the internet; the spread of violent video games and films, pornography, and drugs; and inadequate enforcement of laws in protecting minors. The Law on the Protection of Minors safeguards the physical and mental health, lawful rights and interests, and all-round development of minors. The Law on Preventing Juvenile Delinquency allows sending juveniles to correctional work-study schools for drug use or incorrigible behavior, including fighting, theft, gambling or carrying certain prohibited knives. China’s Constitution and the Education Law stipulate the right and duty of all children to be educated, based on the principle of equal educational opportunity. The Law on the Protection of Disabled Persons protects children with disabilities and ensures their equal and full participation in social life and their share of the material and cultural wealth of society. The Compulsory Education Law mandates that all six- or seven-yearolds (depending on the material resources of the region of the country) must attend school and receive nine years of education. An amendment to the Compulsory Education Law in 2006 extended equal protection to migrant children and imposed this responsibility on local governments. Many of these laws emphasize the principle of equality, and stipulate that no child is to be discriminated against for reasons of ethnicity, religion, gender, family income, or disability. In practice, however, a lack of public awareness of the importance of children’s rights, protection and welfare to overall development remains. Furthermore, the lack of a comprehensive national social insurance program, the continued underfunding of education, and discrimination against girls, children with AIDS and disabilities, and minority and migrant children will continue to undercut the promise of laws protecting children. RELIGIOUS LIFE China is a largely secular society influenced by half a century of CCP policies that have advocated Marxist materialism and atheism and labeled religious beliefs and practitioners as superstitious, backward, and even counterrevolutionary. While most people do not claim formal religious affiliation, the reform period has allowed for more open practice of
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China’s five officially recognized religions, Buddhism, Taoism, Islam, and Catholic and Protestant Christianity, and China’s cultural revival and tourism have lead to massive renovation of religious sites and the flowering of and scholarly study of folk beliefs and practices. Religious teaching and religious activities are prohibited in public and private schools, and the Compulsory Education Law stipulates that religion may not impede the implementation of state mandated education policies. Religious academies, including special high schools for the training of Buddhist monks and nuns, can be established if approved by the State Council. The practice of Buddhism, Islam, Taoism, and Christianity, while constitutionally protected, is tightly regulated, and millions of believers who practice their faiths outside of registered venues are subject to intimidation and harassment. Despite such restrictions, religious adherents number much higher than China’s official figure of 100 million, and state-recognized religious organizations are actively involved in philanthropic activities that aid impoverished, minority, and orphaned children and children with disabilities. Likewise, centuries-old philosophical, spiritual, and folk beliefs related to understandings of family and social relationships have fundamentally shaped conceptions of childhood. In fact, China has a written record spanning two millennia on the care and upbringing of children. Reflected in the Chinese pictograph for child (zi), which represents a swaddled infant, and the traditional word (tong) for children under the age of fifteen, which originally meant young lambs or calves with no horns, the belief in the vulnerable yet promise-filled child plays a central role in religious writings and practices (Bai 2005). This belief conveys an optimistic conviction in the innate human capacity for positive development, and the consequent need of families to provide children optimum environments for physical, moral, and social growth. A cluster of values associated with the Confucian heritage has had an enduring impact on childhood and childrearing practices. These include the significance of the unbreakable bond between child and parent; that good manners and daily rituals of reverence and obedience will through habitual practice become embodied in the individual; that education essentially involves moral learning about the correct ordering of human relationships and self-cultivation; and that human beings have almost infinite capacity to develop if afforded healthy familial, social, and educational environments (Kinney 2004; Bai 2005; Hsiung 2005). Such beliefs remain evident in policies regarding education and are central to the public’s faith in education as vehicle for both social mobility and stability. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The benchmarks established by China’s 2001–2010 Program for the Development of Children present a model policy environment for the
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protection of children. However, policy and practice diverge for migrant and street children; trafficked, abandoned or orphaned children; and rural, disabled, and minority children, particularly girls. The majority of China’s 20 million migrant children are still without access to education and other public services. An important 2006 amendment to the Compulsory Education Law declares equal protection for migrant children but leaves specific institutional design and implementation up to provincial governments. How effectively provincial authorities carry out these responsibilities remains to be seen. Internal migration and the collapse of village economies have also led to an increase in the number of urban street children, now estimated at 150,000, who face increased risk of trafficking. Tens of thousands of children (mainly boys under five) are domestically trafficked from China’s western to coastal regions. A prominent cause of trafficking of girls is China’s skewed sex ratio. Cross-border trafficking victims are brought into China from Vietnam, North Korea, Mongolia, Russia, and Nepal, and trafficked out of China to Thailand, Malaysia, Taiwan, Japan, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Macau. Despite campaigns and policies to protect the interests and rights of China’s official (and underestimated) 10 million children with disabilities, they are denied adequate access to social services. Girls with disabilities face double discrimination. Compared with the national primary school enrollment rate of 99 percent, the Ministry of Education reports that the rate for children with disabilities remains 76 percent, and roughly 100,000 children (primarily girls and children with disabilities) are abandoned each year (Ministry of Education 2005a). New laws easing restrictions on domestic adoption and tightening restrictions on international adoptions, and improved conditions at Child Welfare Institutes, have led to new approaches to caring for these children. National policy mandates that by 2010, all regional-level cities must establish a children’s welfare institution capable of providing foster care, medical treatment, rehabilitation, and education. Meanwhile, there are some 10,000 community organizations and 100 charitable welfare institutions operated by individuals and work units providing services to orphans or children with disabilities (Ministry of Education 2005a; State Statistical Bureau 2006). Nearly one-third of children in cities show signs of physical or emotional neglect, explained by the strains of development. Incidents of neglect are highest among children of single-parent families, with boys exhibiting the strongest evidence of physical and emotional neglect (Xi et al. 2006). One of the most proactive groups taking a leadership role in ameliorating violence against children is the All China Women’s Federation, which in collaboration with international organizations has assisted in the development of regulations for the prevention of family violence in twenty-two provinces. While corporal punishment in schools is prohibited by the Compulsory Education Law, the Law on
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the Protection of Minors, and the Teacher Law, it (and ‘‘softer’’ forms of violence like verbal harassment and taunting) remains a widespread problem. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY China’s current five-year plan (2006–2010) marks a critical period in the development of public policies that will affect the future of children. In 2000, China became a lower-middle income country. With a growing middle class, expanded educational opportunities, and strategic national development plans, the outlook for China’s children is generally much brighter than it was two decades ago. Yet there are shadows on the horizon. Development policies have unintentionally left the poorest communities with broken economies, low-quality schools, and absent parents who have migrated to cities for wages. While urban children struggle to cope with stress and overnutrition, poor, female, rural, and migrant children, children with disabilities, and ethnic minority children confront inadequate schooling and social services. China has changed from one of the world’s most egalitarian societies to one of the most unequal, and more attention must be paid to the moral dislocation and political consequences of inequality. Children of all social classes are negatively impacted by the pollution associated with unbalanced development, constraints on democratic participation in civil society, and lack of clear policies on how to sustain a safety network for China’s elderly population. In this context of contradictory social pressures and needs, a number of new policy initiatives and social problems bear watching. One is the goal to make compulsory schooling free for all children. The new Compulsory Education Law prohibits elementary and junior secondary schools from charging fees, but how quickly this goal can be achieved depends on the political will of government at all levels. Most importantly, the national government will have to make good on its promise to increase educational funding as part of the national budget. Coupled with the implementation of ‘‘childfriendly’’ schools in rural communities and improved teacher education and in-service training, increased government spending on education will widen access to and engagement in quality education. Two particularly important ‘‘education for all’’ policies are China’s Girl Care Program and the decision to require public schools to open their doors to migrant children. While significant steps to achieve gender parity in compulsory education have been taken, including allocating funds especially earmarked for impoverished girls, gender attitudes derogating girls continue in and out of school. The child-friendly school campaign has the potential to help educators look beyond access and focus on how girls (and ethnic minority and migrant students) are treated in and experience schools (Seeberg et al. 2007).
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In the end, relative to the size of China’s budget, expenditure on children is low and inequitably distributed. To ensure that children’s futures surpass the present, increased support is especially critical in two key areas, early childhood education and maternal and child health care services. Providing both will be a challenge as China struggles with soaring health and welfare pressures of the elderly. Nevertheless, reducing disparities in child and maternal mortality and improving access to preventive health care services and the resources to succeed in school must be a top priority.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Chinese Education and Society. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe. Offers unabridged translations of articles from Chinese journals, newspapers, and collections of articles published in book form. Six issues each year provide insight into educational policy and practice, educational reform and development, pedagogical theory and methods, colleges and universities, schools and families, and education for diverse social groups across gender and youth, urban and rural, mainstream and minorities. Donald, Stephanie Hemelryk, and Robert Benewick. 2005. The State of China Atlas, Mapping the World’s Fastest Growing Economy. Berkeley: University of California Press. Vivid, comprehensive and imaginative presentation of a multitude of facts, information, and analyses of changing China and the complex sociopolitical and environmental factors shaping the lives of China’s diverse citizens, including children. Fong, Vanessa. 2004. Only hope: Coming of age under China’s one-child policy. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Examines the social, economic, and psychological consequences of China’s one-child policy. Includes a review of China’s family planning policies, its impact on China’s fertility transition, and the contemporary challenges facing China’s ‘‘singletons’’ and their families. Haski, P., ed. 2004. The Diary of Ma Yan, The Struggles and Hopes of a Chinese Schoolgirl. New York: Harper Collins. Young adult book chronicling the struggles of 13-year-old Ma Yan, who in the last year of primary school struggles to continue her education. Depicts the barriers confronting rural children, particularly girls, to educational access, and the lengths to which children and their mothers will go to help them realize their dreams for further education. Kroeber, Arthur, and Tom Miller. 2005. Education, schooling for the future. China Economic Quarterly 9(4): 19–32. Concise, comprehensible, and valuable analysis of China’s changing educational system and its economic and social impacts. Figures and charts especially useful. Postiglione, Gerard, ed. 2006. Education, Social Change, and Stratification in China, Inequality in a Market Economy. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe. Rich case studies provide detailed examination of educational stratification in China during the reform era. Topics include education for the new urban middle class, poor rural residents, the migrant population in urban areas, rural girls, and ethnic minorities.
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Special Issue on Chinese Children in a Transitional Economy. 2003. Journal of Family and Economic Issues. 24: 4. Rich information on the changing lives, education, health, pastimes, and futures of Chinese children, drawing on extensive data and analysis from five reports written by researchers affiliated with the China Youth and Children Research Center. Xi, Jieying, Yunxiao Sun, and Jing Jian Xiao, eds. 2006. Chinese Youth in Transition. Aldershot, England: Ashgate. Comprehensive overview of the lives of diverse adolescents as China undergoes dramatic socio-cultural and political-economic change. Topics include psychological development, parent-child relationships, the needs of rural youths, transition from school to work, youths and the labor market, juvenile delinquency, the transition to college, popular culture, and internet use.
Nonprint Resources The Blood of Yingzhou District. 2006. 38 minutes. Documentary directed by Ruby Yang and produced by Thomas Lennon chronicles the story of AIDS orphans in China and those who act on their behalf. China From the Inside. 2006. Jonathan Lewis’s outstanding documentary of changing China, her people, her past, her present. Program Two, ‘‘Women of the Country,’’ is particularly relevant to lives of children. http://www.pbs.org/ kqed/chinainside/about.html. The Dragon’s Backbone. 1994. Documentary about rural education and the life of children in a mountainous village in Guangxi. Gist of a Girl’s Diary. 2004. In this film a mother who sneaks a peek at her sixthgrade daughter’s diary learns more about life in an urban school, and about her daughter, than she bargains for. The Grass House. 1998. Film adaptation of novel by Cao Wenxuan depicts life in the 1960s and the unforgettable memories of days in one rural school. Not One Less. 1999. Sony Pictures. Producer: Zhao Yu. 106 minutes. Director Zhang Yimou’s moving film about a 13-year-old substitute teacher struggling to keep her rural students in their one-room school. Pretty Big Feet. 2002. Director: Yang Lazhou. Producers: Zhao Huayong, Zhang Huashan, Wang Zhan Liang. 103 minutes. Film describing moving story of rural teacher with her students and a young female volunteer from Beijing. The Ridge. 1997. A documentary depicting the life and teaching of a rural teacher in Taixang mountainous area. Senior Year. 2005. A documentary of rural senior high school students preparing for the college entrance examination. Small Happiness. 1984. Long Bow Films. Produced and directed by Carla Hinton and Richard Gordon. 59 minutes. Filmed under unprecedented circumstances, women of Long Bow village talk about marriage, birth control, work, and daily life. ‘‘Small happiness’’ refers to birth of a daughter. The Story of Xiaoyan. 2005. Director: Fang Gangliang. Producer Cui Bo. A Shandong Film Studio Production. 89 minutes. Film based on the true story of Ma Yan, a 13-year-old girl from impoverished Ningxia, who struggles to make money to attend school. Sweet Sixteen. 1990. TV series depicting life in a senior high school in Shanghai. Together. 2002. Director: Chen Kaige. Producers: Chen Hong and Lee Jooick. 21st Century Shengkai Film Production. 117 minutes. Chen Kaige film in which a
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thirteen-year-old violinist and his father travel to Beijing to find a tutor and pursue their dreams. Warm Spring. 2002. Film about a rural orphan, Xiaohua, being adopted by a grandpa in the face of a disapproving son and daughter.
Web Sites China Disabled Persons Federation, http://www.cdpf.org.cn/. China National Center for Children, http://www.ccc.org.cn/. China Youth and Children Research Center, http://www.cycrc.org. Chinese Association for the Prevention of STD/AIDS, http://www.aids.org.cn/ show.asp?uver=cn. Chinese Health and Family Life Survey, http://www.src.uchicago.edu/prc/ chfls.php. Chinese National Committee for the Care of Children, http://www.zgggw.com/. Maternal and Child Health Center, http://www.moh.gov.cn/menunews/A5.htm. Ministry of Health, http://www.moh.gov.cn/menunews/A7.htm. National Bureau of Statistics, http://www.stats.gov.cn/http://www.unicef.org/ china/index.html. National Working Committee for Children & Women, http://www.nwccw.gov.cn/ index.jsp.
Organizations and NGOs All-China Women’s Federation No. 15 Jianguomen nei Street Dong Cheng District Beijing, 100730 PRC International Liaison Department Fax: 8610-6513-6044 International Program Cooperative Division Tel: 8610-6526-6502 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.women.org.cn/ China Children and Teenager’s Fund No. 15 Jianguomen nei Street Beijing, 100730 PRC International Department
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Tel: 8610-6522-5319 6510-3497 Fax: 8610-6528-5128 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.cctf.org.cn/English/index.htm China Development Brief No. 15 Zhonggu Hutong Songzhuyuan Beixiang Beihe yan Dajie Dongcheng Qu, Beijing 1009, PRC Web site: http://www.chinadevelopmentbrief.com/ China Youth Development Foundation A-1 Houyuanensi Hutong Jiaodaokou Nandajie, Beijing 100009, PRC Tel: 8610-6403-3904 Fax: 8610-6403-3895 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.cydf.org.cn/gb/english/index.htm Song Qing Ling Foundation A-12 floor in Zhejiang Building 26 An Zhen Xi Li North Third Ring Zhong Lu Chaoyang district, Beijing 100029 Tel: 8610-6445-1011 Fax: 8610-6445-0056 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.sclf.org/ UNICEF, China 12 Sanlitun Lu Chaoyang District Beijing 10060 PRC Tel: 8610-6532-3131 Fax: 8610-6532-3107 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.unicef.org/china/
Selected Bibliography Bai, Limin. 2005. Shaping the Ideal Child, Children and Their Primers in Late Imperial China. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press. Chan, K. and J. McNeal. 2004. Advertising to Children in China. Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong. Chan, Kim-Kwong. 2004. China’s Socioeconomic Changes and the Implications for the Religion-State Dynamic in China. Brigham Young University Law Review, 325: 347.
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China Statistical Yearbook. 2006. Beijing: China Statistics Press. Country Report on Child Development in China, 2003–2004. http://www.china.org. cn/english/2005/May/130426.htm. Croll, Elisabeth. 2006. China’s New Consumers, Social development and domestic demand. London and New York: Routledge. Davis, Deborah and Stevan Harrell, eds. 1993. Chinese Families in the Post-Mao Era. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Drissel, David. 2006. Subterranean Sources of Juvenile Delinquency in China: Evidence from Birth Cohort Surveys. Asian Criminology 1: 137–54. Giskin, Howard and Bettye S. Walsh, eds. 2001. Chinese Culture through the Family. Albany: SUNY Press. Hannum, Emily. 2003. Poverty and Basic Education in Rural China: Villages, Households, and Girls’ and Boys’ Enrollment. Comparative Education Review 47(2): 141–159. ———. 2005. Market Transition, Educational Disparities, and Family Strategies in Rural China: New Evidence on Gender Stratification and Development. Demography 42(2): 275–99. Hsiung, Ping-chen. 2005. A Tender Voyage, Children and Childhood in Late Imperial China. Stanford: Stanford University Press. International Food Policy Research Institute. 2002. Growth, inequality, and Poverty in Rural China: The Role of Public Investments. Washington, DC. Johnson, Kay Ann. 2004. Wanting a Daughter, Needing a Son: Abandonment, Adoption, and Orphanage Care in China. St. Paul, MN: Yeong and Yeong Book Company. Kinney, Anne Behnke. 2004. Representations of Childhood and Youth in Early China. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Kwong, Julia. 2004. Educating Migrant Children: Negotiations between the State and Civil Society. The China Quarterly 80: 1053–1088. Law, Wing-Wah. 2002. Legislation, education reform and social transformation: the People’s Republic of China’s experience. International Journal of Educational Development 22, 579–602. Li, Danke, and Mun C. Tsang. 2003. Household Decisions and Gender Inequality in Education in Rural China. China: An International Journal 1:2, 224–48. Liu, Fengshu. 2004. Basic education in China’s rural areas: a legal obligation or an individual choice? International Journal of Educational Development. 24/1, 5–21. Logan, R. J., Fuqin Bian, and Yanjie Bian. 1998. Tradition and Change in the Urban Chinese Family: The Case of Living Arrangements. Social Forces, 76, no. 3: 851–882. Millennium Development Goals—China’s Progress, An assessment by the U.N. Country Team. 2003. United Nations Development Program. Ministry of Education. 2005a. From a country with a large population to a country with sound human resources [translation]. Chinese Education and Society. 13–16, 51–69. ———. 2005b. Annual Education Statistical Report, 1998–2005. http://www.moe. edu.cn/edoas/website18/level2.jsp?tablename=1068. Ministry of Finance and Ministry of Education. 2005. Provision Regarding Further Implementing the Policy of ‘‘Two Exemptions and One Waiver’’ in Key Counties for National Poverty Alleviation. http://www.moe.edu.cn/.
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Ministry of Health. 2004. Third Survey on National Health Service. Chinese News Agency, 12/08/2004. http://english.hanban.edu.cn/chinese/renkou/ 719592.htm National Bureau of Statistics of China [Guojia Tongji Ju]. 2006. http://www.stats. gov.cn. Rong, Xuelan, and Tianjian Shi. 2001. Inequality in Chinese Education. Journal of Contemporary China 10:107–24. Ross, Heidi (with contributions by Jingjing Lou, Lijing Yang, Olga Rybakova, and Phoebe Wakhungu). 2005. Where and Who are the World’s Illiterates: China. A Background Paper Submitted to UNESCO Global Monitoring Report. UNESCO: Paris. Ross, Heidi, and Jing Lin. 2006. Social Capital Formation through Chinese School Communities. In Emily Hannum and Bruce Fuller, eds. Children’s Lives and Schooling Across Societies, Research in the Sociology of Education. Vol. 15. Elsevier, Ltd., 43–69. Seeberg, Vilma, Heidi Ross, Jinghuan Liu, and Guangyu Tah. 2007. The Case for Prioritizing Education For Girls Left Behind In Remote Rural China. In David Baker and Alexander Wiseman. International Perspectives on Education and Society, Volume 8, Education for All: Global Promises, National Challenges. Oxford: Elsevier Science Ltd., 111–58. State Council of the People’s Republic of China. 2001. Program for the Development of Chinese Children, 2001–2010. Beijing. State Statistical Bureau. 2006. Population and Society Science Statistics Office. 2005 Chinese Statistical Yearbook. Beijing. Subject Group of Higher Education Research Institute of Beijing Institute of Technology. 2005. Opportunity to Receive Higher Education: Narrowing Gaps— Report of the Subject Group of Research on Equity in China’s Higher Education. Beijing: Ford Foundation. Tobin, Joseph, David Y.H. Wu, and Dan H. Davidson. 1989. Preschool in Three Cultures. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. UNESCO. 2006. China: Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) programmes. Geneva: International Bureau of Education. UNESCO. 2000. Education for All: The Year 2000 Assessment Final Country Report of China. http://www2.unesco.org/wef/countryreports/china/contents. html. World Bank. 2005. EFA and Beyond: Service Provision and Quality Assurance in China. Washington, DC: World Bank.
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THE FEDERATED STATES OF MICRONESIA (FSM) Robert W. Spegal NATIONAL PROFILE The Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) is a developing nation of 607 islands, spread across more than one million square kilometers of the Western Pacific Ocean, just north of the equator. The country is divided into four states, the easternmost Kosrae and (working westward) Pohnpei, Chuuk, and Yap. While the FSM covers a large ocean area, the total land area is only 702 square kilometers. Most of the FSM’s islands are volcanic in origin, including both high islands and low atolls. High islands have rainforest-covered mountains rising above 750 meters, flat coastal plains, shoreline mangrove swamps, and are fringed by coral reefs. Outer islands are low coral atolls, some tiny and at considerable distances (three days travel by ship) from the state centers. Atoll elevations reach to six meters above sea level, and the number of islets varies from three to more than sixty. Atoll populations usually reside on the larger islets. Within atolls
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and barrier reefs, there are more than 7,100 square kilometers of lagoon area. The capital of the FSM is located in Palikir, Pohnpei State. The national political arrangement is a three-branch government, with a unicameral legislature from which the president is selected. State governments are similarly set up and are further divided into municipalities. States are comprised of a state center island, and, except Kosrae, outer islands. The state government offices are situated here; it is also the center of commerce, post-primary education, transportation (airport/dock facilities), and the location of the state hospital. Primary schools and dispensaries are located in most of the municipalities and on the more populated outer islands. The 2000 FSM Census of Population and Housing indicates that 107,008 people inhabit sixty-five of the FSM’s islands. Of that total, 49.3 percent are female, and 40.3 percent are under fifteen years of age. An additional 12.3 percent are fifteen to nineteen years old, and 3.6 percent of the population is over age sixty-five. The median age for the country is 19.3 years, a 3.5-year increase from the 1973 census. The population’s annual growth rate increased in the 1960s and 1970s, averaging from 3.5 to 5 percent. However, the growth rate has slowed (1980–1989: 3.0 percent, 1989–1994: 1.9 percent, 1994–2000: 0.3 percent), due to outmigration. Since 1986, the beginning of the Compact of Free Association between the United States and the FSM, the growth rate has steadily declined. The ease of emigration to Guam, Hawaii, and the mainland has resulted in Micronesians leaving the FSM seeking better occupational, educational, and health care opportunities. The average population density for the nation is about 161 persons per square kilometer, with some islands sparsely populated, and the more urban-like state centers ranging to a density of nearly 2,000 persons. The census indicated a life expectancy in the federation of 66.7 years for males and 70.6 years for females, a dramatic improvement since WWII. The 2000 census found that nearly 60 percent of the population was presently, or had been, married. Persons divorced or separated comprised a small portion of the over-fifteen population, ranging from 5 percent in Yap, down to 1.6 percent in Kosrae. Single-parent families do exist, but are not common in the FSM, as cultural practices include ‘‘extended family’’ households. On some islands, children can reside at more than one household location and consider all of them ‘‘home.’’ The average household size is 6.8 people. The FSM economy is based largely on U.S. funding under terms of the Compact of Free Association. National income, other than Compact funding, is barely one-eighth of the total spent on imports. Statistics published by the Secretariat of the Pacific Community (SPC) report the nation’s 2004 imports valued US$104.3 million, while exports (primarily agricultural and marine products) were valued at US$14.4 million.
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Tourism is making an increasing contribution to the economy, as is the selling of fishing rights to foreign fleets. However, both industries are subject to extreme variations. SPC statistics also indicate an FSM 2004 gross domestic product (GDP) of US$228.3 million, and a per capita domestic product of US$2,113. It is important to note the considerable variations between states and individual islands, with portions of the populations involved only in subsistence level activities. The minimum wage is US$1.35 per hour. Governments are major employers (nearly half of all jobs), while agriculture, fisheries, tourism, handicrafts, construction, retail/wholesale, and services provide private sector employment. Typically, government employees receive better wages than employees in the private sector, and males have higher incomes than females. Census data from 2000 indicated that the work force (fifteen years and older) was approximately two-thirds male. Government support services to families include public safety and subsidized health care and education at government-operated facilities. FSM law prohibits denial of medical services due to inability to pay; however, no means test exists to determine ‘‘financial inability,’’ so the system is abused. Government ‘‘social affairs’’ offices provide technical and other assistance to youth groups. Other support to the disadvantaged comes from missionaries, international service organizations (Red Cross Society, Rotary and Lions Clubs), and aid/grant programs from the United States, Japan, Australia, and other countries. Local religious institutions support the needy through special collections and outreach programs. In the FSM, the terms ‘‘needy’’ or ‘‘poor’’ do not indicate the same level of deprivation as exists in other developing countries. There is the occasional case of heat exhaustion or sun exposure, but no one freezes to death or starves. Due to the favorable combination of climate and culture, very few residents suffer hardship from the elements or hunger. Temperatures rarely fall below 25 degrees Celsius, and plentiful rainfall provides ample fresh water on most islands. Unless contaminated, fresh water lenses on the atolls furnish potable water. The warm climate and abundant precipitation result in a wide variety of easily grown and harvested fruits, root crops, and other produce. Reefs provide edible marine foodstuffs that are literally there-for-the-taking to someone sufficiently industrious to gather them. Homelessness is rare but increasing slowly in the FSM. The extended family system usually offers shelter to relatives. The few persons who have for various reasons refused succor from their family or clan, usually find shelter in deserted buildings or at a friend’s house. There is currently no social unrest/warfare in the country. Oral histories indicate close historical affiliations and interactions among the island societies comprising the present-day FSM. In the 1500s, Spanish expeditions made the first European contact with several islands and claimed sovereignty until 1899 when Spain sold its Pacific
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interests to Germany. The German administration encouraged the development of trade, the production of copra, and a very significant social change—private ownership of land. Until this time, kings owned all land, and this modification marked the beginning of the power and influence decline of the traditional rulers. After World War I, by League of Nations mandate, Japan took possession of the islands. During this period, a Japanese population of nearly 20,000 resided on the FSM’s islands, while the Micronesian population was about 40,000. Sugarcane, mining, fishing, and agriculture became major industries. Although the indigenous populations were often treated as second-class citizens, the Japanese initiated government-operated schools and hospitals. Peaceful occupation lasted until the mid-1930s, when the Japanese military build-up commenced. World War II brought an abrupt end to the relative prosperity experienced during the Japanese civil administration. By the war’s conclusion most infrastructure had been laid waste by bombing, and the people had been exploited by the military to the point of impoverishment. The United Nations created the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (TTPI) in 1947. Pohnpei, Kosrae, Chuuk, and Yap, on July 12, 1978, following a Constitutional Convention, voted to form a nation under a Federated States of Micronesia Constitution. The FSM negotiated a Compact of Free Association with the United States, which entered into force on November 3, 1986. Under this agreement, the FSM controls its internal and external affairs, but defense responsibility is delegated to the United States, and no other nation may deploy KEY FACTS – FEDERATED STATES OF MICRONESIA military forces in the FSM. The (FSM) United States also provides finanPopulation: 107,862 (July 2007 est.) cial and technical aid. On SeptemInfant mortality rate: 28.15 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) ber 17, 1991, the FSM joined the Life expectancy at birth: 70.35 years (2007 est.) United Nations, and has signed/ Literacy rate: 89 percent (1980 est.) Internet users: 14,000 (2005) ratified various treaties and conventions, including the InternaSources: CIA World Factbook: Micronesia (Federated States of). https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/fm.html. tional Convention of the Rights of April 17, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Micronesia (Federated the Child (CRC) on November 3, States of)–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ 1992. Today, the FSM is recogmicronesia_statistics.html. April 25, 2007. nized by sixty countries.
OVERVIEW The children in the FSM have access to universal free education from grades one to eight (elementary school). Free secondary schooling is also available; however, limited high school facilities results in a smaller enrollment proportion of the secondary school age population. Private preschools, elementary schools, and secondary schools also exist in each of the states. The College of Micronesia—FSM grants associate and
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undergraduate degrees. The national campus is at Palikir, with branch campuses in each state. There are public and private educational institutions that respectively offer vocational and religious training. Child mortality in the FSM is due to both developing country causes such as poor sanitation and malnutrition, and developed country causes such as poor diet, substance abuse, and injuries. The national averages for the under-five mortality rate is 23 per 1,000 children. The crude birth rate for the FSM is reported at 28.1. FSM children have not been exposed to war since 1944. There are isolated disputes between families or clans; however, these events are rare. There are no refugees in the country, and travel by FSM citizens is not restricted in any way. Immigration by foreign nationals is monitored by entry permit requirements. FSM national laws do not address child exploitation, slavery, or indentured servitude. These situations do not exist or are extremely rare. The nurturing of children from infancy to young adulthood is a responsibility almost all parents consider high priority, and most families make the necessary sacrifices to ensure that children receive the best opportunity to grow in secure, happy environments. The nature of childhood for today’s youth is different from the childhoods experienced by grandparents, and in some families, the parents. Since the 1970s, many FSM islands have seen electrical power, piped water, and roads extend out from the towns to rural areas and outer islands. Fetching water, gathering food, building fires, cooking, laundry by hand, and caring for younger siblings, are tasks that fewer youth are responsible to do today. In the last ten years, more cars, washing machines, indoor plumbing, refrigerators, stoves, microwave ovens, telephones, cell phones, satellite television stations from all over the world, videos, computers, and daily airline service to international destinations, have changed the day-to-day living experience for children, and for most adults as well. The shift to a cash economy has caused family units to become more nuclear and the deterioration of the social support structure that cousins, aunts, uncles, and grandparents once provided, has had negative effects. Episodes of child neglect, nutritional deficiency, intentional violence, substance abuse, crime, and suicide are increasing. In the coming years, the FSM’s children will be affected by increasingly limited resources due to escalating energy costs; new health threats, including HIV/AIDS, dangerous drugs, and increased incidence of lifestyle related diseases (diabetes, cancers, heart disease); flooding of their homes by rising sea levels; and continuing loss of cultural identity caused by increased exposure to invading outside influences. Many children in the FSM today cannot read or write in their own language. EDUCATION The FSM has 131 public elementary schools. Instruction in the early grades in public schools is bilingual, the local language and English. By
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the fifth grade, most instruction is in English. Ten private elementary schools are all located in the state centers. School is compulsory to eighth grade, or fourteen years of age. Public high schools are located in state centers, plus one on Yap’s most populated outer island. Chuuk has six private high schools, Pohnpei has four. Private institutions, including nursery schools and kindergartens, are all operated by religious organizations. A publicly funded ‘‘Head Start’’ program provides preschool services to selected children. Since the 1980s, enrollment has steadily increased at all levels. Growth is attributed to the increased number of school-age children and the expansion of educational services. More children enroll in preschool educational programs at an earlier age than in past years. In 2000, more than 32,000 individuals were enrolled, pre-school to college. Slightly more males attend at all levels except high school, where 51 percent of students are female. Educational opportunities for many youth stop at grade eight; there are insufficient educational resources to accommodate all adolescents beyond that point. While more than 20,000 students were attending elementary schools in 2000, only about 8,000 were attending high school. The College of Micronesia—FSM, an accredited postsecondary educational institution, offers associate degrees in several fields, including early childhood and teacher education. An agreement with the University of Guam exists to provide an undergraduate degree in Elementary Education. Approximately 800 students (dormitory and day) matriculate at the national campus. The four state campuses offer extension services of the national curriculum, and other programs (vocational training, professional development, and general interest classes) tuned to the needs of each state. The state campuses serve fifty students in Yap, to more than 300 in Chuuk. FSM youth also attend colleges/universities in Guam, Hawaii, the U.S. mainland, Australia, Fiji, the Philippines, and Japan. In 2000, women comprised 52 percent of the FSM’s students studying abroad. Vocational education (business, agriculture, industrial arts, home arts) is a curriculum choice in secondary schools. A girls’ school with focus on home arts is run by nuns at the Catholic Mission in Pohnpei. Yap is home to the Micronesian Maritime and Fishery Academy, which teaches seamanship and marine resource topics. There are no racial, gender, ethnic, or economic barriers to enrollment in the FSM’s public schools. The proportion of women with a high school diploma increased from 12 percent in 1980 to 30 percent in 2000. Defined as the ability to read and write in a local language or English, literacy rates in the country are high, ranging from 89 percent in Chuuk to Kosrae’s 99 percent. Rates have improved as evidenced by the lower rates for the older population. In 2000, rates for females were lower than rates for males in the over-forty-five age groups, but are almost equal for the younger population, indicating an improvement in women’s education.
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State Education Departments have programs to assist children with disabilities, and annual campaigns identify children who would benefit. Teachers and staff have received minimal training, and instructional resources are limited, so these programs do not always provide all possible benefits. Programs vary from state to state. Nationwide, about 10 percent of children never attend school. Factors such as distance, sibling care, chronic illness, and parental concerns about the value of formal education, may influence the situation. Official efforts to enroll these children are almost nonexistent. As parents acquire an appreciation of the value of education to their children’s success in life, and contribution to their parents’ future well-being, the proportion of nonattending children will decline. PLAY AND RECREATION Most FSM children, toddler to adolescent, enjoy their lives. Most of the young are healthy, the dangers are few, they usually have many friends, and they are blessed with a unique mix of playground environments. Ample space exists for running around, climbing trees, swimming in streams and ocean, and playing on the beaches and reef. Many children have pets, including dogs, cats, pigs, and chickens. In extended family circumstances, older siblings usually have responsibility to watch over younger brothers, sisters, and cousins. However, in the nuclear families, this protection is absent. Younger children entertain themselves playing make-believe and other pastimes not always understood by older generations. Climbing small trees and swinging from branches is another popular activity. Playing in dirt, mud, or sand is another favorite pastime. Many islands experience frequent, sometimes heavy, rain. Children take advantage of the wet conditions to ‘‘surf’’ down slippery slopes on pieces of cardboard or coconut fronds. They also float ‘‘boats’’ (leaves, sticks, pieces of wood or Styrofoam) across the puddles and down the rivulets. Children’s group games vary from state to state. One Kosraean game (called eboy) involves a ball made from pandanus leaves. The children stand in a circle, toss the ball in the air, and must clap before catching it. Children in Pohnpei enjoy alesapw, a game between two teams in which each team tries to protect their base, while also attempting to step on the opposing team’s base. Youngsters in all the FSM states play a variation of the game ‘‘tag’’ in which the individuals who have been tagged join the effort to tag the remainder of the players, and the last one tagged becomes the new ‘‘it’’ and starts another game. Toys played with by Micronesian children at this age include improvised items such as pull-toys made from old zorries (footwear). Dolls are assembled from cloth scraps and pieces of coral. Shooting marbles, often called dorno from the Japanese, is a game played by grammar school-age
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boys and girls nationwide. Children on an island with a supply of old tires run down the road ‘‘driving’’ the tires with two sticks. Stilts made from sticks and nails can be seen on many islands. Imported toys (almost any item in the catalog) can be found in the stores on the main islands, and relatives send back toys from abroad. However, the harsh climate and large numbers of playmates usually keeps toys from lasting very long. Rarely is an intact toy inherited by a younger sibling. At elementary school, more organized games (hopscotch, jump rope, tag) are played. ‘‘Jump-rope’’ using vines or strips of bark is a favorite game among the girls. If sufficient open space is available, baseball (using only two bases) is played with teams ranging from two to more than ten on a side. The bat is usually an appropriate size stick, and the ball can be whatever is on hand, an old tennis or rubber ball if available. Volleyball is another popular team sport among elementary ages and older. It is well suited to islands and atolls with limited space. Substitutions may be made for both net and ball. A local game still played by boys on Pohnpei (and in the past on Kosrae) is called pei sihr. Participants throw a (meter-long) reed so that it bounces on the ground and then flies a distance of perhaps thirty meters. The thrower of the reed traveling the longest distance wins. During the 1980s, as more youth were exposed to movies, videos, and television, the sports of basketball, soccer, and tennis caught on. Basketball, like volleyball, needs minimal space and equipment. Governmentbuilt courts and informal backboards with hoops are found in almost every village. Soccer space is limited, but a match is played in each state at least one evening every week with older youth participating along with adults. Each state also has at least one tennis court, and in Pohnpei two instruction programs for youth are now in operation. Ping-pong is also popular among young and old alike. As interest in these sports increases, dedicated individuals have formed clubs to maintain facilities, organize competitions, and provide instruction. Each FSM state celebrates Liberation Day (World War II surrender) with sports: track and field events, swimming and canoe races, and playoffs for team sports. The vast majority of the participants in these games are young people. Many competitions include local events such as coconut tree climbing, coconut husking, and spear throwing. An FSM national competition among the states began in Pohnpei in 1995. Every four years, the states compete as separate jurisdictions in the Micronesian Games, a sub-regional competition among the ten Micronesian nations. In 2002, Pohnpei hosted the Fifth Micronesian Games, with 1,500 participants and 1,000 spectators. Again, a large percentage of the athletes were teenagers and young adults. The FSM’s first Olympic participation was a small delegation of mostly young people sent to the 2000 Sydney games. The country also participates in the South Pacific Games, a regional competition for Pacific
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nations held every four years. Various sport federations now function in the states and at the national level. The FSM National Olympic Committee/ National Sports Office, and sports offices in each state, help to organize sports programs, which include youth leagues. Each state has constructed at least one gymnasium, a track and field/soccer facility, at least one baseball field, and numerous courts for volleyball or basketball. Pohnpei built a 25-meter swimming pool in preparation for the Micronesian Games, and since 2002 the facility has been utilized for swimming lessons for youth. Each state also has an identified seaside location for swimming contests. Financial limitations often prohibit sports programs and facilities from being used to their full potential. Cable television is available in each state center, but does not extend far outside the main town nor to the outer islands. Pohnpei and Kosrae have more than a dozen channels and twenty-four-hour programming, including a full time cartoon network targeting children. Chuuk has fewer channels and Yap has one channel with limited hours of broadcasting. Educational programming aimed at youth is broadcast on one channel in Pohnpei and Kosrae and during certain hours in Yap. Young boys are often seen practicing karate and kickboxing moves, mimicking their favorite martial arts movie stars. No live theatrical presentations are performed in country, but there is a three-screen theater in Pohnpei that shows films from the United States. The U.S. rating system is publicized, but not enforced. All states have numerous video rental outlets, and almost any type of show can be rented. Thus, children may have the opportunity to view violence or sexually oriented material. While the female breast is not considered disturbing (until the early 1980s, it was not uncommon to see bare-breasted women walking through the neighborhood), one can only wonder about the effect of some of the other scenes on young minds. To date, there have been no mass murderers in the FSM. However, on more than one occasion, a student has stabbed a classmate. Schools and youth groups often put on ‘‘variety shows’’ as fundraising events. The performances run the gamut from hula to break dancing, singing groups, and skits. These shows may exceed three hours in duration, but audiences do not seem to mind the long hours and applaud heartily for their favorite acts. Almost all schools in the country present Christmas programs in December, with each grade level contributing an act. At some schools, many hours are spent in practice for these events. There are few family inclusive recreational activities. Families visit locations for picnics or barbecues on weekend afternoons, and adults will talk or play cards while children swim or are involved in other activities. Some families play games together. The Japanese card game Hana Fuda is popular among young people, as are other card games, checkers, and bingo. Article 31 of the CRC acknowledges a child’s right to play. Upon ratification of the CRC, the FSM officially recognized this right.
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CHILD LABOR Child labor is not an issue in the FSM. No national laws address child exploitation, slavery, or indentured servitude because these situations are extremely rare. No heavy industry or large manufacturing facilities exist in the country that might seek to exploit child labor. Globalization has not had any significant impact on child labor in the FSM. Children are expected to help perform family domestic chores and assist with gardening/farming/fishing activities. They may be expected to help out with family businesses, which are usually small stores where children may stock shelves or cashier. Children also help out in Kava markets, helping to prepare and serve the local drink. In the 1980s and 1990s, there was public concern regarding adoption of infants from the FSM by couples from other countries. This concern focused primarily on procedures and proper documentation. There has been little public discussion of this issue in the past several years. No recorded incidents of the selling of children exist; however, there are reports of teenage/young adult girls being encouraged by family to provide commercial sex services for crews from fishing boats. Most nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in the FSM provide forums for information exchange on social issues, or are local ‘‘branches’’ of international organizations. Women’s clubs and church groups will often become advocacy oriented if they perceive that there is a problem that they can successfully address. Child exploitation is almost nonexistent, and thus is not a common discussion topic. FAMILY Children of subsistence economy families have roles related to growing, harvesting, and preparing food, with girls helping their mothers, aunts, and sisters, and boys involved with their fathers, brothers, and uncles. Women’s jobs typically involve gardening, preparing food, and cooking, while the men fish and harvest breadfruit and other crops requiring strenuous effort. Older boys help with construction of buildings, seawalls, or other structures. Children are given younger siblings to look after. They also care for animals such as chickens, goats, pigs, and cattle. For children of families in the cash economy, day-to-day activities involve school, household chores, and interaction with friends, activities similar to their subsistence counterparts. Caring for siblings takes on added importance as the environment includes exposure to more potential dangers than life on an atoll or isolated rural community. Incidence of injury is increasing, and young people are at higher risk for certain health problems. Besides health and educational services, there are no government welfare programs.
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Rites of passage are a part of the culture on some islands. First birthdays and marriages call for a special gathering in many families, but are not traditional Micronesian events. In Pohnpei, men are hailed by their titles, receiving a title confers adult responsibilities, and the bestowing of a title involves a village feast. When a Yapese woman has her first menses, the girl will reside in a special house, men will fish, and a celebration will be held. The extended family, where it exists, provides care for children born out of wedlock or if parents have divorced. Divorce rates are less than 2 percent of the population (fifteen and older) in Kosrae, to around 5 percent in other states. Inheritance laws are similar in all states, with land transfer being the most important issue, as would be expected on small islands. Customary practice is that the oldest son will inherit land. Today, a will supercedes this custom. On some of the islands, there is only community ownership of land, with the village chief determining where a house may be erected. Land issues are approached with considerable interest and intensity. Chuuk’s Land Office was burned down by an unhappy individual. HEALTH National averages for children’s health indicators include the under-five mortality rate at 23 per 1,000 children, the infant mortality rate at about 40 per 1,000 births, and the neonatal mortality rate (death during the first twenty-eight days) is 12 per 1,000 infants. These rates compare favorably with lesser-developed Pacific island countries, but the more developed Micronesian islands (Guam, Saipan) have better rates. The crude birth rate for the FSM is reported at 28.1. The FSM children suffer from the worst of two worlds. Many common tropical and developing world infectious diseases, and poor nutrition problems, continue to prevail. At the same time, the various lifestyle diseases associated with more developed nations (overnutrition, inactivity, injury, poisoning, substance abuse) are placing a heavy burden on children (and adults). The leading causes of death among infants and young children are respiratory infections, prematurity, and undernutrition. With the addition of diarrheal diseases, these are also the leading causes of child morbidity. Water sources include piped systems, wells, catchment (tank or drum), springs, and steams in the higher elevations on the larger islands. In some locations access to clean water is problematic. Atolls receive little precipitation during certain seasons and El Nino droughts have severely affected the nation twice since the 1980s. In addition to generalized malnutrition, vitamin A deficiency is a significant contributor to child morbidity and mortality. Screenings discovered that nearly 95 percent of Chuukese children had below-normal levels of vitamin A, and 79 percent at levels low enough to put them at increased risk for poor health outcomes. Contemporary Micronesian diets
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are low in vitamin A content. Local foods are not always available for purchase and are expensive relative to less nutritious imported foods. In addition, atoll environments make it difficult to grow vitamin A-rich crops. In places where fruits and vegetables can be grown, agricultural development is limited, resulting in high prices, unreliable supplies, and minimal variety. For teenagers and young adults, injuries become a predominant cause of death, as they are worldwide. Concerning unintentional injuries, water-associated deaths are about equal to motor vehicle related deaths. Among intentional injuries, the high suicide rate is particularly notable, and may be related to the burden of cultural and economic dislocation, particularly on young adult males. Suicide rates for young adult males in Micronesia are among the highest in the world. Alcohol is often a contributing factor. Sexually transmitted infection prevalence is high among postadolescent FSM youth. Although in-country transmission is now occurring, the HIV/AIDS infection rates remain low. School health classes include sex education, and NGOs such as the Micronesian Red Cross train peer educators to make outreach services available to youth. Women’s groups, churches, and youth organizations are involved with various prevention programs. Female genital mutilation is not practiced in the FSM. There is intentional scarring of skin by knives or burning, as proof of toughness among men. Reports indicate that this practice is occasionally performed by couples on each other. Teenage pregnancy is a growing problem. In times past, the extended family was the young mother and the baby’s safety net. As this support system disappears, teen pregnancy will place a larger burden on the health systems. Children’s vaccinations follow the guidelines of the World Health Organization. School entrance requires an Immunization Certificate. Medical care is provided at the four state hospitals and at state-operated dispensaries on outer islands. Public facilities provide barely adequate health care; quality is hampered by distances, organizational issues, and the economic realities of small island countries. Private clinics are found in all states, save Kosrae. There are support programs, often privately funded, for parents and medical professionals assisting disabled children. Recently constructed public facilities are accessible by the disabled, but older buildings are not. Externally funded substance abuse and mental health programs exist. Substance abuse among children includes chewing betel nut, tobacco use, alcohol consumption, marijuana, and some gas sniffing. Hard drug use is rare. Houses range from luxurious two-story cement structures with five bedrooms, a modern kitchen, family rooms, and state of the art entertainment systems, to shacks made from old plywood and tin. Typical arrangements include a separate cookhouse, and sometimes, a large building for
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gatherings. Toilet facilities vary. In Kosrae, more than 90 percent of facilities are inside/outside flush toilets. In Chuuk, one-third of the houses have flush toilets. Air pollution is a problem in populated areas due to the burning of debris and improperly maintained vehicles. Municipal power plants are the only major producers of pollution. Small fiberglass fabrication and auto repair shops are other pollution sources. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The FSM Constitution gives equal treatment to all citizens. The unique customs, which evolved on each island, have created a nation of varied cultures. FSM citizens are usually tolerant and encourage people to practice their own language, religion, and culture. Children are legally children until the age of eighteen and are viewed as an important natural resource to be protected. Since CRC ratification, the country is fashioning laws to address potential threats to children. The courts treat children fairly, considering gender, ethnicity, race, and socioeconomic status. One does hear complaints, but usually about the slowness of the process. Gangs have existed on some of the islands for many years; however, their activities seldom develop into major problems. Juveniles are seldom incarcerated and, whenever possible, are separated from adult inmates. Juvenile defendants are provided council and cases are heard by judges, who, given the size of the community, often know the families of young offenders. Judges consider traditional methods of apology, and often, alternative sentencing is arranged. Sexual exploitation of youth does occur, but has not yet been addressed in the courts. RELIGIOUS LIFE The majority of the FSM’s children grow up in families practicing a Christian religion, Roman Catholicism or one of several Protestant denominations. Large differences exist between islands, depending on which missionaries first arrived. Kosrae is nearly 90 percent Protestant, while Yap is more than 80 percent Catholic. Pohnpei and Chuuk are more evenly split between the two. Other religions include Mormons, Seventh Day Adventists, Jehovah’s Witnesses, and Bahai. A small portion of the population (less than 0.1 percent in Chuuk, 5.7 percent in Yap) did not answer the census religion question, or stated that they did not practice any religion. Generally, children follow their parents’ footsteps in choosing a belief. However, as more new religions gain local recognition, families are being divided. Children take active roles in religious activities, including responsibilities during worship services, choir participation, and membership in youth groups. Religious events in the lives of children vary from faith to faith. Baptism, first communion, and confirmation are common for many
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of the faiths. Christmas and Easter holidays are enthusiastically celebrated. It is customary for congregations to travel to other churches (on-island or off-island) during these holidays for worship, feasts, and gift exchanges. Some families conduct family worship and prayers together, and some parents provide religious instruction within the family. There are religious training institutions located in each state, with programs geared to both adults and children. Schools operated by the Catholics, Protestants, and Seventh Day Adventists provide elementary and high school education. Students who attend these schools receive religious instruction, but church membership is not required for enrollment. Most churches have organized youth programs and weekly events, such as Bible study or youth night. Some faiths organize rallies which draw large crowds and may be recorded for television or radio broadcast. Radio stations run by the Baptist church operate in Pohnpei and Chuuk, and a Baptist station began in Yap in 2006. Visiting medical missions are organized by several faiths on an almost annual basis, and occasionally medical supplies and equipment are donated. The impact of such activities is not always completely positive. A donation of wheelchairs caused reduced treatment compliance and increased amputations among people with diabetes. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Statistics concerning child abuse and neglect do not reflect the actual situation. Awareness of these problems has increased in the last decade, following the creation of a position at the national health department to monitor children’s issues. The formulation of national and state laws dealing with such situations is a process that is currently underway. Ratification of the CRC and the CEDAW has been a catalyst for legislative action. Reports of cases of child abuse have appeared in the local media. Teachers have received training to identify abuse and neglect victims. The frequency of deliberate injury was appraised by the UNICEF report, ‘‘The State of Health Behaviour and Lifestyle of Pacific Youth: Pohnpei State,’’ which explained that 40 percent of students, and 70 percent of out-of-school youth, received a deliberate injury (requiring treatment) during the previous twelve months. The injury sources were father, mother, teacher, police, and boy/girlfriend. There are no reported cases of FSM employers mistreating children. Most employed children work for the family business. There have been cases where this kind of work has interfered with schooling. The U.S. military recruits in the islands, and more than 1,000 FSM youth have enlisted. No FSM youth are known to have been recruited by any other country. There is no forced conscription in the FSM. Incountry employment opportunities are limited, and many young adults emigrate for employment reasons.
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GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The future for the FSM’s children will see similar situations as exist today, but with growing disparity between socioeconomic divisions. The proportion of families living at subsistence level will decline, and outer island populations will include a larger percentage of those families. Healthy children will enjoy childhood years, and most will continue to enjoy life into adulthood. Financial issues, poor health, and substance abuse may diminish the quality of life as children move into the teenage/ young adult years. In-county employment opportunities will become more scarce, unless economic activity is seriously stimulated. In the years ahead, some FSM children will continue to suffer from tropical and poverty-related conditions, as pressures of increased population density partially offset improvements in housing and health care. A rural to urban population shift, driven by desire for access to the more ‘‘modern’’ life, will continue. For some families, with this move comes a daily struggle to obtain the basic necessities that were readily available back in the rural areas. Decreased nutritional intake, increased stress levels within the family, and weakening of the extended family support system are this demographic trend’s unfortunate results. If prevention efforts fail and HIV/AIDS prevalence reaches a critical point, the situation could worsen, following a pattern similar to Papua New Guinea. The threat of other conditions (bird flu, cholera, dengue fever) is always present. Children will be impacted should such ailments reach the FSM. The country has not completed an epidemiological transition, but is in the unenviable position of being afflicted by disease patterns of both a developing and a developed country. This reality is poignantly illustrated at the health center by an overweight, diabetic, tobacco-using mother who arrives carrying an infant with kwashiorkor and vitamin A deficiency. The influence of the ‘‘outside’’ world will intensify. To succeed in life, and to see their county grow, FSM youth will need communication skills (in English and Chinese), mathematical proficiency, computer literacy, negotiating abilities, and they will need to tenaciously hold on to their identity as Micronesians. As globalization expands, the FSM’s situation as one of the world’s smallest countries could also place it among the world’s most fragile. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Hezel, Francis X., and Beng, M. L., eds. 1979. Winds of Change: A Book of Readings on Micronesian History. Saipan: Omnibus Program for Social Studies Cultural Heritage, Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. This textbook, which is used in several of the educational facilities in Micronesia, contains both descriptive information as well as excerpts from original correspondence and reports,
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beginning with early external contact to the initial period of self-government for the various Micronesian jurisdictions. Ibarra, Lourdes M. 1994. Challenges for Eliminating Vitamin A Deficiency in Chuuk State, Micronesia. Pacific Health Dialog 1(2) 31–3. This report describes many of the difficulties facing a public health initiative to improve childhood nutrition in Chuuk State. Mihalko, Carole L. ed. History of Pohnpei. Kolonia, Pohnpei: Pohnpei State Department of Education. This textbook, used in secondary schools in Pohnpei, provides information on the history of Pohnpeian culture, society, and political development. Pacific Health Dialog. A semiannual publication that provides a platform for international exchange of experiences and opinions on all aspects of health in the Pacific. Many issues have articles on Micronesian health and children topics. Contact the Fiji School of Medicine at http://www.fsm.ac.fj. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 2000. The State of the World’s Children 2000. New York: UNICEF. This report provides information on health and social status indicators for the world’s children during the year 2000. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 2000. UNICEF Pacific Mid Term Review Report 1999. Suva, Fiji: UNICEF Pacific. This survey report describes the 1999 mid-term progress of UNICEF programs in the Federated States of Micronesia.
Nonprint Resources College of Micronesia-FSM, Palikir, Pohnpei, FSM, http://www.comfsm.fm. The website of COM-FSM provides information about the college’s programs and other local news concerning campus activities. Federated States of Micronesia National Government, Palikir, Pohnpei, FSM, http://www.fsmgov.org. The Web site of the National Government of the Federated States of Micronesia contains general information about the country and includes links to the states’ web sites. Micronesian Seminar, Kolonia, Pohnpei, FSM, http://www.micsem.org. Micronesian Seminar, known popularly as MicSem, is a private non-profit, non-governmental organization that has been engaged in public education for thirty years, and whose stated purpose is to stimulate people to reflect on current issues in their societies. The organization produces videos and publications. Secretariat of the Pacific Community (SPC), Noumea, New Caledonia, http://www. spc.int. An international organization, SPC works in partnership with its members, other organizations and donors to deliver priority work programs to member countries and territories. SPC’s work programs aim to develop technical assistance, professional, scientific and research support, and planning and management capability building. Our vision for the region is that of a secure and prosperous Pacific Community, whose people are healthy and manage their resources in an economically, environmentally and socially sustainable way. World Health Organization. 2003. The World Health Report 2003: Shaping the Future. Geneva: World Health Organization, 2003. http://www.who.int. This report provides select 2003 health status indicators for all of WHO’s member countries. World Health Organization. 2005. World Health Statistics 2005. Geneva: World Health Organization. This report provides 2005 health statistics for all of WHO’s member countries.
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Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Chuuk State Department of Education Phone: 691-330-2203 Fax: 691-330-2233 Chuuk State Department of Health Services Phone: 691-330-2210 Fax: 691-330-2320 Chuuk State Department of Public Affairs (Youth & Scouting) Mailing address for all offices: c/o Office of the Governor, Weno, Chuuk State, FM 96942 Phone: 691-330-4252 Fax: 691-330-2233 The Chuuk State government’s departments responsible for implementing health, educational, and social affairs (including youth and women’s programs) in the state. FSM Department of Health, Education and Social Affairs P.O. Box PS70, Palikir Station, Pohnpei, FM 96941 Phone: 691-320-2619/2643 Fax: 691-320-5263 Web site: http://www.fsmgov.org The national government’s department responsible for coordinating health, educational, and social affairs (including youth and women’s programs) in the FSM. FSM Department of Justice P.O. Box PS105, Palikir Station, Pohnpei, FM 96941 Federated States of Micronesia Phone: 691-320-2608/2644 Fax: 691-320-2234 The national government’s department containing the office of the Attorney General, the Division of Security and Investigation (national police), and the Office of Immigration and Labor. Kosrae State Department of Education Mailing address for all Kosrae offices: c/o Office of the Governor, Tofol, Kosrae State, FM 96944 Phone: 691-370-3008 Fax: 691-370-2282 The Kosrae State government’s departments responsible for implementing health and educational services in the state. Kosrae State Department of Health Services Phone: 691-370-3199 Fax: 691-370-3073
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Pohnpei State Department of Education Phone: 691-320-2102 Fax: 691-320-5510 Pohnpei State Department of Health Services Phone: 691-320-2214 Fax: 691-320-5394 Pohnpei State Office of Social Affairs Phone: 691-320-5412 Mailing address for all Pohnpei offices: c/o Office of the Governor, Kolonia, Pohnpei State, FM 96941 The Pohnpei State government’s departments responsible for implementing health, educational, and social affairs (including youth and women’s programs) in the state. Yap State Department of Education Phone: 691-350-2150 Fax: 691-350-2399 Yap State Department of Health Services Phone: 691-350-2115 Fax: 691-350-3444 Yap State Department of Youth & Civic Affairs Mailing address for all Yap offices: c/o Office of the Governor, Kolonia, Yap State, FM 96943 Phone: 691-350-2168 Fax: 691-350-3898 The Yap State government’s departments responsible for implementing health, educational, and social affairs (including youth and women’s programs) in the state. Nongovernmental Organizations Micronesia Human Resource Development Center P.O. Box 1298, Kolonia, Pohnpei State, FM 96941 Phone: 691-320-2328 Fax: 691-320-2305 The MHRDC’s past programs have focused on telemedicine and diabetes prevention and control. Present activities include HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment, tuberculosis control, and environment protection. Micronesian Red Cross Society P.O. Box 2405, Kolonia, Pohnpei State, FM 96941 Phone: 691-320-7077 Fax: 691-320-6531 Web site: http://www.redcross.int The MRCS’s programs focus on emergency preparedness and first aid, safe blood supply, and HIV/AIDS prevention.
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Selected Bibliography Chuuk State Branch Statistics Office. 2002. Chuuk State Census Report: 2000 FSM Census of Population and Housing. Weno, Chuuk State: FSM Department of Economic Affairs. FSM Department of Economic Affairs. 2002. FSM National Census Report: 2000 FSM Census of Population and Housing. Palikir, Pohnpei State: FSM Department of Economic Affairs. Kosrae State Branch Statistics Office. 2002. Kosrae State Census Report: 2000 FSM Census of Population and Housing. Tofol, Kosrae State: FSM Department of Economic Affairs. Pohnpei State Branch Statistics Office. 2002. Pohnpei State Census Report: 2000 FSM Census of Population and Housing. Kolonia, Pohnpei State: FSM Department of Economic Affairs. Secretariat of the Pacific Community, Statistics and Demography Program. 2005. 2005 Pocket Statistical Summary. Noumea, New Caledonia: Secretariat of the Pacific Community. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 1996. Federated States of Micronesia: National Report on Two Years Implementation on the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Suva, Fiji: The National Advisory Council on Children. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 2003. A Situational Analysis of Children and Women in the Federated States of Micronesia: 2003. Suva, Fiji: The Government of the FSM with the assistance of UNICEF. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 2001. The State of Health Behaviour and Lifestyle of Pacific Youth: Pohnpei State, Federated States of Micronesia. Suva, Fiji: UNICEF Pacific. Yap Branch Statistics Office. 2002. Yap State Census Report: 2000 FSM Census of Population and Housing. Colonia, Yap State: FSM Department of Economic Affairs.
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FIJI Sharon Bessell and Lynette Petueli NATIONAL PROFILE Located in the southwestern Pacific Ocean, the Republic of Fiji is an archipelago of approximately 330 islands. With a total land area of 18,300 square kilometers, Fiji is spread across 1.3 million square kilometers. The nation’s capital, Suva, is located on the island of Viti Levu. According to the most recent population census conducted in 1996, one-quarter of Fiji’s population lives below $1 (PPP) per day. The poorest 20 percent of the population represent 2 percent of national consumption. In 2005, Fiji ranked 92 on the United Nations (UN) Development Program’s Human Development Index, representing a decline from two years earlier. Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita in 2004 was US$2,684 (Carling 2004). Single-parent families tend to be economically disadvantaged, with this group accounting for more than 40 percent of recipients of the Government of Fiji’s Family Assistance Scheme in 1999 (Levett and Dunne 1999). The Family Law Act of 2003 entitles children born
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outside of marriage to maintenance if paternity is proven (Legal SubCommittee 2004). Government support to families is primarily through the Social Welfare Department. The Family Assistance Scheme provides cash transfers to families identified as being in need. The National Coordinating Committee on Children is responsible for overseeing the implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in Fiji. Nongovernmental organizations play a crucial role in the delivery of services—including education and support for children and their families—and in advocating on children’s issues. Fiji is a multi-religious society. The majority of the population identifies as Christian, Muslim, or Hindu. The major religion is Christianity, which is practiced through a number of denominations (Save the Children Fiji 2006). For the past two decades, little in-depth information has been collected on unemployment in Fiji (Ministry of Finance and National Planning 2004). From 1986 to 1996, unemployment rates for fifteento twenty-four-year-olds increased in both rural and urban areas, with higher rates for both males and females in urban centers. In 1996, youth unemployment, particularly among young urban women, was considerably higher than the general rate of unemployment. Each year, an estimated 17,000 people enter the labor market, with fewer than half securing employment in the formal sector. Young women face particular difficulties in gaining formal sector jobs (Ministry of Finance and National Planning 2004). Fiji ratified the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women in 1995 and the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1993. Domestic violence against women and children is a significant social problem in Fiji. Legislation relating to custody of children was adopted in 2005 through the Family Law Act. Custody guidelines are based on the principle of the best interests of the child and encourage parents to come to custody and access arrangements independent of the courts. Under the Family Law Act both mothers and fathers are entitled to seek custody of their children. Children’s citizenship is based primarily on the nationality of the father. The Asian Development Bank (2006) describes Fiji as ‘‘a society with deep inequalities but little absolute poverty in relation to destitution, hunger and homelessness.’’ The availability of housing in major centers, particularly Suva, is not, however, able to keep pace with rural-urban migration. In recent years, squatter settlements have increased markedly in Suva. The government now supplies infrastructure (water, electricity, and garbage collection) to these settlements. According to the most recent census, carried out in 1996, the population of Fiji then stood at 797,800. A recent estimate suggests that the population has increased to more than 900,000. The annual population growth rate is 0.9 percent. Fiji is the second most populous country amongst the Pacific Island states, after Papua New Guinea. Approximately 75 percent of the
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population lives on the two largKEY FACTS – FIJI est islands of Viti Levu and Population: 918,675 (July 2007 est.) Vanua Levu, with 59.6 percent Infant mortality rate: 11.99 deaths/1,000 live births living on Viti Levu. Fifty-one (2007 est.) percent of the population lives in Life expectancy at birth: 72.88 years (2007 est.) the urban areas and 49 percent Literacy rate: 93.7 percent (2003 est.) in rural areas. Current trends Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 96 percent indicate that by 2015, 60 per(2000–2005) Internet users: 61,000 (2004) cent of Fiji’s population will be People living with HIV/AIDS: 600 (2003 est.) living in urban areas. Children Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 45 (2006 est.) and young people make up a Sources: CIA World Factbook: Fiji. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ large proportion of Fiji’s populapublications/factbook/geos/fj.html. April 17, 2007; UN tion. Approximately 53 percent Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report of the population is under the 2006: Fiji. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ age of twenty-five years, with 35 data_sheets/cty_ds_FJI.html. April 26, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Fiji–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ percent under the age of fifteen fiji_statistics.html. April 25, 2007. years. The population of Fiji is multi-racial and multi-cultural. Fifty-one percent of the population is indigenous Fijian and 44 percent Fijian Indian, with the remaining percentage made up of Asians, Caucasians, and other Pacific Islanders. OVERVIEW In 2005, gross enrollment rates at primary level were 109 percent. Gross enrollment rates at secondary school level were around 80 percent. Since the introduction of the Compulsory Education Act in 1997, education has been technically free and compulsory for children aged between six and fifteen years, or until the completion of Form Two (also known as Class Eight). In 2000, the Government of Fiji extended tuition fee assistance grants to include Form Five and, in 2001, to Form Six (Ministry of Education Annual Report 2004). In reality, the cost of schooling remains a barrier to education for many children. Schools have the power to charge a range of fees, including admission and administrative charges, levies for construction and maintenance of school buildings, salaries for support staff, and extracurricular expenses such as library books, sport equipment, and excursions. The inability to pay these fees may result in children being sent home from school and/or being publicly humiliated. Added to the fees imposed by individual schools are a range of additional costs, including uniforms, books, and stationery supplies. The annual cost of these items ranges from $200 to $250 FJD for a primary school pupil and from $350 to $500 FJD for a secondary school student. The government provides small grants to isolated rural communities to offset the cost of transportation for both children and teachers, but for the majority of the population, transport costs fall to families (Ministry of Education
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Annual Report 2004). In general, the costs associated with school are higher in urban areas. Fiji’s infant mortality rate has steadily declined over the past three decades and is lower than in several other Pacific Island countries. Nevertheless, it remains a cause for concern with eleven children in every 1,000 live births dying before their first birthday. The under-five mortality rate is also an issue of concern at twenty deaths per thousand live births. There are differences between Fiji’s two main ethnic groups in relation to child mortality, with higher rates among indigenous Fijians. Fiji has not experienced war in its recent history. Political instability and violence has shaped the political landscape in the form of coups in May and September 1987, an attempted coup in 2000 and a military coup in December 2006. On each occasion the result has been social disruption, uncertainty, increased unemployment, and exacerbated racial tensions. As a result, children’s health and well-being were impacted deleteriously. Access to services, including health care, was limited in some areas in the wake of the 2000 coup attempt as the threat of racially motivated violence increased. The military coup in December 2006 reignited fears of similar impacts. Refugee arrivals and recent immigration are not major factors of Fiji’s political and social landscape. Only a very small percentage of the population has recently immigrated, usually from other Pacific Island countries. Fiji’s history of immigration has, however, shaped the nation’s identity, social structure, and politics. Fiji’s ethnic mix is a legacy of British colonial rule, whereby the British recruited indentured Indian workers to provide cheap labor on sugar and cotton plantations. Between 1879 and 1916, more than 60,000 Indian laborers were recruited to work Fiji’s plantations. Of these, almost half remained in Fiji. Today division between indigenous Fijians and Indo-Fijians has resulted in deep social cleavages and two major political crises in the form of a coup in 1987 and an attempted coup in 2000. In 2006, the coup leaders gave allegations of government corruption as the major reason for the military’s seizure of power. Two bills under consideration by the Parliament in late 2006 were also of concern to the coup leaders, one because it was considered to be discriminatory against groups who are not indigenous Fijians and the other because it would have pardoned those who instigated the coup attempt in 2000. In 2006, racial issues, particularly around land ownership, played a part in the coup, but a relatively minor part and manifested differently than in 2000, when coup leaders actively opposed a racially mixed government. In January 2007, one month after the military coup, there had been no reports of racially motivated violence. Fiji ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1993 and signed the two Optional Protocols in 2005 signifying its intention to ratify. Fiji submitted its initial report to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child in 1995. The Committee’s Concluding Observations
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commended Fiji on the establishment of several mechanisms to protect, implement and monitor the human rights of children, including the National Coordinating Committee on Children, the Child Abuse Unit within the Police Department and the Children’s Unit within the Ministry of Social Welfare and Health. The committee further welcomed the participation of nongovernmental organizations in the National Coordinating Committee on Children and their involvement in the development of the 1997 amendment to the Juvenile Act regarding the prevention of child pornography. The committee raised concerns about the absence of measures to harmonize national legislation on the Convention on the Rights of the Children, the lack of systematic and comprehensive data-collection mechanisms particularly for children belonging to minority groups, girls, children living in institutional care, and children living in rural areas. The committee also expressed concern at the lack of an independent mechanism, such as a Commissioner for Children, to receive complaints of violations and to monitor children’s human rights. The lack of conformity within Fiji’s system of birth registration was an issue of concern identified by the Committee, as was the situation facing children living with a disability, particularly in regard to access to health care, education, social services, and social inclusion. Other issues of concern raised by the Committee included: . .
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The age of marriage for girls, set at sixteen years; The absence of explicit provisions prohibiting the use of corporal punishment by teachers and parents; Insufficient legislation relating to the ill treatment of children and child abuse; The continuing prevalence of malnutrition, maternal mortality and early pregnancy; The incidence of sexually transmitted diseases among adolescents and of teenage suicide; Insufficient preventative measures against HIV/AIDS; and The insufficient mechanisms to support children who have been victims of ill treatment, sexual abuse or economic exploitation. (Concluding Observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child: Fiji, June 1998)
Fiji has ratified the key International Labour Organization Conventions relating to child labor. The Employment Act prohibits the employment of children under the age of twelve years and regulates the employment of children aged between twelve and fifteen years. There is no evidence to suggest that slavery or indentured servitude exist in contemporary Fiji.
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As the nature of Fijian society changes, so too does childhood. As a UNICEF report (2005) points out, urbanization and the breakdown of communal social structures are having a marked effect on children and their familial and social relationships. Mills and Davis (1999) suggest that kinship obligations and structures that once supported children are coming under pressure. According to Mills and Davis, the tradition of communal childcare is being abused as people of prime-wage earning age migrate to cities and leave their children in the village. As a consequence, there is a growing problem of children who move freely or ‘‘float’’ from one family to another, but often without the safety net of highly structured, traditional systems of social responsibility. The entry of increasing numbers of children into primary school and the introduction of the Compulsory Education Act, with its intention of progressively expanding the number of years that children spend in school, will change the nature of childhood that most children experience. Limited access to school in rural areas, combined with an expectation that children will attend school, appears to be resulting in some children being disconnected from their families. Surveys of Fijian secondary schools undertaken in the 1990s found that approximately 10 percent of secondary school children live away from their parents. EDUCATION According to Ministry of Education figures, Fiji’s gross enrollment rate at primary level was 109 percent in 2005, indicating that Fiji has achieved universal primary education. The gross enrollment rate at secondary level in 2005 was 80 percent. Cost remains a major factor in young people leaving school prior to the completion of their secondary education. Since 1973, successive Fijian governments have progressively sought to absorb tuition costs. The 1997 Compulsory Education Act provides for free education to Form Two (Class Eight). The Ministry of Education no longer imposes tuition fees for primary school, and basic education is formally free (Save the Children Fiji 1998). In reality, education—even at primary school level—is not free as schools are able to levy a range of fees. Fiji has a unique education system whereby local communities and organizations are partners with the state in the provision of education. Seventy-four percent of primary schools in Fiji are operated by communities, with a little over 18 percent operated by religious organizations. A small percentage is operated by cultural organizations (5 percent) and special education societies (2 percent). Private and government-owned schools together make up less than 1 percent of Fiji’s schools. Of the 714 primary schools in Fiji in 2004, only two were operated by the Ministry of Education, while only 12 of the 160 secondary schools were operated by the Ministry (Ministry of Education Annual Report 2004). The Ministry funds
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the salaries of most primary and secondary school teachers and provides grants for equipment and infrastructure. Nevertheless, significant costs fall to individual schools. As private organizations and local committees have responsibility for operating schools, fees may be levied for a range of expenses, including the construction and maintenance of school buildings, salaries for nonteaching staff, books and supplies, admission, and administrative charges. The decentralized nature of Fiji’s education system is a double-edged sword. On one hand, decentralization has been praised as allowing local involvement in and ownership of schools. This is sometimes presented as creating an environment within which schools are genuinely embedded in and valued by local communities. On the other hand, the decentralized system can lead to inequality between schools and inconsistent and confused policy and practice. For example, a 1998 study by Save the Children Fund Fiji found considerable confusion, including among head teachers, as to whether or not school fees are compulsory. While the Ministry of Education’s policy states that no child should be excluded from school for failing to pay fees, in practice some schools enforce the payment of fees. The Save the Children Fund Fiji study revealed that ‘‘many schools are inflexible about the payment of fees, being unsympathetic when parents cannot pay at the beginning of term, and sometimes humiliating non-paying children openly’’ (Save the Children Fiji 1998). Fiji’s literacy rates are relatively high, with little discrepancy between men and women. The adult male literacy rate is 95 percent, while the adult female literacy rate is 91 percent. For many years, compulsory education was resisted by successive Fijian governments on the grounds that ‘‘compulsory education and free education are seen to go together and the cost of providing free education to all children is prohibitive’’ (Coordinating Committee on Children 1995). With the adoption of the Compulsory Education Act in 1997, tuitionfree education was introduced for all children in primary school, with the aim of gradually introducing free, compulsory education. Fiji’s education policy currently requires children to attend school between the ages of six and fifteen years. Under the act, children are exempt from compulsory education only in special circumstances, for example, if they must travel great distances to attend school, if they are ill, or if they are attending some other form of organized education. During the decade between 1986 and 1996, school enrollments increased significantly. The percentage of six-year-olds not attending school dropped from 15.5 percent in 1986 to 1.3 percent in 1996 (Save the Children Fiji 1998). It should be noted that in 1986, only 3.6 percent of seven-year-olds were not attending school, indicating that children were commencing school slightly later. The requirement that children commence school at six years had a clear impact on the age at which children begin school in the period between 1986 and 1996. The
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percentage of thirteen-year-olds not attending school dropped from 15.5 percent in 1986 to 7.3 percent in 1996 (Save the Children Fiji 1998). Despite improvements in retention rates, the number of children enrolled in school drops significantly in the early teen years. The 1996 census indicated that while almost 96 percent of twelve-year-olds were in school, the figure drops to 92.7 percent among thirteen-year-olds and to 87.1 percent among fourteen-year-olds (Save the Children Fiji, 1998). The Education Act applies only to schools with more than ten children. Privately operated preschool and early primary schools with up to nine children are quite common, often run out of private homes. These schools are not subject to the regulation of curricula, teacher qualifications, or the safety and well-being of children. Educational opportunities diminish at the secondary and tertiary levels, particularly in rural areas. Of the 160 secondary schools in Fiji, thirty-eight are classified as rural, the majority of these have enrollments of fewer than 250 pupils (Ministry of Education Annual Report 2004). Gender gaps exist in education in Fiji, with boys faring worse than girls. While there are no marked differences in enrollment between boys and girls in the early years of primary school, boys are more likely to repeat a year or drop out. The gap between girls and boys begins to widen at the age of thirteen years. Between the ages of fifteen and seventeen years, girls outnumber boys by between six and seven percent. Indigenous Fijian boys are at particular risk of dropping out before the completion of secondary school. Fiji’s ethnic cleavage extends to the education system. Despite a growth in ethnically mixed schools in recent years, many schools remain either indigenous Fijian or Indian. The ethnic composition of a school is determined primarily by its location. As Shameem (2002) points out, the government has not actively intervened to break down the ethnic divisions among schools, and where multiracial schools have emerged, the process had been ad hoc. Government scholarships are available exclusively for indigenous Fijian children. A major area of educational disparity in Fiji is between rural and urban areas. Poor quality and limited access to education in rural areas has been identified as a contributing factor to rural-urban migration. The government has made significant efforts to overcome the barriers to education in rural areas in recent years, establishing more schools and providing transportation for children who travel from remote areas. Nevertheless, the state of rural education in a range of areas—including access, participation, student performance, infrastructure and facilities, quality of teaching, and resources—has been criticized as less than satisfactory, and is recognized by the Government of Fiji as a major challenge to be overcome. Children with disabilities are generally excluded from ‘‘mainstream’’ schools. Schools are under no obligation to accept children with any form
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of disability, and are not required to provide facilities to cater for children with a disability. The lack of building access and other facilities is used to justify the exclusion of children with a disability from schools. The 1996 Census revealed that the majority of people with a disability never enroll in school. Those who do attend school complete fewer years than the national average, and few people with a disability have ever attended secondary school. Children with disabilities from poor families face the greatest levels of disadvantage. In the mid-1990s, 840 children attended Special Schools, but only a school for the blind offered secondary education. By 2004, total enrollment of children in special schools had increased to 1,073 (Ministry of Education Annual Report 2004). Generally, there is little support available to children with any form of disability or special need. Notably, lack of access for the disabled extends beyond the education system. People with disabilities are generally unable to access public buildings or use any form of public transport. The Government of Fiji has recognized the lack of educational opportunities for children with a disability, arguing that efforts to improve the situation are hampered by financial constraints. Bureaucratic inflexibility compounds the problems, with the Ministry of Education unable to hire educational specialists because such posts are not designated by the Civil Service Commission. Recent years have seen some progress. By 2005, there were seventeen Special Schools operating across the country. Like the majority of schools in Fiji, Special Schools are operated by community groups in partnership with the state. With the establishment of Special Schools, debate has emerged as to whether children with disabilities should attend ‘‘mainstream’’ or special schools. Currently, however, there are few options open to children with disabilities, even mild disability, as ‘‘mainstream’’ schools do not cater for them. The National Education Summit held in 2005 addressed special education, and the issue is one component of the government’s affirmative action program in an effort to improve access to education for persons with disabilities. The Constitution of Fiji provides for freedom of religious belief and protects the right to culture and language. English, Fijian, and Hindustani languages are recognized as having equal status within the state. Section 35 (5) of the Constitution states that no person may be obliged to participate in religion instruction or in religious ceremonies without his or her consent, or the consent of a parent or guardian if a child is under the age of eighteen years. Early childhood education is not compulsory, but is increasingly recognized as an important part of a child’s development. Some urban primary schools now require a certain level of preschool experience as a condition of enrollment. By 2004, 481 recognized preschools were operating in Fiji. Preschools are operated by village community groups, nongovernmental organizations, religious groups, and private individuals, which are
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responsible for all infrastructure and operating costs. However, in 2004, the government contributed $450,000 towards the salaries of early childhood teachers in 281 rural and disadvantages centers. The government also provides advice on curriculum and administrative matters. Despite the growing recognition of the importance of early childhood education, Fiji’s Early Childhood Policy has not been revised since the 1970s (Ministry of Education Annual Report). Limited access to early childhood education contributes to the educational barriers facing many children from low-income families. In response to the demand for quality early childhood education, Save the Children Fiji, in association with the Fiji Early Childhood Association and the Ministry of Education, have established the Mobile Playgroup Project. Staffed by early childhood teachers and operating in the squatter settlements of Suva and Labasa, the Mobile Playground Project services communities who cannot otherwise afford early childhood education. The Ministry of Education coordinates all work concerning Education for All goals in Fiji. The National Education for All Forum was established in July 2001, with membership from relevant government ministries, controlling authorities of nongovernment schools and other stakeholders. The forum has developed a National Action Plan for achieving the goal of Education for All. In working towards the Education for All goals the Ministry of Education focuses on: . .
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Implementing the National Education for All Action Plan. Revising the Education for All Action Plan in line with international developments and concerns. Monitoring and reporting on the progress of the implementation of the action plan. Coordinating with donors funding for the implementation of programs in the action plan.
PLAY AND RECREATION The Government of Fiji recognizes children’s right to play and recreation. Sporting activities and physical education are generally part of the curricula in both primary and secondary school. Many children identify sport as an important part of their lives. In a 2005 study undertaken by Save the Children Fiji, more than 40 percent of boys aged between ten and seventeen years identified sport as the activity that they are best at. A significant percentage of girls—30 percent in the ten- to thirteen-year age group and 16 percent in the fourteen- to seventeen-year age group—also identified sports as the activity they are best at. The Save the Children report identified soccer, rugby, and volleyball as sports that boys valued and felt they were best at, while girls identified netball, volleyball,
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swimming, and running. Creative arts were also important in children’s lives, as were social activities among teenage girls. An increasing number of young people use the internet as a source of entertainment (in the form of music and games), information, and communication, with email and instant messaging both popular. Internet shopping is also increasing in popularity. However, access to the internet remains limited, and significant numbers of young people, particularly in more remote areas, have no access whatsoever. CHILD LABOR The employment of children in the formal sector is not identified as a significant problem in Fiji, although a recent report by the United States Department of Labor (2006) raises concerns about child labor. Children who do work are generally engaged in informal sector activities or as family labor, where children often make a significant contribution. Carswell’s (2003) study of smallholder sugar cane farming demonstrates that the sugar industry is largely reliant on family labor, with the unremunerated labor of family members—including children—essential to the production of sugar cane and the livelihood of farming families. Children are also known to work in the tobacco industry. Overall, children’s work and child labor remain under-researched issues in Fiji. The Employment Act (Section 59) prohibits the employment of children under the age of twelve years. Children aged between twelve and fifteen years are permitted to work, but are legally protected from ‘‘harsh working conditions or where there are long hours, night work, or hard or heavy work’’ (Coordinating Committee on Children 1995). Under Section 64 of the act, children aged between twelve and fifteen are prohibited from being employed for more than six hours a day. Section 60 of the Employment Act states that children may only be employed on a daily basis, for a daily wage, and must return to the residence of their parents or guardian each night. The Employment Act does not address enforcement, and no agency has responsibility for monitoring the employment of children. In 1999, the Government of Fiji has ratified the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention Number 182 on the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labor and Convention Number 138 concerning the Minimum Age for Admission to Employment, along with a number of other relevant conventions. The current Employment Act does not comply with ILO Conventions on minimum age and the employment of children. Notably, the Employment Act permits the employment of children from the age of twelve, with no restrictions on the employment of children in family owned businesses or agricultural undertakings. While International Labor Organization Convention 138 allows developing countries to set an initial age for
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employment in ‘‘light work’’ at twelve years, it requires that this age be periodically reviewed with the intention of revising it upwards. The draft Industrial Relations Bill currently under consideration will bring Fiji’s laws regarding the employment of children more closely in line with International Labor Organization Conventions. Key provisions of the draft bill include: .
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Increasing the minimum age for employment from twelve to fifteen years. Permitting the employment of children aged between thirteen and fifteen years in ‘‘light work’’ in businesses owned by family, tokatoka, mataqali, or yavusa, so long as employment does not interfere with a child’s schooling. Permitting children aged above fifteen years membership of trade unions. However, young people are excluded from holding an official position within a trade union until the age of eighteen years.
The Fiji Trade Union Congress advocates a coordinated effort on the part of government, employers, and workers to end the economic exploitation of children, arguing that children should be in school rather than in factories or other profit-driven enterprises. The Congress has also called on the Government of Fiji to take measures to remove children from the workforce and provide them with education and social services. In May 2003, the ILO established a Fijian committee to raise awareness about child labor. The committee includes representatives of relevant government departments, the Fiji Employers Federation and the Fiji Trade Union Congress. In recent years, the Fiji Police Force has increased its commitment to investigating all allegations of child abuse, including economic exploitation, and to raising community awareness on child protection issues. This commitment has manifested in the establishment of Child Protection and Child Abuse Units and Juvenile Bureaux within the Police Force. FAMILY Both indigenous Fijian and Indo-Fijian families tend to be patriarchal and patrilocal. In both indigenous Fijian and Indo-Fijian families, children occupy low status and are rarely included in family decisions, including on matters affecting them. Strict disciplining of children is common in both indigenous Fijian and Indo-Fijian families, with indigenous Fijian families more likely to use physical force as a means of disciplining children. In Indo-Fijian families, girls are subject to especially strict familial control. Traditionally, Fijian society has been based around communal structures with responsibility for caring for children shared across the community. As a result of social change and urbanization, children are
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increasingly members of nuclear rather than extended families or wider traditional communities. Family breakdown occurs among all ethnic groups and in both rural and urban areas. Levett and Dunne (1999) suggest that a relationship exists between family breakdown and poverty, both of which tend to be associated with communities whose social cohesion and economic purpose have vanished. Mills and Davis argue that as family breakdown has become more common, a significant number of children ‘‘float’’ between and within families, and are often left without strong family or communal ties. According to Mills and Davis (1999), this is a social problem that ‘‘has not been adequately addressed by research, social policy or child legislation’’. Established in 1968, but with its origins dating the 1920s, the Social Welfare Department has primary responsibility for family support within the Fijian bureaucracy. The Department of Social Welfare is located within the Ministry for Women, Social Welfare and Housing. In 1999, the department had a staff of sixty-nine and a budget of $7.5 million to provide income support to more than 11,600 destitute people. The department has a statutory obligation for administering parts of eight Acts of Parliament relating to the care and protection of children, probation and family matters. The department’s responsibility for the care and protection of children includes children in residential centers. The government provides assistance to families in need via the Family Assistance Scheme. This scheme provides for cash transfers of between $15 and $80 per month (based on 1999 figures). In 1999, the majority of beneficiaries received near the minimum amount of $15. Twenty percent of beneficiaries received between $60 and $80 per month. Families with children enrolled in school are also eligible for assistance with education fees and some medical expenses. HEALTH Fiji has made considerable progress in reducing child and infant mortality since the 1970s. In 1975, for every 1,000 live births, 41 children died before their first birthday. By the mid-1990s, Fiji’s infant mortality rate was 16 deaths for every 1,000 live births (Ministry of Finance and National Planning 2004). This is considerably lower than the average infant mortality rate for the East Asia and the Pacific, which stands at 33 deaths per 1,000 live births, but nevertheless remains a cause for concern. The under-five mortality rate is 20 deaths per 1,000 live births (Ministry of Finance and National Planning 2004). Fiji’s National Report on the Millennium Development Goals highlighted differences between Fiji’s two main ethnic groups for under-five deaths. In 1990 and 2000, rates were higher among indigenous Fijians. Acute respiratory infection, communicable diarrheal diseases, rheumatic
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heart diseases, malnutrition, meningitis, and asthma were reported as leading causes of death for children under five. Other contributing factors include poverty, inadequate sanitation, low levels of education, poor water supply, and poor living and environmental conditions, particularly in rural areas. Fiji’s Ministry of Health operates a comprehensive immunization program through its primary health care clinics and rural nursing stations. A free immunization program is available through primary schools. The Immunization Schedule in Fiji includes BCG, polio, diphtheria, pertussis, measles, hepatitis B, rubella, and tetanus. While official figures indicated that more than 90 percent of children were immunized in the mid1990s, the Millennium Development Goals draft report suggests that only 76.4 percent of one-year-olds are immunized against measles. This represents a significant decline from 1990 when 86 percent of one-yearolds were immunized against measles. Fiji now has a good network of basic health services, particularly for child and maternal-child health. Access is, however, more difficult in rural areas and is often restricted in areas where transportation is limited. The Ministry of Health indicates that a significant proportion of parents stop taking their children to the health center for check-ups once immunization is completed at around nine months of age. The Ministry describes the period between the end of the immunization schedule and the beginning of school as the missing years, when many children’s health goes unmonitored. In urban areas, the majority of the population has access to metered water. In rural areas, the picture is mixed, with the use of wells, tank, and river water continuing in the absence of metered water in some areas. While progress has been made over the past decade, poor health and preventable diseases continue to result from inadequate water supplies. In the mid-1990s, 11 percent of babies were born with low birth weight (less than 2,500 grams). Significantly, there is a marked ethnic difference in relation to low birth rate, with only 4 percent of indigenous Fijian children born weighing less than 2,500 grams, but 21 percent of Indian babies under that weight (Ministry of Finance and National Planning 2004). The high rate of anemia among pregnant women was identified as the main cause of low birth weight babies, accounting for 62 percent of Indian women and 52 percent of Fijian women. This pattern continues into early childhood (Ministry of Finance and National Planning 2004). In the mid-1990s, 19 percent of Indian children aged between one and five were found to be underweight, while only five percent of Fijian children in the same age group were found to be underweight (Ministry of Finance and National Planning 2004). As efforts continue to reduce infant mortality, infant and child morbidity have emerged as issues of concern, particularly as they relate to lifestyle. Poor nutrition among children is a major health concern, with
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particular focus on poor weaning practices, the high intake of ‘‘junk food,’’ and high levels of anemia. The government recently took steps to address anemia through the introduction of iron-fortified flour. The 1996 Census indicated that approximately 12,000 people in Fiji live with a disability. This figure has, however, been shown to be an understatement of the extent of disability. The 1999 Review of the Social Welfare in Fiji stated that up to 10 percent of Fiji’s population is affected by physical or mental disability. As infant mortality rates decrease and general health care improves, it is anticipated that the number of people with disabilities will increase as infants and children with disabilities will have a higher chance of survival. State-provided care for children with disabilities is limited and families are often required to develop their own coping strategies. Responding to Fiji’s report on the implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, the 1998 Concluding Observations of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child raised particular concerns about the position of disabled children and their exclusion from society. Several organizations are active in promoting public awareness of mental health care in Fiji. The National Committee on the Prevention of Suicide, which includes both government departments and non-government organizations and is steered by the Ministry of Health, is a direct response to an increase in the incidence of suicide. The Fiji School of Medicine, together with nongovernmental organizations, including Partners in Community Development, aims to reduce the incidence of stressrelated violence among young people. Save the Children Fiji, Family Support and Education Group and Women’s Action for Change are amongs the non-government organizations concerned with children’s psychological health. All operate projects aiming to strengthen the coping abilities and rehabilitation of children who have experienced trauma. Medical care is provided free of charge to children at public hospitals and health centers throughout the country. The Ministry of Health’s National Food and Nutrition Center operates programs aiming to improve children’s nutritional status and has developed guidelines for school canteens. Nutritional information is broadcast to schools via the Ministry of Education’s School Broadcasting Unit. Government priorities in the area of children’s health, identified in the Ministry of Health’s Strategic Plan for 2005–08, include reducing child mortality and improving adolescent health, including mental health. Several non-government organizations have initiatives designed to improve children’s health. One example is Project H.E.A.V.E.N. Inc., which operates through schools to identify and support children with hearing and visual impairments. Female genital mutilation has never been identified as an issue of concern in Fiji. The Sexual Minorities Project, a non-government organization, provides education and public awareness on issues around sexuality.
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UNAIDS reports little data on the rates of HIV and AIDS in Fiji, with no data on infection rates among children or the prevalence of children orphaned by AIDS. In 2003, UNAIDS reported HIV prevalence among adults as 0.1 percent, although underreporting and underdiagnosis may be an issue. Nongovernmental organizations, such as the Fiji Red Cross Society, play an important role in providing peer-education on HIV/AIDS. Homosexuality is a criminal offense under the Fiji Penal Code. The legal prohibition of homosexuality has support from a number of religious groups and political leaders. However, the High Court of Fiji has ruled the Penal Code’s provisions on homosexuality unconstitutional and a breach of individual privacy and the right of non-discrimination. Key nongovernmental organizations advocating for the rights of gays, lesbians, bisexuals, and transgender people include the Sexual Minorities Project and Women’s Action for Change. According to the Sexual Minorities Project (2004) violence against lesbians and gay males continues in many forms, including verbal and physical assault and intimidation. Rates of youth pregnancy remain high. In 2000, 10 percent of all births were to mothers aged between fifteen and nineteen years. Teenage mothers are more likely to be unmarried or without a partner. Abortion is a felony offence under the Fiji Penal Code. There has been recent discussion of the possibility of decriminalizing abortion under certain circumstances. The Fiji Law Reform Commission, charged with redrafting the Penal Code, has suggested that it will consider decriminalizing abortion in cases of rape or incest, when the mother’s life is at risk, when a contraception device has failed or when a mother is deemed mentally unfit to care for a child (Fiji Times, 2006). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The Constitution of Fiji entitles children to a range of civil and political rights, including freedom of expression, thought, conscience, peaceful assembly, association, access to appropriate information, and privacy. Children are entitled to legal protection against torture and other cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment or punishment. The protection of children in conflict with the law is governed by the Juvenile Justice Act, which defines a juvenile as a person under the age of seventeen years. Section 30 of the Juvenile Justice Act prohibits custodial sentences for children, stating ‘‘No child shall be ordered to be imprisoned for any offence’’ (Legal Sub-committee of the Coordinating Committee on Children 2004). Section 27 of the Constitution of Fiji requires ‘‘a detained child is, so far as practicable, to be kept apart from adults, unless that is not in the child’s best interests.’’ Cases against juveniles are generally dealt with via the Police Juveniles Bureau. Officers in charge of police stations across the country have the authority to caution juveniles without resorting to the courts. Children under the age of ten years are not
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criminally responsible, with children aged between ten and twelve years deemed criminally responsible only if it can be established that they have the capacity to understand the nature of an offense. Children who come into conflict with the law have the right to legal counsel. A child’s parents, guardian, or social welfare officer must be present during police questioning. The Legal Aid Commission provides legal assistance to juveniles who are unable to afford legal representation. Citizens of Fiji are entitled to vote upon reaching the age of twentyone years. Voting age has been a matter of debate for several years, both within Parliament and beyond. The Reeves Commission, which drafted the 1997 Constitution, recommended a voting age of eighteen years, and lobby groups continue to argue that the age should be lowered. It is something of an anomaly that young people assume a range of legal and social responsibilities before the age of twenty-one. Notably, the minimum age for recruitment into the Fijian Armed Forces is eighteen years. The age of majority in relation to justice issues is seventeen years; the rationale for this has been questioned by the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. Over the past decade, there have been several initiatives designed to strengthen legislation to combat the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children in Fiji. These include the following: .
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The amendment of the Juveniles Act 1997 deeming the making and trading of child pornography illegal. The amendment in the Penal Code Amendment Act No. 4 of 2003, which outlines an increase in penalties of offences against children. The review of laws by the Fiji Law Reform Commission relating to children, including laws relating to sexual offenses. A review of the Adoption of Infants Act relating to adoption procedures.
The Fiji Police, the Ministries of Health and Education, and the Department of Social Welfare have established a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to facilitate the reporting of child abuse cases. The MoU does not, however, legally bind any of the parties. In 1995, the Fiji Police established the Sexual Offences Unit to provide specialized support and services to the victims of sexual assault. Officers in the unit have undergone intensive child-specific training. There have also been initiatives by nongovernmental and community organizations to provide training, education, and awareness on children’s rights and child protection issues. Gender-based differences, and in some cases inequalities, are enshrined in various pieces of legislation. Section 12 of the Marriage Act sets the minimum age for marriage at sixteen years for females and eighteen years for males. Divisions between indigenous Fijians and Indo-Fijians, while not always enshrined in law, shape the reality of children’s lives.
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Fiji ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1993 and signed both Optional Protocols in 2005. Fiji submitted its first periodic report to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child in 1995, and has since introduced several new pieces of legislation including the Compulsory Education Act and the Family Law Act. The National Coordinating Committee on Children has responsibility for monitoring the implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. As discussed above, Fiji has ratified the key International Labor Organization Conventions relating to child labor. UNICEF is active in Fiji. RELIGIOUS LIFE Religion plays an important part in the lives of many Fijians. Religious beliefs and affiliations in Fiji are divided along ethnic lines. The indigenous Fijian community is predominantly Christian. The majority of the Indo-Fijian population (approximately 78 percent) is Hindu, with a significant Muslim minority (approximately 16 percent) and a small Christian community (approximately 4 percent). Religious training, including spiritual and values guidance, is provided through all major religions. The Constitution of Fiji guarantees freedom of religion, as well as the right to retain language, culture and traditions (Section 6). Reflecting the deep significance of religion in Fiji, Section 5 of the Constitution states ‘Although religion and the State are separate, the people of the Fiji Islands acknowledge that worship and reverence of God are the source of good government and leadership’. The separation of the State has been challenged periodically, with some Methodist lobby groups calling for the establishment of a Christian state. In recent years the leadership within the Methodist Church has moderated such expressions of religious nationalism. The Government of Fiji has provided support for an annual ecumenical prayer service. Among Christian (primarily indigenous) Fijians, familial and social traditions are heavily influenced by religious practices and ceremonies. Christina Toren’s (2003) ethnographic research in Sawaieke (central Fiji) demonstrates that children are well aware of the importance of religion in their lives, and its centrality to their families and communities. Daily prayer and attendance at Sunday school are central aspects of indigenous Fijian children’s lives, with Sundays observed as a day of rest among many Christian families. Customs around the observance of rest and prayer on Sundays have a gendered dimension, with the only work undertaken being the preparation of meals, which is carried out by women and girls. For many indigenous Fijians, religious observance— interwoven with the importance of kinship, respect for the chiefly system and connection to land—shape social and familial relations and are values that underpin children’s socialization. Christmas and Easter, marking the birth, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ, are the major religious
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festivals celebrated by Christian communities, with each marked by public holidays. Religion is an important aspect the lives of Indian Fijian families, and a significant marker of identity. While the large majority of Indian Fijians are Hindu, it is notable that the caste system does not shape the values and practice of Hinduism in Fiji. The major Hindu festival in Fiji is Diwali, the festival of lights, cleanliness, and devotion to Lakshmi the goddess of wealth and prosperity (Kelly 1988). Diwali is a public holiday across Fiji. While Diwali is of great religious significance to the Hindu community, the fireworks and decorated houses that mark the festival are celebrated by Fijians of all ethnic backgrounds. The birth of the Prophet Mohammad, of deep significance within the Muslim faith, is also celebrated with a national holiday in Fiji. The majority of religious groups have an organization to assist families in need. A great number provide disadvantaged children with educational needs such as school fees, textbooks, uniforms, school bags, and school shoes. Most religious groups also provide counseling for couples and families. Three of Fiji’s residential centers for children are run by Christian churches. Churches operating residential centers receive a state grant of $60 per child and considerable material support from their overseas counterparts (personal correspondence with Arieta Tagivetaua, Ministry for Women, Social Welfare and Poverty Alleviation, April 11, 2006). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Data relating to child abuse and neglect is generally inadequate. Despite the MoU that promotes cooperation between relevant agencies, there is no coordinated collection or sharing of data between police, hospitals, and the Department of Social Welfare. Data from the Fiji Police Force indicates that between 100 and 150 cases of child sexual abuse were reported annually between 1995 and 2001 (SCF 2001). In 2002, there was a marked increase in reported cases (232), with a dramatic fall to 121 reported cases in 2003. Reported cases of child sexual abuse are consistently higher among indigenous Fijians. The Penal Code Amendment Act Number 4 of 2003 led to increased penalties for offenses against children and gives magistrates increased powers when sentencing individuals found guilty of such offences. In 2006, the Fiji Law Reform Commission commenced a review of all laws relating to children. In general, efforts are made to keep children who are victims of abuse within their families. The relevant Department of Social Welfare policy states that ‘‘the victim of abuse shall not be removed from their natural family or extended family setting unless it is in the child’s best interests’’ (Carling 2004). Children who are removed from their families by a court order are placed in institutions operated by community or religious
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organizations. There are five institutions of this kind, which are approved by the Department of Social Welfare. Generally, the extended family system is the only security available to children who are abused or neglected. Traditionally, children were cared for communally, and orphans were looked after by kin. This tradition continues, and neglected and abused children may be taken in and cared for by relatives. However, social change and urbanization are undermining traditional structures, often without the provision of adequate alternatives to ensure the protection and care of abused and neglected children Generally, abuse of children is underreported in Fiji, and there is no mandatory reporting of child abuse. The Police, the Department of Social Welfare, the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Health have adopted a Mandatory Reporting protocol, designed to encourage—but not oblige—the reporting of child abuse. Violence against children is widely accepted as an appropriate form of discipline, both within the family and the school. The sexual abuse of children is often not reported. One explanation for this is the Fijian custom of bulubulu (apology), whereby a perpetrator apologizes for the abuse of a child and the matter is dealt with informally. While bulubulu is not recognized within the legal system, it is practiced in cases of child sexual abuse and often considered an appropriate form of repentance. The lack of enforcement mechanisms relating to child employment legislation and the absence of monitoring means that employers who mistreat children have, in practice, impunity from the law. There are no legal provisions and few social sanctions against the mistreatment of children who work as family labor. A 2006 Save the Children Fiji study of children’s experiences of physical and emotional punishment revealed that corporal punishment occurs within schools. Until recently, there have been no sanctions against the use of corporal punishment in schools and corporal punishment was also used against individuals convicted of certain crimes. However, a recent judgment by the High Court of Fiji found corporal punishment to be unconstitutional. In the case of Naushad Ali versus the State, Mr. Ali was found guilty of incest and sentenced to five years imprisonment and six strokes of the cane. Upon appeal, the High Court found that the judiciary’s power to make sentences of corporal punishment, although permitted by the Penal Code and the Criminal Procedures Code, breached Fiji’s Constitution and is therefore unlawful. The High Court further declared that the use of corporal punishment in schools is unlawful and in conflict with the Constitution of Fiji. In a separate case (Umesh Kumar versus The State) the Fiji Court of Appeal declared corporal punishment to be unconstitutional. Again, the Court emphasized the supremacy of the constitution over other laws. Following these judgments, the Ministry of
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Education banned the use of corporal punishment in schools (Save the Children Fiji 2006). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Rural-urban migration and changes to traditional family and communal life mean that children growing up in the twenty-first century will experience a childhood very different from that of their parents. Education will play a much greater role in the lives of children than was the case for previous generations. Consumerism and information technology will be a feature of children’s lives to an extent unimaginable when their parents and grandparents were children. Outside cultural trends have strong influence over children and young people, particularly through television and the mass media. Mobile phones are now a desirable item among some secondary school children. Access to computers within the home is generally limited to urban centers and to wealthier families, although hire purchase has made computers more accessible to those on lower incomes in urban areas. Access to computers remains extremely limited in rural areas, where access to electricity is not universal. In recent years, internet service providers have begun to offer packages to families, opening up access for minority children in urban areas and bringing with it the opportunities and concerns experienced across a globalizing world. While mass media and communications technology is reshaping the nature of childhood and adolescence for some in Fiji, poverty, limited access to basic services—including quality health care and education—and the changes wrought by social change and urbanization are more direct determinants of children’s experience of childhood. With the military coup in December 2006—the fourth such attempt in two decades— upheaval and uncertainty once again characterize Fiji’s political, social, and economic landscape, and the environment in which children live. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Carling, Mereia, and Colleen Peacock-Taylor. 2001. Study of the Impacts of the Political Crisis on Children and Families in Fiji. Suva: Save the Children/UNICEF. Provides an analysis of the impact of the 2000 attempted coup on children’s lives, well-being, and access to basic services. Also provides a useful overview of key issues confronting children, young people, and families in Fiji. Fiji Islands Education Commission Panel. 2000. Learning Together: Directions for Education in the Fiji Islands. Suva: Government of Fiji. Provides a comprehensive overview of education in Fiji. Legal Subcommittee of the Coordinating Committee on Children. 2004. Draft Report on the Progress of Making Our Laws Compliant with the Convention on
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the Rights of the Child, Suva: Government of Fiji. Provides an overview of the main laws relating to children, with commentary on the changes necessary to implement the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child in Fiji. Levett, Allan with Alison Dunne. 1999. Review of the Social Welfare in Fiji. Suva and Wellington: Government of Fiji. Provides a useful overview of the social welfare system in Fiji. Save the Children Fiji. 2006. A Study on the Physical and Emotional Punishment of Children in Fiji. Suva: Save the Children Fiji. Drawing on rights-based, participatory research with 536 children and 101 adults in Fiji, this report represents the only comprehensive study of the punishment and disciplining of children in Fiji.
Web Sites The Secretariat of the Pacific Community, http://www.spc.int. This Web site provides up-to-date information on a range of social, economic, and cultural issues in South Pacific countries, including Fiji. The web site includes information on the progress of South Pacific countries, including Fiji, in meeting the Millennium Development Goals. United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Committee on the Rights of the Child, http://www.ohchr.org/english/bodies/crc/follow-up.htm. This web site provides the concluding observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child, based upon consideration of the Government of Fiji’s report on the implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. Also available is the report of a 2006 workshop, held in Suva, to discuss the implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in Fiji.
Organizations and NGOs Coordinating Committee on Children Ministry for Women, Social Welfare and Poverty Alleviation P.O. Box 2127 Government Buildings Suva, Fiji The Ministry for Women, Social Welfare and Poverty Alleviation has responsibility for issues relating to children’s welfare. The Coordinating Committee on Children is located within this Ministry. The Committee is responsible for monitoring the implementation of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child in Fiji. Fiji Law Reform Commission P.O. Box 2194 Government Buildings Post Office Suva, Fiji Phone: 679 3303900 Fax: 679 3303646 Web site: http://www.lawreform.gov.fj/common/Default.aspx
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The Fiji Law Reform Commission was established under an Act of Parliament in 1979 and is responsible for reviewing Fiji’s laws for the purpose of reforming and developing the nation’s legal framework. Fiji Women’s Crisis Center (FWCC) P.O. Box 12882 Suva, Fiji Web site: http://www.fijiwomen.com/ The Fiji Women’s Crisis Center is one of Fiji’s major human rights organizations. It works to prevent violence against women and children and to promote the human rights of women and children in Fiji. The Fiji Women’s Crisis Center provides crisis counseling and legal, medical, and other practical support services for women and children who are sufferers and survivors of violence. The web site includes a section on children’s issues. Ministry for Education Marela House Suva, Fiji Phone: 679 331 4477 Fax: 679 330 351 Web site: http://www.education.gov.fj This Ministry is responsible for education in Fiji. The Ministry of Education Strategic Plan 2003–2005 sets out the Ministry’s vision, mission, and the strategic activities. Save the Children Fiji P.O. Box 2249 Government Buildings Suva, Fiji An organization that works to promote the human rights of children in Fiji. As well as carrying out advocacy work and providing support to children in need, Save the Children Fiji has undertaken a number of studies on the situation of children in Fiji. UNICEF Pacific 3rd and 5th Floors, FDB Building 360 Victoria Parade Suva, Fiji The United Nations agency with responsibility for children’s issues. UNICEF Pacific is located in Suva, Fiji.
Selected Bibliography Adinkrah, Mensah. 1995. Men who kill their own children: paternal filicide incidents in contemporary Fiji. Child Abuse and Neglect 27:557–68. Asian Development Bank. 2006. Priorities of the People: Hardship in the Fiji Islands. http://www.adb.org. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. 2006. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. East Asia and the Pacific. Washington, DC: Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor.
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Carling, Mereia, and Colleen Peacock-Taylor. 2001. Study of the Impacts of the Political Crisis on Children and Families in Fiji. Suva: Save the Children/UNICEF. Carling, Mereia. 2003. Child Rights Program May 2003–May 2004. Suva: Save the Children Fiji. Carling, Mereia. 2004. Assessment of Protective Environments for Children: Fiji, Kiribati, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu. Suva: UNICEF. Carswell, Sue. 2003. A family business: Women, children and smallholder sugar cane farming in Fiji. Asia Pacific Viewpoint 44:131–48 Chand, Vijay. 2005. Housing the Homeless. Fiji Government Online. http:// www.fiji.gov.fj. Committee on the Rights of the Child. Undated. Concluding Observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child: Fiji. para 40, http://www1.umn.edu/ humanrts/crc/fiji1998.html. European Union and Government of the Republic of the Fiji Islands. 2003. Fiji Rural Education Project Draft Final Report and Financing Proposal. Suva: Government of Fiji. Fiji Islands Education Commission Panel. 2000. Learning Together: Directions for Education in the Fiji Islands, Suva: Government of Fiji. Global Education Center and Family Planning International Development (FPAID). 2004. Just Next Door—Development Themes for Fiji and Samoa. Wellington: FPAID. Kelly, John D. 1988. From Holi to Diwali in Fiji: An Essay on Ritual and History. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 23(1):40–55. Lawrence, E. 2006. Border crossing and virtual voyaging: Youth participation and the use of the Internet to create change in Suva, Fiji. Wellington: Victoria University. Legal Aid Commission. 2004. Juvenile Justice. Suva: Legal Aid Commission. Legal Subcommittee of the Coordinating Committee on Children. 2004. Draft Report on the Progress of Making Our Laws Compliant with the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Suva: Government of Fiji. Levett, Allan, with Alison Dunne. 1999. Review of the Social Welfare in Fiji. Suva: Government of Fiji. McMurray, Christine. 2005. The State of Pacific Youth Report. Suva: UNICEF. Mills, Graham C. and Manugalo Davis. 1999. The Marginal Child: A Study of Socially Disaffiliated Children in the South Pacific. The International Journal of Children’s Rights 7 (March):239–58. Ministry of Education. 2005. Building a Strategic Direction for Education in Fiji— 2006–2015—Draft. Suva: Government of Fiji. Ministry of Finance and National Planning. 2004. Millennium Development Goals, Fiji National Report. Suva: National Planning Office. Ministry of Information, Communications and Media Relations. 2004/2005. Fiji Today. Suva: Government of Fiji. National Coordinating Committee on Children. 1995. The Rights of the Child: National Report on Two Years Implementation on the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Suva: Coordinating Committee on Children. National Food and Nutrition Center. 2005. Canteen Guidelines. Suva: Ministry of Health. Partners in Community Development Fiji; Fiji School of Medicine; and Foundation of the Peoples of the South Pacific International. 2005. Youth, Mental Stress & Violence in Fiji—Situational Analysis. Suva, Partners in Community Development.
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Save the Children Fiji. 1998. Keeping Children in School: Fiji School Enrollments and Save the Children Fund’s Child Sponsorship Scheme. Suva: Save the Children Fiji. Save the Children Fiji. 2006. Commercial Sexual Exploitation and Sexual Abuse of Children in Fiji: A Situational Analysis. Suva: Save the Children Fiji. Save the Children Fiji. 2006. A Study on the Physical and Emotional Punishment of Children in Fiji. Suva: Save the Children Fiji. Sexual Minorities Project. 2004. Your Rights. Suva: Sexual Minorities Project. Shameen, Nikhat. 2002. Multilingual Proficiency in Fiji Primary Schools. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 23: 388–407. Toren, Christina. 2003. Becoming a Christian in Fiji: An ethnographic study of ontogeny. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 9, no.4: 709–28 UNICEF. 2005. The State of the World’s Children 2006—Excluded and Invisible. New York: UNICEF. U.S. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. 2005. International Religious Freedom Report. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2005/51511.htm. U.S. Department of Labor. 2006. Bureau of International Labor Affairs (ILAB) report. http://www.dol.gov. World Health Organization. Regional Office for the Western Pacific, Fiji. National Health Plan and Priorities. http://www.wpro.who.int.
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HONG KONG Bianca Prather-Jones, Willie Elliott, and Elaine Jarchow NATIONAL PROFILE The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People’s Republic of China is located in eastern Asia bordering the South China Sea and China. With a total land area of approximately 1,100 square kilometers (425 square miles), it covers Hong Kong Island, the Kowloon Peninsula, and the New Territories, including 235 outlying islands. A British colony for 156 years, Hong Kong reverted to Chinese sovereignty on July 1, 1997. Although formally under Chinese rule, Hong Kong was promised a high degree of autonomy (at least until 2047) in all legal, social, political, and economic matters except foreign affairs and defense. The SAR is currently ruled according to the Basic Law of Hong Kong, which acts as a mini-constitution for the territory. However, in 2004, there were increasing concerns in regard to China’s interference in Hong Kong’s independent judiciary system, increasing censorship of the press, and intervention in public opinion research that was critical of the Chinese government.
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The population of Hong Kong in 2007 was estimated to be 66,980,412 (CIA 2007). Hong Kong is one of the most densely populated areas in the world, with approximately 6,250 people per square kilometer (Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs 2005). The ethnic makeup of this population is 95 percent Chinese, and 5 percent other; primary minorities include Filipinos, Indonesians, Americans, and Canadians (Funk & Wagnalls New World Encyclopedia 2002). The age of majority in Hong Kong is eighteen years; however, different ages apply in different circumstances. For example, individuals may vote or drink alcohol when they reach eighteen years of age; however, employment regulations define children as individuals under fifteen, and children as young as thirteen are permitted to work in certain settings. There are 1.3 million children under the age of eighteen in Hong Kong. This number comprises 20 percent of the total population (The Hong Kong Committee on Children’s Rights 2005). The population of Hong Kong is one of the most educated in the region, and the general education level has improved markedly since 1990. There has also been a significant rise in per capita income and the standard of living in Hong Kong over the past forty years. However, although the income of most citizens in Hong Kong has improved, income disparity has intensified. The Gini coefficient, which measures the inequality of a population, increased to 0.525 in 2001 (0 designates perfect equality, while 1 represents total inequality). This indicates that poverty is becoming a more serious issue in Hong Kong. The rate of homelessness, on the other hand, is decreasing. In December 2003, there were 529 homeless people in Hong Kong, a 60 percent decrease since 2001 (Hong Kong Council of Social Service 2005). By international standards, Hong Kong’s rate of unemployment is and has been relatively low. In 2005, Hong Kong’s average unemployment rate was 5.8 percent. Female participation in the work force has increased due to economic development, the need to supplement family income, and a change in attitude regarding female employment. Females make up nearly half (45 percent) of the full-time paid employees in the private and nongovernmental sectors. Their involvement is especially concentrated in the field of education/medical/community/social services, while males dominate in the construction and mining/electricity/gas industries. Women in Hong Kong are a clear minority in the country’s political positions. For example, in 2002, women held only eleven of sixty KEY FACTS – HONG KONG (18 percent) Legislator positions Population: 6,980,412 (July 2007 est.) and 72 of 518 District CounLife expectancy at birth: 81.68 years (2007 est.) cilor positions (14 percent). In Internet users: 4.879 million (2005) 2003, the median monthly People living with HIV/AIDS: 2,600 (2003 est.) income was $11,000 for emSources: CIA World Factbook: Hong Kong. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ ployed males, and $8,000 for publications/factbook/geos/hk.html. April 17, 2007. employed females (Census and
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Statistics Department of HKSAR 2005). This discrepancy is due to a range of factors, including educational levels, experience, and the types of jobs held. OVERVIEW Primary and junior secondary education is free and compulsory for children between the ages of six and fifteen. In 1997, approximately 98 percent of all school-age children were attending the school at the grade level relative to their official school age. One hundred percent of all children who start primary school stay in school until the age of fifteen. Approximately 74 percent of children go on to complete two years in secondary schools (Cheng 1997). According to statistics from Western Pacific Region Health Databank (2005), the infant mortality rate in Hong Kong is 2.26 deaths per 1,000 births. The under-five mortality rate is 3.27 deaths per 1,000 births. Both of these indicators are ranked among the best in the world. In fact, the infant mortality rate is the third lowest among 226 world countries. The life expectancy at birth for natives of Hong Kong is 81.6 years, one of the highest in the world. The adult literacy rates in 2005 were reported as 92 percent (95 percent for males, 88 percent for females). However, the literacy rate for children ages fifteen to twenty-four is more than 98 percent (United Nations Development Programme 2005), indicating that illiteracy is most common among older adults. A current area of concern in Hong Kong is the immigration of individuals from mainland China. The term ‘‘New Arrivals’’ was coined by the government of Hong Kong in reference to mainland Chinese who have been in Hong Kong for less than one year. The phrase ‘‘Newly Arrived Children’’ (NAC) refers to youth, through the age of twenty, who fall into this category. Only after the 1997 reunification of Hong Kong and China were dependent children of a Hong Kong resident and a mainland Chinese spouse permitted entry into Hong Kong. (Prior to that, Hong Kong operated under strict immigration policies and it maintained a quota of legal immigrants, none of whom could be between the ages of six and fourteen). Therefore, the needs of NAC have only recently become a concern. NAC face a number of challenges, including securing age-appropriate school placements, adjusting to a new educational system and new curricula, adapting to a new school and social environment, language barriers, and segregation and prejudice. In response to these challenges, Hong Kong has constructed new schools and provided assistance to parents in finding appropriate schools for their children. In addition, schools and nongovernmental agencies have provided induction and support programs, as well as developed instructional materials designed to meet the
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needs of immigrant children. However, more support is needed for these children. Public education campaigns are also needed in order to alleviate the negative stereotypes held by natives of Hong Kong toward immigrants from the Chinese mainland, so that the new environment experienced by Newly Arrived Children is a positive one. Hong Kong has also acted as a main port of asylum for refugees from Vietnam. In 1975, more than 200,000 Vietnamese people fled to Hong Kong. Most of these refugees were eventually either resettled elsewhere or returned to Vietnam. The refugees who remained in Hong Kong lived in refugee camps, and these children went to schools specifically for refugees. In 2000, the last Vietnamese refugee camp in Hong Kong (Pillar Point) was closed and approximately 1,400 remaining Vietnamese refugees and immigrants were permanently resettled in Hong Kong. The Vietnamese children within this group were permitted to attend Hong Kong schools, and would supposedly receive the same support as other Newly Arrived Children, although information about the existence and form of this support is scarce. Since the closing of Pillar Point, the number of undocumented Vietnamese immigrants arriving in Hong Kong dropped to less than 40 per month; the Hong Kong SAR Immigration Department reported a total of only 324 illegal Vietnamese immigrants for the year 2005. Since reverting to Chinese sovereignty in 1997, being Chinese in Hong Kong is ever changing. According to a 2004 study by the Chinese Committee on the Promotion of Civic Education, 73 percent of the Hong Kong community reported feeling proud of being Chinese and 51 percent indicated that they were happy to be a citizen of China. While Hong Kong residents are concerned about affairs in mainland China, they continue to have a strong sense of belonging to Hong Kong. Ninety-six percent of respondents identified Hong Kong as their home, a 4 percent growth from the survey results of 2000. Hong Kong residents are pleased with the economic development of China, but an overwhelming majority is not supportive of China’s rule of law. Residents of Hong Kong are supportive of China, but remain loyal to their country. In January 1999, articles of the Basic Law were interpreted by the Court of Final Appeal so that 1.6 million mainland China immigrants could enter Hong Kong. This created concern, so in June 1999 the National People’s Congress Standing Committee issued an interpretation overturning the court decision. There have been concerns of introducing the mainland’s idea of national security and there have been unsuccessful movements for universal suffrage. According to a 2004 study by the Chinese Committee on the Promotion of Civic Education, 85 percent of Hong Kong citizens do not agree with the mainland’s rule of law and feel as though they are not being unpatriotic by criticizing the Central Government. Hong Kong continues to work to preserve its autonomy as a Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China.
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EDUCATION Preschool education begins at age three or four and takes place in either kindergartens or nurseries. Most preschool education is self-financed and is supported primarily by fees paid by parents. Nurseries are intended for children age two and up. These are sometimes attached to kindergartens to which the child transfers at age four. There are also independent nurseries that are often operated by volunteer agencies, such as churches or charitable organizations. Nurseries are under the control of the Social Welfare Department and are often subsidized by the government. Kindergartens are intended for children between age four to six, and almost all kindergartens in Hong Kong are private, although they are under control of the Hong Kong Education Department. The majority of kindergartens run two half-day classes per day; however, there are some, catering to full-time working mothers, that offer full-day services. Primary school usually begins at age six and lasts for six years. At around age twelve, children progress to a three-year course of junior secondary education. These nine years of education are compulsory and have been required by law since 1978. These laws require children to stay in school until they have reached the age of fifteen or completed form three (the final year of junior secondary). Home schooling is not an acceptable alternative. The curriculum in primary schools is relatively uniform and comprised of eight or nine subjects, including Chinese, English, mathematics, social studies, sciences, health, music, physical education, and art. Approximately 90 percent of primary schools use Chinese as the language of instruction. The standard class size in primary school is 35 students. Currently, the majority of primary schools run two half-day classes per day. Morning school runs from 8:00 A.M. until 1:00 P.M., and afternoon school runs from 1:30 P.M. until 6:30 P.M. Hong Kong government policy includes a goal to gradually convert to whole-day schools. Current discipline policies in Hong Kong schools focus on logical, non-punitive consequences for students’ misbehaviors. Teachers are not permitted to administer corporal punishment. There is some competition to gain entrance into secondary schools. This is handled by the Secondary Schools Placement Allocation Scheme, which uses an integration of school internal assessments, aptitude tests, parental choice, and fair geographic distribution to determine admission. This results in better students going to better schools within a respective area. This system is generally endorsed by the community. Junior secondary schools offer a choice of subjects, however emphasis is on English language, Chinese language, and mathematics. Senior secondary classes are usually classified under arts, commerce, science, or general tracks. Most secondary schools deliver instruction in a mixed code of English and Cantonese, with exams delivered in English. This inconsistency has become
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an issue of concern, and the government is encouraging schools to adopt a particular language of instruction. A few Chinese-language and Englishlanguage secondary schools already exist. Class size in secondary schools is also around thirty-five. Most students stay on in secondary schools for an additional two-year senior secondary course (forms four and five), while some students go into full-time vocational training. According to Cheng (1997), more than 90 percent of children in Hong Kong complete upper secondary or equivalent vocational education. Most secondary schools also offer an additional two-year pre-university program (sometimes referred to as form six) to prepare students for higher education. This follows a narrow course of study of three to six subjects dictated by the entrance requirements of higher education institutions. Form six classes usually have thirty students. There are eight institutions of higher education in Hong Kong: the University of Hong Kong (HKU), The Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK), City University of Hong Kong (CityU), Hong Kong University of Science and Technology (HKUST), Hong Kong Baptist University (HKBU), Hong Kong Polytechnic University (PolyU), Lingnan College (LC), and the Hong Kong Institute of Education (HKIEd). Mainstream programs take three years; however, most professional degrees are longer than three years. A large number of Hong Kong students complete their higher education in overseas institutions. During the mid-1990s, at least 35 percent of Hong Kong residents in the postsecondary age group were receiving some type of higher education (including degree or nondegree programs, overseas study, and open learning opportunities). Children with physical, sensory, or intellectual impairment are usually segregated into special education schools. Special schools are currently funded to provide nine years of free general education to students with sensory disorders or physical impairments, and ten years for students with mental retardation. Children who are clearly diagnosed with designated categories of disabilities receive special instruction and services in separate settings intended for students with those disabilities. A small percentage of children with disabilities do receive their education in mainstream schools. While there are no official statistics on the exact number of students with disabilities being educated in mainstream schools, estimates cited by Wong (2002) indicated that there were 751 students with known special needs in 418 mainstream primary schools (out of 856 primary schools). This number accounts for only around 0.16 percent of the total primary school population of 467,718 that same year. Hong Kong teachers face the same challenges as other countries involved in inclusive education, such as the struggle between student achievement and the aspirations of integration. Under the current system, strategies for helping these students primarily focus on resource classes, which students attend in place of their normal classes in order to receive intensive remedial help in Chinese, English, and/or mathematics. These
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classes are generally small (eight to fifteen students), consist of students with a variety of abilities and needs, and are taught by teachers trained in teaching students with disabilities. Recent policies within the Education and Manpower Bureau focus on placing children with special educational needs in mainstream schools whenever possible, ‘‘so that they receive the fullest benefit of education from mixing and interacting with ordinary children in an ordinary environment.’’ To support this endeavor, various funding opportunities have recently been made available to provide support to these students, to pilot inclusive models, and to enhance teachers’ professional knowledge in working with students with special needs. Hong Kong’s educational system will see substantial changes in the coming years. One such change is a move from seven years of secondary education, with senior secondary education available to only one third of a cohort, to six years of secondary education, with nearly universal participation. In addition, beginning in 2012, university undergraduate programs in Hong Kong will increase from three to four years, with the intent of providing the opportunity to broaden the scope of learning in universities and postponing the process of specialization, as well as providing more time to develop ‘‘well-rounded graduates’’ (Olsen and Burges 2006). PLAY AND RECREATION Children in Hong Kong like to watch television, play video games, and go to the movies. They also enjoy trips to the beach and playing sports, such as basketball. Watching television is the most popular leisure activity in Hong Kong. More than 90 percent of the population has at least one television in their home. On average, Hong Kong residents watch more than three hours of television daily. Although a large proportion of television programming in Hong Kong is produced in that region, many programs are imported from other countries. Hong Kong has four local television channels, two delivered in Cantonese and two in English. Each channel offers a variety of programming including daily news, documentaries, dramas, talk shows, lifestyle, and sports. Cable and satellite television are also available in Hong Kong and offer a variety of specialized channels (that is, Children Channel, ESPN, CNN, Discovery Channel, STAR Movies, and MTV China), the majority of which are delivered in either English or Cantonese. Many children in Hong Kong have access to computers and the internet, and indicate these as other favorite leisure activities. In 2003, there were 3,212,800 internet users in Hong Kong (CIA 2005). In addition, Hong Kong has the highest rate of mobile phone ownership in the Asia-Pacific region, with 25 percent of youths between the ages of seven and eighteen owning one (Madden 1998). Youths in this age group cite McDonald’s as their favorite restaurant and Coca-Cola as their favorite drink.
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Many Children and Youth Centers are operating in Hong Kong and are provided on a neighborhood basis, with one center serving every 20,000-30,000 citizens. In 1995 there were 224 operating centers, most of whose 232,000 members were students between the ages of six and nineteen (Ho 1999). However, this figure represents only about 20 percent of the Hong Kong youths within that age bracket. The goal of youth centers in this region is to promote youths’ participation in a variety of programs, including friendship and volunteer groups, as well as to provide activities such as counseling, information sharing, and others with the intent of developing participants’ sense of citizenship and a preference for democracy. These centers also serve to prevent juvenile delinquency and to promote social integration. Hong Kong residents have access to a wide variety of sports and recreational facilities, including sports grounds and complexes, beaches, swimming pool complexes, soccer pitches, volleyball courts, tennis courts, squash courts, and children’s playgrounds. Many of these are built and managed by Hong Kong’s Leisure and Cultural Services Center, which seeks to ‘‘enrich the community’s quality of life through the promotion and provision of recreational and cultural facilities and activities.’’
CHILD LABOR The Employment Ordinance is the main piece of legislation that governs employment in Hong Kong. It was enacted in 1968 and has been continually revised to provide more and more coverage for potential and present employees. The Employment of Children Regulations under this ordinance protects children, defined as individuals under the age of 15, in all economic sectors. The most important pieces of this legislation are as follows: (1) children under the age of fifteen cannot work in an industrial setting; (2) children aged thirteen and fourteen may work in nonindustrial agencies; (3) children under thirteen are not allowed employment. The Employment of Children Regulations do not apply to any child registered as an apprentice under the Apprenticeship Ordinance. Hong Kong’s Employment Ordinance also regulates the hours of work and the conditions of labor for young people in industrial settings via The Employment of Young Persons Regulations. A ‘‘young person’’ is defined as anyone over the age of fifteen but not yet eighteen. The important pieces of this legislation state that young people: (1) can work only eight hours a day between the hours of seven in the morning to seven in the evening; (2) can only work forty-eight hours a week and only six days a week; (3) must be provided a time period of half an hour for lunch and rest; (4) there is no overnight working or working on holidays. In order to be sure these laws are followed, the Labor Department carries out regularly scheduled tours of worksites.
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The protections of these ordinances are reportedly not followed in more rural areas. One reason for this is because adult workers are going to the urban areas for better paying chances and children are being forced to replace them. This has been one impact of globalization; as more and more jobs are becoming technical in nature and moving to urban areas, more and more adults are leaving the rural areas. Another function is that some children in rural schools are forced to work during school hours in order to help schools meet the costs of the operation of the schools themselves, despite a policy to not prevent the successful completion of the nine years of compulsory education. There is no law against trafficking in children, but there are laws and ordinances against traffickers. Hong Kong is a point of transit and destination for children targeted for forced labor and/or sexual exploitation for children trafficked from Southeast Asia and China, even though the government makes many efforts to prevent activities of this nature. Some children have been lured to Hong Kong with fake promises of legal employment only to be forced into prostitution. Provisions in the Immigration Ordinances, the Crimes Ordinance, and other pertinent laws allow legal officials to prosecute trafficking in children. The legal system, specifically the courts, can impose heavy fines and prison sentences for up to fourteen years for activities of this kind. The Security Bureau is responsible for preventing children trafficking and directs the police, customs, and immigration departments in these matters. Law enforcement officials receive training in handling and protecting childhood victims of trafficking. Legal aid is provided for the victims and their parents who want to pursue legal action against fake employers. There are also many social services provided by the Social Welfare Department to childhood victims of trafficking. Because the trafficking of children is a very profitable business, laws must be enacted and enforced. FAMILY In the Chinese culture, fathers are usually regarded as yi jia zhi zhu (master of the family). Fathers are perceived as holding a more powerful position in the family than mothers and generally control the financial resources and make the important decisions about the family and children. However, this perspective has been somewhat altered in Hong Kong by the recent increase in divorces and single-parent families, the decrease in birth rates, and the diminishing family solidarity. The divorce rate in Hong Kong has sharply increased since the 1980s. Over a nine-year time period, from 1989 to 1998, the divorce rate increased from 1 in every 8, to 1 in every 2.5 marriages. This increase has resulted in more single-parent families, many of which are living in poverty. According to the Hong Kong Council of Social Service (2005), the
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number of single-parent families receiving social security assistance during 1998 was 17,161, five times the number in 1988. Most single-parent families are headed by females. The number of female single parents rose from 23,059 in 1991 to 45,072 in 2001 (a 95 percent increase). Single fathers increased from 11,479 to 13,388 (a 17 percent increase). The number of reported spousal abuse and child abuse cases have also increased, from 2,321 to 3,371 cases from 2000 to 2005, and 500 to 622 cases from 2001 to 2004, respectively. Support for Families In Hong Kong, the primary responsibility for the care of children lies with parents. Therefore, child welfare is viewed within the parameters of family welfare, and services are often classified according to how they support families (that is, developing parents’ abilities to meet children’s needs). Services for children and families in Hong Kong include social security, which provides a low basic livelihood for unemployed Hong Kong residents; family life education, which conducts seminars and small group activities that focus on educational issues relevant to families; and family counseling, which provides resources and counseling for families regarding relationship problems. HEALTH In 2003, Hong Kong’s health indicators were ranked among the best in the world. Infant mortality rates (2.26 per 1,000 live births), under-five mortality rates (3.27 per 1,000 live births), and maternal mortality ratios (4.19 per 100,000 live births) are comparatively low (Western Pacific Region Health Databank 2005). One of the main reasons for this very strong state of health is the emphasis placed on prenatal care. Virtually 100 percent of pregnant women in Hong Kong are cared for by trained health care personnel. Children are also immunized against a wide range of illnesses, including measles, tuberculosis, diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis, poliomyelitis, and hepatitis B. Due to high immunization coverage (80–96 percent of all children are immunized for each of the above), diseases such as diphtheria and poliomyelitis have been practically eliminated, and the occurrence of preventable infectious disease among children is relatively low. Living Conditions An important factor that has played a part in enhancing the health conditions for children in Hong Kong is the improved sanitation. Ninety-nine percent of the population of Hong Kong has sustainable access to improved sanitation. In addition, 100 percent of the population has sustainable access to an improved water source. However, in some public housing areas, littering and dumping has increased, which negatively affects how long poor children can expect their lives to be in Hong Kong.
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Government Support for Children’s Health The Hong Kong government’s health care policy indicates that all citizens should have access to adequate medical treatment, and that no one should be denied due to lack of means. The government provides a range of facilities, as well as preventative, curative, and rehabilitative services through the Hospital Authority and the Department of Health to meet the needs of the public. One example of this is the School Dental Care Service, which provides dental care for roughly 426,500 children on a yearly basis. Additional health services are available in the private sector. Even though the general health of children in Hong Kong is good, there are some conditions that are unfavorable. One issue is that services can be difficult to obtain in lower income areas, and even more difficult to obtain in rural areas. Another issue is the lack of coordination between hospitals and primary care facilities. The provision of health care to children is divided into hospital care and clinic care. Current practice does not use a system of primary care physicians acting as case managers to ensure that children receive all services necessary to maintain good health, and there is no interface between the hospitals and the well care clinics. Hong Kong also has a need for more doctors in order to provide adequate healthcare for all children. The Family Health Service of the Department of Health provides health promotions and the prevention of disease services for children up to five years old. Parents and caregivers receive training to raise normal and well-adjusted children. Immunization, health, and developmental awareness services are provided for children at child health centers. The Student Health Service of the Department of Health places emphasis on health promotion, disease prevention, and continuity of care for all primary and secondary students. The Adolescent Health Program promotes psychohealth classes in all secondary schools. This program also offers family life education and sexuality education for youth. The emphasis of these programs is physical health, with the understanding that good physical health works in conjunction with good mental health. The government also provides youth counseling through its Family Planning Association. This Association offers family life education, sexuality education, and publicity campaigns for promoting responsible parenthood. Children in Hong Kong are facing a growing serious health problem: obesity. One of the main causes of this problem is a change from the healthier traditional diets of the past to more Western diets of fast food and high-fat snacks. In addition, school-aged youths are relatively inactive. In fact, some reports indicate that Hong Kong primary students may be the most inactive in the world. This inactivity may be linked to several possible causes, including the belief by some parents and teachers that participation in sports is detrimental to students’ academic
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achievement as well as the fact that children are watching more television and spending more time on the computer. The government has instituted various programs in an attempt to combat this problem. One such program is presenting special awards for children who train in their schools for regular physical fitness tests, designed to increase their physical fitness and reduce their weight. The concerns regarding environmental pollution has been in Hong Kong for a long period of time. The main basis for this concern is that it has such a negative impact on the health of children. This negative impact is shown in such things as sore throats, coughs, morning phlegm, and lots of wheezing. These symptoms are found in all children, both in rural and urban areas. There is an increase in bronchial hyper-reactivity in children who live in more polluted areas. The discussion in this area centers on an environmentally responsible policy that will make possible a better quality of life for children in Hong Kong. It is noted that these efforts must address air pollution and water pollution. The Guangdong Provincial Government is being asked to lead the way in this regard, so that all children will benefit. Incidence of HIV is relatively low in Hong Kong. The main problem for children with HIV is the stigma attached to it. However, Hong Kong is making great efforts to provide general respect for the basic human rights of children particularly and all people in general. This includes readily available and very inexpensive treatment and care. Hong Kong’s nongovernmental organization (NGO) is strongly aiding this process and, along with the Equal Opportunities Commission, is fighting discrimination against HIV children. In Hong Kong, children are able to obtain services from NGOs and church groups, and to participate in grassroots organizations. The Hong Kong AIDS foundation develops and directs programs in schools and workplaces. This organization also has a discussion forum on the internet where anonymous writers can post questions and have them answered by trained counselors. Service workers provide counseling and support groups for children living with HIV/ AIDS. This help includes their families and parents, when needed. There are two groups in Hong Kong that advocate for the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) youth. These groups are Horizons and Queer Sisters. These groups offer counseling to LGBT youth and their families and friends. This begins the discussion on their issues and how they can be addressed in society and in school settings. Based on the current literature, abortion is permitted in Hong Kong for very specific reasons. However, it is unclear whether teens under the age of eighteen have to get their parents’ consent. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS While China is a communist country that operates on a civil law system, Hong Kong’s government operates on a common law system that
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follows the traditions practiced in Britain and brought to Hong Kong. The court system is made up of the following forms: Court of Final Appeal, the High Court (Court of Appeal and Court of First Instance), and the District, which also has the Family Court. Justices of Final Appeal can be appointed by the Chief Executive of Hong Kong. Just as in England, there are two types of practicing attorneys. The types of lawyers are barristers or solicitors. The solicitors are licensed and regulated by the Law Society of Hong Kong. The barristers are licensed and regulated by the Hong Kong Association. Something that would appear to be particularly British, the wearing of the robes and wigs during court session, is also practiced in Hong Kong. Within the context of children’s legal status in Hong Kong there are many difficult situations. There are more than 10,000 new and illegal immigrant children arriving from China each year and these children face many hardships. One reason is that they usually have to leave their mothers in China in order to be with their fathers in Hong Kong, and in many cases discover that they are not eligible for social welfare services, legal protection, and/or educational opportunities. While the Basic Law gives the right to social welfare services, legal protection, and educational opportunities to a Hong Kong resident, this is only the case for legal immigrants arriving after July 1997. Homelessness, begging in order to survive, and child prostitution (to some degree) are difficult situations that young illegal immigrants may find themselves facing. Approximately 150,000 homeless ‘‘street kids’’ were reported across various cities in 2005 (Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 2005). Children with disabilities are another population of concern regarding legal status and protection. There is the Equal Opportunities Commission in Hong Kong, which is supposed to protect the legal rights of children with disabilities, but it does not adequately do this. Children left unattended are another concern. Although technically it is against the law for parents to leave children unattended, there does not appear to be a clear legal policy in regard to what should be the standard of care for children left alone in the home and what the legal consequences would be if these standards were not met. In Hong Kong, the legal system provides for different ages of majority in different situations. For the most part, the legal age of majority is eighteen. Surprisingly, the minimum age of criminal responsibility is seven years old, one of the lowest in the world. There are at least 700 prisons in Hong Kong with a population of 1.5 million inmates. There are also thirty jails for juveniles housing 22,000 juvenile offenders. The conditions in penal institutions are harsh and frequently degrading for the adult population. These conditions are even harder on juveniles. Juveniles, by law, cannot be contained in adult prisons. However if there is not enough room in juvenile facilities, juveniles will be housed in any available space. In 2003, 69,780 juveniles were arrested and almost
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19,000 juveniles were incarcerated in formal prisons (Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 2005). RELIGIOUS LIFE Religious freedom is one of the fundamental rights enjoyed by Hong Kong children, protected by the Basic Law and other relevant legislation. Buddhism, Taoism, Confucianism, Christianity, Islam, Sikhism, and Judaism are the religions of the children of Hong Kong. Most of Hong Kong’s children are either Buddhist or Taoist, and they are taught to engage in ancestor worship. Ancestor worship demonstrates great respect for the elderly, both alive and dead, and helps children learn to respect their parents and grandparents, the living ancestors. Although Buddhism and Taoism, the traditional Chinese religions, are the largest religions followed, there are about a half million Christians in Hong Kong. Many major religious groups have established schools and have provided social welfare, educational, and medical services for all children in Hong Kong either directly or by contributing to charitable organizations. The Roman Catholic community has, as one of its prime concerns, the well being of all children. In education, there are many schools and kindergartens that the Catholic Church provides for all children. The Protestant churches are also deeply involved in education, health care, and social welfare. Charitable work in the Muslim community provides educational assistance to children and their families. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Child abuse is a serious problem in Hong Kong. The number of new cases of abuse to children increased dramatically between 1999 and 2004, and continues to increase on a yearly basis. The most disturbing aspect of this situation is that these data indicate a significant underreporting of local child abuse. The best estimate (as cited by Chow 2005) indicates that each year about 70,000 children under the age of eighteen are severely or very severely physically abused by their adult caregivers. This figure does not include other forms of abuse. Because the cultural norms of Hong Kong have supported childrearing practices whereby parents had the right to punish their children in whatever manner they chose, the concept of child abuse basically did not exist in the cultural norms of this society prior to 1979. In that year, the first child protection agency was opened in Hong Kong and child abuse received national attention. An issue of great concern in recent years has been that of leaving unattended children in the home for extended periods of time. Various studies between the years 1988 and 1992 have reported that between 7 and 60 percent of parents have left children under the age of thirteen home alone. In 1994, a study by the Hong Kong Council of Social Service
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showed that 4 percent of 689 parents surveyed indicated that they had left children aged six or less alone for two or more hours in the preceding week. These reports are disturbing because many governmental policies and laws have been passed to prevent the neglect of children, and this data suggests that the goal of getting parents to stop leaving young children alone for extended periods of time is not being met. Generally speaking, there appears to be no ongoing therapeutic help for abusive parents. There are also no treatment programs for children seriously traumatized by abuse, and there are no specialized family-based assessment and treatment centers for children in residential care. Thus, neither parents nor children have an outlet to vent and release the guilt, anger, and distrust that result from child abuse. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY In a 2005 newsletter from the Hong Kong Council of Social Services entitled Family and Community Service in Hong Kong, three future trends and challenges are indicated. These include: .
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Family problems due to low family solidarity. Hong Kong families, like those in many countries, face an increase in social problems such as family violence. A strong family life education is needed to support families. Enhance social integration and develop social capital. Ever since Robert Putnam called attention to the decline in social capital in Bowling Alone, societies have tried to encourage a sense of belonging. Perhaps this use of service learning programs would be helpful. Service integration and service diversification. Some years ago the United States tried to integrate social services in the schools and called such projects Cities in Schools. Hong Kong might consider such a plan.
While advances in child welfare have been made in Hong Kong, a prescription for success and advancement would include a strategic plan to coordinate child and health services. Since numerous agencies are playing some role in child welfare, all would benefit from developing the Hong Kong strategic plan. The plan would illustrate responsibilities of various agencies and provide collaborative activities. 1. A set of child welfare standards for agencies, schools, and parents. Standards-based activities make clear how agencies meet goals and reach established, well-researched benchmarks. These standards should be unique to each agency, such as preschools and childcare centers. 2. A commitment to achieve child welfare goals by 2015. As the strategic plan develops and standards evolve, countrywide goals should be set
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and publicized. Achievement of the goals should be celebrated and modifications made where necessary. 3. A research and accountability plan to gather data in a consistent manner. Such a plan would enable researchers to evaluate activities, to ensure accountability, and to publish reports to aid in decision making. 4. A commitment to provide frequent, affordable, significant educational opportunities for parents. Such opportunities might be available in school or community agencies. Topics could include successful parenting, working with special needs children, coping with difficult children, preparing for school, and communicating with your child’s teacher. 5. A plan to ease the integration of children from mainland China into the Hong Kong educational system. This plan is needed to make certain that these children are not deprived of education benefits.
The need to learn from the past and from the best practices about children underscores these recommendations, as Samuel Butler noted in the seventeenth century: Learning is like a great house that requires a great charge to keep it in constant repair. (Prose Observations, 1660–80)
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Hong Kong Council of Social Service. February 2006. Family and Community Service in Hong Kong. http://www.hkcss.org.hk/folder/fc/fc_eng.htm. Provides background information and current trends regarding family structure and family issues in Hong Kong, as well as summaries of the various family support services offered. Poon-McBrayer, Kim Fong, and Ming-gon John Lian. 2002. Special Needs Education: Children with Exceptionalities. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press. This book provides fundamental information on children with exceptionalities with particular focus on special needs education in Hong Kong. Postiglione, Gerry, and Wing On Lee, eds. 1997. Schooling in Hong Kong: Organization, teaching and social context. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. This book presents background material for understanding more about the characteristics of Hong Kong education, as well as social and organizational perspectives on key educational issues facing Hong Kong educators. Pryde, Nia, and Mona Tsoi, eds. 1999. Hong Kong’s Children: Our Past, Their Future. Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong. This book reviews information about Hong Kong children deriving from the fields of education, health, and social welfare, in an effort to synthesize facts pertaining to social and economic change, and to assess children’s actual status as reflected in existing laws and policies. Rao, Nirmala. 2001. Accommodations for Assimilations: Supporting Newly Arrived Children from the Chinese Mainland to Hong Kong. Childhood Education, Annual Theme: 77, no. 5: 313–18. This article highlights the ways in which immigrant children are helped to settle into Hong Kong society. The phrase
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New Arrival Children (NAC) refers to youth, up to the age of twenty, from mainland China who have been in Hong Kong for less than a year. Here, the authors elaborate on the problems faced by NAC and describe efforts made by the Hong Kong community to address these problems. Western Pacific Region Health Databank. November 2005. Country Health Information Profile: Hong Kong (China). http://www.wpro.who.int/NR/ rdonlyres/EF7E7797-4FAB-4D2E-8500-BA32F68F999E/0/hok_hdb.pdf. This downloadable file summarizes country health information for Hong Kong from 2005, including indicators such as infant mortality rate, immunization rates, health expenditures, and leading causes of death. Wong, Donna Kam. 2002. Struggling in the Mainstream: The Case of Hong Kong. International Journal of Disability, Development, and Education, 49(1): 79–94. This study examines the accounts of parents of students with special needs and their children’s experiences, and also compares the integration experiences of children with different types of special needs in mainstream schools.
Nonprint Resources Hong Kong. 2006. Princeton, NJ: Films for the Humanities and Sciences. This program takes viewers to the North Point section of Hong Kong, where we meet Ng Sun Tang and follow her as she goes about her daily life. The program also speaks with several other children who share their likes, dislikes, interests, and ambitions. Kanto, Erkki. 1996. Children of the World Video Series: Hong Kong. Carson City, Nevada: Filmwest Associates Limited. Introduces viewers to the culture and traditions of Hong Kong. Children act as hosts of their country, sharing the sights, sounds and history of their surroundings.
Web Sites Asian Studies WWW Virtual Library, http://coombs.anu.edu.au/WWWVL-Asian Studies.html. Contains links to a multitude of resources on Asia. Education and Manpower Bureau, http://www.emb.gov.hk/index.aspx?nodeID= 2&langno=1. The official web site of Hong Kong’s education bureau. This government organization is responsible for formulating policies and introducing legislation related to the education of Hong Kong’s youth. Site contains descriptions of the educational system, as well as information about specific schools. Hong Kong Committee on Children’s Rights (HKCRR), http://www.childrenrights. org.hk/contents.htm. Official web site for an organization dedicated to promoting the rights of children in Hong Kong. U.S. Department of State, http://www.state.gov/index.htm. Provides current background information on various countries and regions of the world. Look for ‘‘Countries and Regions’’ and ‘‘East Asian and Pacific Affairs.’’ World Health Organization, http://www.wpro.who.int/home.htm. Information on health issues in the Western Pacific region of the world. Look for ‘‘Countries and Areas’’ and ‘‘Hong Kong (China).’’
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Organizations and NGOs Education and Manpower Bureau 15/F, Wu Chung House 213 Queen’s Road East Wanchai, Hong Kong Phone: (852) 2892 5777 Automatic Telephone Inquiry System: (852) 2891 0088 Web site: http://www.emb.gov.hk The EMB is the government organization that formulates policies and introduces legislation regarding education in Hong Kong along with manpower needs and necessary human resources. The Bureau also oversees the implementation of educational programs.
Selected Bibliography Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. 2005. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Hong Kong. U.S. Department of State web site. http:// www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2004/41640.htm#hongkong. Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs. [Online, October 2005]. Background Note: Hong Kong. U.S. Department of State web site. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ ei/bgn/2747.htm#history. Census and Statistics Department of HKSAR. 2005. Women and Men in Hong Kong: Key Statistics 2004 Edition. Hong Kong Printer. Chen, Edward Kwan-yiu, and Teresa Y. C. Wong. 1999. Socioeconomic transformation and child development in Hong Kong. In Nia Pryde and Mona Tsoi, eds. Hong Kong’s Children: Our Past, Their Future. University of Hong Kong. Cheng, Kai-ming. 1997. The education system. In Gerry Postiglione and Wing On Lee, eds. Schooling in Hong King: Organization, Teaching and Social Context. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. Chiu, Sammy, and Victor Wong. 2002. School Social Work in Hong Kong: Constraints and Challenges for the Special Administrative Region. In M. Huxtable and E. Blyth, eds. School Social Work Worldwide. Washington, DC: NASW Press. Chow, Chun-bong. 2005. Underreported, under acknowledged: child abuse can no longer be ignored. Hong Kong Medical Journal 11(6): 429–30. CIA. 2005. The World Factbook: Hong Kong. World Factbook web site. http:// www.odci.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/hk.html. Daniel, Lynn, ed. 2004. Chinese Special Administrative Regions: Hong Kong. In The Far East and Australasia 2005. London: Europa Publications. The Economist Intelligence Unit. 2005. Country Briefings: Hong Kong–Factsheet. Economist Web site, http://www.economist.com/countries/HongKong/ profile.cfm?folder=Profile-FactSheet. Fong, C.M., H. M. Cheung, and Pui Yau Lau. 2005. Fractures Associated with Nonaccidental injury: A Orthopaedic Perspective in a Local Regional Hospital. Hong Kong Medical Journal 11: 445–51. Friedman, Thomas. 2005. The World is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty-First Century. Farrar, Straus and Giroux: New York. Funk & Wagnalls New World Encyclopedia. 2002. Hong Kong. Ebscohost Research Databases. http://search.epnet.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=funk&an= HO085600.
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The Government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. 2005. Primary Health Care Services. Hong Kong Government Web site. http://www.info. gov.hk/yearbook/2004/en/08_03.htm. Ho, Mary K. W. 1999. Social welfare and child welfare in Hong Kong. In Nia Pryde and Mona Tsoi, eds. Hong Kong’s Children: Our Past, Their Future. University of Hong Kong. The Hong Kong Committee on Children’s Rights. 2005. Why Hong Kong Needs a Child Commission. HKCRR web site. http://www.childrenrights.org.hk/ commision.htm. Hong Kong Council of Social Service. 2005. Family and Community Service in Hong Kong. HK Council of Social Service web site. http://www.hkcss.org. hk/folder/fc/fc_eng.htm. Hong Kong Information Services Department. June 2005. Survey respondents proud of HK, China. Admin and Civic Affairs web site. http://www3.news.gov.hk/ ISD/ebulletin/en/category/administration/050601/features/html/050601 en01002.htm. Hong Kong’s Women’s Commission. 2002. Survey on the Extent and Level of Positions taken up by Women in the Private and Non-governmental Sectors: Executive Summary. Hong Kong: Women’s Commission, Health, Welfare and Food Bureau. Hui, Stanley. 2001. Health and Physical Activity in Hong Kong: A Review. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press. Johns, David, and Amy Sau Ching Ha. June 2002. A Study of Hong Kong Children’s Dietary and Physical Activity Behaviors. Health Services Research Committee (Hong Kong). HSRC Report # 622005. Lau, Joseph T., J. L. Liu, A. Yu, and C. K. Wong. 1999. Conceptualization, reporting and underreporting of child abuse in Hong Kong. Child Abuse and Neglect 23(11): 1159–74. Lee, Anselm C. W. 2003. Management of Child Abuse in Hong Kong: Results of a Territory-Wide Inter-Hospital Prospective Surveillance Study. Hong Kong Medical Journal 9: 6–9. Luk-Fong Yuk Yee, Pattie. 2005. A Search for New Ways of Describing Parent-Child Relationships: Voices from Principles, Teachers, Guidance Professionals, Parents, and Pupils. Childhood 12(1): 111–137. Madden, Normandy. 1998. New generasians survey gets personal with Asia-Pacific kids. New York: Advertising Age International. Ngai, Ngan-Pun, and Chau-Kiu Cheung. 1997. Participation in youth center activities: A sequential specificity approach. Youth & Society 29(2): 238–53. O’Brian, Charles, Yau Ling Cheng Chung, and Nancy Rhind, eds. 1997. Responding to Child Abuse: Procedures and Practice in Child Protection in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. Olsen, Alan, and Peter Burges. 2006. Education Reform in Hong Kong: Threats and Opportunities for Australia. IDP Research Web site. http://www.idp.com/ research/researchpublications/default.asp. Poon-McBrayer, Kim Fong and Ming-gon John Lian. 2002. Special Needs Education: Children with Exceptionalities. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press. Rao, Nirmala. 2001. Accommodations for Assimilations: Supporting Newly Arrived Children from the Chinese Mainland to Hong Kong. Childhood Education, Annual Theme: 313–18. Shek, Daniel T. L. 2001. Paternal and Maternal Influences on Family Functioning Among Hong Kong Chinese Families. The Journal of Genetic Psychology 162(1): 56–74.
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United Nations Development Programme. 2005. Human Development Reports. Country Sheet: Hong Kong, China (SAR). Human Development Reports web site. http://hdr.undp.org/statistics/data/countries.cfm?c=HKG. Western Pacific Region Health Databank. 2005. Country Health Information Profile: Hong Kong (China). http://www.wpro.who.int/NR/rdonlyres/EF7E77974FAB-4D2E-8500-BA32F68F999E/0/hok_hdb.pdf. Wilkins, Karen Gwinn. 2006. Hong Kong. The Museum of Broadcast Communications web site. http://www.museum.tv/archives/etv/H/htmlH/hongkong/ hongkong.htm. Wong, Donna Kam. 2002. Struggling in the Mainstream: The Case of Hong Kong. International Journal of Disability, Development, and Education 49(1): 79–94.
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INDIA Deepak Kumar Behera and Nibedita Nath NATIONAL PROFILE India is situated in southernmost end of Asia, bordered by Afghanistan and Pakistan in the northwest, China, Bhutan and Nepal in the north, and Myanmar and Bangladesh in the east. Sri Lanka in the south is separated by a narrow channel of sea. The Indian subcontinent covers an area of 3,165,596 square kilometers (Microsoft Encarta Reference Library 2005). It is the second most populous country in the world. India became independent on August 15, 1947. The majority of people in India are Hindu by faith. The religious affiliations of the people are Hindu, 75 percent; Muslim; 12 percent; Christian; 6 percent; Sikh; 2 percent; Buddhist; 1 percent; nonreligious, 1 percent; and other, 3 percent (Microsoft Encarta Reference Library 2005). According to the 2001 Census, the subcontinent is inhabited by a total population of 1,027,015,247, with 531,277,078 males and 495,738,169 females (UNICEF 2004). In 2007,
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India’s total population was 1,129,866,154. Per 2007 estimates, the average life expectancy is 68.5 years (for females 71.17 years and for males 66.28 years), and the infant mortality rate is 34.61 deaths per 1,000 live births (CIA World Factbook 2007). The total population in the age group of birth to six years is 157,863,145. Of that, 81,911,041 are male children and 75,952,104 are female children (Census of India 2001). According to the seventh All India Educational Survey, conducted in 2002 by the National Council of Educational Research and Training, the child population between six and eleven years of age was 13,1716,909 (68,685,427 boys and 63,031,482 girls), and 80,193,173 between eleven and fourteen years of age (42,084,322 boys and 38,108,851 girls) on the same date. The population of India is young; nearly 37 percent of children are less than fourteen years of age (Census of India 2001). India’s diverse economy encompasses traditional village farming, modern agriculture, handicrafts, a wide range of modern industries, and a multitude of services. The Indian GDP grew 8.4 percent in the 2005–06 fiscal year (Central Statistical Organization [CSO] of the Ministry of Statistics). Two-thirds of India’s labor force works in the agricultural sector, which in conjunction with forestry and fishing, accounts for around 25 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) (CSO). However, the majority of landholdings are farmed at the subsistence level, and many farming families live below the poverty line. India has some of the lowest human development indicators in the world, particularly in rural areas. India also adopted many Structural Adjustment Policies (SAP) under the pressure of World Bank and International Monetary fund (IMF) in the 1980s and substantially cut many service sector programs, such as education, health, and social care, and subsidies to control the price of necessities, such as food and milk. India is a mosaic of linguistic diversity. None of its 1,600 languages, grouped somewhat arbitrarily into 114 groups, has a clear majority. Three contact languages have played important roles in the history of India: Sanskrit, Persian, and English. Article 343 of the Indian Constitution recognizes Hindi in Devanagari script as the official language of the union, but also allows for the continuation of use of the English language for official purposes. The Constitution of India recognizes 22 ‘‘regional languages’’ spoken throughout the country. Most states decide their own medium or mediums of instruction (MOI) for primary schools. While national policy recommends using the mother tongue as the MOI in primary schools, state policy varies for lack of implementation guidelines. Children often start school in a language that is not their mother tongue. Children from nondominant groups are particularly disadvantaged, including India’s Scheduled Tribes, those living in remote areas, migrants from states with different official languages, and those living on the edges of large cities. National Policy on Education 1986 provides Hindi, English, and modern Indian language (preferably one of the southern languages) in the
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Hindi-speaking states and Hindi, KEY FACTS – INDIA English, and the regional language in the non-Hindi speaking states. Population: 1,129,866,154 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 34.61 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) The 1986 policy also acknowlLife expectancy at birth: 68.59 years (2007 est.) edged the ‘‘uneven’’ implementaLiteracy rate (age fifteen and over): 59.5 percent (2003 est.) tion of the formula. The HindiNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 76 percent speaking states, with their greater (2000–2005) share in political power, have a Internet users: 60 million (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 5.1 million (2001 est.) special responsibility in respondHuman Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 55 ing to this challenge, especially with respect to the concept of the Sources: CIA World Factbook: India. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/geos/in.html. April 17, 2007; UNICEF. third language as a modern Indian India–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ language from a non-Hindi speakindia_india_statistics.html. April 26, 2007; United Nations ing region. While education policy Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–India. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ under the Three-Language Fordata_sheets/cty_ds_IND.html. April 26, 2007. mula has children learning three languages in ten years, linguistic minorities end up learning four because, when they enter education, their mother tongue clashes with the state majority language. This conflict has not yet been resolved politically or pedagogically. OVERVIEW The Government of India ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) on December 2, 1992, thereby obliging the government to review national and state legislations and bring those in line with the provisions of the convention. India has taken a number of steps in this direction, and many nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are playing important roles as well. CRY (Child Rights and You) is India’s leading NGO that advocates for child rights. The organization pleads that children are citizens in their own right, entitled to the full spectrum of human rights. Similarly, the Indian Council for Child Welfare (ICCW) is a Chennai-based organization that tries to provide children their basic human rights. The organization undertakes programs related to early childhood care and training for childcare workers; direct interventions programs for child workers, abused children, and child beggars; and to disseminate and document child-related information. Children also form a part of refugee population in India. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has proposed that the Indian government enact a national law to ensure that refugees from all nations have equal protection, including the rights to work and freedom of movement. The Indian government currently provides such protection to refugees from Bhutan, Sri Lanka, and Tibet. The refugee children are allowed to attend school. However, many parents are unable to afford the
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associated costs, such as clothing, transportation, and registration fees. In response, community leaders organize informal classes at communities and in homes so that the children can continue their studies. EDUCATION The enrollment percentages for boys and girls for Class-I to Class-VIII were 85.43 percent and 79.33 percent, respectively, in 2002–2003 as per the Annual Report of 2002–2003 of Ministry of Human Resources Development. A sample survey covering 123 districts of sixteen states found that the percentage of retention rate at primary level of education was 53.43 percent in 2003–2004. The corresponding figure calculated by covering a total number of 184 districts from those sixteen states was found to be 58.11 percent in 2004–2005. Ever since the Independence, education was made the Constitutional obligation of both state and central governments. Article 45 of the Constitution obliges the state to provide compulsory and free education to all children under fourteen years, although as of 2007 the time period had been extended. Since 1947, India strove for Universalization of Elementary Education (UEE) in accordance with the Constitutional commitment through various policies and programs such as National Policy on Education (NPE) 1968 and 1986 and the Programme of Action (POA) 1992. Programs in operation through the Department of Education likewise work toward substantial improvement in the facilities and quality of education in primary schools, along with improvement in learning and achievement levels. The National Literacy Mission (NLM), launched in 1988 to impart functional literacy to nonliterates, aims at attaining a literacy rate of 75 percent by 2007. The Total Literacy Campaign (TLC) has been the principal strategy of NLM for eradication of illiteracy. Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), launched in November 2000 as an umbrella program, aims to ensure five years of primary education for all children aged six to fourteen years by 2007 and eight years of schooling by 2010. In July 2003, the government of India approved a program called ‘‘National Programme for Education of Girls at Elementary Level’’ (NPEGEL) as an amendment to the existing scheme of SSA, to provide additional educational support for underprivileged/disadvantaged girls at the elementary level. The scheme is implemented in Educationally Backward Blocks (EBBs), where the level of female literacy is below, and the gender gap is above, the national average; in blocks of districts with at least 5 percent scheduled caste/scheduled tribe (SC/ST) population and where SC/ST female literacy is less than 10 percent; and also in select urban slums. Another scheme, Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya (KGBV), was approved for setting up elementary boarding schools for girls belonging predominantly to backward castes (OBC) and minorities in difficult areas. As a further
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incentive, girls who pass the VIII standard examination and enroll in secondary school receive a sum of RS3,000 at eighteen years of age. Despite the above progresses, many children are still out of school, and vast ground remains for fulfilling the Constitutional mandate of UEE. Bihari (2000) points out that in spite of all these efforts, India has the largest number of nonliterate people in the world (300 million), about a third of the world’s total population. India has the highest rate of girls not attending school and the greatest number of illiterate women in the world. A national scholarship program for persons with disabilities was introduced in 2003–2004. A project funded by UNDP to support children with disabilities was implemented from 2002 to 2004. SSA attempts to suitably emphasize disability concerns and ensure that most of the children with disabilities are covered through the inclusive education program, which attempts to include children with disabilities into the mainstream school system. Some communities do not see the need to educate daughters because they will be married off at an early age and live and work with their inlaws, mostly doing housework and raising children. Many children need to work and earn in order to supplement a meager family income and, therefore, do not attend school. Schools often lack facilities and teaching aids, including classroom space, toilets, drinking water, blackboards, and chalk. Teachers lack training and motivation. Despite an emerging economy and a string of high-quality colleges that produce professional workers, India has not satisfactorily improved primary education. The situation is worse in certain sectors of the population: the poor, those living in rural areas, girls, and those living in some states, such as Bihar and Rajasthan. The Indian national government hopes to achieve universal primary education by 2010. This is an ambitious goal, and much depends on the will to make it happen at the national and international level, and on the thousands of NGOs involved in education. Some organizations, such as Katha (Delhi), Pratham (Mumbai, Delhi), and Prayas (Delhi), have made universal primary education their focus and operate education centers for children in slum areas. Ruchika School Social Service runs twenty schools in the eastern state of Orissa on train platforms so that the many homeless children, who live in the train stations, begging and working, can learn. Although the government stresses teaching and learning in the mother tongue, English-speaking students tend to do better in higher education. In general, schools using regional languages as the medium of instruction have come to be associated with poor quality, mainly because most are government run and hence not held accountable. These are also schools that have poor infrastructure. English-medium schools are far better off in terms of funds and facilities. English, considered the passport to social mobility, is becoming the preferred language of instruction among parents, many of whom even put their children in unrecognized schools that are advertised as ‘‘English-medium.’’ As a result, government
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schools using regional languages are seen as the last resort of those with no other options, mostly children hailing from extremely poor families. PLAY AND RECREATION Irrespective of whether children have space, material, and other children to play with, play is a part of a child’s daily life. Poor children in slums and rural areas manage with pebbles, marbles, broken earthen pots, long sticks, small pieces of wood, mud and water, bottles, bottle caps, plastic spoons, syringes, polythene bags, wrappers, cartoons, pieces of bricks, and stones as play materials and make their own rules to start up a game. In recent times, numerous institutions such as parks, theatres, internet cafes, and centers of video games have come up in urban India to provide recreation for children. Children from well-do-do families use those facilities, but their counterparts from poor economic background lack access to such formal/commercial play materials and means of recreation. Children in rural areas play many traditional games. There is a serious lack of infrastructure facilities in rural areas for playing outdoor games like cricket, badminton, lawn tennis, hockey, and so on. Older female children are not encouraged to play outdoor games. Leisure activities for children include playing, watching cartoons, being with friends, reading story and comic books, listening to popular Bollywood (India’s movie industry) songs or songs from regional movies, and watching movies. Traditional Indian songs and dances are vanishing gradually among the younger generations. Technology has greatly revolutionized the recreation of older urban children. Electronic media such as television, VCD, audio systems and computers, video games, and the Cartoon Network have turned into favorite pastimes. Parents’ attitudes toward play and recreation has changed in recent years because of intense academic pressure and homework requirements. Many parents force their children to spend maximum out-of-school time in academic work. Whatever little time children get for recreation is spent in front of a television or computer. Not recognized significantly by parents or law, but of paramount importance, is the child’s right to play and recreate. Many children in India also lack access to appropriate means of recreation. A study by Ramakant (2006) reported that 52.2 percent of children in India who had their first smoke were influenced by tobacco use depicted in movies. Television is replete with images of sexual permissiveness, especially in advertisements and music videos. Children and teenagers in rural India are also exposed to a wide variety of television advertising. CHILD LABOR Child labor in India is largely rooted in poverty. Poor children begin working at a very young age. Children work to contribute to family
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income, and some families expect their children to continue the family business at a young age. In almost all household industries, children are unrecognized laborers because they are seen as ‘‘helpers’’ and not ‘‘workers.’’ Mostly children working in rural areas, both within and outside the household, are in so-called ‘‘light, nonhazardous work,’’ which is outside the formal sector and outside industry and hence kept out of the statistics. The sectors with high labor rates are the match industry, the diamond and precious stone polishing industries, the glass industry, the brassware industry, the handmade carpet industry, the lock-making industry, and the slate industry. Others include bangle-making, beedi-making (a form of cigarette), power looms, tanning, wool-cleaning, mica cutting and splitting, building and construction, vendors in streets and stations, manufacture of cement, shellac, and soap and manufacturing processes using toxic metals and substances, such as lead, mercury, manganese, chromium, cadmium, benzene, pesticides, and asbestos. Children also work in brick kilns, workshops, or soldering processes in electronics industries, and on floriculture, and vegetable farms. The vast majority of child laborers work in agriculture and plantations. Children often work under horrific circumstances, and those who do work prematurely compromise their rights to education, recreation, and protection, as well as vulnerability to injury, ill health, and maltreatment. A child trapped in child labor grows up to become an adult with poor prospects of securing decent work, of rising out of poverty, of giving his or her own family a good start in life, and of contributing to the economic and social growth of the country. Factors other than poverty also contribute to child labor. A child may be sent to work because families and communities do not value education where the majority of adults have never been to school. Tradition and culture also play a role. Perceptions of the nature of childhood and the role and responsibilities of children towards their elders and siblings often determine whether a child is sent to school or to work. In some communities in India, this is especially true for girl children. The majority of the female children work in the informal sector (as workers in household industries and as domestic servants) and are not protected by labor legislation, which requires an identifiable employer and employee whose working conditions can be regulated. Female children working as part of family labor are seldom recognized by their parents as workers, because their work is not directly remunerative even if it is productive. A female child is seen as a helper and not as a worker in household industries. FAMILY Generally, three types of family are found in India: joint, extended, and nuclear. Traditional joint families in India include brothers and their
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parents, wives and children. In contemporary societies, more and more nuclear families (parents and children) are replacing joint families due to urbanization and more women entering the labor market. Such changes have altered the roles and duties of parents and children. Roles and obligations of family members are more flexible and interchangeable because of their active engagement outside home. The increase in working mothers has also led to the taking over of many family functions by institutions. Children are receiving less care, love, and affection from secondary kin. Children of working mothers without any siblings lead a lonely life and spend much of their time with toys and electronic boxes. There are no formal statistics concerning divorce rates in India due to the large rural population and incomplete records, but it is widely acknowledged that the divorce rate has greatly increased and has adversely impacted dependent children. Due to substantial population growth, the government of India is now encouraging small families. Families with two children are provided a green card, which offers many benefits to the family and children regarding scholarships and various professional courses. Family in India is mostly authoritarian and patriarchal, with adults having full rights over their children to treat them in whichever way they deem fit. Children are expected to be obedient and often have a limited say in decisions that are made for them. Parents in rural areas continue to stay with a married son who provides them support in their old age. However, the changing economic structure has reduced the dependence of rural families on land, which had strengthened the bonds between generations. The traditional sense of childhood duty towards their older generation is eroding. Despite the changes in the structures and functions of Indian societies, families do preserve the norms of social hierarchy (of which the elderly are an important part), cultural styles, and mode of living. At the same time, elderly are regarded as the sources of wisdom and knowledge and respected within families and communities. Infant care is almost completely the responsibility of mothers, older siblings, and grandmothers. When the mother works in the fields or a factory, a grandmother commonly is the chief provider of daytime care for an infant. Traditionally, young married women in India received no share of parental property, but the Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act (2004) allows married daughters to claim equal share from the parents’ property like their brothers. However, very few female children are given these rights due to traditional custom. In India, deliberate neglect of the girl child is supported by religious practices. A boy carries the family line and is entitled to have gotra (clan) of his father, whereas a girl embraces the gotra of her husband after her marriage. A son lights the funeral pyres of his parents in order to release their soul from the bondage of their bodies, and can offer shraddha to his ancestors for spiritual benefits. A son brings dowry, whereas parents have to give dowry for their daughter’s marriage. There are separate and
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stringent prescriptions for dress, habits, mannerism, and social relations for girls, and virtues of silence, sacrifice, and suffering are advocated. Technological advances, such as amniocentesis, have been used by couples to detect and abort female fetuses. India’s 2001 census reports a child sex ratio of 927 girls to 1,000 boys, against a world average of 1,045 women to 1000 men. Child marriages still take place in India, particularly around the Hindu holy day of Akshya Tritiya, the third day of Baishakh (May). The traditional practice of Devadasi (servant of God) in India, for example, not only perpetuates systems that include trafficking and slavery of women and girls, but also involves the ritualistic marriage of girls to gods. These girls are often later sold into forced prostitution. HEALTH About 35 percent of India’s population (1992–2002) lives below $1 a day (UNICEF 2004). A staggering 320 billion people live below the poverty line. Children born in poverty are exposed to many health hazards from the time of conception. About 3.2 million children die of preventable diseases each year. Infant mortality rate (less than one year of age) in 2004 was sixty-two. The under-five mortality rate in 2004 was eighty-five. The annual number of under-five deaths was 2,210,000 in the year 2004. The percentage of low birth weight during 1998–2004 was 30 percent. Percentages of under-fives suffering from ‘‘severe’’ and ‘‘moderate’’ underweight during 1996–2004 were 18 and 47, respectively. The Government of India is making substantial improvements in nutrition, sanitation, water supply, and so on for the improvement of health status of poor children. The Integrated Child Development Services Scheme provides health and nutrition services for preschool-aged children and pregnant and lactating mothers living in poverty (Radhakrishnan 2005). India’s health spending ranks among the lowest in the world, standing at 0.9 percent in 2000. Per capita spending on health was US$71 in 2000. Public spending has also prioritized curative care that, on average, has gone to benefit the rich much more than the poor. Many public facilities charge user fees for their services, an additional burden on the poor. The delivery of public health care lies primarily with the states. Poorer states, such as Bihar and Madhya Pradesh, spend much less per capita than richer states, such as Kerala and Tamil Nadu, and have significantly worse health outcomes. The public sector accounts for approximately 20–25 percent of the total health care expenditure, which represents only ~1 percent of GDP and puts India’s public health care expenditure among the bottom 20 percent of countries. Around 80 percent of Indians are estimated to use private health care services that can vary in quality. According to the World Bank, the greatest number of private health practitioners are ‘‘completely unqualified’’ and used mainly by the poor. In India, government statistics put the number of people living with HIV/AIDS at up to
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4.58 million in 2002, of whom some 200,000 were said to be children under age fifteen. Many experts consider this figure to be a significant underestimate. The U.S. National Intelligence Council estimated that there were between 5 and 8 million people in India living with HIV/AIDS in 2002, and projected that the number would increase to 20 to 25 million by 2010. Children affected by HIV/AIDS—including those who are or whose parents are living with the disease, or who are orphaned by AIDS—face significant barriers to attending school. These include discrimination by teachers and principals who separate them from other students or deny them admission entirely; frequent absences due to opportunistic infections that schools do not tolerate, often because children fear revealing that they are HIV-positive in order to ask for special measures; and the loss of a family wage earner that leaves them unable to pay school fees and related expenses. A few states have policies on paper addressing discrimination in education or health, but most have failed to take action to prevent or respond to HIV/AIDS-affected children being denied education or health care. Some states have introduced HIV/AIDS education into some or many of their secondary schools but others have not, or cover only a small number of schools. In the states where HIV/AIDS curricula are being introduced, it is done so in grades eight or later, when the majority of children, especially girls, are no longer in school. Although India has permitted medical termination of pregnancy since 1971, this recourse can be taken only if the life of the mother is in danger or if the child is likely to be born with a physical or mental abnormality. Certain programs in India were launched at the very beginning of the Child-to-Child movement. These included the widely publicized Malvani Project in slums of Mumbai. This program trained children as health assistants to identify and arrange treatment for a number of prevalent diseases such as diarrhea, scabies, and anemia. Over the past two decades, Chetna, an NGO, has initiated and implemented programs, which focus on the empowerment of children related to health issues through the Child-to-Child approach. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Over the years, the government of India has made many efforts to prohibit child labor by enacting different kinds of laws following a proactive policy. The Constitution of India (January 26, 1950), through various articles enshrined in the Fundamental Rights and the Directive Principles of State Policy, lays down that: .
No child below the age of fourteen years shall be employed to work in any factory or mine or in any other hazardous employment (Article 24).
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State policy should prevent children from entering into employment unsuited to their age and strength (Article 39-e). Children shall be given facilities to develop in a healthy manner and shall be protected against moral and material abandonment (Article 39-f). The state shall provide free and compulsory education for all children up to the age of fourteen years (Article 45).
Recent articles added to the Constitution require the state to provide free and compulsory education to all children aged six to fourteen years in any way the state determines by law, and obligates parents or guardians to provide educational opportunities to their children or wards during the same time period. In 2006, the Child Labor (Prohibition and Regulation) Act was amended to ban employment of children under fourteen in restaurants and dhabas (road-side eating places) and as domestic servants. The first act in India relating to child labor was the Enactment of Children (Pledging of Labor) Act of February 1933. The major national legislative developments passed since the first child labor statute in 1933 include the following: .
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The Factories Act, 1948: Prohibits the employment of children below the age of fourteen years and prohibits more than four and a half hours of work per day for children aged fourteen to eighteen. Plantation Labour Act, 1951: Prohibits employment of children below twelve in any plantation. Merchant Shipping Act, 1951: Prohibits children under fifteen from working in any capacity in any ship, except a school ship, a training ship, a home trade ship, or a ship in which all persons employed are members of one family. Mines Act, 1952: Prohibits employment of children in any mine and forbids their presence in any part of a mine. Motor Transport Workers Act, 1961: Prohibits employment of children in any motor transport undertaking. Beedi and Cigar Workers (Conditions of Employment) Act, 1966: Prohibits employment of children in any industrial premises. The Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, 1986: Prohibits the employment of children below the age of fourteen years in thirteen occupations and fifty-seven processes that are hazardous to the children’s lives and health. The Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2000: The Act is the primary law dealing with the care, protection, development, and rehabilitation of neglected and delinquent juveniles.
The National Child Labor Policy, adopted in 1987, aims to formulate a specific program of action to gradually eliminate child labor. The policy consists of (1) a legal action plan enforcing the Child Labor Act and other related legislation, and (2) a focus on development of programs
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that benefit children in the areas of education and labor, and area-specific projects that reduce the frequency of child labor. Under this policy, National Child Labor Projects (NCLP) were set up in 1988 to rehabilitate child labor by providing nonformal education, vocational training, and supplementary nutrition to children withdrawn from employment. The National Authority for the Elimination of Child Labor (NAECL), set up in 1994, aims to establish special schools to provide nonformal education and prevocational skills training; and to promote additional income and employment generation opportunities and raise public awareness. The adoption of the National Policy for Children in 1974 was followed by the establishment of the National Children’s Board in 1975. The board focused on health and nutritional services; free and compulsory education for all children up to the age of fourteen; protection of girls and children of the weaker sections of the society; nonformal education for working children; protection against neglect, cruelty, and exploitation; working conditions for children under fourteen years; education, rehabilitation, and care of children with disability; protection under natural calamity; education of gifted children from poor communities; protection of children in all legal disputes; and strengthening family ties to support children’s growth. The Government of India also adopted the National Charter for Children in 2003. In independent India, states’ laws are not uniform in their definition of ‘‘children.’’ Juvenile courts are created to deal exclusively with youthful offenders, not as criminals, but as wards of the state requiring care and protection. While the juvenile court deals with delinquent children, the Child Welfare Board handles destitute ones. A child cannot remain in police custody longer than twenty-four hours, and most children acts have a ban on the presence of lawyers in juvenile court. For detention of the child, the children acts provide for remand/observation homes as places of safety. Children institutionalized by a juvenile court ruling go to facilities with good physical care, psychological services, literacy classes, and crafts training. Some Indian states have aftercare services for juveniles released from institutions. The laws also stipulate that children be institutionalized in their home state, where the cultural surroundings are familiar. In India, the Juvenile Justice Act defines a child as a boy under sixteen and a girl under eighteen years. The death penalty is applicable to any young man aged sixteen or over. Though legislation has been enacted to make eighteen years the general age of majority in India, twenty-one years continues to be the upper limit for childhood for some purposes. The minimum compulsory age of education in India is fourteen years. The various laws relating to labor prohibit a person under the age of fourteen years from working. Thus, the minimum age at which compulsory education ends synchronizes with the minimum age of employment. The age of capacity to contract a marriage is eighteen years for a girl and twenty-one years for a boy. However, there is a gap between laws and their enforcement in India due to
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different social practices deeply rooted in the community and compounded by historical poverty and vulnerable socioeconomic conditions. RELIGIOUS LIFE From early times, the main purpose of marriage in India was to raise children. Children were important not only in their own right, but also for continuation of the family lineage, and to perform the last rites for parents. In some circles, nurturing pious and emotionally stable progeny was considered a valuable socio-spiritual contribution. Some religious texts emphasize the crucial role that parents play in enabling their offspring to attain spiritual merit and liberation. Overall, Hinduism emphasizes that children should be loved and not neglected. The first chapter of the Bhagavad-gita alludes to the moral and social problems arising from ‘‘unwanted children.’’ For this reason, Hindu texts condemn contraception (especially abortion), suggesting that it is children who should be wanted rather than sexual pleasure alone. Some members of the higher varnas still perform rites of passage before attempting to conceive children. Children are generally treated with much affectionate indulgence, especially before schooling begins. The home plays a central role in the transmission of moral values to children. Children take part in the daily worship and learn social graces, such as the procedure for properly receiving guests. Naturally as children grow, not all retain the same religious sentiment as their parents; however, globalization means that many are actively researching their roots and trying to understand their religious heritage In many Hindu denominations, spiritual aspirants are encouraged to have a personal spiritual teacher, called a guru. The student is expected to follow the instructions of the guru and to sincerely strive to reach the goal of spiritual life. Gurus may teach to each student a special mantra, which is a name of God, a holy phrase, or other sacred words, which the student repeats to himself or herself daily at dawn and dusk, and as much as possible at other times. The chanting of a mantra is called japa. Japa is meant to increase remembrance of God and to elevate the mind so that it will become purer and able to experience God. A guru may also give the student instructions in meditation and other practices. Traditionally, the life of a male Hindu was divided into four Ashramas (‘‘phases’’ or ‘‘stages’’; unrelated meanings of ashrama include ‘‘monastery’’ or ‘‘refuge’’). They are: .
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Brahmacharya (‘‘meditation, or study of the Brahman’’): life as a student Gr: ihastha: the stage as a householder V a naprastha (‘‘living out in the forest’’): the stage of retirement Sany a sa: life as a monk.
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Among the moral obligations of a Hindu householder are the duties to support one’s parents, children, guests, priests (Brahmins), and monks (sany a sis). V anaprastha is gradual detachment from the material world. This may involve giving over duties to one’s children, spending more time in contemplation of the Divine, and making holy pilgrimages. Children in contemporary modern Indian societies do not strictly adhere to the religious doctrines and values due to their exposure to different modern secular forces. This trend is more visible among the urban children compared with rural and tribal children. The changing pattern of socialization has exposed them more and more to modern values in place of traditional religious values. Many children do not observe the religious prescriptions, as their secular-minded parents also overlook it. Despite these changes, the girl-child in modern India continues to suffer from various discriminations on the basis of religious considerations. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The term ‘‘child abuse’’ encompasses a broad range of maltreatment of children, which can include child battering, extreme punishment, hard labor, emotional abuse, sexual abuse, including incest and exploitation, and abandonment. Child abuse differs according to region and varies according to age, gender, economic background, and family structure. Numerous events of ill treatment, torture, and abuse of children remain unreported and unnoticed in India. However, in India, child abuse is increasingly coming out into the open and is drawing more attention. Children are abused by parents and teachers because of disobedience, lack of discipline, and cheating. Childrearing practices include physical force or punishment as a means of disciplining. Child beating and corporal punishment by the parents/guardians or even teachers are considered to be in the ‘‘interest of the child.’’ Abusive families are protected by the common belief that what happens in the family is ‘‘private,’’ and as a result, no one intervenes on the child’s behalf and the violence goes largely unreported. Corporal punishment, at all levels of schooling, is considered to be quite normal by teachers, parents, and students themselves. Private religious educational institutions such as madrassas and monasteries are particularly difficult to investigate. On account of poverty, many parents send their children to work in order to supplement their income. Child abuse is a common practice in work places because of the negative attitude of some employers toward children. Children are subject to cruel treatment, torture, and punishment by their employers. Many child laborers are street children, and a majority are over eight years of age, have never attended school, and have parents who have low-paid unskilled jobs. Many street children are runaways who left home and school to escape violence. Various studies reveal that teenage children are falling prey to drug abuse knowingly or
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unknowingly. Butterflies, a Delhi-based organization committed to the welfare and development of street children, offers an alternative education scheme of informal training in life skills, theatre, radio, and print journalism, as well as vocational training in carpentry, plumbing, and electrical maintenance and repair. Arunodhaya, a Chennai-based organization working with the street children, aims to create an awareness of children’s rights and equip street children with skills to promote and protect their rights. The combination of poverty and the lack of a social security network form the basis of the even harsher type of child labor—bonded child labor. For poor Indian families, there are few sources of bank loans, governmental loans, or other credit sources, and even if there are sources available, few Indians living in poverty qualify. Therefore, many poor parents exchange their child’s labor to local moneylenders for very little money, an average of two thousand rupees (less than US$50). There is a demand for trafficked children for cheap labor or for sexual exploitation. Certain areas in India have been documented as child sex tourism destinations over the past decade. A 748-page study report titled ‘‘Trafficking in Women and Children in India,’’ by the New Delhi-based Institute of Social Sciences (2002–2003) reveals that sex tourism is escalating in India, particularly in the tourist hubs of Kerala and Goa. In the state of Andhra Pradesh, members of left-wing armed groups known as Naxalites have reportedly begun recruiting boys aged between eight and fifteen. The boys usually come from scheduled castes or tribes, or socially or economically disadvantaged classes. Boys are recruited to the Bala Sangham, a militant children’s organization based in district towns such as North Telengana. The CHILDLINE India Foundation (CIF) is the nodal organization to support the development of the CHILDLINE service in India. CHILDLINE is India’s first twenty-four-hour, free, emergency phone service for children in need of aid and assistance. Any concerned adult or a child in need of help can dial 1098, the toll-free number to access the services. The program not only responds to the emergency needs of children but also links them to services for their long-term care and rehabilitation. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The future of India depends on the attention paid to its children. Children in India have begun to assume a perceptible place in all spheres of society. Enhancing the position and condition of the children penetrated into social consciousness only in the last few decades. Now the government, media, and market have started paying attention to children’s needs and rights. Most important, globalization and industrialization have led to rapid change in every aspect of the life of children. In the home front, children in the metros and cities have become more independent and active. Institutions are now taking many of the
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responsibilities of the family and home. The changing worldview and attitude of the adult society is providing children with a materialistic and consumerist orientation toward life. They are getting many benefits from science and technology and are much more exposed to the development of technology. Children in India are now much more interested in technical courses. In the twenty-first century, India will face the challenge of providing nutrition, education, health care, and all other facilities to all her children. The government must ensure that the needs of the poor are addressed in order to tackle the issue of child labor. Child labor cannot be eliminated by focusing on one determinant, for example education, or by brute enforcement of child labor laws. The importance of universal primary education should be widely recognized by everyone involved. Policies and pledges are easy to make, but implementation can be difficult and goals are hard to achieve, especially in a vast and populous country such as India. International agencies, the government of India, and the numerous NGOs will have to work together to make their desire for universal primary education by 2015 a reality in India. Teaching about HIV/AIDS in Indian schools is an urgent need, especially when children are not getting this information from their parents or guardians. Well-executed HIV/AIDS education will give children tools that help them avoid contracting HIV and can combat discrimination against those living with the disease. Children, especially from poor families, should be given tools and skills to grow up as valued and productive citizens of the twenty-first-century India. Equipping schools with modern technology will help attract children to schools and keep them abreast with the developments in various academic fields and the events of the world. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Amnesty International. 1998. Children in South Asia: Securing their Rights. Working paper of Amnesty International, April 22, 1998. The working paper presents a broad outline of the children in South Asia. It critically examines rights of the children in South Asian context. Behera, D.K., ed. 2007. Childhoods in South Asia. New Delhi: Longman/Pearson. Deals with the childhood situation in South Asia. Half a dozen articles in this volume deal with different aspects of Indian childhood. Bura, N., et al. 1989. The Lesser Child in India. New Delhi: Publication of the Ministry of Human Resource Development. The article deals with everyday experiences of children in general and female children in particular. De Souza, Alfred. 1979. Children in India: Critical Issues in Human Development. New Delhi: Manohar. Deals with critical issues in human development in India from the view point of the children.
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Devasia, L. and V.V. Devasia, ed. 1991. The Girl-child in India. New Delhi: Asish Publishing House. The book provides a comprehensive picture of the girlchild in India. Human Rights Watch. 1996. The Small Hands of Slavery—Bonded Child Labor in India. New York: Human Rights Watch. The document makes a situational analysis of bonded child labor in India. Kamat, K. L. 2007. Working Children in India. Kamat’s Potpourri. http://www. kamat.com/kalranga/children/working/. Provides important classified literature on different aspects of Indian children. Ministry of Human Resources Development, India. 2002–2003. Annual Report: 2002–2003. New Delhi: Government of India. NACO. Undated. HIV Estimates in India. http://www.naco.nic.in/indianscene/ esthiv.htm. Accessed February 23, 2004. It presents a rough estimate of the spread of the deadly disease HIV in Indian population. Pandey, Rajendra. 1991. Street Children of India: A Situational Analysis. Allahabad: Chugh Publications. The book provides a picture of street children in India. Pattnaik, Jyotsna. 1996. Early Childhood Education in India: History, Trends, Issues, and Achievements. Early Childhood Education Journal 24(1):11–16. The author presents a brief overview of the traditional childrearing practices in India, chronicles of government initiatives in early childhood education, describes the range of programs available in India, and identifies goals that will shape the future of early childhood programs in India. Phillips, W. S. K. 1994. Street Children in India. Jaipur: Rawat Publications. The book provides a picture of street children in India. UNAIDS. 2003. AIDS Epidemic Update. December. p. 3. The document presents the spread of AIDS in the contemporary Indian societies. Weiner, M. 1991. The Child and the State in India. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. This book examines to what extent the state fulfills its obligations and responsibilities in monitoring children’s rights. The World Bank. 1995. Economic Developments in India: Achievements and Challenges. Washington, DC: The World Bank. While presenting a picture of economic development in India, this World Bank report presents various challenges to be tackled by Government of India. It contains some important data on Indian children.
Web Sites Child in Need Institute, http://www.cini-india.org/about.asp. Child In Need Institute (CINI), a leading nongovernmental organization of India founded in Kolkata in 1974, has been working to achieve sustainable development among children of poor communities living in the city of Kolkata, South 24 Parganas and surrounding areas. Childright, http://www.childrightindia.org/AR1.html. Childright tries to combat exploitation and denial of rights to children under difficult circumstances. Issues like child poverty, hunger, injustice, and denial of rights to children are the thrust areas of the organization. Ministry of Youth Affair and Sports, Govt. of India, http://yas.nic.in/. The Ministry pursues the twin objectives of personality building and nation building, i.e.
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developing the personality of youth and involving them in various nation-building activities. As most of the issues concerning young people are the functions of other Ministries/Departments, like Education, Employment & Training, Health and Family Welfare, and so on, the role of the Ministry of Youth Affairs & Sports is to act as a facilitator and catalytic agent. Nanban, Centre for Street and Working Children (NIL), http://www.nanbanindia.org. Nanban is a Madurai-based NGO. It provides community-based holistic development programs for promoting the rights of children for care, protection, development and growth, including rights of participation, of the of community of children found placed in very difficult situations. National Institute of Social Defense (National Initiative for Child Protection), http://nicp.nisd.gov.in/natlegis.php. National Institute of Social Defense (NISD) is an autonomous body under the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, Government of India. The Institute’s areas of concern are juvenile justice, child protection, old age care, drug abuse prevention and related sectors. Smile Foundation, India, http://www.smilefoundationindia.org/. Smile Foundation reaches out to more than 100,000 children and youth through various education and healthcare projects across fifteen states of Federal India. World Vision India, http://www.worldvisionindia.org. World Vision India work together with the communities, families and children in their journey towards development. Child Sponsors provide the majority of the funds raised by World Vision. Sponsorship is about partnering girls and boys in their pursuit of a new future with dignity, justice, peace, and hope.
Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations The CHILDLINE India Foundation (CIF) Nana Chowk Municipal School Frere Bridge Mumbai - 400 007 India Phone: 00 91 22 3871098 Fax: 00 91 22 381 1098 Web site: http://www.childlineindia.org.in It is the nodal organization to support the development of the CHILDLINE service in India. 1098 . . . a phone number that spells hope for millions of children across India. CHILDLINE, India’s first twenty-hour, free, emergency help line not only responds to the emergency needs of children but also links them to services for their long-term care and rehabilitation. The National Institute of Public Cooperation and Child Development (NIPCCD) 5, Siri Institutional Area August Kranti Marg Hauz Khas
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New Delhi 110 016 India Phone: 00 91 11 696 4373 Fax: 00 91 11 651 5579 Web site: http://www.nipccd.org The objectives of the Institute are to develop and promote voluntary action in social development and take a comprehensive view of child development and develop and promote programs in pursuance of the National Policy for Children. V.V. Giri National Labour Institute (VVGNLI) Sector-24, Noida-201301 Gautam Budh Nagar U.P India Phone: 00-91-120-2411533, 2411534, 2411535 Fax: 00-91-120-2411536, 2411474 The primary concern of National Resource Centre on Child Labour (NRCCL) at the V.V. Giri National Labour is to provide technical advisory services and consultancy, disseminate information to highlight the problems of child labor, and create greater awareness leading to change in the attitude of the masses. Nongovernmental Organizations Arunodhaya 15 Bazar Street Royapuram Madras 600 013 India Phone: 00 91 44 523 2283 A Chennai-based organization working with the street children. Arunodhaya Children’s Sangam (ACS) provides a forum for children to express their views, to create an awareness on the concept of rights of children and equip these children with skills to promote and protect the rights of children and to ensure that children’s perspectives enrich adult’s knowledge on issues related to rights of children. Butterflies U 4 Green Park Extension 1st Floor, New Delhi 110016 India Phone: þ91 11 616 3935 Fax: þ91 11 619 1063 Web site: http://www.butterflieschildrights.org A nongovernmental organization that works primarily with street and working children in India. The organization areas of expertise are child labor and working children, children and education, and children working and living on the street. The Child Labour Action Network (CLAN) 201, Pankaj Tower, Mayuruihar-I New Delhi-110091 India
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Phone: þ91 11 225 2298 Fax: þ91 11 279 4613 A Delhi-based organization that aims at creating a society in which all children have equal opportunities for development and that they grow as responsible citizens with a view of coexistence, sustainable development, and social justice leading to peace for all. It primarily focus on child labor and working children. Child Rights and You (CRY) 189/A. Anand Estate Sane Guruji Marg Mumbai 400 011 India Phone: þ91 22 306 3651 or 3080731 Fax: 00 91 22 308 0726 Web site: http://www.cry.org Pleads that children are citizens in their own right, entitled to the full spectrum of human rights. CRY partners with grassroots-level NGOs working with children, their parents and communities. The Concerned for Working Children (CWC) 303/2 L.B. Shastri Vimanpura Post Bangalore-560 017 Karnataka, India Phone: 00 91 80 523 4611 Fax: 00 91 80 523 4258 Web site: http://www.workingchild.org A Bangalore-based, nongovernmental organization that views all children as respected citizens. It empowers working children so that they may be their own first line of defense and participate in an informed manner in all decisions concerning themselves. Indian Council for Child Welfare (ICCW) 5 III Main Road West Shenoy Nagar Chennai 600 030 Madras India Phone: 00 91 44 626 0097 Fax: 00 91 44 621 2550 A Chennai-based organization that tries to provide children their basic human rights. The organization undertakes programs in early childhood care, direct interventions programs of child labor, child abuse, child beggary, and other forms of child exploitation. Katha Sarvodaya A-3 Sarvodaya Enclave Sri Aurobindo Marg New Delhi-110017 Phone: 2652.4350; 2652.4511 Fax: 2651.4373 The organization works with children and women, helping them gain the meaning and importance of empowerment. Many would-have-been school dropouts have
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become school toppers with the support and guidance of Katha. The Katha child makes their future through the process of learning through a proactive curriculum. Pratham YB Chavan Center Nariman Point Mumbai 400 021 Phone: (91) (22) 23851542 The goal of this organization to ensure that ‘‘every child is in school and is learning well.’’ Pratham has reached out to one million children with an accelerated learning method, in which an unlettered child starts reading and computing basic mathematics in three weeks. The organization is based on a triangular partnership: the government, the corporate sector, and the citizens. South Asia Coalition on Child Servitude (SACCS) L-6 Kalkaji New Delhi India Phone: 00 91 11 621 0807 or þ91 11 647 5481 Fax: 00 91 11 623 6818 It has always made sure that working children and former working children have a platform to express their views and participate in activities that are important to them. SACCS has helped bring children’s voices to the international arena through the Global March for Child Labour.
Selected Bibliography Behera, D.K. 1996. Children and Childhood in our Contemporary Societies: An Introduction. In Deepak Kumar Behera, ed. Children and Childhood in our Contemporary Societies. Delhi: Kamal Raj Enterprises. Behera, D.K. 1998. Children and Childhood in Our Contemporary Societies. New Delhi: Kamla Raj Enterprises. Behera, D. K., and Jayshree Mishra. 1996. Cultural Construction of Girlhood: Plight of Girl-Child in India. In Georg Pfeffer and D. K. Behera, eds. Contemporary Society: Childhood and Complex Order. New Delhi: Manak Publication Pvt. Ltd. Bihari, V. 2002. The Scourge of Child Labour in India. Asia-Pacific Newsletter, 2. Burra, N. 1988. Out of Sight, Out of Mind: The Female Working Child in India. Paper presented at the workshop on ‘‘The Girl Child for the SAARC,’’ Indian International Centre, New Delhi. Census of India. 2001. Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, New Delhi, India. Chadha, N. K. 2004. Understanding Intergenerational Relationships in India. Journal of Intergenerational Relationships 2 (3/4):6–73. Ghosh, Jayanti. 2006. Stolen Childhood. Frontline 23(22): 4–9. Indian Council for Child Welfare. 1998. Child and Law. Chennai, Tamil Nadu, India. The Indian Express. 2004. November 30, 2004.
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Institute of Social Sciences. 2002–2003. Trafficking in Women and Children in India. Report of the project jointly undertaken by NHRC, UNFEM and ISS, New Delhi. Manhas, S., A. Kaur, and R. Dhingra. 2003. Play Activities among Gujar Children. Man in India 83(3–4): 393–405. Microsoft Encarta Reference Library. 2005. Nath, Nibedita. 2005. Growing up in Slums of Sambalpur City. Ph.D. Thesis submitted to Sambalpur University. Nath, Nibedita. 2005. A Critical Assessment of the Provisions of CRC in the Context of a Slum of Eastern Indian City. Paper presented in the international conference Childhoods 2005, Oslo University, Norway, Europe June 29–July 3, 2005. Radhakrishnan, R. 2005. Food and Nutrition Security of the Poor. Economic and Political Weekly. April 30. Ramakant, Bobby. 2006. Tobacco Shown in Movies Influences Children. The Seoul Times. November 8. Sankhala, Arati, A.K. Sankhala, Bhavna Bhatnagar, and Alpana Singh. 2004. Impact of Intervention Feeding Trail on Nutritional Status of 6-10 Years Old Malnourished Children. The Anthropologist 6(3): 185–89. Scrase, Timothy J. 2002. Television, the Middle Classes and the Transformation of Cultural Identities in West Bengal, India. The International Journal for Communication Studies, 64(4): 323–342. UNICEF. 2004. At a Glance: India. UNICEF. UNICEF. 2005. The State of World’s Children 2005. Childhood under Threat. New York: UNICEF House.
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INDONESIA John A. Huss and Elaine Jarchow NATIONAL PROFILE Indonesia, the fourth most populous nation in the world at 242 million (CIA 2006), stretches across an archipelago of thousands of islands between Asia and Australia. The largest islands are Java, Kalimantan (the southern part of the island Borneo), Sumatra, Sulawesi, and Papua (formerly Irian Jaya, which is the western part of New Guinea). Indonesia’s total land area measures 1.9 million square kilometers or 750,000 square miles (CIA 2006). True to its national motto ‘‘Unity in Diversity,’’ Indonesia is comprised of more than 300 ethnic groups, often bound together by little more than a national language, the Bahasa Indonesia, and a national philosophy, the Pancasila, which emphasizes social justice, sacred values, and nationalism. Indonesians refer to their homeland as Tanah Air Kita (‘‘Our Land and Water’’). The population growth rate of Indonesia has been on a modest, yet perceptible, increase since 1980, with approximately 29 percent of the total population between zero and fourteen years of age. The 2003 Labor Force Survey reveals about 39.8 million people who are youth aged fifteen to twenty-four years, with females accounting for 49.2 percent of total youth population
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(Department of Manpower and Transmigration 2004). In recent years, the overall national growth rate has hovered around 1.5 percent (CIA 2006). According to recent United Nations population projections, Indonesia is included in the list of ten countries that will contribute most to world population growth over the next thirty years. Overall life expectancy at birth has improved from 47.2 years in 1971 to 70.16 years in 2007 (CIA World Factbook 2007). The life expectancy is predicted to be 73.7 by the year 2025 (United Nations 2000). According to the National Health Survey (2002–2003), the percentage of single parents reached 10.6 percent in urban areas and 12.8 percent in rural areas (World Health Organization 2006). The economic future of Indonesia is mixed. With a gradual shift in economic focus from oil production to agriculture and manufactured exports (including steel, plywood, aluminum, textiles, coffee, seafood, rubber, and cement), the country has slowly recovered from an economic crisis in 1998 that produced a poverty rate near 37 percent and emerged as a large and growing market for Western agricultural commodities. Indonesia’s estimated per capita income is $1,143, and the poverty rate fell to 17.5 percent in 2003 (U.S. Department of State: Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs 2006). Nonetheless, weaknesses in the banking systems, panoptic corruption, and the absence of reliable business law threaten a somewhat tenuous gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate of 5.1 percent reported in 2004 (U.S. Department of State: Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs 2006). In total, Indonesia has a fragile economic framework, punctuated by high unemployment, weak investment confidence, a vulnerable infrastructure, and resource disparity across regions. Female participation in the work force is believed to be 50.1 percent, compared with 85.6 percent for males. Almost 38 percent of female employment is connected to unpaid domestic work. The number of women in public offices is approximately 39 percent with 17 percent of those in managerial positions (Badan Pusat Statistik 2000). The National Labor Force Survey reveals there are 9.5 million unemployed persons in Indonesia, 60 percent of whom are under the age of twenty-five (Department of Manpower and Transmigration 2004). An average of 33 percent of these young people are considered ‘‘underemployed,’’ meaning they work less than full time and/or do not earn sufficient incomes. The average job search duration for youth job seekers, aged fifteen to twenty-four years, is about seven months (Department of Manpower and Transmigration 2004). Because of Indonesia’s meager economic growth patterns, the formal sector is unable to absorb such a large youth labor pool. The majority of young workers tend to be employed in the agricultural industry, but the proportion of youth involvement has dropped from 55 percent in 1990 to 43 percent in 2003 (Department of Manpower and Transmigration 2004). National and
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global impacts resulting from widespread youth unemployment are inevitable and include violence, crime, and political instability. The Department of Social Affairs supervises all governmental social welfare programs. Subsidized housing for the aged, orphanages, and schools for the handicapped are supported throughout the country. A number of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) likewise promote children’s rights throughout Indonesia, including the Child Advocacy Network, the National Commission on Child Protection, the Center for Study and Child Protection, and the Foundation for Indonesian Child Welfare. The Family Welfare Movement (PKK) facilitates the improvement of family welfare in rural areas with a primary focus on women. The Program for Backward Villages (Inpres Desa Tertinggal [IDT]) serves to channel World Bank funding to the subdistrict level to village self-help groups, including the PKK. The program emphasizes community participation, village self-reliance, and decentralization through the participation of women and women’s groups. Yayasan KOMPAK (Indonesian Committee for the Creative Education for Child Labor Foundation) organizes and runs alternative educational programs for child laborers at work in Tangerang. Similarly, the KKSP (Foundation Education and Information Center for Child Rights Indonesia) serves as an advocate for child laborers and child prostitutes as it seeks to assist ‘‘street children’’ who have been oppressed or subjugated by adults in some manner. The Indonesian government’s attitude toward NGOs has remained rather ambivalent, and KEY FACTS – INDONESIA the state generally welcomes selfPopulation: 234,693,997 (July 2007 est.) help and development projects. Life expectancy at birth: 70.16 years (2007 est.) Intervention by NGOs in human Literacy rate: 87.9 percent (2002 est.) rights issues, however, has been Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 94 percent a recurring source of agitation. (2000–2005) OVERVIEW Impacted by family income inequality and low maternal education, the infant mortality rate is approximately 36 deaths per 1,000 live births (male: 41 per 1,000; female: 30 per 1,000) (CIA 2006). Rarely are births assisted by health professionals or qualified doctors. The World Health Organization reports prenatal care in Indonesia to be
Internet users: 16 million (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 110,000 (2003 est.) Children orphaned by AIDS: 1,232,131 (2005 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 41 (2006 est.) Sources: CIA World Factbook: Indonesia. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/geos/id.html. April 17, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006: Indonesia. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_IDN.html. April 26, 2007; UNICEF. Indonesia–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ indonesia_statistics.html. April 25, 2007; World Health Organization (WHO): UNAIDS/WHO Global HIV/AIDS Online Database. ‘‘Epidemiological Fact Sheet on HIV/AIDS and Sexually Transmitted Diseases: Indonesia.’’ http://www.who.int/ GlobalAtlas/predefinedReports/EFS2006/ index.asp?strSelectedCountry=ID. December 2006.
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poor (World Health Organization 2006). According to the Criminal Code, abortion is strictly illegal unless there are serious and overriding medical considerations. The state guarantees tolerance for several religions regarded as monotheistic. Though marginally represented by Protestants, Roman Catholics, Hindus, and Buddhists, Indonesia boasts the world’s largest Muslim population. Although the government views itself as secular, atheism is illegal; citizens are required to align themselves with one of the established religions in order to receive government services. According to Indonesia’s 2000 National Census, more than 3.2 million people are categorized as those who ‘‘do not have a permanent place to live’’ (Badan Pusat Statistik 2000). Interestingly, the homeless situation in Indonesia is viewed more as a ‘‘social issue’’ than a ‘‘housing issue,’’ thus making it difficult to ascertain accurate statistics. Pavement dwellers and people living under bridges or in temporary shacks are seen as ‘‘people suffering from social problems.’’ The government tends to classify ‘‘homelessness’’ strictly in terms of the availability of physical structures. The Indonesian government issued Act 4/1992 on Housing and Settlement to acknowledge the right of all citizens to have an adequate house in a safe, healthy, orderly, and harmonious environment. While Indonesia has oriented itself toward a democratic-style government, the process has not been without discord. Several areas of resistance, including Papua and Aceh, violently challenged a democratic transition with regional armed conflicts and widespread human rights violations. A civil war in the Moluccan islands between Christians and Muslims likewise threatened Indonesian peace and displaced citizens on both sides of the fray. The central government has struggled to adequately protect the hundreds of thousands of people expelled in Aceh and the Moluccas, as well as East Timorese refugees in West Timor. The number of refugees across the country was significantly worsened in December 2004 by an earthquake-generated tsunami off northwest Sumatra, which devastated Aceh and killed 130,000 people, and a subsequent earthquake in March 2005, which caused much destruction on the islands of Simeulue and Nias, west of Sumatra (HighBeam Research, Incorporated 2006). Although the official number of asylum-seekers in Indonesia has dropped from about 3,900 in 1999 to less than 500 in the early 2000s (Nunan 2003), the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the International Organization of Migration (IOM) continue to work on the repatriation of East Timor refugees residing in West Timor as well as illegal migrants from several Middle-Eastern countries, including Iraq and Afghanistan, who are in Indonesia and hoping to be resettled in Australia or another developed Western country. The nature of childhood in Indonesia is greatly impacted by many of the same contemporary issues that confront young people around world,
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including mothers who work outside the home, changing family structures, and, of course, the role of media and technology, both from an educative and entertainment perspective. The phenomenon of women as de facto and de jure heads of households is increasing as male migration to urban centers increases. Subsequently, women with absent husbands or those widowed and divorced lose former family support systems. The effects of women participating in the labor force, then, are wide ranging and, in many instances, begin at the dinner table. Because women are typically engaged in preparations necessary for food storage, these activities often go undone. Thus, the immediate causes of malnutrition in children are often attributable to sporadic meals (generally one or two meals per day) consisting mainly of starchy staples. Breakfast is usually comprised of scraps from the previous dinner. Children of working mothers frequently display vitamin A depletion, blamed in part on the shortage of leafy green vegetables served in the daily diet. Infant nutrition is likewise impacted adversely due to the limited time available for breastfeeding. Moreover, childcare issues arise for Indonesian women who work outside the home. Because siblings are typically responsible for care of younger children, the presence of an extended family in the home is critical. Such arrangements result in better overall nutritional and hygienic care of the children. Higher income households are likely to be able to afford to have older relatives or close neighbors care for the offspring. Television programming for children is becoming a source of concern for some child welfare authorities who insist the television medium must be better regulated. There is no legal obligation for television stations to provide children with appropriate programs, and local television stations allocate only a fraction (4.8–11.7 percent) of their airtime to children’s programs (Dursin 2000). According to a survey by the nongovernmental Indonesian Child Welfare Foundation (YKAI), however, more than 52 percent of so-called children’s programs contain violent and ‘‘anti-social’’ scenes, including fistfights and swordplay (Dursin 2000). The majority of distasteful shows are foreign-produced, with many titles imported from Japanese animators. Adult soap operas, many from Latin America, are regularly aired during times when children have access to the television in the home. Results of a recent study by YKAI show that Indonesian children watch more than twenty-six hours of television a week (Dursin 2000). In a similar vein, the popularity of video games has grown immensely in Indonesia for both children and adults. While terminals, joysticks, and other accoutrements are relatively uncommon in private homes, youngsters in the larger cities such as Jakarta have access to video games at internet cafes, malls, and ‘‘children’s arenas.’’ Reaction to the increasing presence of video games is mixed, with many parent groups finding them harmless and even educational as they stimulate imagination and creativity. Others believe they encourage some children to blur the distinctions
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between fantasy and reality, especially those games with a more violent content. The merging of technology and education has moved into the daily lives of Indonesian youngsters just as it has in countries all around the world. As part of the National Education curricula, Pusat Peragaan IPTEK, operated under the guidance of the State Ministry for Research and Technology, initiated and developed the Science and Technology Center, which has emerged as a national reference for science and technology in Indonesia. The center features galleries consisting of twelve clusters with 250 hands-on interactive exhibits for visitor of all ages to explore. A core mission is to develop programs for students, teachers, and public in general. The center also sponsors traveling exhibits whereby interactive science and technology experiences are taken to rural communities and other provinces in Indonesia. Children are, therefore, receiving exposure to the interplay between science and technology at a young age as they participate in these computer camps, science shows, and research workshops. Two devastating tsunamis in rapid succession in the early 2000s victimized Indonesia and placed untold hardships on children and their families. A magnitude 9.0 earthquake on December 26, 2004, off the west coast of Northern Sumatra, Indonesia, left more than 110,000 dead, with thousands missing. A lesser, although still powerful, tsunami occurred in July 2006 and sent waves over three meters (fifteen feet) high crashing into a 110-mile stretch of Java’s southern coast, claiming hundreds of lives. In both instances, a disproportionate number of the dead were women and children who were either working or playing on the beach when the waves hit. As a result, a generation of children has been orphaned and made homeless by these natural disasters. Issues concerning health and sanitary conditions have subsequently arisen and magnified across Indonesia. Following the 2004 tsunami, for example, government officials began a spraying campaign to prevent a malaria outbreak. Cases of diarrhea, respiratory and skin infections, and intestinal diseases due to a lack of safe drinking water were reported for both tsunamis, as were children suffering from mental trauma. Other disturbing realities have likewise emerged from the aftermath of the widespread destruction. The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has been battling the international trafficking of children who were left unaccompanied in these cataclysmic upheavals. The challenge is to ensure children are protected from predators, both individual pedophiles and international criminal gangs, who can use the pandemonium within the country to prey on the vulnerability of displaced youngsters. The need for foster homes and/or adoptions has increased exponentially. Organizations such as Child Fund Australia and Save the Children have been instrumental in establishing ‘‘child-centered spaces’’ within Indonesia to assist with the ongoing recovery process. Specialists in child protection also continue vital family tracing and reunification activities.
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EDUCATION In spite of an ambitious 1950 draft constitution objective to provide at least six years of primary schooling for all Indonesian children, the goal remained largely unfilled into the late 1980s. Improvement was initiated when portions of oil reserves were set aside specifically for the construction or repair of nearly 40,000 primary schools. Still, a high birth rate, a decline in infant mortality, and a general shortage of qualified teachers thwarted the realization of universal education throughout Indonesia. As the 1990s came to a close, an increasing number of areas were actively enforcing compulsory primary education for children between the ages of seven and twelve. According to 2002 UNICEF data, school enrollment rates were 96 percent for children in this age bracket, with girls slightly outnumbering boys; 79 percent for children ages thirteen to fifteen; and 49 percent for children ages sixteen to eighteen. In the end, boys were more likely to finish school (United Nations Children’s Fund 2006). For the most part, the administrative responsibilities for education belong to the Ministry of National Education (MONE), as well as branches in the subdistricts and municipalities. The central government retains control over standards setting, curriculum, and accreditation. Higher education is also under the charge of the central government. Approximately 86.3 percent of the young are literate. About 1 percent of the gross national product is spent on education (Indonesia: Bhinneka Tunggal Ika 2005). Families can choose between state-run, nonsectarian public schools or private or semiprivate religious schools supervised and financed by the Department of Religious Affairs. Less than 15 percent of the households are affiliated with the religious schools, a rather surprising total given that 88 percent of the Indonesian population professes to be Muslim (Department of the Army 2005). Despite improvements, school attendance in many regions is erratic. Many children drop out before the completion of grade three. A significant, yet undetermined, number of children are forced to leave school during a given year to help support their households. Political conflicts disrupt the education of many children during the year. A monthly fee for public schools, often a deterrent for many parents, varies from province to province, and is frequently based upon average incomes. Education in Indonesia has a twofold purpose. As expected, the school is to impart basic academic and secular wisdom. A larger, more esoteric purpose is to transmit knowledge about the modern nation-state and its moral and ideological foundations. Children age six and above are expected to learn the five principles of the Pancasila: (1) belief in one God; (2) humanitarianism; (3) national unity; (4) democracy; and (5) social justice, and apply these principles in their own lives. The law theoretically provides children with disabilities the right to an education and rehabilitative treatment. However, many young persons
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with disabilities encounter difficulties in receiving an education and rehabilitative treatment; some resort to begging for a living. According to a UNICEF report in 2000, there were approximately 2 million children with disabilities between ten and fourteen years of age. NGOs were the primary providers of education for disabled children. There were 1,084 schools for persons with disabilities; 680 were private and 404 were government operated. Of the government schools, 165 were ‘‘integrated,’’ serving both regular and special education students. The government also ran three national schools for those with visual, hearing, and mental disabilities (U.S. Department of State 2003). One of the most aggressive endeavors to ensure all children receive quality care and education in their home communities as part of early child development, preschool, primary, and secondary education programs has been the Opportunities for Vulnerable Children (OVC) project, spearheaded by Helen Keller International. OVC actively seeks and recognizes children in Indonesia who require essential services, such as itinerant teachers, classroom materials, and devices. The project has expanded to include a close group of collaborators such as the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), Indonesian Ministry of National Education (MONE), Provincial Education Department of DKI Jakarta (PDOE), Hilton Perkins International Program, University of Indonesia Faculty of Psychology (UI), and State University of Jakarta (UNJ). In cooperation with the MONE and PDOE, the program was able to allocate seven full-time teachers to the Early Intervention Program, with three additional teachers from the Rawinala Foundation. The teachers constitute the core personnel working with the students. This was a challenge, as Indonesia does not currently provide kindergarten or preschool programs as part of its nine year Basic Education Platform, which begins at age seven. Government policies were amended, changed, or rendered flexible by the government in order to expedite this program. Indonesia reports an 87.9 percent literacy rate (those age fifteen and over who can read and write). For males, the rate is 92.5 percent while the rate for females is 83.4 percent. Illiteracy is more prevalent among rural women over forty-five years of age (Central Intelligence Agency 2006). Indonesia has demonstrated sustained growth in the number of public institutions of higher learning, increasing from ten such institutions and 6,500 students in 1950 to 900 institutions with 141,000 teachers and nearly 1,486,000 students in the 1990s (Department of the Army 2005). While tuition in state institutions is considered ‘‘affordable,’’ faculty salaries are low by international standards. The higher education enrollment rate in rural areas is less than 50 percent of that in urban areas, while the enrollment from low-income provinces is only 20 percent of that among the higher income regions (Department of the Army 2005).
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PLAY AND RECREATION While a small percentage of middle- and upper-class Indonesian children have access to modern electronic and technological toys, most youngsters entertain themselves with traditional, inexpensive games and activities. Many of these games have recognizable western counterparts. Elementary-aged girls, for example, enjoy creating a ‘‘jump rope’’ out of hundreds of elastic bands that are looped together to form a large ring. The girls take turns trying to jump over the elastic rope, which is held by two girls at each end. This game, called Lompat Tali, often finds experienced players able to jump over ropes that are neck high. Layang-layang is the Indonesian equivalent of kite flying and is highlighted by the designs of the kites, which frequently represent various Indonesian provinces. Some children prepare kites with tails for the simple act of moving them through the air. Other kites are created to be ‘‘dogfight kites’’ wherein the strings are coated with glass particles capable of severing another flyer’s kite. The object is to cut the kite of one’s opponent loose and ultimately claim the runaway kite for one’s own. Kelereng is an Indonesian game of marbles and, like most versions, the aim is to knock opponents’ marbles out of a circle. Gangsing is a similar game involving homemade tops made out of bamboo. Bekel is a game much like jacks, except the bekel are flat with a small bridge holding the two sides together. Congklak uses cowrie shells as pieces. Congklak is played on a board with circular indentations along both sides and a home indentation on each end of the board. The game of skill features ninetyeight small markers such as shells or beads, which are divided evenly between all the indentations. Semut, Orang, Gajah is a variation of ‘‘paper, scissors, stone’’ and likewise uses hand gestures, often to determine who will go first in a game. The hand signs include: little finger points toward partner (semut/ant); pointer finger points toward partner (orang/person); thumb points toward partner (gajah/elephant). The semut beats the gajah because the semet can crawl in the gajah’s ear and tickle him; the orang beats the semut because the orang can stomp on a semut; the gajah beats the orang because the gajah can trample the orang. In addition to organized games, Indonesian children enjoy playing with kuda lumping, which are replicas of the larger kuda lumping utilized in trance dancing. The replicas of rattan horses are cut from woven bamboo mats, painted with an array of colors, and often decorated with sequins or beads. Like many boys, cars fascinate Indonesian male children. The boys typically create ‘‘automobiles’’ from large pomelos (grapefruits) called jeruk bali. The skin is used to shape the body of the car and the pieces are held together with coconut frond ribs. Indonesian children also fashion musical instruments from bamboo and learn basic music at school. Three of
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the more popular instruments are the suling, a flute-like instrument, gambang, which mimics a xylophone, and angklung, idiophonic instruments shaken for ceremonial dances. When it comes to amusements for children, dances and wayang puppet shows are other distinctive features of Indonesian culture. The wayang kulit of Java is performed with leather puppets held by a puppeteer who narrates the story of one of the famous episodes of the Hindu epics, the Mahabharata or the Ramayana. The wayang golek of West Java is based on the same concept but features wooden rather than leather puppets. In central Java, the wooden puppet theater traditionally depicts stories derived from popular folk legends revolving around the spread of Islam. Sports are quite popular throughout Indonesia. The Madurese host bull races after the harvest season, while boat racing is fashionable on a majority of islands. Stone jumping, formerly used to train warriors, is now a source of leisure for young boys and men in Nias. The objective of stone jumping is to leap over a stone wall about 1.5 meters high, often with a sword in hand. Other favorite sports include sepak takraw wherein two teams endeavor to keep a rattan ball in the air by using feet only; pencak silat, which is a martial art similar to karate; badminton and tennis. The government sponsors an organization called Karang Taruna for young people between the ages of ten to twenty-five as well as a National Sports Day on September 9. As noted previously, Indonesians find much amusement with television and cinema. Nearly every corner of the archipelago has television relay stations permitting reception of one or more channels of tightly controlled government programs. These programs frequently include some foreign serials (not subtitled) as well as national and international news, and sporting events like soccer, boxing, and volleyball. CHILD LABOR In a country often maligned for its human rights practices, the most pressing problems currently facing Indonesia children are child labor, child prostitution, and child trafficking. Upwards of 8 million children under the age of eighteen are believed to be doing the work of adults. According to the International Labour Organization (ILO), an estimated 4,201,452 children below the age of eighteen are involved in potentially hazardous work; more than 1.5 million are girls (Human Rights Watch 2005). A 2002–2003 baseline survey conducted by the University of Indonesia and the International Program on the Elimination of Child Labor (IPEC) revealed there were 2.6 million domestic workers in Indonesia out of which 688,132 (34.83 percent) were children; 93 percent of those were girls under the age of eighteen. The ILO also estimates that more girls
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under sixteen work in domestic service than in any other category of child labor worldwide (Human Rights Watch 2005). Children are typically recruited from rural or poor urban areas to work as domestic workers in larger cities. Sometimes the child receives food and accommodations, but no monetary salary. While Indonesia has a large labor ministry, it does not monitor the informal labor sector, and therefore domestic workers have little recourse for reporting abuses. Child workers are also believed to be prevalent in many export industries, including the garment, rattan furniture, food processing, chocolate, shrimp, and pumice stone industries. The Indonesian Documentation and Information Center (INDOC), an NGO in the Netherlands, maintains that such export industries employ children younger than fourteen years of age at various stages of the manufacturing process. As noted, restrictions on child labor are scant and largely disregarded. Child prostitution remains pervasive throughout Indonesia. The number of child sex workers in the country is estimated in a range from 40,000 to 300,000 (Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 2003). Although some teenage girls enter the sex trade knowingly, many are coerced into the practice. The country’s biggest red light district, in Surabaya, finds 40 percent of the prostitutes under the age of eighteen. The sexual exploitation of boys is reported to be a major problem in Bali and on the island of Batam. The NGOs report a low rehabilitation rate for children of less than 10 percent. Women’s rights activists and religious groups accuse government officials, including police and soldiers, of operating or protecting brothels that employ underage prostitutes. NGOs continually urge the deportation of foreign pedophiles as one strategy to extinguish the demand for child sex workers. The National Commission for the Protection of Children’s Rights (KOMNAS ANAK) has actively campaigned for legislation to protect children. Save The Children worked with street children, while the Institute for Advocacy of Children (Lembaga Advokasi Anak Indonesia) struggled to curtail child exploitation on fishing platforms. Trafficking in persons is illegal under the Penal Code and the 2002 Child Protection Act; however, these laws are not comprehensive in their definition of trafficking. Persons are trafficked to, from, and within the country for the purposes of prostitution and forced labor, including instances of debt bondage. In 2002, a national action plan to counter trafficking of women and children was approved by presidential decree. It articulates specific roles for the Government and civil society at both the national and local levels, and it includes goals for lawmaking and law enforcement. The Child Protection Act prohibits economic and sexual exploitation of children and also child trafficking. The act specifies severe criminal penalties and jail terms for persons who violate children’s rights, including trafficking in persons. The government, with the help of NGOs, conducts public education efforts on trafficking.
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Detection and enforcement are made difficult, however, because many of the children less than fourteen years of age are the products of failed marriages that were entered into through parental consent. Thus, paperwork identifies these children as ‘‘adults’’ because they were once married. FAMILY Indonesians exhibit strong connections to the family circle, which typically includes grandparents, aunts, uncles, first cousins, and second cousins. Beyond the family, a sense of commitment also extends to clan, village, mosque, or workplace. Villagers live according to the principle of gotong royong, or mutual cooperation. Children are not viewed as ‘‘grown up’’ until they marry. Marriages are commemorative occasions. People wear elaborate clothes and give gifts of gold, money, fruits, and flowers. During the revelry, the bride and groom sit on thrones and do not mingle with the guests except to thank them. The newlyweds live in the husband’s family home or move into a place of their own. Babies are prized in Indonesia, and families take special care of pregnant mothers. On the island of Java, there is a special ceremony in which a pregnant woman prepares a spicy fruit salad. If the salad turns out sour, the baby will be a boy, if it is sweet, it will be a girl. Rites of passage are not uncommon throughout Indonesia and generally depend upon the sector of country in which the child happens to reside. Balinese infants, for example, are not placed onto the ground until 105 days have passed. Crawling is perceived as ‘‘animalistic,’’ so the child is carried until he/she can stand without assistance. Puberty is celebrated for both males and females and frequently involves a tooth-filing ritual that must be completed before marriage. The canine teeth, which the Balinese regard as animalistic fangs, are filed flat. Many contemporary Balinese, however, now interpret the ritual more symbolically and simply pass the file over the teeth once. For young Muslim boys, circumcision is considered the gateway to manhood. To celebrate the event, the boy is often dressed as a prince and paraded through town in a becak (three-wheeled pedicab) or on a pony. A communal thanksgiving feast called a selemantan follows the circumcision ceremony. HEALTH The Indonesian health care system provides public hospitals and government health centres called Puskesmas (which often operate as mobile units to reach remote areas). Traditional remedies are not uncommon throughout the country. Rubbing oil onto a person’s neck or back by
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using a heavy metal coin called a kerokan is a common activity as is using roots, bark, flowers, nuts, and herbs to create jamu. According to UNICEF, 28 percent of children under five are at least moderately underweight (United Nations Children’s Fund 2006). While only 38 percent of the rural population has adequate sanitation facilities, the number jumps to 71 percent in the nation as a whole (United Nations Children’s Fund 2006). No reliable statistics are available pertaining to the number of children between zero and fourteen years of age who are living with HIV, but the number of women (fifteen to fortynine) is believed to be approximately 15,000. A mere 7 percent of women (fifteen to forty-nine) possess a ‘‘comprehensive knowledge’’ of HIV infection (United Nations Children’s Fund 2006). Tuberculosis is still a leading cause of death throughout the country, claiming the lives of about 175,000 people a year (World Health Organization 2006). Risk for other infectious diseases within Indonesia is considered ‘‘high.’’ Food and waterborne diseases such as protozoal diarrhea, hepatitis A and E, and typhoid fever are very common, as are vectorborne diseases like dengue fever, malaria, and chikungunya. Recent concerns have focused on squelching an outbreak of polio, especially in Muslim regions. Efforts to vaccinate children under the age of five have markedly increased in the wake of several hundred youngsters contracting the disease in 2004. Indonesia is striving to supply half of its population with clean drinking water by 2015, but inefficiencies within the delivery systems, lack of business acumen of how to improve production, and general degradation of fresh water sources have made this a daunting task. The current coverage for the urban population is around 38 percent, or 6 million connections for 100,000 people (Jakarta Post 2005). A study conducted in Java and Jakarta found that most female children are circumcised in ritualistic yet noninvasive procedures. The act is a common practice among Muslim families from the Banten ethnic group. Trained midwives or physicians circumcise the baby girls using a blood lancet or sewing needle to prick the clitoris until bleeding occurred. However, some midwives merely wipe the clitoris with alcohol and bethadine. This procedure takes place when the girl is forty days to five years old. Some religious leaders believe the removal or partial removal of the clitoris is beneficial to marriage because a woman is more likely to remain faithful to her husband if she had no sexual drive. Some religious Islamic leaders consider this practice a mandate of Islam. Other religious leaders believe that this practice is recommended by Islamic teachings but not mandated. There is no national law against female genital mutilation (FGM) or female genital cutting (FGC) in Indonesia. Customary law permits symbolic and small-cut incisions of the clitoris. Still, the government included this practice as a gender issue in its National Action Plan to End Violence against Women, published in the early 2000s.
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LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS By all accounts, Indonesia does not possess a child-sensitive juvenile justice system. Although the Convention on the Rights of the Child and Indonesia’s own 2002 Child Protection Law state the detainment of a child should occur only as a last resort, the use of imprisonment for children is frequently the initial action taken for youngsters who participate in criminal activity. Indonesia’s age of responsibility for criminals is eight, and it is not uncommon to find preteens imprisoned. In fact, 90 percent of the children sent to court are sentenced to prison, most for petty crimes; 84 percent of these children are placed with adult criminals. Approximately 4,000 to 5,000 children are housed in these detention centers, correction facilities, and prisons with little or no access to education, health, or leisure and are at high risk of physical, sexual, and emotional abuse from other detainees (United Nations Children’s Fund 2005). Legal aid for children is essentially nonexistent. Children who witness crimes, for example, have no formal protections. Indonesia also lacks a tracking system and has no procedure for documenting the number of children arrested. Recidivism is believed to be high because there are no systems in place to facilitate the reintegration of a child offender back into the society. Organizations like UNICEF have worked hard to increase awareness of legal issues involving children and have called for a reform of the legal network. The minimum age for marriage for males is nineteen and the age for females is sixteen. Earlier marriages are certainly possible, based upon judicial discretion or parental consent. The age for military service in Indonesia is eighteen. The introduction of compulsory conscription is likely with men aged between eighteen and forty-five being drafted into the TNI, Indonesia’s armed forces, for five years as reservists. Such a move would add approximately 800,000 soldiers to the existing 300,000 troops (Media Line 2004). RELIGIOUS LIFE All Indonesian children study agama (religion) at school. Agama involves learning about one’s own religion, rather than studying different religions. For example, Muslim students study the laws of Islam and learn Arabic (Citizenship and Immigration Canada 2006). Because Indonesia endorses five distinct monotheistic religions, the impact of religion on daily life is very much dependent upon the individual faith tradition being considered. All citizens, while not compelled to engage in religious practice, must choose one of the five recognized religions. This information is included in official documents such as a national identification card. Failure to indicate a choice may result in a failure to obtain these documents.
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Indonesian Islam is considered tolerant, inclusive, and inherently compatible with democracy. It is forbidden in Islamic religion to make graven images or statues or other representations of God, or Allah. Devout Muslims adhere to an Islamic Legal Code, or sharia, the law of Allah. Adults and children participate in several required Islamic rituals, such as: praying five times daily, facing toward the Ka’bah in Saudi Arabia; fasting during the holy month of Ramandan, or the ninth month of the Islamic lunar calendar; making a pilgrimage to Ka’bah in Saudi Arabia; publicly citing an affirmation of faith; paying a 10 percent tithe; and observing Friday as a holy day of prayer and worship at a mosque. Children who are followers of Bali-Hinduism worship the spirits of certain natural features like mountains or tall trees. The site of Tampaksiring, a holy spring, which is the source of the Pekerison River, is sacred to the Balinese. Pools for ritual purification constitute a vital part of the religion and are to be found throughout the island. Balinese Hindus place great significance on the propitiation of harmful spirits, which takes place at temple sites scattered throughout villages. Each of these temples has an abiding membership, and every Balinese belongs to a temple by virtue of descent, residence, or some mystical revelation of affiliation. Temples are often associated with rice fields, family house compounds, or imperious geographic sites. One notable ceremony at a village temple might include a special performance of a dance-drama (a battle between the mythical characters Rangda the witch and Barong the dragon), in which performers fall into a trance and attempt to stab themselves with sharp knives. Rituals of the life cycle are also important occasions for religious expression and artistic display. Ceremonies at puberty, marriage, and, most notably, cremation at death provide opportunities for Balinese to communicate their ideas about community, status, and the afterlife. The Chinese and Tenggerese children of Java are Buddhists. Buddhists follow the Eightfold Path to conquer desire, which, they believe, is the cause of suffering. The Eightfold Path includes right understanding, right thought, right speech, right conduct, right livelihood, right effort, right attentiveness, and right concentration. The goal is nirvana—the escape from the cycle of birth and reincarnation. Practicing Roman Catholics make up slightly more than 3 percent of Indonesia’s total population while the 5 percent Protestant influence is relatively new in Indonesia (Citizenship and Immigration Canada 2006), most occurring since the late 19th century, when European missionaries flocked to the South Seas. The majority of Protestants in Indonesia are from remote islands or areas, such as the Nias Islands, Alor, the Lake Toba region in Sumatra, and Irian Jaya. The Muslim-dominated Department of Religious Affairs has placed tight restrictions on European missionaries, thus making the spread of Christianity a formidable endeavor. Religious life for children often involves participation in ceremonies and dance. In Bali, for instance, dancing serves as an expression of one’s
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devotion to the gods (ngayah) as well as a means of instilling centuries-old values in each new generation of Balinese. Children are exposed to dance at a very early age and are expected to take dance lessons. After much practice, the ultimate goal is for the dance movements to ‘‘enter’’ the child so he/she can be worthy to perform with a full gamelan orchestra (McIntosh 2006) In the village of Batur in Bangli, the religious leader is chosen after locals go into a trance. The Nyanjan Jero Mangku ceremony usually takes place at a local temple, Pura Ulun Danu, and the mediums communicating with ancestral spirits are called the premade. The premade then discuss who of their number will become the group’s speaker and ultimately name the new religious leader. Young boys frequently participate in this ritual, and it is not uncommon for a male child to be given the responsibility of religious leadership (pemangku). Children who become pemangku and have been ‘‘baptized’’ wear a special destar in school in order to ensure other students do not bully them (Jakarta Post 2004) CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT According to the National Commission for Child Protection, more than 60 percent of parents (mostly mothers) commit acts of violence against their children (Dursin 2005). Most parents consider the ‘‘violence’’ to be a necessary component of teaching discipline and obedience. Because many families have no telephone or internet access, the reporting of child abuse remains low. Still, the Commission receives four to five telephone calls every day regarding alleged abuses, ranging from physical to sexual violence. According to a survey of 600 children in eighteen provinces, Indonesian children have nowhere to hide, as violence against them is rampant everywhere—at home, school, on the street, in orphanages or detention centers (Dursin 2005). Hospitals in the country do not report or keep records of child abuse, so detection is tenuous at best. School corporal punishment is still seen as a common practice as most teachers practice a top-down approach to education with little regard for ‘‘children’s rights.’’ UNICEF is raising the awareness of teachers about child rights. It also plans to set up child protection institutions in Indonesia’s provincial capitals, where corporal punishment in schools remains entrenched. The abuse of children takes many forms. An NGO working with children in Bekaski determined that more than 500 youngsters between the ages of seven and fifteen work as scavengers at the Bantar Gebang dumpsite, seeking food and other daily necessities. Eighty-four percent of the children suffer from minor infections as they sift through garbage that includes hazardous waste such as syringes and other toxic substances (U.S. Department of State 2002). Reports also indicate thousands of Muslim and Christian adolescent children in Maluku province act as soldiers and that younger children provide support services to the militias. Although child exploitation images are disseminated globally, much of
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the material is supplied from Indonesia wherein the law does not recognize ‘‘child pornography’’ as an illegal entity. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY To improve its responses to issues related to the welfare of children, Indonesia would do well to consider the following recommendations. 1. Align child welfare standards to those proposed by UNICEF. 2. Seek World Bank funding to build a strong infrastructure composed of viable childcare and child welfare agencies. 3. Improve medical facilities to provide good care to children and mothers. 4. Make a commitment to establishing social justice laws that are child sensitive and forbid child labor, child prostitution, child trafficking, and genital mutilation. 5. Pay particular attention to the needs of single parent families and provide educational opportunities for them. 6. Establish goals for the education system, which ensure that children will receive mandatory education opportunities through age seventeen; that special needs children will have access to education; and that teachers will be qualified. 7. Use children’s love of and familiarity with games to teach teachers to use math manipulatives and creative writing in their teaching. 8. Enact strong legislation to provide for the homeless in the area of education and medicine.
Through harnessing of its resources and proper leadership, Indonesia has the potential to make this world and Indonesia in particular better places for children in much the way the fourth century B.C. philosopher Mencius was thinking when he wrote, ‘‘The great man is he who has not lost the heart of a child.’’ RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Bertrand, Jacques. 2003. Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict in Indonesia. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. This book provides a critical examination of religious and ethnic conflict within Indonesia. Blackburn, Susan. 2004. Women and the State in Modern Indonesia. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. Listens to the voices of modern Indonesian women by focusing on polygamy, motherhood, and violence. Herbert, Mimi, and Nur Rahardio. 2002. Voices of the Puppet Masters: The Wayang Golek Theater of Indonesia. Honolulu, HA: University of Hawaii Press. Provides a personal excursion into the world of the wayang golek puppet theater.
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Huxley, Tim. 2002. Disintegrating Indonesia: Implications for Regional Security. Oxford, United Kingdom: Routledge. The book is useful for probing refugee crises, the spread of religious and ethnic conflict, and piracy within Indonesia. Kingsbury, Damien. 2005. The Politics of Indonesia. Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press. Underlying themes of economic disparity, political corruption, and separatism are highlighted. Parry, Richard. 2006. In the Time of Madness: Indonesia on the Edge of Chaos. New York: Grove. Longtime journalist Richard Lloyd Parry provides firsthand accounts of Indonesia up to and including the fall of Suharto. Robison, Richard. 2004. Reorganizing Power in Indonesia: The Politics of Oligarchy in an Age of Markets. New York: Routledge Curzon. Strong appeal to readers interested in political economy, political sociology and development studies. Taylor, Jean. 2004. Indonesia: Peoples and Histories. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Examines the nation’s many communities and the differences that drive contemporary breakaway movements. Vickers, Adrian. 2005. A History of Modern Indonesia. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. Investigates the social and political landscape of modern Indonesia. Wilds, Mary. 2003. Indonesia. Farmington Hills, MI: Thomson Gale. This book is geared toward children as it discusses in words and photographs the historical origins, beliefs, arts, family life, and future hopes of the Indonesian people.
Web Sites Budi Rahardjo. Indonesian Homepage, http://indonesia.elga.net.id/. Contains the most comprehensive on-line information about Indonesia, including business, culture, economics, environment, and government. Central Bureau of Statistics (BPS) Badan Pusat Statistik, Republik Indonesia. Statistics Indonesia. Badan Pusat Statistik, http://www.bps.go.id/. Provides monthly summary of macroeconomic statistics, and sectoral and regional statistical information. International Institute of Social History. History Indonesia. International Institute of Social History, http://www.iisg.nl/w3vlindonesia/. This site features a wealth of resources pertaining to Indonesian history, geography, biographies, and genealogies. Includes reference tools, archives, and links to libraries and museums. Library of Congress Federal Research Division. Country Profile. Library of Congress Federal Research Division, http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/profiles/Indonesia.pdf. The Indonesia country profile offers brief, summarized information on the country’s historical background, geography, society, economy, transportation and telecommunications, government and politics, and national security. Ohio University. Apakabar Database Ohio University Libraries, http://www.library. ohiou.edu/indopubs/. Ohio University’s searchable database of Indonesian studies consisting of approximately 175,000 Indonesian and English-language postings, covering the period October 1990 to February 2002. University of Southern California. Access Indonesia. University of Southern California School of Policy, Planning and Development, http://cippad.usc.edu/
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access_indonesia/. Disseminates information on Indonesia: basic information, full texts of articles, book, and journal citations, and Web links organized by themes.
Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Institute for Research and Empowerment (IRE) Jl. Palagan Tentara pelajar Km. 9, 5 Dusun Tegalrejo Desa Sariharjo Ngaglik, Sleman Phone: 0274-867686 Fax: 7482091 Email:
[email protected] Web Site: http://www.ireyogya.org The primary concern of IRE is the development of good governance and democracy by empowering the ideas, critical attitudes and tactical actions of the civil, political, and economic society and the state. Ministry of Agriculture Jl. Harsono RM No.3 Gedung D-Lantai 4 Ragunan-Jakarta 12550 Phone: (021) 7822638, 7815380, 7815480 ext. 5421 Fax: (021) 7816385 Web Site: http://www.deptan.go.id This ministry strives to promote the healthy national economy through agribusiness system development and to expand infrastructure for agribusiness systems. Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Republic of Indonesia Sapta Pesona Building Jl. Medan Merdeka Barat No. 17 Jakarta 10110 Phone: 62 21 383 8167 Fax: 62 21 384 9715 This ministry acts as a motivator in national development by preserving diverse cultural and natural resources. Ministry of Health and Social Welfare Jalan H.R. Rasuna Said, Block X5 Kav. 4-9 Jakarta 12950 Phone: (21) 5201587 Fax: (21) 5203874 Web site: http://www.depkes.go.id Ensures that all health employees and providers deliver health services for the achievement of improved health status of the public. Ministry of National Education Jalan Tenderal Sudirman
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Senayan, Jakarta Pusat Phone: (21) 5731618 Fax: (21) 5736870 Web site: http://depdiknas.go.id The Ministry of National Education strives to improve the quality of education by establishing a national standard of education quality through research and development in the field of curriculum and educational innovations. Ministry of Religious Affairs Jalan Lapangan Banteng Barat 3-4 Jakarta, Pusat Phone: (21) 7392262 Web site: http://www.depag.go.id The Minister of Religious Affairs provides information on the latest news from the Department, laws set by the Department, statistics of religious centers, and contact information for officers of the Department. Ministry of Research and Technology BPPT II Building, 6th floor, JL. MH. Thamrin no. 8 Jakarta 10340 The Ministry of Research and Technology provides information on international collaboration, R&D institutes’ profiles, and non-departmental research agencies’ profiles, and strategic policies. Office of the Ministry of State for the Environment Jalan D.I. Panjaitan Kebon Nanas Lt. II Jakarta 134110 Phone: (21) 8580103 Fax: (21) 8580101 Web site: http://www.bapedal.go.id This ministry provides information on recent news of environmental cases in Indonesia, organization structure, environmental challenges or disasters in Indonesia, pollution conditions in Indonesia, and variations of wildlife. Office of the Ministry of State for Women’s Empowerment Jalan Medan Merdeka Barat 15, Jakarta 10110 Phone: (21) 3805563 Fax: (21) 3805562 Email:
[email protected] The State Minister for Women’s Empowerment is concerned with news about women’s empowerment, mainstreaming gender, violence against women, demography, and maintains a database of information (such as law and education). Nongovernmental Organizations Asia-Pacific Forum for Child Welfare (APFCW) Jalan Teuku Umar No 10
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Jakarta 10350 Indonesia Phone: 00 62 21 390 5746 Fax: 00 62 21 390 5746 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.apfcw.or.id/ The mission of IFCW is to work with children in Indonesia (and worldwide) to improve the quality of their lives and to enhance opportunities for the development of their full potential. Center for Study and Child Protection (PKPA) Jln Mustafa no. 30 Medan 20238 Sumatra Utara Indonesia Phone: 00 62 61 663 7821 Fax: 00 62 61 661 1943 Email:
[email protected] This organization researches child issues from various aspects such as social, economic, education, and health, and implements litigation action and law services for children. Christian Children’s Fund - Indonesia (CCF) P.O. Box 1364 Jakarta 10013 Indonesia Phone: 00 062 21 4247292 Fax: 00 062 21 42877840 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.christianchildrensfund.org Works extensively with children and citizenship, children and education, children and health, children working and living on the street, environment and habitat, and refugee and unaccompanied children. Indonesian Committee for Children’s Rights LAAI, Jln. Sutomo No. 6 Lt. III, Medan 20234, Indonesia Indonesia Phone: 00 62-61-567871 Fax: 00 62-61-567871 Indonesian Committee for Children’s Rights works to monitor and implement the Convention on the Rights of the Child nationally in Indonesia by monitoring children’s rights and children’s cases. Indonesian Institute for Children Advocacy (LAAI) 6 Sutomo Street, 3rd Floor Medan 20234 Phone: 00 62 61 567 871 Fax: 00 62 61 567 871 Email:
[email protected]
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LAAI organizes program actions on advocacy for issues around child labor, street children, and other problems of children, including campaigns, review of regulations, and implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Indonesian NGO Coalition for CRC Monitoring P.O. Box 1230 Jogjakarta 55162 Indonesia Phone: 0062-274-381101 Fax: 0062-274-381101 Email:
[email protected] This organization reports to and monitors the CRC as part of NGO national child rights coalition. LAKAMALI (Lembaga Kepedulian Maasyarabat Dan Linzkungan) Jl Dayanu Ikhsanuddin Kel. Lipu P.O. Box 138 Bou-Bou Buton 93700 Sultra Indonesia Phone: 00 62 0402 24998 Fax: 00 62 0402 24998 Supports the rural community, including its environment and its people, to sustain economic development. Activities include childcare, children’s education, community development, nature conservation, and co-operations (training, credits, fishing). Plan International–Indonesia (Plan) Jalan H.R. Mohammad No 338, Surabaya Indonesia Phone: 00 62 31 7346481 Fax: 00 6231 7317338 Email:
[email protected] Web site http://www.plan-international.org An international child development organization working with deprived and disadvantaged children, focusing on their issues, needs, and interests, within the context of their families and communities. Pusat Rehabilitasi YAKKUM (PRY) P.O. Box 6310/YKGD, Gondolayu Yogyakarta, 55233A, Java Indonesia Phone: 00 62 0274 895386 Fax: 00 62 0274 895181 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.rehabilitasi-yakkum.or.id This Christian-based, Indonesian organization is concerned with the rehabilitation of children and young adults who are physically disabled.
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Pusat Studi Pemberdayaan Masyarakat Pedesaan (CCES) JL. Akhmad Yani 11 Selong 83612 Lombok Timur NTB Indonesia Phone: þ62 (0) 376 21689 Email:
[email protected] This organization promotes education for all, human development training, emancipatory adult education, and child rights training. Yayasan Bina Insani Indonesia (INSANI) Jln. Bunga Duri No. 40 P.O. Box 19 Kendari Southeast Sulawesi Indonesia Phone: 00 62 401 23591 Fax: 00 62 401 23591 The organization promotes women and children participation in development through women and children empowerment programs, community health status through community health programs, and increases the grassroots community’s income through income generating activity. Yayasan Bina Potensi Masyarakat (YAPIM) Perum Taman Jati Block 10-A Sukun Malang 65149 East Java Indonesia Phone: 62 341 836402 Fax: 62 341 836402 Email:
[email protected] Works to assist rural poor, eliminate child labor in the formal and informal sector, provide economic and social support for poor rural communities, and promotes child rights and capacity building for women.
Selected Bibliography Artexport.com. 2006. Rites of Passage. http://artexport.com/bali_indonesia/indo nesia_bali/bali/rites_passage/rites_of_passage.htm. Asia Pacific Network of Science & Technology Centres (ASPAC). 2006. Science and Technology Centre of Indonesia. http://www.aspacnet.org /members/ STCI.html. Badan Pusat Statistik. BPS Statistics Indonesia. http://www.bps.go.id/index.shtml. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. 2003. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices –2002. Washington, DC: United States Department of State. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. 2005. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices–2004. Washington, DC: United States Department of State. Central Intelligence Agency. The World Fact Book. http://www.cia.gov. Child Workers in Asia. Network Groups in Indonesia. http://www.cwa.tnet.co.th/ Network/cwa-network_indonesia.html. Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC). Indonesia: Cultural Profiles Project. http://www.cp-pc.ca/english/indonesia/index.html.
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Department of Manpower and Transmigration. 2004. Youth Labor and Policies in Indonesia. Presented at Symposium on Globalization and the Future of Youth in Asia, Tokyo, Japan. Department of the Army. 2005. Country Studies/Area Handbook. Washington, DC: Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress. Dursin, Richel. 2000. Violence in Children’s Programs Worrying. Jakarta: Inter Press News Service Agency. Dursin, Richel. 2005. Child Abuse Grows in Indonesia. Jakarta: Inter Press News Service Agency. End Child Prostitution Child Pornography and Trafficking of Children for Sexual Purposes. 2005. ECPAT: Cyberspace as a Locale of Violence. Bangkok: ECPAT International Secretariat. Expatriat Association. Indonesian Children’s Games, http://www.expat.or.id/info/ games.html. HighBeam Research, Incorporated. Encyclopedia.com. HighBeam Research web site. http://www.encyclopedia.com/html/I/Indonesi.asp. Human Rights Watch. Always on Call: Abuse and Exploitation of Child Domestic Workers in Indonesia. http://hrw.org/reports/2005/indonesia0605/. Indonesia: Bhinneka Tunggal Ika. 2005. Centre Universitaire. http://cui.unige.ch/ ~luthi/download/indo.html. The Jakarta Post. 2004. Divine Inspiration Chooses Religious Leader. June 10. The Jakarta Post. 2005. RI Needs Big Investment for Clean Drinking Water. April 2. McIntosh, Jonathan. 2006. How Dancing, Singing and Playing Shape the Ethnographer. Anthropology Matters 8(2). http://www.anthropologymatters.com. Media Line. 2004. Indonesia Mulls Compulsory Draft. http://www.themedialine.or. Nunan, Patricia. Indonesia Iraqi Migrants. http://www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/ library/news/iraq/2003/iraq-030331-2318f0df.htm>. Office of the Senior Coordinator for International Women’s Issues. 2001. Indonesia: Report on Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) or Female Genital Cutting (FGC). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State. Rahardjo, Tjahjono. 2000. Homelessness in Indonesia: Welfare or Housing Issue? Centre for Urban Studies, Soegijapranata Catholic University. Semarang, Indonesia. Russell, Susan. 2005. Islam: A Worldwide Religion and its Impact on Southeast Asia. DeKalb, IL: Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Northern Illinois University. Spiro, David. April 2006. Opportunities for Vulnerable Children: Early Intervention and Education. EENet Asia Newsletter, 2, 17–18. Trim and Fitness International Sport for All Association (TAFISA). Traditional Games. http://www.tafisa.net. United Nations. 2000. Life Expectancy: Population Division of the Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations Secretariat. World Population Prospects: The 2000 Revision. New York: United Nations. United Nations Administrative Committee on Coordination-Subcommittee on Nutrition. 1989. Women and Nutrition. Geneva: ACC/SCN. United Nations Children’s Fund. Establishing a Child-Sensitive Juvenile Justice System in Indonesia. http://www.unicef.org/evaluation/files/Indonesia.doc. United Nations Children’s Fund. UNICEF Information by Country. http://www. unicef.org /infobycountry/index.html. United States Department of Labor. Bureau of International Labor Affairs/Indonesia. United States Department of Labor web site, http://www.dol.gov/ ILAB/media/reports/iclp/ sweat/indonesia.html.
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U.S. Department of State. 2002. Human Rights Practices in Indonesia 2001. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State. U.S. Department of State: Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs. Background Note: Indonesia. United States Department of State: Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs web site. http://www.state.gov. Wiradji, Sudibyo. 2005. Enjoy the Weekend with Children. The Jakarta Post. October 23. World Bank. 2006. World Bank Statistics. http://www.worldbank.org. World Corporal Punishment Research. 2006. Beatings Have No Place in School, Experts Say. http://www.corpun.com/ids00007.htm. World Health Organization. 2006. http://www.who.int.
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JAPAN Gerald K. LeTendre and Motoko Akiba NATIONAL PROFILE Japan, with a population of nearly 130 million, currently has the second largest economy in the world with a gross domestic product of US$2.75 trillion in 2004. Japan also has one of the fastest aging populations, with almost 20 percent of the population over age sixty (CIA 2006). Japanese children born after 1990 have experienced remarkable social change, perhaps unlike anything since the generation of children who grew up in the late 1940s and 1950s. Japan’s low birth rate (around 1.4 births per female) and long life expectancies (over eighty years of age for combined male and female rates), combined with very little immigration has resulted in a shrinking percentage of the population under age eighteen. Recent cohorts of children have been raised in a period of economic stagnation and shifting national priorities about their education, welfare, and future chances. Japan, despite recent economic stagnation, has maintained very low rates of unemployment (around 4–5
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percent) and has one of the lowest Gini coefficients of inequality of any industrialized nation. Japan’s several minority groups—Korean-Japanese, buraku (descendants of people in the lowest caste of feudal society), and ‘‘newcomers’’ (immigrants, migrant workers, or returnees with ethnic ties)—still face challenges to full integration, and their children often do not perform as well in school as mainstream Japanese children. Although educational reforms have been instituted that deal with the status of buraku students (dowa kyouiku), ethnic minorities do not have special rights in schooling under current laws. Japanese culture and governmental policy both have emphasized child rearing and education, and there is an extensive, public network of daycare and educational facilities accessible to the population, even in some of the remote, mountainous districts. This social and economic stability has meant that Japanese children enjoy material abundance and security from most diseases, social unrest, and many of the vicissitudes of poverty. In the aftermath of World War II, Japan surprised the world by rapidly rebuilding both the social and economic infrastructure of the nation. The rapidly rising economic expectations of the 1950s and 1960s, which included an expectation of ‘‘lifetime employment,’’ have been replaced by increasing use of part-time labor and increased women’s participation in the labor market. The famous ‘‘M’’ curve of female labor-force participation (where women join in large numbers, then stop out for childrearing) is changing as more women are going back to work earlier, and more women are delaying marriage and childbearing. These economic changes mean that most Japanese children today will experience entry into child care well before kindergarten and experience long-term pressure to succeed in school, if they wish to be competitive in the labor markets of the future. The study of childhood in the West goes back to the early KEY FACTS – JAPAN 1960s, but as early as 1977 Population: 127,433,494 (July 2007 est.) Japanese scholars had produced Infant mortality rate: 2.8 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) a seven-volume work on the Life expectancy at birth: 82.02 years (2007 est.) history of Japanese children. Literacy rate: 99 percent (2002 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 100 percent These volumes reveal a vast his(2000–2005) torical storehouse of knowledge Internet users: 86.3 million (2005) and beliefs about children that People living with HIV/AIDS: 12,000 (2003 est.) has developed over the last Human Poverty Index (HPI-2) Rank: 11 (2006 est.) 800 years. Japanese culture has Sources: CIA World Factbook: Japan. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ long placed intense emphasis on publications/factbook/geos/ja.html. April 17, 2007; United the rearing and educating of Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ the young. Despite the feudal data_sheets/cty_ds_JPN.html. April 26, 2007; UNICEF. Japan– isolation imposed under the Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ Tokugawa period (which ended japan_statistics.html. April 25, 2007. in 1868), a large network of
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schools developed, and some scholars estimate that 20–30 percent of the male population was literate, and there was a highly developed tradition of elite education (Dore 1985). The balance of relations between the family and school were dramatically changed during the rebuilding of Japan, and rapid industrialization of the 1950s and 1960s created significant tensions among Japanese. OVERVIEW Access to public education is free in Japan, and attendance is compulsory up through the end of middle school (U.S. ninth grade). High school attendance is not compulsory, but virtually all Japanese go to high school, and public high schools charge only very small fees. Families in extreme economic circumstances can receive government support for education. Japan has extremely low rates of childhood mortality due to disease, and high levels of adult literacy, with estimates as high as 99 percent (OECD 2007). Japan remains an ethnically homogenous nation (roughly 98 percent ethnic Japanese) and has a stable political culture (CIA 2006). Japanese children enjoy substantial legal protection against exploitation, and Japan is widely regarded as one of the safest nations in the world in which to raise children. However, since the mid-1990s, more and more attention has been paid to issues of child abuse in Japan, especially to the problems of corporal punishment and prostitution among underage girls. Many Japanese are concerned about the future of childhood and worries about child abduction, sexual abuse, or physical abuse are not uncommon themes in the Japanese media. Major issues include (1) small families and lack of playmates; (2) children’s selfcenteredness; (3) how to socialize the young to live in a society that places remarkable emphasis on careful cultivation of human relationships; (4) changing norms about what constitutes appropriate behavior between children and adults (that is, physical and sexual abuse). EDUCATION Japanese children have free access to elementary schools (grade one through six) and junior high schools (grades seven through nine) that constitute compulsory education. Ninety-eight percent of ninth graders enter senior high school (grades ten through twelve) a year later. While the number of two-year junior colleges did not increase over the last thirty years, the number of universities has continuously increased from 400 in 1975 to 709 in 2004, which resulted in wider access to higher education. Fifty percent of high school graduates entered a university or a two-year junior college in 2004 (MEXT 2005). While little is known about the inequality in higher education access between majority Japanese citizens and minority students, inequality by socioeconomic status does
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exist mainly due to the fact that 73 percent of all universities are private with high tuition. In addition, access to prestigious national universities is not provided equally across lines of socioeconomic status or regions. Japanese children can attend either youchien (which serve three- to sixyear-olds and are regulated by the Ministry of Education) or hoikuen (which serve children ages six months to six years of age and are regulated by the Ministry of Health). In 2003, 718,307 students enrolled in youchien compared with a high of 1,310,732 in 1975, with nearly half of all children attending some kind of preschool (MEXT 2006). While statesupported, both charge fees to parents, and poor families tend to opt for hoikuen. One area where Japan has long seemed to lag behind other nations is in the provision of education for disabled children. Japan maintains separate schools for visually, hearing-, and mobility-impaired children that appear to offer a substandard education. Also, within the public school system, children with a wide range of disabilities are often warehoused in a single classroom (tokushu gakkyuu) and have little contact with the rest of school. Guidelines for special education are defined under Article 75 of the School Education Law, but students in these classes are also sometimes subjected to corporal punishment, even though they may have diminished capacities for self-control when compared with their mainstreamed peers. Inclusion of children with disabilities in the mainstream classroom still lags far behind standard practice in the United States. Less than one percent of Japan’s more than 23,000 elementary schools are privately funded. More than six percent of middle schools and nearly 25 percent of high schools are privately run. Some elite private schools function as ‘‘feeder schools’’ to the top universities in Japan. In 2002, 28 percent of fifth graders and 50 percent of eighth graders attend juku (private preparatory schools for high school students that prepare them for entrance exams). Those who live in metropolitan areas (for example, Tokyo or Osaka) and those who can afford the tuition of juku and yobikou (private schools for high school graduates with the same purpose as juku) have higher success rates for entering prestigious national universities. Known as ‘‘cram schools’’ in the Western media, these schools run the gamut from mothers who regularly tutor a few neighborhood children in their home to national chains that operate large campuses across Japan. Some also specialize in English instruction, which remains a popular subject with both students and adults. Since the 1950s, Japan’s schools have alternatively been depicted in both the Japanese media and foreign press as either a child’s paradise or a child’s hell. Concerns that school pressures were negatively affecting students can be traced to the 1950s when Japan had one of the highest rates of adolescent suicide in the developed world. Since then, adolescent suicide rates have fallen to some of the lowest, and recent studies find no link between school pressures and adolescent suicide rates. Still, Japanese
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parents and teachers face considerable concern over school violence, bullying, and school refusal. Both school violence and bullying reached high levels in the early 1980s, and subsequently dropped off, only to rise again in the early 1990s. School refusal (toukou kyohi), defined as students who miss thirty or more days of school not due to illness, began to rise in 1980 and continued to increase exponentially through the mid-1990s. During the same period, disciplinary actions against teachers for use of corporal punishment also rose significantly. More recently, media stories have focused on the breakdown of order in the classroom (gakkyu houkai). These trends suggest both changing norms and increased pressures within Japanese schools, resulting in a significant deterioration of the learning climate. Increasingly, younger and younger children seem to be engaging in bullying and refusing to go to school. These trends have been linked to the extremely competitive nature of the school system, as well as to increasing participation of elementary school children in the cram school system. These trends are of particular concern to the Japanese, as Japan’s preschool and early elementary education was often regarded as one of the best in the world. Increasing social problems at the earliest levels of Japanese school suggest a long-term decline in the ability of the educational system to effectively socialize and prepare students for society. Compared with other nations, Japanese students are at the top in math and science, but significant problems of bullying, school refusal, and school violence exist. Despite the decrease in child birth rates, academic competition over entrance into senior high schools and universities has not subsided. Beginning in the mid-1990s, the Ministry of Education began a series of unprecedented reforms of education, which has lead to considerable public anxiety over schooling. These reforms, while emphasizing the importance of individuality and the development of the whole child, did not address the fact that children of minority groups continue to have lower rates of school completion and advancement to higher education than mainstream Japanese. The problems of competition, social exclusion, and the concomitant bullying and school refusal will likely afflict Japanese education over the next few decades. PLAY AND RECREATION Play has long and deep positive associations in Japanese culture, and Japanese parents and child professionals alike see play as essential for the positive development of the child. After worries about the competitive nature of schooling and decreasing family size, concerns over children’s play and activity come next in terms of prominence in the public debate. As early as the 1950s, Japanese educators and social critics expressed concern over the lack of physical space for children. The rapid urbanization of Japan resulted in significant decreases in children’s access to safe
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play areas and prompted a national concern with playground building and maintenance. In many urban Japanese schools, the school grounds are so limited that the roofs of school buildings have been converted into courts for tennis, volleyball, and basketball. The increased ownership of cars, coupled with typically narrow streets, has meant fewer places where Japanese children can safely play. Alongside concerns with space for play comes a strong focus on children’s contact with nature. While most cultures emphasize the importance of clean and safe places for children to play, Japanese culture appears to put exceptional emphasis on the importance of contact with nature, making it an essential element in the normal development of children. This ‘‘contact’’ has traditionally had pastoral connotations (children hunting butterflies in empty rice fields or collecting horned beetles in groves of trees), but also includes exposure to the elements of air and light. Western visitors to Japanese elementary classrooms typically comment on the amount of windows and natural light provided, and, in winter or summer, the fact that only minimal heating or cooling is typically provided. Given the high density of the population in the urban areas, the provision of adequate parks and playgrounds has long been a concern of the Japanese, and many Japanese schools have built play areas on the roofs of schools. The Ministry of Education now tracks problems like asthma and obesity as part of a larger national concern with children’s health. All over Japan, children tend to play with schoolmates, and even though older children and young adolescents may be enrolled in neighborhood clubs and activities, these are rarely common sources of friendship. More commonly, students find recreation in school-based clubs. Here, concern arises because increasing competition for entrance to high schools and private middle schools appear to be pushing more elementary school students into cram schools, which creates a potential conflict with club participation. Japanese children are also increasingly turning to the internet for recreation and entertainment, and there are specific sites now dedicated to children. Because home computer ownership is lower in Japan than in countries like the United States, Japanese children have less access to the internet, but the use of various handheld and televisionbased computer games is ubiquitous. While Japanese children play various types of sports including both traditional and western sports, western sports seem to be generally more popular than traditional sports. Soccer, baseball, and basketball are popular among boys. Basketball, volleyball, and tennis seem to attract many girls. There is no major difference in popular sports between rural and urban children, but urban children may be offered more variety of sports compared with rural regions. Traditional sports in Japan include sumo— the national sport that is played four seasons in national tournaments— and many martial arts including judo, kendo, aikido, and karate. All of
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these sports are still popular among children and adolescents, and schools and local communities offer club activities with these traditional sports. Traditional games for children include kendama (a ball that is connected to a stick with string), hanetsuki (played like badminton, but using wooden boards), and karuta (a card game). Activities for children to learn these traditional games are also offered by schools and local communities. Children in Japan also read. The popularity of manga (‘‘comic books’’) continues to be strong, and by the time children reach the upper grades in elementary school, they are likely to already have a special brand of manga that they and their peers share. Japan has, in recent years, produced a range of anime (animated movies like Spirited Away and Totoro or television shows like Hamtaro) that have become global icons. Japan is likely to continue as a major global producer of children’s literature, film and toys. Still, Japanese six-year-olds watched, on average almost three hours of television per day in 2000 according to the Child Resource Network Web site. Japanese parents and educators have, like their peers in the West, expressed concerns over the amount of time that children spend on video games and not interacting with peers. CHILD LABOR Very few children in modern Japan are required to work, and Japan has strict laws regulating childhood labor. Even among late adolescents (high school students) working part-time jobs continues to be much more uncommon than in nations like the United States. Child labor in Japan, as in other developed nations, is looked upon as a social ill of the past. Since the year 2000, reports from various children’s advocacy groups have focused on education-related problems or problems of the family, making almost no mention of child labor. Japan is not listed on the International Labor Office’s Web site as a nation having serious problems. Some children do engage in labor. Children of small ‘‘shopkeeper’’ families may work in shops or help their parents after schools and on weekend. Children in isolated rural areas of Japan may still participate in agricultural work to some extent, but these children would constitute a very small fraction of the entire population. Instances of child labor are more likely to occur among the poorest sectors, which also tend to include minority groups and immigrant groups such as BrazilianJapanese. The extent to which children of these groups are informally incorporated into the workplace is largely unstudied. FAMILY Japan’s birth rate has been falling since 1973, and in 2004 only 8.8 children were born per 1,000 population; while infant mortality is
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exceptionally low (2.8 per 1,000 in 2004), this low birth rate has created a shift in family interaction patterns as well as the population profile overall (Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications 2007). During this same thirty-year period, the divorce rate doubled (although still low comparatively at 2.15 per 1,000), meaning that more and more children are raised in ‘‘nontraditional’’ homes. Japanese divorce laws do not specify child custody and support. In most cases, mothers have child custody, and most Japanese laws relevant to divorce cases focus on support for mother–child families. The Law for the Welfare of Fatherless Families and Widows does not require the divorced father to take financial responsibility for the child, and only 34 percent of the mothers make a settlement for financial support from the fathers (Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare 2006). The image of the ‘‘three-generation’’ household that captured popular imagination in the 1950s through the 1970s has become rare in Japan. Almost half of Japanese infants born in 2001 have no siblings in the household, and more than 75 percent of these children reside with their parents and siblings (Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare 2006). The changing family structure has considerably altered Japanese intergenerational relations and family roles. Traditionally, boys were considered as direct ‘‘successors’’ of the family tree, thus more important than girls who will ‘‘yomeiri’’—be married into families with sons and their parents. Boys are expected to be independent and strong, and girls are expected to be kind and nurturing. While these traditional expectations for boys and girls are becoming less prevalent among a new generation of parents, a gender gap for educational expectation still exists, which explains the under-representation of female is in highly skilled profession and in science and mathematics-related occupations. Children increasingly feel disconnected from parents and have few adults they feel supported by. Writing in 1989, one researcher reported that 21 percent of boys and 12 percent of girls (elementary and middle school) felt that no one at home helped or supported them (Koizumi 1989). Other scholars have argued that the introduction of Western parenting norms may conflict with previous patterns of Japanese relations, and that the continuing shift to nuclear families is reducing willingness among parents with children to support the elderly. This, in turn, has lead to an increasing trend for the elderly to remain independent of their children—something unthinkable in generations past. During the period 1960 through 1990, large numbers of children were raised in families where the father was rarely at home (‘‘Sunday Stranger’’), and the mother removed herself from the workforce in order to care for the children until they reached high school age. As more and more women continue to work while their children are small, and as fewer and fewer men obtain jobs with ‘‘lifetime employment,’’ children are likely to experience less interaction and care giving from both parents.
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The quality of interaction between parents and infants or very young children retains uniquely Japanese characteristics, despite the impact of demographic changes to the family and shifts in labor-market participation. In an extensive review of the literature on childrearing, a team of U.S. and Japanese psychologists found significant differences between U.S. and Japanese parenting. They found that Japanese mothers still emphasized prolonged skin-to-skin contact, nonverbal communication, and the cultivation of dependency (amae) in the rearing of infants and toddlers. Early studies of childrearing in Japan originally documented these distinct cultural practices, and recent research shows that these patterns continue to drive fundamentally different patterns of identity development in Japan. While fathers are increasingly asked to play a greater role in their children’s lives, infants and younger children are still largely in the care of the mother. Traditionally, mothers have taken on the lion’s share of childrearing and borne the brunt of any problems that children might have in school. Even today, Japanese elementary school teachers may still send a note home to reprimand a mother who does not adequately prepare her child for school. Because more and more mothers are working, many women feel under intense scrutiny for their performance in the workplace and home. The family is also becoming more closely scrutinized by the state, with more emphasis being placed on intervention by professionals. This has lead to a somewhat greater willingness by parents to seek out professional counseling. Although still a small field, family therapy is growing in Japan, as parents confront their children’s problems with school. HEALTH Japan has achieved some of the highest standards for health among children. In the 1950s and 1960s, environmental poisoning and the residual effects of the atomic bombings of Nagasaki and Hiroshima produced serious health problems in children (as well as adults). Such environmental poisoning has been largely curtailed. Japan provides a wide range of health and educational services for children and families with children. Although private companies have radically curtailed the kind of all-encompassing care packages provided to workers, the federal government still adopts a ‘‘cradle to grave’’ position on social welfare. Mothers are eligible for free prenatal health care, as well as maternity and childcare leaves under the national health care package. The 1998–1999 Annual Report on Health and Welfare notes that child allowances are provided from birth until the child is three years old. Nursery centers are widely available for all parents, and nearly 1.7 million infants and small children attend. Parents of school-age children have access to after-school children’s clubs or community centers. There are
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also special residential facilities for neglected or abused children and monetary allowances for children without fathers (http://www.mhlw.go.jp/ english/wp/wp-hw/vol1/p1c2s1.html) The problems facing many Japanese children are the ‘‘diseases’’ of affluence. As the population has shifted to a high-fat diet, childhood obesity rates have increased. Some experts also link this increase in obesity to decreased physical activity, which some blame on the dense housing conditions of Japan and others link to increased academic competition in schools. Also blamed are time spent on video games, the Internet, and watching television. Many social critics argue that companies have focused marketing efforts on children and young adolescents to a higher degree than in any other developed nation. In particular, the thirteen- to fifteen-year-old demographic group is especially valued by advertisers because of the relatively large amounts of money that young teens have to spend. Marketing companies engineer fashion fades that cycle every six months, creating intense demands for ‘‘trendy’’ fashions among young adolescents. Although Japan has a very low HIV infection rate, the Ministry of Labor organizes several yearly events for adolescents to promote awareness and knowledge about HIV/AIDS and reduce prejudice and discrimination against HIV/AIDS patients. The Ministry also offers telephone counseling on HIV and AIDS for adolescents. The Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology promotes school curriculum development and teacher training for reducing prejudice and discrimination against HIV/AIDS patients. In terms of recognizing children’s emergent sexual identities, the Bureau of Human Right Protection under the Ministry of Justice identified discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) youth as a serious human rights problem, and has organized various events across the country through broadcasting and newspaper/journals to promote awareness and understanding of LGBT youth. Regardless of what scientists will determine to be the exact causal links, the main problems of childhood that dominate the thinking of parents and politicians are centered on education. Although corporal punishment of children and adolescents at school is prohibited under the section 11 of the School Education Law, students face serious issues engendered by schooling itself. In the last decade of the twentieth century, Japanese media has focused on such issues as ijime (bullying), tokoukyohi (school refusal), konai boryoku (in-school violence), and gakkyu houkai (the breakdown of the classroom). The latest media ‘‘syndrome’’—hikkikomori, ‘‘recluses’’—focuses on young men who withdraw to their rooms somewhere around early adolescence and stay there until adulthood. All of these trends center around concerns that the educational system is producing extreme mental stress on children and young adolescents. The biggest perceived threat to children’s health is the school system
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so admired by other nations for its high completion rates and high test scores. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS As early as the 1950s, the Japanese government formally enshrined the rights of children in the legal code. In 1994, Japan ratified the Convention on the Right of the Child adopted at the 1989 United Nations General Assembly. The Bureau of Human Rights Protection under the Ministry of Justice identified bullying, corporal punishment, and child abuse/prostitution/pornography as three major human rights problems associated with children. The Bureau organizes various activities including ‘‘human rights week,’’ festivals/campaigns, counseling, and national human rights essay content for junior high school students to promote and protect human rights of children. The Japanese government places considerable emphasis on providing health and educational services for children, and it also provides a distinct juvenile justice system. The Rehabilitation Bureau under the Ministry of Justice plays a major role in correction of juvenile offenders. Probation officers in fifty probation offices throughout the country provide guidance and counseling, as well as employment arrangements to juvenile offenders under probation. They also engage in communitybased campaigns to prevent crime and delinquency. Typically, the names of minors are withheld in all criminal proceedings, and the concept of trying children as adults has not yet been advanced in the Japanese courts. Juvenile offenders are tried in family courts, and they are either sent to juvenile training school or placed under probationary supervision of the probation office. Again, the major focus is on correction, rather than punishment. The system emphasizes the importance of rehabilitation of juvenile offenders through support and care of probation officers and community members. In 2004, 134,847 adolescents between ages of fourteen and nineteen and 20,191 children under fourteen were arrested by police for criminal conducts other than traffic violations. The rates of these arrests are 16.9 per 1,000 adolescents aged fourteen to nineteen, and 1.2 per 1,000 children under fourteen (White Paper on Youth 2006). In some areas, notably sex offenses against children, legal protections are less rigorous. Persons under the age of eighteen years old are legally protected from child prostitution and child pornography in Japan (Ministry of Justice 2006a). However, the punishments for these criminal conducts are light; imprisonment for no more than three years or a fine of no more than one million yen (US$11,000) for child prostitution, and no more than three years of imprisonment or a fine of three million yen (US$33,000) for child pornography distribution or business. Japanese laws promote education, counseling, and research for promoting
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awareness among the general public and prohibit such conducts, and acknowledge the importance of international cooperation against these activities. Within schools, Section 11 of the School Education Law provides students some protection from physical abuse stating: ‘‘Principals and teachers may punish a student for educational purpose, but they are not allowed to use corporal punishment.’’ Most people in Japan, and certainly most children, remain unaware of the fact that Japan is signatory to international conventions on the rights of children. Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) concerned with the rights of children have criticized the Japanese government on several specific issues. These groups argue the government has not paid enough attention to discrimination against minority children (specifically buraku, ainu, Okinawans, Japanese-Koreans, and children of immigrants or other newcomers), as well as children born out of wedlock. RELIGIOUS LIFE Religion in Japan puzzles most foreigners. Despite over a century of exposure to the West, and heavy cultural borrowing, less than 1 percent of the population is Christian. Many Japanese continue to affirm that they are ‘‘both’’ Shintoists and Buddhists and may even acknowledge being influenced by the sacred writings of other religions. Formal, weekly religious worship typical in Christian, Islamic, and Jewish cultures is largely unknown in Japan. Formal ceremonies that are a mixture of cultural tradition and religious significance occur throughout the year, and children often play a significant role in these festivals. The New Year’s festival (which coincides with the Western New Year, January 1) and the Festival of the Spirits (Obon), which is held in midAugust in many regions, are two of Japan’s top three holidays. Both of these holidays place heavy emphasis on the reuniting of families, and many Japanese still travel from large urban centers back to their family’s traditional village to celebrate. New Year’s is a relatively jolly time marked by traditions like the ringing of bells and preparation of special foods, and Japanese children typically receive presents of cash from their grandparents and other relatives. Obon is more solemn, with many families still engaging in the traditional cleaning of the headstones in the family gravesite. These festivities emphasize family connectedness and the importance of children learning about their family’s history. Children also play major roles in local festivities. Most Japanese neighborhoods contain a local shrine, and it is common for the ‘‘deity’’ to be carried through the neighborhood once a year on an elaborately decorated palanquin (mikoshi), often by local children dressed in special costumes. Children also are often the central focus of the various autumn festivals at local shrines where food vendors and game booths proliferate.
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There are also special holidays for boys and girls. Many families will still put out an elaborate display of dolls on March 3, ‘‘girls day’’ (hina matsuri), and young girls may invite friends over for special sweet tea and cakes. ‘‘Children’s day’’ (May 5) is considered ‘‘boy’s day’’ by most people and features kite and streamer flying. There is also a special festival on November 11 for children who are seven, five, or three years of age where the child is taken to a local shrine and receives special treats. Many young people will also dress up for Seijin-no-hi (Adult Day) and visit a shrine on January 15 to mark their entry into adulthood (at age twenty). Often overlooked are the visits that older children or young adolescents make to temples in February and March to wish for success on upcoming school entrance exams. There is a common saying in Japan that ‘‘children are with the gods until age 7.’’ This saying has various meanings, but many Japanese still evince a belief that somehow children are closer to the world of the spirits than adults. Evidence of this is found in the numerous shrines to Jizo (a Buddhist deity/saint) found around Japan that are essentially dedicated to the souls of aborted fetuses. Despite Japan’s widespread use of abortion, many Japanese are still intensely affected by the operation and believe the fetus has a human soul that needs to be placated. These shrines, often placed in less conspicuous locations like side streets or rice fields, are often filled with toys, decorations, and poignant messages, all which indicate a persistent belief in the world of the kami (spirits, gods). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Japan has extremely low rates over all, although the past decade has seen increasing attention to these issues in the media. Along with a rise in schoolrelated problems, Japan has seen a growing concern for the safety of young children as they travel to and from school, hidden problems of neglect— latchkey kids in poor neighborhoods or in children of divorced parents— and the sexual exploitation of early teen and possibly preteen girls in forms of prostitution sometimes euphemistically called ‘‘dating for money.’’ Beginning in the mid-1990s, significant concern that child abuse or neglect was an emerging problem in Japan began to surface in the media. According to the U.S. State Department, a 2003 report from the Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare stated that 108 child-abuse related deaths had occurred since the implementation of the Child Abuse Prevention Law in 2000. The report noted 23,738 cases of child abuse in 2003, with (50 percent regarding violence, 40 percent parental neglect), and 26,573 calls to Child Welfare Centers. As the government formally tracked awareness of the problem, Japan saw a dramatic rise in child abuse incidents. The government, in 2000, allocated significant funds to set up awareness programs across the nation. Schools are encouraged, but not legally required, to report child abuse or
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neglect cases to the appropriate authority. The Child Abuse Prevention Law requires Child Counseling Centers (the major organization that support children and adolescents who suffer from problems including child abuse) to collaborate with law enforcement to ensure the child’s safety at home. However, this law does not specify penalties for violators of child abuse or neglect. Horrific cases of the abduction, assault, and murder of children by strangers has created an atmosphere of concern in Japan similar to that seen in the United States and other industrial nations. Stories, such as one prefecture assigning police helicopters to monitor students going to school in the morning, have captured attention in the media as have reports of adults being arrested for having sexual relations with teenage school girls. While the overall rates of child abuse and abduction appear to be far lower than in other developed nations, Japanese adults do believe that childhood has become more dangerous. Many writers lament the ‘‘good old Japan’’ (furuyuki nippon) of the 1950s when children could play unattended in overgrown lots, parks, and quiet streets. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Japanese children will inherit a nation with a highly developed social and physical infrastructure and a vibrant democratic culture. Japan has greatly alleviated the severe pollution problems of the 1960s and 1970s, and although pollution remains a major concern, Japan’s children will not face the severe conditions which Chinese children are likely to face. Lack of space and increasing availability of technology will continue to limit children’s play and socialization. The continuing trend of nuclear families living in dense urban housing will continue to restrict children’s access to multi-age peer groups. Children will probably be more closely monitored by adults as concerns over child abuse and child abduction are likely to continue. The children of Japan will grow up in the world’s ‘‘oldest’’ society, and this experience will dominate the experience of childhood for the rest of the century if the current trends hold. In the future there may be a smaller youth population on the streets of Japan. Parents, grandparents, and even great-grandparents will have very few children in the family to connect with, so children are likely to receive even more economic support from their elders, but will face troubling decisions about how to support these same elders when the children themselves grow up. Economic dependency is likely to last over a longer period of time, just as competition for high quality jobs increases. This single demographic trend—the ‘‘graying of Japan’’—is likely to significantly increase immigration into Japan and force Japanese institutions like public schools to deal with more and more non-ethnic Japanese children. It will make Japanese children all the more ‘‘precious’’ because of their rarity, but it will also
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subject them to increasing pressures to perform well in the competitive educational system and the global economy.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Holloway, Susan. 2000. Contested Childhood: Diversity and Change in Japanese Preschools. New York: Routledge. This book examines changing social norms about childhood and childrearing in Japan. Goodman, Roger. 2000. Children of the Japanese State. New York: Oxford University Press. This book provides a detailed analysis of child welfare mechanisms in Japan and summarized legal, social, and political changes around child protection and child abuse that occurred in the late 1990s. Lewis, Catherine. 1995. Educating Hearts and Minds. New York, Cambridge University Press. Provides a detailed examination of Japanese elementary school classrooms and basic pedagogical practices. Rohlen, Thomas, and Gerald LeTendre, eds. 1996. Teaching and Learning in Japan. New York: Cambridge University Press. Summarizes cultural assumptions about learning, teaching, and human development across a wide range of social institutions. Shwalb, David, and Barbara Shwalb, eds. 1996. Japanese Childrearing: Two Generations of Scholarship. New York, The Guilford Press. Summarizes basic psychological and family development literature on Japanese families, child-rearing and early education. Stevenson, Harold, Hiroshi Azuma, and Kenji Hakuta, eds. 1986. Child Development and Education in Japan. New York: W.H. Freeman and Company. Summarizes basic studies of child development and early educational settings in Japan.
Web Sites Bureau of Human Rights Protections, http://www.moj.go.jp/ENGLISH/CLB/ clb-02.html or http://www.moj.go.jp/ENGLISH/CRAB/law01.html. Summarizes basic issues in children’s rights. Central Intelligence Agency. January 2007. World Factbook. http://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/cv.html. This site provides up-to-date national statistics on most nations in the world. Child Policies in Japan, http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2004/41644.htm. This report summarizes government policies related to families, children and poverty. The Child Resource Net. http://www.crn.jp. An independent web site that collects and publishes articles regarding all aspects of children’s lives and development. Japanese Nursing policies.html.
Association,
http://www.nurse.or.jp/jna/english/midwifery/
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The Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology. July 2006. http://www.mext.go.jp/english/. This ministry collects and publishes basic statistical data on most aspects of education and youth-related cultural activities. The Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare. July 2006, http://www.mhlw.go.jp/ english/. This ministry collects and publishes basic statistical data on early childhood health care, families and nutrition. Some English translations of major laws, programs and proposed reforms are also available. Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. January 2007. Education at a Glance, http://www.oecd.org/topicstatsportal/0,2647,en_2825_495609_ 1_1_1_1_1,00.html. This publication offers latest educational statistics on member nations. White Paper on Youth. July 2006. http://www8.cao.go.jp/youth/whitepaper/ h17zenbun/index.html. This report summarizes (in Japanese) basic statistics on the health, education and well-being of adolescents.
Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations The Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology Chiyoda-ku Marunouchi 2 chome 5-1 Tokyo, Japan 100-8959 Phone: 03 (5253) 4111 Web site: http://www.mext.go.jp/english/ The Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare 1-2-2 Kasumigaseki Chiyoda-ku Tokyo, 100-8916 Japan Phone: 03-5253-1111 Web site: http://www.mhlw.go.jp/english/ Nongovernmental Organizations Children’s Rights Network Web site: http://www.crnjapan.com/en/ Woman 2000, Japan NGO Web site: http://www.jca.apc.org/fem/bpfa/NGOreport/L_en_GirlChild.html
Selected Bibliography Bornstein, Mark. 1989. Cross-cultural Developmental Comparisons: The Case of JapaneseAmerican Infant and Mother Activities and Interactions. What We Know, What We Need to Know and Why We Need to Know. Developmental Review 9:171–204.
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Caudill, William, and Helen Weinstein. 1974. Maternal Care And Infant Behavior in Japan. In T. Lebra and W. Lebra, eds. Japanese Culture and Behavior. Honolulu, East-West Center. Chen, Shen. 1996. ‘‘Positive Childishness: Images of Childhood in Japan.’’ in Images of Childhood. C. P. Hwang, M. Lamb and I. Sigel, eds. Mahwah, NJ, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates: 112–27. Dore, R.P. 1985. Education in Tokugawa Japan. Ann Arbor, MI: Center for Japanese Studies. Fujita, Mariko. 1989. ‘‘It’s All Mother’s Fault’’: Childcare and the Socialization of Working Mothers in Japan.’’ Journal of Japanese Studies 15(1): 67–91. Fukuzawa, Rebecca and Gerald LeTendre. 2001. Intense Years: How Japanese Adolescents Balance School, Family and Friends. New York: RoutledgePalmer. Hendry, Joy. 1986. Becoming Japanese: The World of the Pre-School Child. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Hess, Robert, and Hiroshi Azuma. 1991. ‘‘Cultural Support for Schooling: Contrasts between Japan and the United States.’’ Educational Researcher 20(9): 2–8. Hisaki, Yukio. 1977. Nihon Kodomo no Rekishi (History of Japanese Children). Tokyo, Dai-Ichi Houki. Koizumi, Takashi. 1989. ‘‘The Attitudes of Japanese Children and the Effects of Parental Behavior.’’ Journal of Moral Education, 18(3): 218–31. Kumamoto-Healey, Junko. 2005. ‘‘Women in the Japanese Labour Market, 1947– 2003: A brief survey.’’ International Labour Review 144(4): 451–71. LaFleur, William. 1992. Liquid life: Abortion and Buddhism in Japan. Princeton: Princeton University Press. MEXT (Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology). 2005. Japan’s Education at a Glance. Tokyo: Author. http://www.mext.go.jp/ english/statist/05101901.htm. Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. Statistics Bureau & Statistical Research and Training Institute. 2007. Japan Statistical Yearbook. Tokyo: Government Printing Office. Ministry of Justice. 2006a. Correction Bureau. http://www.moj.go.jp/ENGLISH/ CB/cb-01.html. Accessed January 10, 2006. Ministry of Justice. 2006b. Rehabilitation Bureau. http://www.moj.go.jp/ ENGLISH/RB/rb-01.html. Accessed January 10, 2006. Okano, Kaori, and Motonori Tsuchiya. 1999. Education in Contemporary Japan: Inequality and Diversity. New York: Cambridge University Press. Peak, Lois. 1991. Learning to Go to School in Japan. Berkeley: University of California Press. Roesgard, Marie. 2005. Japanese Education and the Cram School Business. Copenhagen, Denmark: NIAS Press. Rothbaum, Fred, John Weisz, Martha Pott, Kazuo Miyake, and Gilda Morelli. 2000. ‘‘Attachment and Culture: Security in the United States and Japan.’’ American Psychologist 55(10):1093–104. Sato, Nancy. 2004. Inside Japanese Classrooms. New York: RoutledgeFarmer. Tobin, Joseph, David Y. Wu, and Dana Davidson. 1989. Preschools in Three Cultures: Japan, China and the United States. New Haven: Yale University Press. U.S. State Department. 2006. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Japan. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2004/41644.htm. Zeng, Kangmin, and Gerald LeTendre. 1998. ‘‘Adolescent Suicide and Academic Pressure in East Asia.’’ Comparative Education Review 42(4):513–28.
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MALAYSIA See Ching Mey NATIONAL PROFILE1 Malaysia is located in Southeast Asia and consists of West Malaysia (or Peninsular Malaysia), connected to Thailand by the Isthmus of Kra in the north and by a causeway in the south to the island nation of Singapore, and East Malaysia that shares part of the island of Borneo with Indonesia (the province of Kalimantan) and Brunei. There are nine Malay states with hereditary rulers (Sultans), four others with titular Governors, and three federal territories making up Malaysia. The total land area is 328,550 square kilometers. Malaysia achieved independence from Britain on August 31, 1957. Malaysia had a population of 25.6 million in 2004 (50.8 percent male and 49.2 percent female). Children younger than fourteen years old constitute about 8.42 million (32.89 percent). Total population is expected to be 26.6 million by 2006. This population is a heterogeneous, multicultural, and multiracial mix of Malays, Chinese, Indians, and other indigenous people. According to the 2007 estimates of the World Fact 1
Note: The Malaysian Ringgit (RM) is used throughout this chapter. Until 2005, the Malaysian Ringgit was pegged to the USD at US$1 = RM3.88. The currency was allowed to float against a basket of foreign currencies and the rate has hovered around RM3.8.
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Book, Malaysia (CIA 2007), total population of Malaysia is 24,821,286 (July 2007 est.). The breakdowns by age bracket are: 0–14 years, 32.2 percent (male 4,118,086/female 3,884,403); 15–64 years, 62.9 percent (male 7,838,166/female 7,785, 833); 65 years and over, 4.8 percent (male 526,967/female 667,831). The sex ratios for different age groups are: at birth, 1.07 male/female; under 15 years, 1.06 male/female; 15– 64 years, 1.007 male/female. As per the 2000 census report, representations of various religious groups are as follows: Muslim, 60.4 percent; Buddhist, 19.2 percent; Christian, 9.1 percent; Hindu, 6.3 percent; Confucianism, Taoism, other traditional Chinese religions, 2.6 percent; other or unknown, 1.5 percent; none, 0.8 percent (CIA 2007). The country’s ethnic compositions are: Malay, 50.4 percent; Chinese 23.7 percent; indigenous, 11 percent; Indian, 7.1 percent; others, 7.8 percent (2004 est.) (CIA 2007). The Constitution defines Malay as being one who ‘‘professes the religion of Islam, habitually speaks the Malay language, conforms to Malay customs and is the child of at least one parent who was born within the Federation of Malaysia before independence on the 31st of August 1957.’’ In the exercise of affirmative action to correct historical imbalances in economic and other fields, Malays and other defined communities are guaranteed special rights in the Constitution. Languages spoken in Malaysia are Bahasa Malaysia (official), English, Chinese (Cantonese, Mandarin, Hokkien, Hakka, Hainan, Foochow), Tamil, Telegu, Malayalam, Panjabi, and Thai. There are several KEY FACTS – MALAYSIA indigenous languages spoken in Infant mortality rate: 16.62 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 East Malaysia—most widely spoest.) ken are Iban and Kadazan (CIA Life expectancy at birth: 72.76 years (2007 est.) 2007). Although Bahasa Melayu Literacy rate: 88.7 percent (2002 est.) (Malay language) is the official Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 93 percent language, English is a compul(2000–2005) Internet users: 11.016 million (2005) sory subject in all schools and is People living with HIV/AIDS: 52,000 (2003 est.) widely used and spoken. The ofChildren orphaned by AIDS: 8,189 (2005 est.) ficial religion in Malaysia is Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 15 (2006 est.) Islam, but freedom of worship is Sources: CIA World Factbook: Malaysia. http://www.cia.gov/cia/ practiced. As a result, it is compublications/factbook/geos/my.html. April 17, 2007; United mon to see temples, mosques, Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development and churches near each other. Report 2006. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ data_sheets/cty_ds_MYS.html. April 26, 2007; UNICEF. Malaysia–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ malaysia_statistics.html. April 25, 2007; World Health Organization (WHO): UNAIDS/WHO Global HIV/AIDS Online Database. ‘‘Epidemiological Fact Sheet on HIV/AIDS and Sexually Transmitted Diseases: Malaysia.’’ http://www.who.int/GlobalAtlas/predefinedReports/EFS2006/ind ex.asp?strSelectedCountry=MY. December 2006.
OVERVIEW Malaysia, jointly with South Africa, ranked 82 in the world in GNI (gross national income) per capita of US$4,960 in 2005. It
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ranked 37 in total gross domestic product (GDP) at US$130,143 million (The World Bank 2005). By income, Malaysia was ranked in 2005 as upper-middle by the World Bank (The World Bank 2006). Malaysians thus generally enjoy a good standard of living. The government gives high priority to education and health service. Of the total 2006 budget of RM134.7 billion, the allocation for education is RM5 billion and allocation for health is RM1.3 billion. The results of such heavy investment in human capital over the years are reflected in the child and maternal mortality rates. These are now close to those of many developed countries. Chua (2005) stated that prior to 1957, the maternal mortality rate was above 5 per 1,000 births. Since the 1990s, it has been around 0.3 per 1,000 births or the equivalent of 1 maternal death in every 300 births. Similarly, Malaysia’s infant mortality rate fell from 40.8 per 1,000 births in 1970 to 16.62 per 1,000 in 2007, largely as a result of improvements and attention to maternity services, quality water, sanitation, nutrition, and an affordable and effective primary health care system. Upon attaining the age of eighteen, every male or female is considered to have reached the age of maturity (Age of Majority Act 1971). Under the Children and Young Persons (Employment) Act 1966, a child is considered a person who has not completed his fourteen years of age while a young person is considered one who has not completed his sixteen years of age. These distinctions are relevant only in employment and offer some protection for children who are allowed to work. The Law Reform (Marriage and Divorce) Act of 1976 also defines a child as a person under the age of eighteen years and requires parents to provide for a child’s basic needs, such as food, clothing, and education. The region has not seen any major conflicts since the war in Vietnam. In those years (1970s), many refugees, the boat people, made for Malaysia. The United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) reports a figure of 106,083 (UNHCR 2006a) refugees in the country mainly made up of Burmese Rohingyas and Filipinos who had entered to avoid sectarian strife in their own countries. They have been settled in camps. One such island is in the East Malaysian state of Sabah, at Pulau Gaya. It was set up in the 1970s for refugees from southern Philippines but has become a notorious squatter colony for many illegal foreigners. The demand for labor especially in the plantation sector encouraged illegal entry of workers from Indonesia (Aceh), Burma, and other neighboring countries. Some of these illegal immigrants blend well into the population with false identification papers. Most, however, are denied such rights and, if caught, are deported. It has been estimated that there are more than a million such illegal immigrants and their families in the country. Without proper papers (such as birth certificates to prove citizenship), it is near impossible for their children to be enrolled in the mainstream education.
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On the other hand, refugees and asylum seekers, about 10,000 Rohingyas who escaped from strife in Burma’s North Rakhine region, seek UNHCR protection, and are granted temporary stay permits and placed in organized camps. With official status as refugees, the children are registered to enter public schools as ‘‘permanent residents,’’ but for this category, they must pay higher fees and buy their own books, and are confronted by bureaucracy. The UNHCR estimates that the total number of refugee and asylum-seeking children number almost 9,000 children of whom only about 600 are considered to have access to schooling (UNHCR 2006b). EDUCATION The education system in Malaysia extends from preschool to tertiary education. The primary and secondary schools can be classified as national, national-type (vernacular), religious, private, or independent (mainly Chinese) schools. Several laws such as the Education Act (1996), the Universities and University Colleges (Amendment) Act (1996), and the Private Higher Education Institutions Act (1996) establish national policies and standards on education. Education level remains tightly bound to age. The Education Act declares the Bahasa Melayu as the main medium of instruction and sets out the national curriculum and the mechanisms for standardized examinations to fulfill the national aspirations and to promote national unity through cultural, social, economic, and political development. Care of preschool children is spread among a number of government departments such as the Ministry of Health, Ministry of National Unity and Social Development, Ministry of Rural Development, Ministry of Education, and several state departments. According to the report on Education For All: The Year 2000 Assessment by the Ministry of Education (1999), Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) programs are divided into home-based centers (family daycare homes) serving fewer than ten children and targeted largely at children under four years old, and preschools for four- to six-year-olds. These are disproportionately available in urban areas. The objectives for the preschools include providing care for the children of working parents. Preschool education is conducted largely by the government with supporting roles from nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and other private social organizations. Sheila (2002) noted that the government operated 81.6 percent of the preschool programs in 1995. The other 18.4 percent are operated by the NGOs and private bodies. Public preschool programs are free and fully funded by the government, while private programs charge fees. Sheila (2002) also reports that coverage for preschool education has improved dramatically from 17 percent among four- to six-year-olds
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attending preschool education in 1981 and 41.5 percent in 1995 to 65 percent by the year 2000. The focus now is on expanding preschool programs, with an emphasis on stimulating cognitive, physical, and socio-emotional development of children. The Ministry of Education determines curriculum for preschool programs. It also carries out teacher training, registers preschool centers, and in general, implements preschool education. NGOs involved in preschools include the Malaysian Kindergarten Association, the Malaysian Association of Child Care Providers, the Malaysian Council for Child Welfare, and the National Association of Pre-school Teachers. Although preschool teachers are required to have a formal training in early childhood care and education (ECCE) before being permitted to teach, it is not clear how long the training is or what it consists of apart from pedagogy and educational psychology. The Malaysian government is greatly concerned about the inadequacies in its preschool programs and supports the efforts to expand the supply of preschools. Preschool development now focuses on enhancing the quality of the programs, strengthening and expanding teacher training, and increasing collaboration and cooperation across several government agencies. Malaysia implemented compulsory primary education in 2003. Parents are required to register their children (regardless of gender) who have reached the age of six years at national or national-type schools to begin the following year (Standard 1) and to remain for the entire six years of the primary education program (until Standard 6). Failure to do so is a legal offense. Basic primary education in national schools is heavily subsidized, though there are small fees to be paid to the school and uniforms to buy. It is estimated that it may still cost a family RM 250 to put a child through a school year. A Textbook Loan Scheme (TBLS) was implemented in 1975 and continues to date. By 1993, more than 90 percent of all students in these schools were recipients with an expenditure of RM 63 million by the government. Schools can also identify students in need for a Food Supplement Program. This scheme is income-based. The national target of 100 percent primary school participation was achieved by 1994. This means that now upwards of 3 million students are enrolled in primary education. Almost all children in the primary schools are in grades appropriate for their age. Accurate dropout rates are not available but an estimated completion rate of 91 percent is given by the World Bank, which also records that there is no gender bias in the graduation figures. This may be distorted by a leniency exercised by the government that allows some students to drop out and join private schools. In recognition of the ethnic diversity in the population, two types of vernacular schools that are styled as national-type allow for the other two major ethnic communities in the country, Chinese and Indians, to conduct some of the classes in the pupils’ own language (Mandarin or
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Tamil). Pupils who successfully complete their six years in the nationaltype schools are automatically admitted to national or national-type secondary schools for their secondary education, but those who have poor grades in the Primary School Evaluation Test (UPSR) are placed in adjustment classes (called Remove) for a year before full integration. Until 2000, students at Standard 3 took a public assessment. Distinctions in this examination allowed students to skip Standard 4 and jump (double promotion) to Standard 5. However, this public assessment was abolished in 2001 because of concerns that parents and teachers were unduly pressuring these students. Students are now automatically promoted into the next grade, regardless of their academic performance. At the end of Standard 6, however, students are required to sit for a standardized examination (UPSR) before moving to the secondary level. There are two types of education for children with special needs. There are the special education schools (specifically for the deaf and blind) and primary schools with integration and inclusive programs for children with learning disabilities (Down syndrome, autism, mental retardation and delay, attention-deficit hyperactive disorder, and dyslexia). Currently, there are 16,138 students with special needs in Malaysia, with 10,991 of them (68.11 percent) studying in the primary schools integration program, and 5,147 (31.89 percent) studying in the secondary schools integration program (Utusan Online, May 16, 2006). Accurate data on dropout rates and completion rates are hard to come by, partly because of the increasing opportunities to join private education. From 1996 onwards, many also exercised their option to attend programs for entry into foreign universities. Popular programs include the South Australian Matriculation and the British O and A levels that allow successful candidates to enroll into foreign degree programs at private institutions in Malaysia itself. PLAY AND RECREATION Nowadays, many traditional games take a backseat to more ‘‘exciting’’ activities, such as video and computer games, remote-controlled cars, and roller blades. The decline was accelerated by the rapid adoption of computers for children. It is quite common to find children exposed to computers during their preschool and primary school years, when they provide a variety of learning opportunities in a dynamic setting. As a result, traditional toys and games formerly intended for these age groups are fast losing their appeal. The most affected traditional activities are one-two-som (a rock-paper-scissors variant), galah panjang (long pool), police and thief, congkak (marble board game), gasing (tops), rubber seeds, guli (marbles), batu seremban (five stones), sepak raga (Malaysian football), and wau (kites). Some traditional games have become totally forgotten, while the others make an appearance only during cultural
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shows. Notable achievements by young Malaysians have also inspired new generations to take up popular and competitive sports. Ong Beng Hee became the Men’s World Junior Champion in squash in 1998 while a year later, Nicole David, at fifteen years old, defeated fellow Malaysian Leong Siu Lynn to clinch the Women’s World Junior Champion title. Squash has now become a popular urban sport. In general, school competitive sports are organized at the national level by the national sports associations or controlling body (such as the Malaysian Amateur Athletic Union for athletics) and the Malaysian School Sports Council (MSSM). In badminton, for example, which is the country’s second sporting passion after football, the MSSM and the Badminton Association of Malaysia (BAM) organize trials at which large numbers of children turn up for selection into a specialized training school. The MSSM has received the International Olympic Council Diploma in recognition of their contribution in the promotion and development of women’s sports in Malaysia. In fact, the MSSM has been so successful in organizing and maintaining sporting events that in the national sports gathering held every other year (Sukan Malaysia or SUKMA), a majority of the competitors in many of the sports are still of school-going ages. Until recently, Malaysian children were fed a steady diet of mainly American children’s television programs, such as Sesame Street, and popular series or cartoons. Satellite television became widely available in 1996, and the diet expanded to include the Disney Channel, Nickelodeon, and the Cartoon Network while learning channels included National Geographic, Discovery, and Animal Planet. Locally produced children’s programs (in Malay) have also proliferated. Relatively low monthly subscriptions and accessibility make satellite television broadly affordable throughout the country. A common standard package could cost RM80 per month. CHILD LABOR It is not possible to determine the actual number of children working in this country because employers, workers, and parents withhold information regarding child workers as the law forbids children below fourteen years of age from working outside the family business with a few exceptions under the Children and Young Persons (Employment) Act 1966, which defines a child as a person under fourteen years of age and a young person as under sixteen. Children are allowed to be employed in light work done within the family, specified public entertainment, apprenticeships, and work sponsored by the government, but it forbids night work and underground work for children and young persons. Such persons are permitted to work only between 7:00 A.M. until 8:00 P.M. for no more than six consecutive days and not more than seven hours during each of those days or eight hours if he is an apprentice.
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The Federal Minister for Human Resources may declare an employment suitable for children or young persons if he is satisfied that such employment poses no threat to the life, limb, health or morals of the employee. The Malaysian Government does not deny the existence of child labor but maintains that foreign workers, many of them illegal in status, have largely replaced child workers. Child prostitution is also reported. In 1998, the Minister of National Unity and Social Development stated that 150 to 160 underage girls were detained each year for involvement in immoral activities and sent to rehabilitation centers. Malaysia is a source, transit and destination country for trafficking in women and girls for sexual exploitation. The increase in the population of child workers in Malaysia is influenced by economic and social factors. With rapid industrialization, decreasing agricultural-based industries and rural-urban migration, there is a demand in both the rural and urban sectors for labor. Most children in Malaysia work due to poverty. Others work because schools are unavailable, inadequate or too expensive for parents to send them to. Many as young as six to twelve years of age are seen working alongside their parents in the plantations or other unskilled jobs. Child labor in urban areas are found in almost all sectors such as in hawker stalls, restaurants, supermarkets, retail shops, light industries, auto repair shops, and garbage collection, while others are employed as domestic servants and gardeners. A survey of 1,673 businesses in 1995 revealed that 11.1 percent of Malay, 23.3 percent of Indian, and 8.4 percent of Chinese small businesses employed child labor (Rajeswari 1996). Child labor is in great demand because children are cheaper to hire, easily trained, and are not obligated to receive medical expenses, paid annual leave, sick leave, and other benefits. Penalties for breach of the provisions of the Children and Young Persons (Employment) Act for first offenders, on conviction, can be a sentence of up to six months in jail or a fine not exceeding RM2,000 for each violation, or both, while repeat offenders can be sentenced to two years in jail and a fine not exceeding RM3,000, or both. FAMILY Labor shortages combined with much improved career opportunities for women result in many urban families with both parents working. In the academic session 2004-2005, the ratio of women to men in tertiary institutions was 58.8 to 41.2 (diploma), 64.9 to 35.1 (first degrees), and 53.7 to 46.3 (masters). Only at the PhD level was the ratio reversed with 61.4 percent of doctoral candidates being men (Malaysia Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development 2005a). This will bring about changes in traditional views that women are still expected to be wives and mothers first. Consequences will include the disruption of the extended family
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structures in smaller towns and villages, and smaller families as the younger generation migrate to larger cities or region to work. In 2003, the total fertility rate was 2.9 births per woman. In 1980, the average household size for an urban family was 5.2. It had declined to 4.6 by year 2000. Rural household size showed a similar decline over the same period from 5.1 to 4.5. The age of first marriage is also increasing. For all men, the average of 26.6 years in 1980 had become 28.9 by 2004. For women, the first marriage average of 23.5 had become 25.3 years in 2004. There are differences between the various major ethnic groups. In 2004, Chinese men and women on the Peninsula tended to contract later marriages; the men at an average age of 30.6 and the women at 27.5 years. The corresponding averages for Malay men and women were 28.8 and 24.1, respectively. For Indians, the averages were 28.7 and 26.8, respectively (Malaysia Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development, 2005b). All these demographic trends point to ominous changes in the traditional family pattern. Children are conceived later in their parents’ lives and, with the mothers’ entry into the workforce, there is increasing dependence on employment of foreign women, particularly from Indonesia, as childcare maids. This will raise questions on the quality of childcare as many such maids come from different cultural and language backgrounds. Family laws govern family matters. For non-Muslims and natives of Sabah and Sarawak, the set of laws is the Law Reform (Marriage and Divorce) Act 1976 and assigns responsibilities for parents and other guardians. Muslims are subjected to Islamic Family Laws enacted in each state. The act also does not recognize same-sex marriages. Transgender citizens are not permitted to alter their identification records, so they must remain at the sex at birth. Homosexuality is quietly tolerated but frowned upon officially. HEALTH The containment of the spread of HIV/AIDS remains one of the biggest challenges for the healthcare system. The first case of HIV/AIDS in Malaysia was identified in 1986, and there has been a steady increase in the cumulative number ever since. The annual reported cases of HIV infection had increased from 778 cases in 1990 to 4,198 in 1995 and 6,978 cases in 2002. In 2004, a total of 64,439 HIV-infected cases were reported in the country, with 9,442 AIDS cases and 7,195 deaths, and in 2007 there were an estimated 52,000 people living with HIV/AIDS. There is an urgent need to protect children from this disease. This is being attempted through active media coverage and introduction of sex education in public schools. In 2005, an estimated 2,000 children below the age of fifteen were living with HIV/AIDS. Malaysia will soon be one of the few countries to provide free Highly Active Antiretroviral Therapy (HAART) drugs to all with HIV. At the moment HAART is already free for a limited number of
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HIV-infected patients, including mothers and babies. The Malaysian Aids Council and the Malaysian Aids Foundation carry out commendable work in education and prevention. AIDS prevention must involve education on safe sex. Contraceptives and devices are provided at family planning clinics run by the Federation of Family Planning Associations, Malaysia (FFPAM). The FFPAM also takes the lead in providing resources and training for the management of reproductive health. The Penal Code (Amendment) Act 1989 (Act 727) allows for a legal abortion to be carried out safely only by a medical practitioner registered under the Medical Act 1971, and only if the continuance of the pregnancy would endanger the health of the woman. If an abortion is performed in violation of these provisions and the woman consents, both she and the person performing the abortion are subject to up to seven years imprisonment and payment of a fine. If the woman did not consent, the person performing the abortion faces up to twenty years imprisonment. The National Cancer Registry reported 1,163 new childhood cancer cases (below age fifteen) for the year 2002, of which nearly half in both sexes was leukemia. The second most common for boys was brain cancer and for girls was eye cancer. Mental health problems are fast gaining attention as a public health problem. A survey in 2004 indicated that mental disorders were the fourth leading cause of ill health in the country. The Second National Health and Morbidity Survey in 1996 found that 13.0 percent of children between five and fifteen years of age have psychiatric morbidity. There was no significant difference between male and female children, but again the prevalence was highest among Indian children followed by Malay and Chinese children. Other problems reported were learning difficulties, frequent headaches, not playing with other children, poor sleep, and fear and nervousness for no apparent reasons. The number of new cases involving children who registered in a private counseling practice increased 35 percent over four years. Children were generally brought in for behavioral problems, learning disabilities, academic failure, and separation or adjustment problems (See 2005). Childhood obesity is a growing health issue among Malaysian children. More Malaysian children are becoming obese as a result of uncontrolled diet and lifestyle changes. A survey conducted on 1,026 school children reported increasing prevalence of obesity with increasing age: 6.6 percent among seven-year-olds and 13.8 percent among ten-year-olds. Obesity among those seven to ten years old was higher among boys than girls (12.5 percent compared with 5 percent). Ethnic differences were also found, with 16.8 percent of Malays being obese compared to approximately 11.0 percent of Chinese and Indians (Ismail and Tan 1998). Another study among school children (6,239 respondents) aged between seven to sixteen years old in Kuala Lumpur reported that
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prevalence of obesity and overweight were 3.5 percent and 6.0 percent, respectively. More boys were found to be obese compared with girls. There were more overweight children among the Indians followed by the Chinese and Malays in this study (Kasmini et al. 1997). The factors that lead to obesity include genetic heredity, eating habits, and lifestyle among Malaysians. Overeating at mealtime, rapid eating, excessive snacking, and eating to meet needs other than hunger are common. Other factors include low social class, environmental deprivation, single parent, single child, excessive television viewing, and inactivity. The Malaysian Government has implemented many basic healthcare packages for children such as: .
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Child survival strategies implemented by the Ministry of Health since the 1980s that enforce epidemic preventive immunizations and breastfeeding campaigns. Comprehensive primary healthcare accessible to almost all. Basic healthcare for school children through special school health programs, including clinics in the rural areas and yearly dental services. Food Supplementary Plan which normally takes the form of a hot breakfast including a variety of healthy foods. Increased monetary assistance for orphans and poor children. Balanced meal project to benefit 20,000 extremely poor, rural households.
There have been concerns that atmospheric lead exposure may contribute to poor academic performance and juvenile delinquency. The National Poison Centre (NPC) in Malaysia reported that, among 435 preschoolaged children surveyed in the state of Sabah, as many as 6.9 percent of the blood samples analyzed contained lead in excess of 10 mcg/dL compared with 20.7 percent between 5-9.99 mcg/dL and 72.4 percent between 0 and 4.99 mcg/dL. Based on a concentration of 10 mcg/dL, three districts, namely Ranau, Kota Belud, and Tuaran, can be classed as high exposure regions, with some concentrations of lead reaching 18.8 mcg/dL. The NPC has extended its lead study to stationeries used by children. There is no organized effort to study the effects of environmental pollution only on children, nor on the general population as a whole. The NPC also conducts extensive antismoking campaigns targeted at youths.
LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Following the World Summit for Children in 1990, a document titled ‘‘Caring for the Children of Malaysia—A National Plan of Action for Child Survival, Protection and Development’’ was approved in 1994.
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This served as the blueprint for the development and formulation of policies, strategies, and programs for children up to the year 2000. The Child Act 2001 (Act 611) incorporates some of the principles of the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child. The Child Act consolidated and developed existing and diverse legislation from three laws: the Women and Girls Protection Act 1973, the Juvenile Courts Act 1947 and the Child Protection Act 1991. The Child Act 2001 stipulates heavier punishments for child exploitation, which extends to trafficking and abduction of children for purpose of prostitution. Engaging or influencing a child for sexual services incurs a fine not exceeding RM50,000 and imprisonment for a term of three to fifteen years, and a whipping of not more than six strokes. The Child Act 2001 also prohibits trafficking and abduction of children. Unlawful transfer of possession, custody, or control of a child is liable to a fine of RM10,000 or five year’ imprisonment, or both. Bringing a child into Malaysia by false pretences attracts the same penalties. However, the age of a child is significant in criminal liability consideration. The criminal liability of a child offender is addressed in the Penal Code (Act 574) and the procedure and punishment are dealt with by the Child Act 2001. Section 82 of the Penal Code provides ‘‘Nothing is an offence, which is done by a child under ten years of age.’’ Section 83 of the Code declares those between the ages of 10 and 12 to be doli incapax (incapable of committing crime). Furthermore, the Evidence Act 1950 states, ‘‘a boy under the age of thirteen years is incapable of committing rape.’’ Thus, a child who is at least twelve years old but below eighteen years old may be criminally liable with the exception of the crime of rape, as his liability begins at thirteen. A child (one who is under eighteen years old) who is alleged to have committed an offense shall not be arrested, detained, or tried except in accordance with the Child Act 2001 which, in Section 83 (1), provides for any such child charged with an offence to be tried in a special court known as the Court for Children (Juvenile Court). The identity and other personal details of such a child may not be revealed, recorded nor published in any newspaper or magazine or transmitted through any electronic medium. The number of criminal cases involving juveniles has been increasing from 4,200 in 2002 to 3,274 cases in 2004. Over 60 percent of those arrested during 2002–2004 were sixteen- to eighteen-year-olds, while boys made up 97 percent of arrests at all ages. Of the criminal cases in this period 2002–2004, 63 percent were property-related such as theft, house breaking, stealing of motor vehicles, snatch theft, and dealing with stolen goods. Other offenses included causing hurt, using criminal force or assault, weapons possession, and rape. Children who are criminally liable for offenses may be sent by a court to a place of safety, a place of refuge, a probation hostel, an approved
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school, or a Henry Gurney school. Henry Gurney schools are for those offenders older than fourteen years who have committed serious crimes. They may be detained until they are twenty-one years old. There is a parallel and independent system of justice administered at state level through the Syariah court system. Syariah (also known as Shari’a) is Islamic Law and applies only to Muslims. Since the majority of Malaysians are Muslims and Islam is the official state religion, Syariah plays an important role in the Malaysian judiciary process. It is generally accepted by Islamic jurists that limited criminal liability of a child begins at seven years of age and continues until he reaches the age of puberty which, according to various traditions, may be an age from fifteen years to eighteen years. In one variation, Syariah Courts of the Federal Territories consider a youthful offender as a person above the age of ten years and below that of sixteen years. Syariah also regulate other personal and family issues. For instance in a divorce, the mother is given custody of a son until the age of seven years and a daughter until she reaches nine years of age. Thereafter, the children are to be given over to the custody of the father unless the mother makes an application to extend the custody (to nine years of age for sons and to eleven years for daughters). The National Advisory and Consultative Council for Children, chaired by the Minister of Women, Family and Community Development, acts as a National Focal Point for children’s welfare and development in Malaysia. The council advises the government in matters relating to the policy and programs in line with the Convention of the Rights of the Child 1990 and the National Plan of Action on Children.
RELIGIOUS LIFE Malaysia is a society with many religions. The country is officially a Muslim state. Nevertheless, other religions are allowed, and the individual’s right to the freedom of worship is enshrined in the country’s constitution. There are preschools run by religious organizations. Nearly all the Malays and some indigenous tribes are raised Muslim, although there are substantial numbers of Indian Muslims and increasing numbers of ethnic Chinese converts. As stated in the Malaysian law and defined in the Constitution, a Malay could lose his constitutional status if he renounces his Muslim faith. However, the reverse is not legally true and one does not legally become Malay by converting to Muslim faith. Islamic preschool/ kindergarten programs are required to use the National Preschool Curriculum, which emphasizes overtly Islamic activities, such as learning to read the Quran and learning how to pray. Activities such as assembly, instruction time, playtime, and snack time are analyzed for the ways in which
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the teachers use these activities to convey the Islamic teachings to the children. For these children, class work includes regular subjects (mathematics, English, the Bahasa Melayu, science or arts) and Islamic subjects (Arabic and Quran memorization and Quran recitation), which involve learning to read and write in Arabic. In the regular subjects, teachers will consciously connect the subject matter with Islam. Private schools are free to offer a non-Islamic religious curriculum as an option for nonMuslims. There are two schools of philosophy in Buddhism and both exist in Malaysia. They are the Mahayana and Theravada sects. The Mahayana school of Buddhism allows Confucianism, Taoism, and ancestor worship, thus this sect is associated very much with the Chinese community. It forms the integral part of Chinese culture and lifestyle. Their presence is reflected in the household altars, which are little shrines with their joss sticks (incense) and fruit offerings. There are also altars or shrines along the roadsides. Buddhist preschools are under the umbrella of Buddhist organizations. These preschools cater to the needs of children of various religious backgrounds. In addition to preparing children for primary school education, the preschool also emphasize Buddhist moral education and good character development. A majority of the Indians in Malaysia are Tamil Indians, and they are Hindus. Many of them follow the Shaivite or Saivite tradition (worship of Shiva) from Southern India. Christians cut across the racial divide and admit Chinese, Indians, and some indigenous groups especially in Sabah and Sarawak. The major Christian denominations in Malaysia include the charismatic, Roman Catholic, Anglican, and Methodist. Christian preschools are set up by churches to cater to the needs of their members and the community. Christian preschools aim to educate young children by giving them an integrated and total education, with the emphasis on empathy and moral character. Although Islam is the official religion and all its traditional festivals and celebrations are national holidays, there is freedom of worship and cultural practice. This is reflected in the inclusion of major events from the other religions or cultural group into the list of national or state holidays. For example, Christmas, Deepavali, or the Hindu Festival of Lights and Wesak (Buddha’s Birthday) are national holidays. In the East Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak, Good Friday is a state holiday in recognition of the large number of Christians in that region. The concept of an open house during a religious festival that is hosted by a member of a religious community to welcome invited friends of all faiths is an endearing feature of Malaysia. Freedom of worship extends to freedom of religious associations. Churches, temples, and religious associations form the nuclei of community activities that include religious instructions for youths. Such activities take place outside of regular school hours.
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CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The difficulties of definition and the covert nature of child abuse (especially abuse in the privacy of the home involving family members) prevent the accurate assessment of the incidence of child abuse and neglect. This is compounded by the absence of proper institutional mechanisms for monitoring and managing such cases in Malaysia. According to the Department of Social Welfare, there has been a gradual increase in the number of cases of child abuse reported, from 934 cases in 2000 to 1,036 cases in 2001, 1,242 cases in 2002 and 1,390 cases in 2003 (Malaysia Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development, 2003a). The number of reported cases to the Police Department, however, has dropped from 150 cases in 2001 to 123 cases in 2002 and 119 cases in 2003 (Malaysia Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development 2003b). Severe cases are reported to and officially recorded by the Social Welfare Department and are estimated to represent about 10 percent of the actual incidence in Malaysia (Malaysia Social Welfare Department 1995). The number reported may not be accurate because of ambiguity in definition, reporting, and intervention procedures. Descriptions and figures cannot properly describe the trauma and torture endured by these children. From a study of 1,688 cases seen by the Suspected Child Abuse and Neglect (SCAN) team at the Kuala Lumpur Hospital between 1985– 1995, some of the features of those physically abused included fractures, intracranial hemorrhages and brain damage. Among 328 sexually abused children, there was evidence of trauma in 193 cases, sexually transmitted diseases in 57 cases and pregnancies in at least 29 cases (New Straits Times November 19, 1996). All the victims in reported child abuse cases are placed under temporary shelter or with suitable foster families by the Social Welfare Department. Little is known about what happened to these children after intervention by the authorities. They are normally placed under supervision or provided counseling services, and may be returned to their homes. The possibility of repeated abuse is present, given the limited capacity for supervision, counseling, and tracing due to the culture of family secrecy and high mobility. The generally accepted causes of child abuse and neglect include severe emotional pressures, pressures arising from poverty, marital relationship problems, poor housing conditions, negative employment situations, absence of supportive extended family members, fanatical religious or superstitious beliefs, and a lack of general community welfare facilities and services. Statistics suggest a correlation between child abuse, neglect, and poverty in Malaysia. For example, the study conducted by the Social Welfare Department found that 42 percent of the abusers (whose income was known) had monthly incomes below RM600 (Malaysia Social Welfare Department 1993). According to statistics in Johor state from 1994 to
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1996, 70 percent of child abuse cases involved families earning less than RM600 monthly (The Star, December 9, 1996). Evidence indicates that the incidences of incest tend to be higher among the underprivileged, ‘‘working class,’’ under class, and individuals who find themselves being politically, economically, and socially marginalized. Abuse and neglect of children also take place in affluent families. These involve adults with emotional problems who lack parental skills or have low levels of tolerance and unrealistic expectations of children. A factor that can be linked to the increase of child abuse and neglect is the lack of avenues for children to articulate their grievances against adults who abuse and neglect them. The cultural and social environment instill a value of unquestioned obedience to adults, which suggest to children that even in cases of abuse and neglect, they are expected to submit to the adult perpetrator and keep silent. Also, factors like the hierarchal structure of a family, with the parents or guardian having the final say in matters concerning the care and upbringing of a child, can prevent the attempts of a child to report abuse and neglect. The Child Protection Act 1991 proved difficult to enforce due to the requirements of the burden of proof and the need for confrontational evidence by a child witness in the presence of the accused who may often be the parent or relative, and has been replaced by newer provisions in the Child Act 2001: Any person who abuses, neglects, abandons or exposes a child in a manner likely to cause him physical or emotional injury, who permits this abuse, or who sexually abuses a child or permits sexual abuse can be fined up to RM20,000 and/or imprisoned for up to ten years.
It has been reported that 90 percent of child abuse cases taken to court are dismissed due to lack of evidence, as victims are afraid to testify against the accused. The National Unity and Social Development Ministry Parliamentary Secretary also reported that out of a total of 1,117 cases of child abuse and neglect in 1995, only 13 abusers were charged and seven were convicted (New Straits Times, June 4, 1996). Despite greater public awareness, there is still a general reluctance to report cases of child abuse and neglect and in a number of cases, neighbors only report after the child has suffered extensive physical injury or becomes pregnant. Child abuse and neglect remain very much hidden within the family. There tends to be disorganized investigation and follow-up, and reluctance of government agencies to prosecute parents or remove children from the home. There is also the inadequacy of existing institutional facilities for children. Furthermore, many schoolteachers, counselors, and health professionals who are in position to detect and refer cases of abuse, are unaware of the detection and reporting process, and the provisions of the Child Act 2001.
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In 2003, the government enacted a special National Service (NS) Bill that requires youths who have reached the age of 18 to be drafted into a national non-military program that will inculcate desirable values. The program chooses tens of thousands of youths through a lottery system. The training stint is compulsory but exemptions can be granted to young mothers. Training has a large para-military component as the trainees are required to be in uniforms and are drilled in military style. Arms training has just been introduced and this has caused some initial apprehension among parents of the selected trainees. Failure to attend incurs a fine of RM3,000 or six months imprisonment or both. The NS program has been generally well received. The Malaysian Armed Forces is a volunteer organization although opportunities exist at upper secondary school level and at universities to participate in cadet corps and officer training as co-curricular activities. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Malaysia is experiencing a tremendous pace of development. From a country that only twenty years ago was primarily a producer of tea, rubber, tin, and palm oil, Malaysia is now one of the world’s largest exporters of semiconductors. She has embraced the modern world vigorously. Rapid industrialization will increase the rate of urbanization as well as issues and problems associated with urbanization. The rising cost of living has influenced the size and quality of houses built in the city. The high prices of housing in Malaysian cities such as the capital cities have pushed less affluent populations into the suburbs. Those who decide to stay or who have no choice, must tolerate small spaces. The ceiling price of between RM25,000 to RM35,000, enforced by the federal government for low-cost housing, has caused developers to build smaller, lower-quality housing with only basic necessities. Studies have shown that space influences human behavior and that internal house layout is an important aspect that influences the lifestyle and behavior of its dwellers. Crowded houses and apartments, as well as the lack of basic social infrastructure, do give rise to various problems among children. Children bored with the stressful living conditions resort to spending their time with friends, loitering at nearby shopping complexes, internet cafes, and karaoke bars (a condition known as lepak). This exposes them to various unhealthy activities and influences such as drugs. Stressful physical environments may lead to strained relationships among family members. Malaysian urban folks are more isolated and individualistic. Even with the availability of social gathering points, like community parks, a study on an urban community near Kuala Lumpur showed that more than 80 percent of the respondents indicated that they never bring their children to nearby parks. Instead they prefer to bring their children to shopping complexes in the city (Yahaya 1995).
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The basic family structure and economic system in today’s society have changed. For most Malaysian families, both parents now have to work in order to provide a decent standard of living for the family. It is common for both parents to be away from home during the day. A 1998 study of ‘‘Childcare and Parenting Styles Among Working Parents in Malaysia’’ conducted by the National Population and Family Development Board found that working parents rely heavily on family members for care of their young children while they work (30.6 percent). Among the family members, grandparents played a major role in providing childcare (60.4 percent) followed by other relatives (22.5 percent) and older siblings (17.1 percent). Neighbors and friends provided another 15 percent of the childcare. Domestic servants accounted for 6.6 percent of childcare, with a majority being cared by Indonesian maids, followed by Malaysian and Filipino maids. Daycare centers accounted for 5.1 percent of the childcare. About 18 percent of the children had no specially assigned caregivers but were under the supervision of the public or religious schools. Only a very few parents (1.5 percent) sent their children away to stay with relatives for sustained periods of time. About 14.6 percent of the children were taken care of by the parents themselves, and 9 percent of the children had no caregivers and can be considered ‘‘latch key’’ children, left alone by themselves. In the long run, in a situation where both parents are working and not spending enough time with their children, the adverse effect on the child’s development will emerge. Maids can look after a child’s basic needs, but they cannot be responsible for the child’s intellectual, social, and emotional development. Children may feel neglected and seek stimulation outside the house. Furthermore, working parents succumb to their children’s demands or give them money to compensate for their absence. The latest trend among families in Malaysia is to have meals outside because working mothers do not have time to prepare home-cooked food. This ‘‘eating out’’ lifestyle further aggravates the problems of unhealthy eating and unbalanced diets. More children are eating food bought from stalls along roadsides or from fast food restaurants. Hence, there is an urgent need to educate children (as well as parents) on the importance of good nutrition for healthy growth and for prevention of illness. Fortunately, the current government recognizes the importance of children in the equation for sustainable development and currently provides funds, manpower, services, and opportunities for this population. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Baba, I. 2000. HIV/AIDS Education for Children in Malaysia. Community AIDS Service Penang (CASP). Penang, Malaysia. This book is designed to educate
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children about HIV/AIDS. The main objective of is to teach children to be more compassionate and caring to other children who are affected by HIV/ AIDS. Bronner, Mike. 2003. Economic Growth, Crisis, And Health: A Malaysian Case Study. LSE Health and Social Care Discussion Paper, Number 9. This paper examined the links between economic change and human health in Malaysia. The author develops an econometric model of the relationship between health and development in Malaysia. Foong Ming Moy, Chong Ying Gan, and Mohd Kassim Siti Zaleha. 2004. Body Mass Status of School Children and Adolescents in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition 13, no. 4: 324-329. A survey on school children’s and adolescents’ health behaviors and perception in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, was initiated, and this article reports the observed body mass status of the school children. Kamerman, Sheila B. 2002. Early Childhood Care and Education and Other Family Policies and Programs in South-East Asia. Institute for Child and Family Policy, Columbia University. This is a report on early childhood care and education (ECCE) and other family support policies and programs in seven ASEAN countries. The countries covered are Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam. The report covers the context in which these policies and programs have been developed in these countries, the child and family support policies and programs that exist or are being proposed, and the specific ECCE initiatives in each of the seven countries. Ministry of Health. 2004. AIDS and STD Section Annual Report. Malaysia: Department of Public Health. This document specifies the background, rationale, and significance of AIDS and STD history, current situations and problems, vision, objectives, policy, target, strategies, and conditions for goal attainment.
Newspapers New Straits Times. http://www.nst.com.my. A Malaysian English-language newspaper, Malaysia’s oldest. The Star. http://thestar.com.my/news/. The leading English-language newspaper in Malaysia. Utusan Online. http://www.utusan.com.my/. A top Malaysian news provider in English and Bahasa Melayu.
Web Sites The Southeast Asia Minister of Education Organizations (SEAMEO). Profile of SEAMEO Country: Malaysia. http://www.seameo-innotech.org/resources/seameo_ country/educ_data/malaysia.asp. This resource includes comprehensive information about the education system of Malaysia, such as principles and general objectives of education, current educational priorities and concerns, educational legislation, structure and organization of the education system. World Education Forum. Education For All: The Year 2000 Assessment (Report Of Malaysia). http://www2.unesco.org/wef/countryreports/malaysia/contents.html. This report provides an in-depth overview about the Education For All 2000 Assessment of Malaysia.
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Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Department of Environment, Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment Level 1-4, Podium 2 & 3, Lot 4G3, Precinct 4, Federal Government Administrative Centre, 62574 Putrajaya, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-8871 2000 Fax: 6 03-8889 1973 Web site: http://www.doe.gov.my The mission of the Department of Environment is to promote, ensure, and sustain uniqueness, diversity, and quality of the environment towards maintaining health, prosperity, security, and well-being for the present and the future. Department of Welfare, Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development Tingkat 21-24, Menara Tun Ismail Mohamed Ali, Jalan Raja Laut, 50562 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-2697 1090 Fax: 6 03-2693 4270, 2694 9395 Web site: http://www.jkm.gov.my The objective of the Department of Welfare is to improve the harmony of the community through welfare services, professional and strategic social development, and responsible partnership. Ministry of Culture, Art and Heritage Floors 16, 17, 26, 27, 29, 30, 34, 35, 36 & 39, Menara TH Perdana, Maju Junction, 1001 Jalan Sultan Ismail, 50694 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-2612 7600 Fax: 6 03-2693 5114 / 03-26976100 Web site: http://www.heritage.gov.my The Ministry of Culture, Art and Heritage handles art, cultural, and heritage issues. Ministry of Education Kompleks Kerajaan Persekutuan Parcel E, Pusat Pentadbiran Kerajaan Persekutuan, 62604 Putrajaya, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-8884 6000 Fax: 6 03-8889 5235 Web site: http://www.moe.gov.my The mission of the Ministry of Education is to develop a world-class quality education system that will guide individuals to realize their full potential and fulfill the aspiration of the Malaysian nation. Ministry of Health Blok E1, E6, E7 & E10, Parcel E, Pusat Pentadbiran Kerajaan Persekutuan, 62590 Putrajaya, Malaysia
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Phone: þ 6 03-8883 3888 Web site: http://www.moh.gov.my The mission of the Ministry of Health is to facilitate and support the people to attain full potential in health, motivate them to appreciate health as a valuable asset, take positive action to improve further and sustain their health status, and to enjoy a better quality of life. Ministry of Human Resources Level 6-9, Block D3, Parcel D Federal Government Administrative Centre 62530, Putrajaya, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-8886 5000 Fax: 6 03-8889 2381 Web site: http://www.mohr.gov.my The Ministry of Human Resource’s responsibilities are to be the leader in the development and management of a world-class workforce and to develop a competitive workforce in an environment of promoting industrial harmony and social justice. Ministry of Tourism Malaysia Level 32, Menara Dato’ Onn Putra World Trade Centre 45 Jalan Tun Ismail 50695 Kuala Lumpur Federal Territory, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-2693 7111 Fax: 6 03-2694 1146 Web site: http://www.motour.gov.my The Ministry of Tourism Malaysia’s objective is to promote Malaysia as an outstanding tourist destination, market Malaysia as a destination of excellence, and to make tourism industry a major contributor to the socioeconomic development of the nation. Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development Aras 1-6, Blok E, Kompleks Pejabat Kerajaan Bukit Perdana, Jalan Dato’ Onn, 50515 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-2693 0095 Fax: þ6 03-2693 4982 Aras 19-26, Menara Tun Ismail Mohd. Ali, Jalan Raja Laut, 50582 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-2616 5600 Fax: 6 03-2698 6078 Web site: http://www.kpwkm.gov.my The Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development aims to build a harmony and caring community via strategic responsibility partnership and effective competence social development services.
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Prime Minister’s Office Malaysia Perdana Putra Building Federal Government Administrative Centre 62502 Putrajaya, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-8888 8000 Fax: 6 03-8888 3444 Web site: http://www.pmo.gov.my The Prime Minister’s Office is responsible for servicing an efficient environment for the prime minister to perform his duties and responsibilities effectively. Nongovernmental Organizations Children’s Protection Society 118A, Jalan Scotland, 10450 Penang, Malaysia Phone: 6 04-8294 046 Fax: 6 04-8293 518 The immediate objective of the society is to provide children at risk with a safe and homely environment. They focus on the emotional and physical development of each individual child, together with the enhancement of their educational, social, and recreational skills. In the long term, they hope to develop alternative option for the child’s future. Malaysian Association for the Protection of Children c/o MPA 3rd Floor (Annex Block) National Cancer Society Building No. 66, Jalan Raja Muda Abdul Aziz 50300 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-2694 2362 Fax: 6 03-2691 4773 The Malaysian Association for the Protection of Children’s mission is to advocate for children rights and raise awareness on child abuse and neglect; to protect children from abuse and neglect; and to support abused children through the legal system to prevent further trauma. Ronald McDonald Children’s Charities Fund of Malaysia (RMCC) Level 6, Bangunan TH Damansara Uptown 3 3, Jalan SS21/39 47400, Petaling Jaya, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-7843 3388 Fax: 6 03-7843 3393 Web site: http://www.rmcc.org.my The Ronald McDonald Children’s Charities Fund of Malaysia’s main goal is to lend a helping hand to less fortunate children in three main areas such as health, education, and social services. Shelter Home for Children No 9, 1st Floor Jalan Barat, 46200 Petaling Jaya Selangor, Malaysia
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Phone: 6 03-7955 0663 Fax: 6 03- 7956 2384 Web site: http://www.shelterhome.org The objectives of the Shelter Home for Children are to rescue and protect children from physical and sexual abuse, neglect, abandonment, and domestic violence and to help the children recover from trauma and develop responsibility, selfconfidence, and hope, by giving them unconditional love, literacy, and life skills. UNICEF Malaysia Wisma UN, Block C, 2nd Floor Komplek Pejabat Damansara Jalan Dungun, Damansara Heights 50490 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-2095 9154 Fax: 6 03-2093 0582 Web site: http://www.unicef.org UNICEF Malaysia aims to enhance the national capacity for continuous and progressive realization of all children’s rights. The interventions are focused on enhancing life skills of young people, particularly to prevent HIV infection; protecting children from violence and abuse; preventing injury and accident; and reducing disparities. Yayasan Harapan Kanak Kanak Jalan Tengku Ampuan Zabedah 9/J Seksyen 9, Shah Alam, 40100 Selangor, Malaysia Phone: 6 03-5880 6859 Fax: 6 03-5880 6859 Web site: http://www.childreninhope.org.my Yayasan Harapan Kanak Kanak is an active NGO known locally and internationally as an activist that protect children’s rights and well-being.
Selected Bibliography Chua, S. L. 2005. High Level Forum on Health MDGs In The Asia Pacific 2005. http://www.moh.gov.my/MohPortal/speechDetail.jsp?action=view&id=376. Ismail, M. N., and C. L. Tan. 1998. Prevalence of Obesity in Malaysia 1998. Country Report at the Regional Advisory Meeting on Obesity, Manila, Philippines. Kasmini, K., M. N. Idris, A. Fatimah, S. Hanafiah, H. Iran, and M. N. Asmah Bee. 1997. Prevalence of Overweight and Obese School Children Aged Between 7 to 16 years Amongst the Major 3 Ethnic Groups in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia 1997. Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition 6(3): 172–74. Malaysia Ministry of Education. Education for All: The Year 2000 Assessment 1999. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0012/001279/127984e.pdf. Malaysia Ministry of Women, Family, and Community Development. 2003a. Cases Reported to the Department of Social Welfare, Malaysia http://www. kpwkm.gov.my/panel/Upload/9.11kes%20Penderaan%20Kanak-kanak%20Men gikut%20Negeri.pdf. Malaysia Ministry of Women, Family, and Community Development. 2003b. Cases Reported to the Police. http://www.kpwkm.gov.my/panel/Upload/9.7kes%20 Penganiayaan%20Kanak-kanak%20Mengikut%20Negeri.pdf.
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Malaysia Ministry of Women, Family, and Community Development. 2005a. Student Enrollment in Public Higher Learning Institutions by Level of Study and Sex. http://www.kpwkm.gov.my/panel/Upload/C3.2.pdf. Malaysia Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development. 2005b. Mean Age At First Marriage. http://www.kpwkm.gov.my/panel/Upload/J6.2.pdf. Malaysia Social Welfare Department. 1993. Child Abuse and Neglect: A Study of Cases Reported to the Social Welfare Department in 1991. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Department of Social Welfare. Malaysia Social Welfare Department. 1995. Situational Overview of Abused, Abandoned and Neglected Children in Malaysia 1995. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Department of Social Welfare. Rajeswari, B. 1996. Child Labor in Night Markets in Kuala Lumpur and Selangor 1996. Malaysian Society of Health Journal 14(1). See, Ching Mey. 2005. Counseling in Private Practice: Malaysian Experience 2005. 11th International Counseling Conference (ICC), Thailand. Sheila, B. K. 2002. Early Childhood Care and Education and other Family Policies and Programs in South-East Asia 2002. UNESCO Report on Early Childhood and Family Policy Series no. 4. United Nations High Commission for Refugees. 2006a. Global Refugee Trends: Statistical Overview Of Populations Of Refugees, Asylum-Seekers, Internally Displaced Persons, Stateless Persons, And Other Persons Of Concern To UNHCR. http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/statistics/opendoc.pdf. United Nations High Commission for Refugees. 2006b. UNHCR: Hope for Malaysia’s home-learning Rohingya refugees–the Harvest Centre. UNHCR News Stories. http://www.unhcr.org/cg-ibin/texis/vtx/news/opendoc.htm?tbl=NEWS &page=home&id=44b7c41d4. The World Bank. Total GDP 2005. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/DATASTA TISTICS/Resources/GDP.pdf. The World Bank. Data and statistic: Country group 2006. http://web.worldbank.org/ WBSITE/EXTERNAL/DATASTATISTICS/0,contentMDK:20421402~pagePK: 64133150~piPK:64133175~theSitePK:239419,00.html. Yahaya, Ibrahim. 1995. Urbanization and Neighborhood 1995. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa & Pustaka.
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MONGOLIA Darikhand Bayar and Enkhtuya Sukhbaatar NATIONAL PROFILE Mongolia’s territory is about 1,564.1 square kilometers, and the country is divided into twenty-one aimags (provinces). Mongolia’s primary economy sectors are agriculture and mining. According to the Mongolian Statistical Yearbook of 2005, the total Mongolian population was 2,562,000 in 2005. Of this total population, 1,291,000 are female and 1,271,000 are male. In terms of urban and rural population, 1,543,000 live in urban areas, of which 965,000 live in Ulaanbaatar, the capital city of Mongolia. Mongolia’s rural population is 1,019,000. Children younger than eighteen make up almost 48 percent of the total population. Approximately 78 percent are Khalkha Mongols. Minority groups include Kazakh, Dorvod, Bayad, Buriad, Dariganga, Zahchin, Urianhai, Oolld, and Torguud. The largest of these minority groups, Kazakhs, make up 4 percent of the total population. Small numbers of Russians and Chinese permanently live in Mongolia. According to the Constitution of Mongolia of 1992, women and men have equal rights. Between 1924 and 1990, Mongolia’s political, economic, legal, and cultural policies were heavily influenced by
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the Soviet Union. The shift to a free market economy has led to a fall in real incomes, a rise in unemployment, and a widening gap between the rich and poor. In the initial period following the 1992 elections, many industries were privatized or collapsed, leaving thousands of people out of work. The Government in Mongolia consists of Ministries. Under each Ministry, there are implementing agencies and institutions. Since the implementation of democracy, many nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have been established. Currently, there are about sixty NGOs working on children’s issues and providing services for children. The NGOs play an active role in delivering services to the target population, families and children. Since the democratic changes in 1990s, many religious organizations came to Mongolia and have been providing welfare services to vulnerable families. During the transition from a centralized economy to market economy, the government has been providing support to families and their children. Since 2006, different support programs have been implemented, such as support to newborn children (a cash payment of 100,000 Mongolian tugrug or US$86) and new families (500,000 Mongolian tugrug or US$429). Since January 2005, the government has promoted the ‘‘child money’’ program for vulnerable children and made it universal for all children younger than eighteen years old starting July 1, 2006. Under this program, families with more than three children and living under the poverty line are entitled to receive free school supplies and textbooks, and children from herder families residing in school dormitories receive free provision of food and accommodation. After the democratic changes in the 1990s, children have more freedom and access to information. The number of newborn children is reduced and in general, the fertility rate is reduced as well. Due to the gap between poor and rich families, children from rich families KEY FACTS – MONGOLIA have more access to information, Infant mortality rate: 42.65 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) education, and better health Life expectancy at birth: 66.99 years (2007 est.) services. Children from poor Literacy rate: 97.8 percent (2002 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 84 percent families lack food and nutrition, (2000–2005) health care services, and access Internet users: 268,300 (2005) to education, and information is People living with HIV/AIDS: fewer than 500 (2003 est.) limited. These children are joinHuman Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 42 (2006 est.) ing the labor force in order to Sources: CIA World Factbook: Mongolia. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ support their family with basic publications/factbook/geos/mg.html. April 17, 2007; United needs. There is no official Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ account of the number of homedata_sheets/cty_ds_MNG.html. April 26, 2007; UNICEF. less people in the country; howMongolia–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ ever, homeless people are visible mongolia_statistics.html. April 25, 2007. in streets and manholes.
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OVERVIEW The Constitution of Mongolia makes the provision of free general education for all, and states that general education is compulsory, and primary and secondary eduction is free. The infant mortality rate is 42.65 deaths per 1,000 live births. (CIA World Factbook 2007) There is no official account of the number of refugees in Mongolia. Illegal immigrants from China work mostly in construction sectors. Mongolia is not a party to the 1951 UN Convention relating to the Status of Refugees or its 1967 protocol. The Constitution of Mongolia has a general provision for granting asylum. In practice, the government provided protection against refoulement, the return of persons to a country where they feared persecution. The government continued talks with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) representatives on refugee and asylum issues. Small groups of North Koreans reportedly continue to enter the country from China. The government cooperated with UNHCR and other humanitarian organizations and on asylum-seeking issues. Less than half of the population is insured, and there is much development work to do to extend the coverage. The trend in coverage is not positive. For example, in 1998 there were 440,000 insured people, and in 2000 the number decreased to 364,000. Only 22,500 people were voluntarily insured in 2001. Self-employed persons constitute about 40 percent of the population (2002–2003 Household Income and Expenditure Survey/ Living Standards Measurement Survey, Government of Mongolia 2004). The Constitution of 1992 prohibits exploitation of human beings. In addition to this provision in the Constitution, the government adopted the National Plan of Action on the protection of children and women from sexual exploitation and trafficking in November 2005. The socioeconomic changes from 1990s impacted the nature of childhood. These changes resulted in social demographic trends that differentiate Mongolia from other developing countries. Over the past fifteen years of transition, Mongolia has shown trends of decreasing total fertility rate, increasing life expectancy, decreasing death rate, decreasing infant mortality rate, and a high rate of rural-to-urban migration in the context of an extremely low population density. Approximately 42 percent of the Mongolian population is younger than eighteen years old—more than 1,000,000 children (Mongolian Statistical Yearbook, National Statistics Office 2005). These boys and girls constitute the heart and soul of Mongolia. The adoption of democracy has affected societal practices in a variety of ways, including the responsibilities and caring attitudes of the parents, and open discussion of hidden problems, particularly on violence, abuse, and neglect. The number of people in the nomad population is decreasing. Statistics shows that approximately 60 percent of the population lives in urban
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areas, with major concentrations in the three main cities of Ulaanbaatar, such as the national capital, Darkhan City in Darkhan-Uul Aimag, and Bayan-Under Soum (new name of Erdenet City) in Orkhon Aimag. In addition, approximately 40 percent of the population lives in rural areas. The rural lifestyle is nomadic, semi-nomadic, or residing in soum (rural administrative unit) centers or aimag centers. Childcare centers for children under three years have been reduced; therefore, the mothers are responsible for caring for children until the age of three. Additionally, minimizing the school entrance age from eight to six years of age brought new challenges to nomad people in enrolling their children in school. The solutions are that mothers stay with their children in settled areas such as aimags and soum centers. Children of the nomad population have limited access to medical provision, schooling, and social services. EDUCATION Based on the Education Law (adopted in 2002), the secondary education system has switched over to eleven years of schooling starting from the academic year, 2005–06. All rural schools at the soum levels have boarding schools for herders’ children, who otherwise had to travel long distances. Since 2000, the government has fully subsidized expenses in school dormitories. The Population and Housing Census conducted in 2000 revealed that 97.8 percent of citizens over fifteen years were literate, 98 percent of men and 97.5 percent of women. Children do not experience gender discrimination, but the inequality of participation in school education between girls and boys increases with the increase of their age. The enrollment number for boys and girls in the first grade is mostly equal. However, by tenth grade, the number of girls in schools surpasses that of boys (62 percent of girls and 38 percent of boys). Unlike other developing countries, girls in Mongolia enjoy their rights to education more than boys. Female children older than fifteen years old have better opportunities to complete their education than male children, because teenage males often are required to work at home, and schools generally are located far from homes. According to the current statistics of the Ministry for Education, Culture and Science, 33.5 percent of children are in primary education, 48.6 percent in secondary school education, and 16.8 percent in vocational and tertiary. Every year 50,000 to 60,000 youths transfer to the labor market. Thirty-five percent of youth aged eighteen to twenty-two years attend tertiary education, and a total of 56,906 students study at state-owned and private universities, institutes, and colleges. A total of 34,706 or 60.9 percent of those are female students and 22,200, or 39.1 percent, are males. A total of 12,177 students study in vocational or technical schools. In 2000, 78.6 percent of the eighth-grade graduates were promoted to the
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ninth grade, and 14.9 percent went to professional training and production centers. The majority of tenth-grade graduates are admitted to public or private universities and colleges. As they obtained a complete secondary education, they have comparatively more possibilities to access various professions. The professional training and production centers receive and train children who failed to enter the ninth grade. Children with disabilities are not institutionalized in Mongolia. The government provides an allowance to the children with disabilities in poor families with an income below the poverty line. Access to services such as rehabilitation and education is limited for children with disabilities. All special schools for mentally retarded and children with physical disabilities are located in Ulaanbaatar. Therefore, rural children with disabilities do not have access to education. According to a study by the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, 34,000 school children (around 8 percent) in Mongolia have some form of disability or are impaired. With the support of international donors, the Ministry of Education has developed a plan to implement ‘‘inclusive education’’ programs for children with disabilities. Overcrowded general education classes are the main obstacles to carrying out this program. In terms of ethnic population, 4 percent of the population of Mongolia is Kazakh, and most of them live in one aimag, Bayan-Ulgii. Because of language barriers, children of Kazakh communities have difficulties in receiving quality education. In recent years, the income gap is widening. As a result, while poor children have limited access to quality education, children of rich families can afford to enter high-quality and expensive private schools. PLAY AND RECREATION The National Authority for Children, a government agency entitled to take care of efficient use of children’s leisure time, organizes various activities that meet the desires and interests of children. Its local branches, Aimag Children Centers, are responsible for organizing different activities for children residing in their provinces. In big cities, associations of apartment owners build outside play facilities for children. Preschools have small play facilities within their territory, usually surrounded by a fence. Government funding for this specific purpose is limited. Policies and plans for play and recreation at local levels that ensure every child’s access to decent playgrounds, sports fields, and other facilities are lacking. There are no alternatives to the pub, street corner, or amusement arcade. In the capital city of Mongolia, Ulaanbaatar, there are institutions named Children’s Palaces, where students can be involved in different art, music, language, and science classes. There is a Central Children’s Amusement Park in Ulaanbaatar as well, which is only open during the summer. Although the country ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), which states that all children and youth have the
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right to engage in play and recreation opportunities, children and youth in families with low-income or families in remote rural areas face social and systemic barriers to exercising their right to play and recreation. Children in low-income families are much less likely than children living in high-income families to participate in organized sports, as well as arts and cultural activities. Low-income families face many barriers that prevent their children from participating in quality recreation programs, such as user fees and equipment costs; lack of transportation, family support and awareness of opportunities; isolation; and inadequate or no facilities in their communities and lack of safe places to play. Television and FM radio programs for children are expanded since 1995. Five television channels are broadcasted nationwide, and another six channels are limited to people of Ulaanbaatar only. There are ten to fifteen children’s journals and magazines. During last few years, a number of electronic materials with lessons, stories, and rhymes have been developed. However, only children from wealthy families can afford these services. There is puppet theatre in Ulaanbaatar. National sports of Mongolia include wrestling, archery, and horse riding. Wrestling is attractive for boys. Young boys and girls between the ages of seven and thirteen like horse riding. During summer time, children can spend time in children’s camps, which are mostly in Ulaanbaatar and limited in number. Children can stay in summer camps from five to seven days. There is no family recreation structure and system in place. CHILD LABOR In Mongolia, child participation in household activities is substantial. Children of five or six years old start to help with household chores. The Baseline Survey on Child Domestic Workers in Mongolia (PopTRC 2001) covered numbers and percentages of children working in the household economy by age, gender, and location. The mean age of children working in the household economy was thirteen years for boys and fourteen years for girls. By location, there were 6,148 children employed as domestic workers in the six central districts of Ulaanbaatar, and there were 30,427 children employed as domestic workers in rural aimags. The sex ratio for child domestic workers 130.9 girls per 100 hundred boys in Ulaanbaatar but was 180.9 girls per 100 boys in rural areas. Division of labor for boys and girls for a herder family is very different. Girls are involved in indoor activities such as cleaning animal pens and preparing dairy products, while boys are involved in outdoor activities such as carrying water, preparing firewood, shearing wool, herding livestock, and looking for lost livestock. According to the Survey on Child Labour (National Statistical Office, 2004), girls spend six to seven hours less on work than the boys. Generally, the minimum legal age of employment (which is sixteen), does not
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conflict with the nine years of mandatory schooling. However, different interpretations come up in some cases. The Labor Code in general prohibits children under the age of sixteen from working, although those who are fourteen or fifteen years of age may work up to thirty hours per week with parental consent. Those under eighteen years of age may not work at night, engage in arduous work, or work in hazardous occupations such as mining and construction. Enforcement of these prohibitions, as well as all other labor regulations, is the responsibility of state labor inspectors assigned to regional and local offices. These inspectors have the authority to demand immediate compliance with labor legislation. However, enforcement has failed due to the limited number of labor inspectors and the growing number of independent enterprises. Awareness of child labor as a problem is growing. In October 2000, the Parliament ratified International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention 182 on the Worst Forms of Child Labor. In November 2000, the Government ratified the Optional Protocol of the Convention on Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflicts, the Optional Protocol on the sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography, and the status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment. In 2000, the ILO established a national office for an International Program on the Elimination of Child Labor in Mongolia. According to the Main Report on Labor Force Survey (NSO 2004), there are about 65,000 children between the ages of five and fifteen years, who are actively engaged in labor and only 703 children from them are employed in waged labor. This means a majority of children work in the informal sector, in household enterprises, or at home. Children work informally in petty trade, scavenging in dumpsites, scavenging coal from abandoned mines, and herding animals. Increasing alcoholism and parental abandonment make it necessary for many children to have an income in order to support themselves, their siblings, and sometimes their parents. The efforts of governmental organizations and NGOs to provide nonformal education, vocational training, and recreational activities to working children are emerging. FAMILY The Mongolian government family policy stresses that ‘‘The family is the primary environment for human life and its development shall be guided to state policy’’ (Ch. Dagvadorj 2002). In traditional Mongolian family life, there are many customs involving taking care of the elderly, rearing and educating children, and helping and supporting the poor, with a preference for humanism and respect for nature. However, in the transition period from a socialist, planned economy to democratic and market economy in the beginning of 1990s, there is growing imbalance in the work share between men and women as it
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relates to leisure time activities, property distribution, income generation, and rights and obligations, and male dominance in matters of decisionmaking. Women are often the main income generator, which with their reproductive role means that they are overloaded by household obligations, while men have lower participation. Loans to support family and household production are usually directed to women, which further reduces man’s role as the head of the household. The Family Law was amended in 1999, twenty-five years after it was first enacted. The amendments reflect changes in marriage and family relationships in the last few years, including common and shared family property, legal marriage, marriage and divorce, adoption, and resolution of common family disputes. Traditionally, Mongolian families paid equal attention to girls and boys. Boys were encouraged to do outside household work, such as herding animals, fetching, and water carrying. Girls were encouraged to do inside household work, such as cleaning, cooking, preparing dairy products, and sewing. Girls are mostly responsible for providing caring support to family members and elders. In most cases after divorce, children follow their mothers, and fathers are required to pay alimonies based on a certain percentage. According to Family Law, girls and boys have equal right to inheritance. Traditionally, Mongolian families prepare a traditional Mongolian ger (dwelling place) when the son gets married and give female livestock to a daughter when she gets married and leaves the family home. The 2000 Population and Housing Census revealed that the 2,373,500 Mongolian individuals lived in more than 550,000 households, an increase in households of 26.5 percent (113,300) over the last ten years. Since 1989, the number of households has increased, and their composition and locations have changed. The average number of family members in a family is 4.3, and this is considered acceptable. In terms of composition, 7 percent of families are female-headed, 28 percent are extended, and 3 mixed, with the remaining 62 percent being full families. With the transition to a market economy, the development of democracy, and the ability of people to choose where they live, there has been an increased migration to urban areas. A total of 64.8 percent of all families live in urban areas. In the last ten years, the number of rural households has increased by 27.3 percent compared with 25.8 percent in urban settlements (Ch. Dagvadorj 2002). Urbanization has resulted in structural changes in families and reformation of family traditions, customs, and relationships. It has brought negative consequences, such as poor relationships and communications between and among family members. Other consequences range from a lack of care and support for elderly and other relatives to an increase in the number of poor and ‘‘ignored or neglected’’ people, such as the
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elderly and children. Mongolia’s growing number of homeless people, 4,305 as revealed by the 2000 population and Housing Census, stands as a testimony to this negative trend. In the last ten years, due to changes in livelihoods and the growth in educational levels, the average age of marriage has risen. In 1989–2000 the average age for marriage rose by 2.4 to 2.6 years, 25.7 years for men and 23.7 years for women. The government of Mongolia has introduced incentives to promote marriage. Families with children receive allowances starting from the fourth child and mothers receive first- and second-stage awards for more than five children and more than eight children, respectively. With national social development trends, negative incidents have occurred in family relations. Unemployment, poverty, low family income, and lack of motivation to overcome problems are key reasons for alcohol abuse, especially among men, leading to family crisis, violence, and serious breaches of rights and interests of women and children. According to the National Centre Against Violence, every fifth person and every fourth pregnant woman is a victim of some kind of violence. The legal groundwork for the provision of social care and security for the vulnerable was laid in 1995, when laws on social security were enacted. The appearance of an independent social care system, which used to be a secondary part of social insurance, was intended to deliver social security to all. Social care benefits are related to the lowest living standard and the lowest earnings rate. Thus, the amount of social security allowance rises when these rise. For instance, in the first quarter of 2002, prenatal, maternity, and infant care allowances and benefits for orphan adoption and for funerals were increased twice, reflecting the increase in the lowest earnings rate compared with October 2000. Since January 2006, new married couples are supported by a cash assistance of around 500,000 tugrugs or US$429 for couples and 100,000 tugrugs or US$86 for their newborn baby. Intergenerational relationships are very strong in Mongolian society. Grandparents are happy to take care of their grandchildren. Usually, the parents live with their youngest child. The older siblings are required to support their parents. Mongolian teaching and childrearing traditions are characterized by their representation of a specific level of knowledge and a certain historic period. The process of bringing up a child was a system involving a range of activities such as marriage, planning when and how to deliver specific skills, and knowledge for certain ages starting from the prenatal period, how to develop the child’s intelligence, and what traditions and customs to teach to the child. There are no particular customs and traditions to celebrate the rites of passage; however, girls and boys have a hair cut ceremony at a certain age. For girls, the ceremony is held at an even-numbered age and for boys at an odd-numbered age.
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HEALTH Major achievements in the health sector are the decline in infant mortality rate (IMR) to 22.2 per 1,000, U5MR (under-5 mortality rate) to 28.4 per 1,000 and MMR (maternal mortality rate) to 97.5 per 100,000 (Health Sector: 2003. Reducing Maternal Mortality, Ministry of Health, Mongolia 2003). High breastfeeding rate is attributed as a key factor that contributed to the decline in IMR and U5MR. A total of 83.4 percent of newborn babies received colostrum within thirty to ninety minutes after birth, while 96–98 percent of children under one received six antigens and 87–90 percent of children aged six to fifty-nine months received two doses of vitamin A in 2004 (Implementation of Millennium Development Goals in Mongolia, National Report, Government of Mongolia 2004). Statistical data show an increase in child mortality due to injury and accident. Given the situation, there is a need to conduct a more in-depth study to examine their causes and to develop strategies and policies for prevention. In Mongolia, the major causes of child morbidity in descending order are respiratory diseases, digestive system diseases, perinatal pathologies from complications during the childbirth process, traumas and poisoning, infectious and parasitic diseases, and skin diseases. Considering the urban-rural disparity in morbidity of rural infants (age birth to twelve months) in 2005, respiratory diseases are 2.7 times higher (16.5 percent urban versus 45.4 percent rural); digestive tract diseases are 2.0 times higher for rural infants (4.8 percent urban versus 9.5 percent rural); perinatal pathologies are 4.4 times lower (3.1 percent urban versus 0.7 percent rural); traumas and poisoning are 1.7 times lower (1.2 percent urban versus 0.7 percent rural); infectious and parasitic diseases are 2.7 times lower (0.8 percent urban versus 0.3 percent rural); and skin diseases are 1.3 times lower (2.1 percent urban versus 2.8 percent rural) (MOH 2006). Traveling long distances to health facilities and lack of access to antenatal and delivery emergency medical services are contributing factors to under-five mortality in rural areas. The prevalence of acute respiratory infections for Ulaanbaatar infants is much higher than that of other parts of the country, which can possibly be explained by the severe air pollution in the capital city. Undernutrition and micronutrient deficiencies are common among children, particularly from poor families living in peri-urban and rural areas. The major micronutrient deficiency affecting children under three years of age is vitamin D deficiency due to lack of exposure to sun and insufficient intake of iron. However, there has been a decline in underweight children by 50 percent (from 12.4 percent in 2000 to 6.2 percent in 2004) and stunting (from 27.4 percent in 1999 to 19.6 percent in 2004), primarily because of improved quality of growth promotion interventions at community
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service levels involving family members and local decision makers. Other factors that were conducive were the preventative activities taken under the emergency program in areas affected by natural disasters in 2001– 2002, as well as increased government commitment, and political and financial support at all levels. The leading causes of mortality of children and adolescents aged five to eighteen are respiratory diseases, injuries, intoxication, and various external causes. On average, there are about 200 suicide attempts among adolescents a year. Health Sector Report (2002) states that 70.5 percent of the population younger than twenty years old has tried alcohol, and seven percent of women giving birth were under twenty years of age. Although no case of an adolescent with HIV/AIDS has been registered in the country, Mongolian youth have a number of risk factors, including increasing incidence of sexually transmitted diseases; increasing numbers of sex workers, especially at a young age; population movements within the country or abroad; and rapid spread of HIV infections in the two immediate neighboring countries. As a result of governmental commitment and efforts to improving maternal health and access to pregnancy-related care, 96 percent of women who gave birth in the last five years received prenatal care, and 94 percent of deliveries took place in health facilities with the assistance of professional midwives and doctors. Twenty-three percent of all women who gave birth in the last five years used maternity rest homes that have been re-established. As far as MMR reduction is concerned, Mongolia’s situation has been improving over the years. The Ministry of Health Report (2004) states that total maternal mortality in 2003 was 109.7 per 100,000 live births. Maternal mortality dropped to 97.5 in 2004 as the result of the application of a safe delivery referral care approach introduced in 2000 under the Safe Motherhood Health project. However, MMR is still high if compared to existing potential resources. Poor management on the part of the health service and the poor health condition of pregnant women are attributing factors for high MMR in Mongolia. To address this challenge, a MMR reduction strategy covering the period between the years 2005– 2010 has been developed in cooperation with the UN, which fully incorporates UNICEF’s regional strategies of MMR reduction. Nationwide, there are 314 rural hospitals and 235 family practitioner units providing primary health care to children. The monthly growth promotion care involves high routine vaccine coverage (95–98 percent in all six antigens) and high antenatal and postnatal care coverage (2003 National Nutrition Survey 2004). Around 87 percent or 81,800 children under two years of age are involved in a monthly growth promotion care, and 87–92 percent of children aged six to fifty-nine months receive two doses of vitamin A in one year (2003 National Nutrition Survey, Ministry of Health 2004).
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There are about 28 physicians for every 10,000 persons; nonetheless, urban and rural residents do not have equal access to services. According to the performance and structure standard for a hospital, a rural hospital must have at least one to three doctors, whereas presently only 75 percent of 314 rural soum or village hospitals meet this standard. Consequently, child mortality and incidents of maternal deaths are higher in the rural settings than in the urban areas, an indication that rural people have not benefited from the ongoing health sector reform. In addition, rural-tourban migration negatively affects the accessibility to health services for women and children who have recently moved into the poorest districts in Ulaanbaatar. Although pregnant women and children are eligible for free visits to a family doctor, they miss out on this opportunity because they lack appropriate residence permits, health insurance cards, or information and referral services. Traditionally, Mongolian parents did not provide their children with information on reproductive health, which would prevent teenagers from pregnancy, HIV/AIDS, or STDs. Thanks to the reproductive health programs and activities of the governmental organizations and NGOs, adolescents are now better informed about access to confidential sexual and reproductive health information, services, and counseling. On the other hand, rural children have limited access even to soum hospital doctors. However, in soum hospitals, confidentiality is not guaranteed because in small places like soum centers, everyone knows everyone else. Therefore, anyone seeking reproductive health assistance or advice is extremely reluctant to expose himself or herself by visiting a doctor. In addition, an obsolete belief of rural residents that only an ill person approaches a doctor prevents them from getting reproductive health counseling. The Constitution of Mongolia stipulates that the child shall receive medical assistance from the state. Furthermore, Article 3 of the Law on Health Insurance states that children, regardless of whether they have health insurance, are entitled to some types of free medical services, such as medical examinations, all kinds of laboratory analyses upon request, treatment for tuberculosis, brucellosis, immune and genetic disorders, and cancers. The state provides allowances for pregnancy, birth, childcare, children, care of infants and twins, and adoption of full orphans. The country counts 3.0 pediatricians, 1.8 family doctors, and 3.6 specialist physicians per 10,000 people. In rural areas, primary medical care and services for children are provided by hospitals in the soums, medical aides in the bag, centers in the aimag, and health centers and family hospitals in the capital. As a result of introducing an active network for prevention of infectious diseases and early detection of infectious diseases treatable with vaccines, the number of these diseases has been reduced annually and the vaccination coverage increased in rural areas by 5 to 10 percent. No child
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has died from measles since 1993 and no outbreaks of diphtheria, measles, or meningitis have been registered since 1994. In 2000 Mongolia received a certificate from World Health Organization for the complete elimination of poliomyelitis. In 2000, the immunization coverage rate for children under one year was 97.2 percent against tuberculosis, 93.9 percent against polio, 94.1 percent against diphtheria, whooping cough, and tetanus, 92.4 percent against measles and 92.6 percent against hepatitis B (2003 National Nutrition Survey, Ministry of Health 2004). A total of 97.5 percent of infants aged up to four months are breastfed. The malnutrition rate among this age group is 2 percent. Children’s malnutrition increases (2 percent for infants aged four to six months, 7 percent for seven to twelve months, 16 percent for one to two years, and 18 percent for two to three years) with their age and with beginning of supplementary food intake (National Nutrition Survey of 2003, Ministry of Health 2003). Malnutrition indices are higher in rural areas than in urban areas; this may be explained by the comparatively limited supply and poor variety of available food products. On the other hand, social factors, such as low living standards, insufficient knowledge, and low level of education of mothers about food and nutrition, also have a negative impact on childcare and nutrition. In accordance with the Social Welfare Law, a poor family guardian who is unemployed because of taking constant care of a child with a disability aged up to sixteen years at home is given a monthly cash compensation equal to 75 percent of the minimum living standard from the social welfare fund. The cost of a wheelchair is paid once to poor families for children younger than sixteen years old with disabilities. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The adoption of the Constitution of Mongolia by the People’s Ikh Khural of the Mongolian People’s Republic in 1992 marked the beginning of a new era of legal reform in Mongolia. Legal reforms concerning children started with the accession of Mongolia to the CRC in 1990. Mongolia has worked step-by-step on enhancement of the national legislation on children in accordance with the spirit of its constitution and the CRC. Among these, an independent Law on Protection of the Rights of the Child was adopted in 1996, which defined the rights of the child to survival, protection, and development, participation in social life, and established the legal foundation for the state and society to ensure these rights. As of 2004, Mongolia has 310 effective laws, sixty of which contain roughly 350 provisions relating to children and children’s rights. In addition, there were other legal acts, including the decree of 1991 by the President of Mongolia on the State Policy on Children and Youth, about ten parliamentary resolutions including resolutions on the State
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Policy on Population, and on certain measures to be undertaken in connection with adoption of the law on protection of the rights of the child. The Government of Mongolia has implemented specific measures, such as adoption of the regime and rules for temporary detention centers for abandoned children, measures relating to orphans and children beyond parental supervision, certain measures for the promotion of children’s art works, guidelines for the determination of the amount of allowances, and aid to be allocated from the social welfare fund to mothers who have adopted and fully brought up orphan children, and so on. Furthermore, in 1999 the government adopted the Program for Prevention of Juvenile Crimes and Crimes against Children, and in 2002 the National Program of Action on Development and Protection of Children for 2002–2010 was approved. The government is continuing to implement these programs. Mongolia joined the ILO Convention No. 182 on the Prohibition and Elimination of Worst Forms of Child Labor, Convention No. 138 on Minimum Age of Admission to Employment and another ten additional treaties and conventions aimed at protecting the rights of the child. In 2002, Mongolia ratified two optional Protocols of the CRC, which include sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography and on the use of children in armed conflict. The Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure Law regulate issues related to juveniles. There is no separate Juvenile Code. Mongolia doesn’t have specialized family or children’s courts. The Criminal Code and Criminal Procedure Laws of 2002 have harsh punishment for juvenile offenders. According to the Criminal Procedure Law, children have the rights to legal representation and an attorney, but unfortunately access to free-of-charge attorneys is limited. Age sixteen is considered the age of maturity for a person to receive an identification card, and the voting age is eighteen. The ‘‘Law Against Domestic Violence’’ adopted in 2004 identifies four types of violence, one of which is sexual violence. The child is protected from sexual violence. Besides this law, a National Program of Action on the Protection of Children and Women from sexual exploitation and trafficking has been approved by the government in November 2005, which focuses on prevention, protection, and rehabilitation measures. According to the Constitution of Mongolia, all citizens have equal rights in terms of gender, ethnicity, race, and socioeconomic status. There is no evidence or research on discrimination by gender, ethnicity, race, and socioeconomic status. RELIGIOUS LIFE The Constitution of Mongolia guarantees the right to freedom of conscience and religion. Article 8 of the Law on the Relationship between the state and monastery in the constitution specifies that religious education may be given in religious schools and at home. A religious teacher is
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also responsible for teaching the disciplines of basic civil education to its students. According to the constitution, the choice of a religion is part of the individual right of freedom of conscience, and it is prohibited to impose a religion on a citizen or to limit a citizen’s religious freedom. The constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the government generally respects this right in practice; however, the law limits proselytizing. The constitution explicitly recognizes the separation of church and state. The generally amicable relationship among religions in the society is attributed to religious freedom allowed in the constitution. Buddhism and the country’s traditions are tied closely, and almost all ethnic Mongolians (93 percent of the population) practice some form of Buddhism. Lamaist Buddhism of the Tibetan variety is the traditional and dominant religion. Since the end of socialist controls on religion and the country’s traditions in 1990, active interest in Buddhism and its practice has grown. The Buddhist community is not homogeneous, and there are several competing schools, including a small group that believes that the sutras (books containing religious teachings) should be in the Mongolian language. Kazakhs, most of whom are Muslim, are the largest ethnic minority, constituting approximately 4 percent of the population nationwide and 85 percent in the western province, Bayan-Olgii. Kazakhs operate Islamic schools for their children. They sometimes receive financial assistance from religious organizations in Kazakhstan and Turkey. There is a small number of Christians, including Roman Catholics, Russian Orthodox, and members of some Protestant denominations. There are no nationwide statistics on the exact number of people who declare themselves as Christians. The number of citizens who practice Christianity in the capital, Ulaanbaatar, is approximately 24,000, or 3 percent of the registered population of the city. Some citizens practice shamanism, but there are no reliable statistics on their numbers. Foreign missionary groups include Roman Catholics, Lutherans, Presbyterians, various evangelical Protestant groups, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons), Jehovah’s Witnesses, Seventh-day Adventists, and adherents of the Baha’i. Although there is no state religion, traditionalists believe that Buddhism is the ‘‘natural religion’’ of the country. The government has contributed to the restoration of several Buddhist sites that are important religious, historical, and cultural centers. The government otherwise does not subsidize the Buddhist religion. Under the law, the government may supervise and limit the number of places of worship and clergy for organized religions; however, there were no reports on this occurring during the period covered by this report. There are 328 registered places of worship in the country, including 191 Buddhist, 127 Christian, five Baha’i, and five Muslim. Religious instruction is not permitted in public schools. There are schools to train Buddhist lamas in Ulaanbaatar. While the law does not prohibit proselytizing by registered religious groups, it limits such activities by forbidding the
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use of incentives, pressure, or deceptive methods to introduce religion. A Ministry of Education directive bans mixing foreign language or other training with religious teaching or instruction. There are no reports on religious prisoners or detainees. Citizens generally are tolerant of the beliefs of others, and there are no reports of religiously motivated violence. However, because in the past humanitarian assistance was accompanied by proselytizing activity, there has been some friction between Christian missionary groups and citizens. Some conservatives have criticized foreign influences on youth and children, including foreign religions and the use of incentives to recruit people into a religion. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Children constitute one-sixth of all victims of domestic violence. A total of 58.2 percent of children covered by a survey conducted by the National Center against Violence and Child’s Rights Center reported being victims of some kind of violence. The issue of protecting children against violence was outlined in several laws, including the Law on Protection of the Rights of the Child of 1996, Family Law (1997), and Law on Crime Prevention (1997). The adoption of the Law on Combating Domestic Violence in 2004 was a tremendous step forward. According to the Law on Combating Domestic Violence, the state central administrative body in charge of social welfare shall be responsible for providing medical treatment, social and rehabilitation services, guidance, and legal and other information to victims of violence. Domestic violence and abuse and neglect of children are becoming growing issues. A study on domestic violence against children and women and its health consequences conducted in 2005 by Ministry of Health found that 26.5 percent of all people covered by the survey who have been affected by domestic violence were children under five, and 35.7 percent of them were children between the ages of six and eighteen years. The study reported that 31 percent of patients admitted to hospitals due to violence were between the ages of ten and twenty-four years old. Under the Criminal Code of Mongolia, penalties such as fines, arrest, and imprisonment are imposed on perpetrators of violence against children. Under the Law Against Domestic Violence, an offender is obliged to live separately from the under-aged child previously under his/her custody. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Millennium Development Goals The Millennium Development Goals (MDG) on child mortality and the Universal Primary Education (UPE) will most likely be achieved before
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2015. However, spatial disparities will continue to persist; especially the western region, with a high proportion of minority population, will be most affected. The MDGs which Mongolia is unlikely to achieve are reducing poverty and hunger, targeting sanitation and safe drinking water, and lower MMR. A broad-based strategy on poverty reduction with budgetary allocation is needed which may be already in place with the development of the ‘‘MDG-based National Development Strategy.’’ As a result, these ‘‘unmet’’ targets may be achievable. Human Rights Mongolia has ratified most of the international human rights treaties with few reservations. However, it will continue to face persistent difficulties in implementing the provisions fully. Implementation of these human rights instruments and the independence and capacity of the National Human Rights Commission to monitor these violations will be a key challenge. Changes in family structure will be adversely affected by high divorce and separation rates, which will result in increasing numbers of single-parent households and may negatively affect children’s development. Child Protection Weak institutional capacity and lack of a systemic approach to address child protection will pose major challenges for the country. As a result, one would expect manifestations and a rise in unintended consequences especially for children in difficult circumstances. Therefore, the development of child protection is important and should be strengthened. Health and Nutrition Adult mortality and morbidity rates are emerging concerns. A new challenge that is most likely to worsen is accident and injury among children and adolescents due to an increasing poverty gap and lack of daycare centers. Parents leave their younger children without supervision at home or leave them with elder children who are below the age of twelve. Clear policies and support services should be developed and established. With very high risk factors and vulnerability to sexually transmitted infections and HIV and AIDS, Mongolia may be classified as a high prevalence country by 2015. Education Strengthening of professional training and improvement of higher educational and vocational training that cater to the job market need to be
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promoted. The child-centered approach in education and nonformal education is a major areas that needs intervention to improve enrollment and attendance, as well as promote quality education. Concept of Equity A socialist approach of equity coupled with a populist mindset toward policy-making on social assistance will result in poor targeting to meet the needs of the disadvantaged and marginalized segment of the society. Disparities Growing disparities between urban and rural areas, between regions, and particularly between populations living in apartments and slum areas, will likely continue unless the government is serious in implementing the Regional Development Strategy that addresses poverty reduction and provision of basic social services. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Center for Social Development. 2002. Situation of Children Herding Livestock for Other Families. Survey Report, Ulaanbaatar: Center for Social Development. Economic Growth and Poverty Reduction Paper. 2004. Government of Mongolia, Ulaanbaatar. Gender Center for Sustainable Development and Save the Children-UK. 2005. Corporal Punishment of Children: Views of Children in Some Schools, Kindergartens and Institutions. Ulaanbaatar. Government of Mongolia. 2004. Implementation of the Millennium Development Goals, National Report. Government of Mongolia. Ulaanbaatar. Government of Mongolia. 2004. Situation of Children Herding Livestock for Other Families. Survey Report, Ulaanbaatar. Government of Mongolia. 2004. Reproductive Health Survey. National Report. UNFPA, MoH & NSO. Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia: Government of Mongolia. Ministry of Education, Science and Culture (MESC). 2005. Education Report. Ulaanbaatar. Ministry of Education, Science and Culture (MESC). 2006. Master Plan to Develop Education of Mongolia in 2006-2015. Ulaanbaatar. Ministry of Health. 2003 National Nutrition Survey. Ulaanbaatar. Ministry of Health. 2003. Health Sector: 2003. Reducing Maternal Mortality. Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia: Ministry of Health. National Centre Against Violence, National CEDAW Watch Network Centre, Centre for Human Rights and Development. UNIFEM Trust Fund. 2002. Violence Against Women and Legal Framework in Mongolia. Ulaanbaatar: CEDAW Watch. National Human Rights Commission of Mongolia. 2003. Report on Human Rights and Liberty in Mongolia. Ulaanbaatar: National Human Rights Commission of Mongolia.
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National Statistics Office. 2004. Main Report of Labor Force Survey. Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia: National Statistics Office. National Statistical Office. 2006. Mongolian Statistical Yearbook 2005. Ulaanbaatar: National Statistical Office. National Statistical Office (NSO) and Asian Development Bank (ADB) and International Labour Organization/International Programme to Eliminate Child Labour. 2004. Child Labor Survey 2002-2003, Main Report, Ulaanbaatar: National Statistical Office. WHO, UNFPA and MoH. 2004. Assessment of Adolescent Health-Friendly Services Initiative.
Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Cabinet Minister and Chief for Government Secretariat of Mongolia Fax: 976-11-310011 Web site: http://www.pmis.gov.mn/cabinet Ministry of Construction and Urban Development Phone/Fax: 976-11-322904 Web site: http://www.pmis.gov.mn/mcud/ Ministry of Education, Culture and Science Government Building #3 Baga toiruu 44, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia 310620A Phone: 976-11-262480 Fax: 976-11-323158 Web site: http://www.mecs.pmis.gov.mn/ Ministry of Finance Government Building # United Nations Street-5/1, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia 210646 Phone/Fax: 976-11-264891 Web site: http://www.mof.pmis.gov.mn Ministry of Food and Agriculture Fax: 976-11-450258 Web site: http://www.pmis.gov.mn/food&agriculture Ministry of Foreign Affairs Government Building # Peace Ave 7A, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Fax: 976-11-322127 Web site: http://www.mongolia-foreign-policy.net Ministry of Health Government Building #8 Olympic Street, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia 210648
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Phone: 976-11-261742 Fax: 976-11-320916 Web site: http://www.moh.mn Ministry of Justice and Home Affairs Government Building # Street 6/1, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia 210646 Phone: 976-11-267014 Fax: 976-11-325225 Web site: http://www.mojha.gov.mn Ministry of Social Welfare and Labour Government building # United Nations Street-5, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-266241 Fax: 976-11-328634 Web site: http://www.mswl.pmis.gov.mn/ National Authority for Children Baga Toiruu-44A, Ulaanbaatar-48, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-321995 Fax: 976-11-322048 National Council for Children Government Building, Room 109, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-321956 National Human Rights Commission of Mongolia Government Building #11 Liberty Square, Ulaanbaatar-38, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-262915 Fax: 976-11-327136, 320284 Web site: http://www.mn-nhrc.org Nongovernmental Organizations Adolescent Development Center Phone: 976-11-324333 Email:
[email protected] Center for Prevention of Child Abuse Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-455000 Email:
[email protected] Center for Social Development Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-321135 Fax: 976-11-329607 Email:
[email protected]
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Equal Step Center Mongolia, Ulaanbaatar-211137, PO Box-383 Phone: 976-11-320941 Email:
[email protected] Gender Equality Centre Phone/Fax: 976-11-365858 Email:
[email protected] Gender for Sustainable Development Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-325627 Mongolian Child Rights Centre (MCRC) UB-1170, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-310807 Fax: 976-1-310649 Email:
[email protected] Mongolian National Center for Child Rights Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-328926, 328914 Mongolian Scouts Association Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-324171 Fax: 976-11-313281 Email:
[email protected] Mongolian Youth Federation Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-321814 Fax: 976-11-322046 Email:
[email protected] National AIDS Foundation Phone: 976-11-318016, 321659 Fax: 976-11-321659 Email:
[email protected] National Centre Against Violence Ulaanbaaatar-46, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-318087, 329850, Fax: 976-11-318087 Web site: http://www.owc.org.mn/ncav/ National Human Rights Commission of Mongolia Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia Phone: 976-11-262931, 262971, 262912, 260284 Fax: 976-11-320284, 327136
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Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.nhrc-mn.org One World Adolescent Organization Phone: 976-11-328291 Fax: 976-11-322340 Email:
[email protected]
Selected Bibliography Ch. Dagvadorj. 2002. Family Development, Current Trends and Issues. In: Current Trends of Family Development in Mongolia (Summary of papers at the research conference). Ulaabaatar. Government of Mongolia. 2002. Current Trends in Family Development in Mongolia. Summary of papers at the research conference. Ulaanbaatar: Presidential Office of Mongolia, Ministry of Social Welfare and Labor, Academy of Management. Government of Mongolia. 2002. 2002–2010 Plan of Action for National Programme to Improve Child Development and Protection. Ulaanbaatar: Government of Mongolia. Government of Mongolia. 2004. 2002–2003 Household Income and Expenditure Survey/Living Standards Measurement Survey. Ulaanbaatar: Government of Mongolia. Government of Mongolia. National Report on a Realization of Child Right. Ulaanbaatar: Ministry of Social Welfare and Labor and National Authority for Children. Government of Mongolia. 2001. Human Development Report 2001. Government of Mongolia & UNDP. Government of Mongolia. 2003. Human Development Report 2003, Government of Mongolia & UNDP. ME Consulting. 2005. Child Labor in the Informal Sector: Ulaanbaatar and Selected Urban Areas of Mongolia. Ulaanbaatar. Ministry of Education, Science and Culture (MESC). 2004. Education Statistics: Annual Report 2003-04. Ulaanbaatar: Ministry of Education, Science and Culture. Ministry of Health. 2003. Public Health Statistical Indicators 2002. Ulaanbaatar: Ministry of Health. Ministry of Health. 2004. Public Health Statistical Indicators 2003. Ulaanbaatar: Ministry of Health. National Human Right Commission of Mongolia. 2001. Report on Human Rights and Freedoms in Mongolia. Ulaanbaatar: National Human Right Commission of Mongolia. National Statistics Office. 2005. Mongolian Statistical Yearbook 2004. Ulaanbaatar: National Statistics Office. National University of Mongolia (NUM), CHIP, and Save the Children UK-Mongolia. 2005. Migrating for Move: Children’s access to education in Mongolia, Report Summary, Ulaanbaatar: National University of Mongolia. PopTRC. 2001. Report of the Study on the Perception, Trends, Nature of Child Prostitution. Ulaanbaatar: Population Teaching and Research Center, National Univerisity of Mongolia. UNICEF Mongolia. 2003. Juvenile Justice in Mongolia. Ulaanbaatar: UNICEF Mongolia. UNICEF Mongolia. 2003. Street and Unsupervised Children in Mongolia, Ulaanbaatar: UNICEF.
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NEW ZEALAND Michael Gaffney, Nicola Taylor, and Nicola Atwool NATIONAL PROFILE New Zealand, or Aotearoa as named by the indigenous people, is a small island nation located at the bottom of the South Pacific 1,200 miles southeast of Australia. The country, with a land area of 268,021 square kilometers, is similar in size to the United Kingdom (Central International Agency 2005), but has a much smaller population of 4,182,186 (estimate April 27, 2007, Statistics NZ 2007). The country’s political system uses a parliamentary democracy with the British Monarchy as a nominal head of state and a Prime Minister as head of government similar to the arrangement in Australia. Formal British colonization in New Zealand was different from the previously established means of conquest. The relationship between Britain and the local indigenous people called Maori culminated in the Treaty of Waitangi, which has received new official recognition over the last thirty years and is seen as the founding document of New Zealand. The notion of partnership in the Treaty between ‘‘the Crown’’ and Maori has been used to legitimize the ongoing government resourcing for Maori in education, health, and
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welfare. New Zealand has a long history of centralized welfare support, introducing pensions in 1898 and subsequent means of providing a minimum form of support for those who are unemployed, sick, or disabled. The detail of provision in each of the social areas is listed in the following sections. New Zealand has a changing ethnic and religious makeup with projections showing increasing proportions of indigenous Maori, Pasifika, and Asian populations. Currently, those of European descent make up 80 percent of the population, indigenous Maori 15 percent, and Pasifika and Asian groups making up 6 percent each. English, Maori, and sign language are the official languages of New Zealand, the latter being added in 2006. New Zealand had a per-capita income of US$22,000 in 2003, much lower than many of the countries in the OECD. New Zealand has one of the fastest growing gaps between the rich and poor as measured by the Gini coefficient. New Zealand has tended to have average levels of unemployment for both men and women, but more recently has experienced higher employment growth rates than most OECD countries. Women achieved pay equity in the 1970s, but they still tend to work in sectors that pay less than those dominated by men. Employers cannot discriminate between sexes when making employment decisions and women may ask for a year’s leave without pay upon the arrival of a new child. The government has recently made available short periods of paid parental leave to women. There are a number of well-established national nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in New Zealand with the purpose of supporting children and their families. Plunket has long history in promoting and improving child health in New Zealand. Barnardos New Zealand runs many welfare programs for children. Save the Children New Zealand has been active along with other NGOs in calling for a change in current legislation so physical punishment cannot be used as a legal KEY FACTS – NEW ZEALAND defense in cases of physical Population: 4 million (July 2007 est.) assault of children. Action for Infant mortality rate: 5.67 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Children and Youth Aotearoa Life expectancy at birth: 78.96 years (2007 est.) Incorporated has taken a lead Literacy rate: 99 percent (2003 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 99 percent role in coordinating the NGO (2000–2005) report to the UN on child rights Internet users: 3.2 million (2005) in New Zealand. YouthLaw proPeople living with HIV/AIDS: 1,400 (2003 est.) vides a national information and Sources: CIA World Factbook: New Zealand. https://www.cia.gov/ advocacy service for young peocia/publications/factbook/geos/nz.html. April 17, 2007; UNICEF. ple to support their rights in New Zealand–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ legal matters. newzealand_statistics.html. April 25, 2007. OVERVIEW Infant mortality during the first year of life is at 5.67 deaths per 1,000 live births (CIA World Factbook 2007). Child mortality for one- to
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fourteen-years-old expressed as a rate per 100,000 in 2003 is thirty for one- to four-year-olds, thirteen for five- to nine-year-olds and twenty for ten- to fourteen-year-olds. While this rate has decreased in the last twenty years, it is still high relative to other OECD countries. Public schooling is compulsory between the ages of six to fifteen and free between the ages of five and nineteen. The government has recently funded twenty hours free education and care for three- to four-year-olds. Schools are a key site of children’s participation in sport and recreation beyond the family. Child labor is minimal in formal settings and tends to occur in familybased work places. New Zealand’s relative isolation means that there have been no wars fought there for more than 100 years and so children are not affected in the same way they are in other countries, but an increasing number of overseas families who have been affected by war are emigrating to New Zealand and the government faces challenges in the family reunification process. New Zealand is seeing a change in family and household composition with increasing numbers of children growing up in soleparent families, although there are still twice as many couples with children compared to one-parent families. A large proportion of children are growing up in families with incomes below the poverty line. Current initiatives are redistributing income to those families where there is a working parent but a significant group of children do not benefit from this. Children in New Zealand have a number of laws in place to support their development, many of which reflect the principles of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC). Child abuse is a current concern as New Zealand’s rates of abuse and neglect, as well as death by maltreatment, are much higher than many other developed countries. There is no standard definition of a child in New Zealand, although the one most commonly cited is that in the Children, Young Persons and Their Families Act 1989, which defines a ‘‘child’’ as a boy or girl under the age of fourteen years, and a ‘‘young person’’ as someone of or over the age of fourteen years but under seventeen years. New Zealand child advocates and the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child (2003) have been critical of the inconsistency between this and the age definition in UNCRC. There is no minimum age of employment although it is illegal for children to be employed during school hours. The UN Committee has urged New Zealand to review the age limits set by different pieces of legislation to achieve greater uniformity with the principles and provisions of UNCRC. New Zealand does not have a written constitution, but the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi (1840) are incorporated in several pieces of legislation to recognize and protect the rights of the indigenous people. The Maori Language Act 1987 declared the Maori language to be an official language of New Zealand. The government has a strong commitment to developing and promoting biculturalism and cultural diversity in
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its policy and service delivery. The spirit and intent of the Treaty of Waitangi is also reflected in the work of NGOs, schools, and professional organizations. EDUCATION Compulsory Education The first national legislation to cover the education of all children was the Education Act in 1877. This act included compulsory schooling for children between seven to twelve years of age and free schooling for those five to fifteen years of age. Over time, the age limits changed; now compulsory schooling is from age six to fifteen and free from age five to the year students turn twenty. Schools are funded, regulated, and often owned by the state but each school, whether it has 12 students or 3,000, has its own Board of Trustees responsible for school governance. There is a national mandated curriculum that all schools have to follow, and they are reviewed by the Education Review Office to ensure minimum standards of practice are maintained. The current Education Act of 1989 stipulates, ‘‘people who have special education needs (whether because of disability or otherwise) have the same rights to enroll and receive an education at state schools as people who do not’’ (Section 8[1]) (Education Act 1989). This has provided opportunities for children with disabilities to enroll at either special schools or regular schools. There is no policy on inclusion or integration for students with disabilities with the choice being left to parents and the availability of special schools. There is a separate service within the Ministry of Education to provide support for students, teachers, and schools who have children with disabilities. This service also supports other groups of ‘‘special needs’’ students, such as those with behavioral issues. The demand for funding exceeds available resources, which means that assessment is a critical part of the funding process. Literacy rates for New Zealand are high. The OECD’s Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2003 provides evidence that students are performing well in reading, mathematics, and science, but New Zealand also has larger differences in achievement between those doing well and those who are not. This has led the Ministry of Education to aim to raise achievement and reduce disparity. For a period of fifteen years, data on individual student enrollment and attendance were not collated nationally, but recent changes to legislation and improved technology will allow identification and tracking of students as they move through the school system. The rate of students that stay in school once they reach school leaving age is currently at 80 percent. Students of various Pasifika backgrounds show a similar retention rate to the New Zealand European students with the indigenous Maori showing a retention rate 15 percent lower. One year later at the age of
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seventeen, another 20 percent of students have left school. This figure is below the OECD average. The retention rates for girls are about 5–10 percent higher than for boys at each age level. A number of programs have been developed over the last five years to improve participation and achievement of students, the most recent being the development of a broader new curriculum framework that aims to underpin the learning areas (mathematics, English, science, and so on) with a set of more prominent values and key competencies. This new framework is supported by developments in the New Zealand early childhood curriculum first developed ten years ago. Early Childhood Education The development of early childhood education (ECE) spans more than 100 years and in the absence of centralized regulation, funding, and provision the sector has become very diverse. Both parent-led and teacherled services provide education and care for children from birth to six years old. In 1986, New Zealand became one of the first countries to centralize oversight of all ECE provision via the national Department of Education (which became the Ministry of Education in 1989). Since then, the government has increased its investment in ECE so that there is a single legislation and funding system, a nationally resourced curriculum document (not yet mandatory), and a teacher qualification system based on a minimum of a three-year diploma. Participation is high; 95 percent of three- to four-year-olds were enrolled in an ECE service in 2004 (Ministry of Social Development 2005a). The current ECE strategic plan focuses on increasing voluntary participation, improving quality, and promoting collaborative relationships. The state plays a major role in funding and regulating early childhood provision, but unlike schools, does not retain ownership of the services. The services are owned by community groups, church, and charity organizations and by private individuals. More recently, there was a trend for corporations to develop chains of early childhood services. Other recent initiatives include the development of Maori immersion and bilingual early childhood centers and schools to provide cultural support and language retention for indigenous Maori, although the majority of Maori children are found in English language settings. Tertiary Education The demand for tertiary education has increased as the availability of unskilled jobs has disappeared. The bulk of tertiary tuition fees is funded by the government, and students can obtain ‘‘student loans’’ to cover both tuition fees and course costs. A parent-income-tested living allowance is also available. The increasing demand for tertiary places in
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universities, polytechnics, colleges of education, and private training institutes has meant that there is no incentive on the government to reduce the cost of education. One anomaly in the system is that some tertiary students have to pay for courses that lead to the same qualifications that students at high school can complete for free. This is made possible by the development of a single qualification system administered by the New Zealand Qualifications Authority. Tertiary participation rates for eighteen to twenty-four-year-olds are at 35 percent for males and 42 percent for females (2004 figures), compared with 26 percent for both female and male students in 1994. There have been large increases in the proportion of indigenous Maori and Pasifika entering and completing tertiary qualifications over the last fifteen years; only 2 percent graduated in the early 1990s compared with 8 percent of New Zealand Europeans. The 2004 statistics show that 16 percent of New Zealand Europeans are graduating with a tertiary qualification compared to 6 percent of Maori and 7 percent of Pasifika students. New Zealand is well on the way to meeting most of the goals of the Education For All initiative by UNESCO (2006). Early childhood provision is very comprehensive compared to most countries (goal 1), and compulsory education of high quality is available to most children (goal 2). Ethnic differences and the lower achievement of boys garner the most attention. There are challenges in providing resources so that there is equal opportunity to learn, especially for those with disabilities, those with languages other than English, and those from disadvantaged backgrounds (goal 3). The goal of reducing the gender disparity in favor of males does not apply to New Zealand in that females are achieving higher than males on most statistics already. The current challenge is how those qualifications provide females with access to positions within the workforce, whereas the challenge for schools is to improve the achievement of males. PLAY AND RECREATION Sport and Recreation Much of the play and recreation for children is family, school, or club based. Local government bodies take responsibility for the provision of playgrounds, libraries, swimming pools, and sports grounds. Free events for families and children are determined by the priorities of each local government. Local governments and private trusts make funds available to schools and clubs for formal sporting and recreational activities. SPARC (Sport and Recreation New Zealand) is a government agency ‘‘charged with improving the quality of life of all New Zealanders through sport and physical recreation’’ (Sport and Recreation New Zealand 2005, p. 4). This agency works at a policy level and assists local government bodies investing in sport and recreation groups. The New
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Zealand government has mandated that local governments have a responsibility to promote participation in recreation, creative, and cultural activities, as well as the expression of cultural arts, history, heritage, and traditions. School organizations and clubs are central to children’s participation in sport, music, drama, and other performance activities. Research has demonstrated that participation decreases as children enter adolescence, with girls reporting more often than boys that they do not enjoy physical education at school. An increasing number of the country’s children are now overweight. The government requires schools to emphasize physical activity and has begun to address what children are doing when they are not involved in physical activity. Many of the games that New Zealanders play reflect the early colonization by British immigrants. Rugby has a higher profile among adults than soccer, however soccer has become more popular with children in recent years. Also, cricket (for boys) and netball (for girls) are more popular than softball or basketball. While many of the sporting activities are gendered, there are still opportunities for both sexes to participate. Using schools to support sport, which have a greater focus on participation rather than competition at the younger age levels, maintains the popularity of sports amongst children. Much of New Zealand is fortunate to have public access to beaches, rivers, and large community playing fields. The negative aspect of this is that New Zealand has a high rate of child drowning, despite most schools making swimming part of their curriculum. Media Surveys show a high use of media technology by New Zealand youth, with 20 percent in one survey having a television in their bedroom, 60 percent having access to the internet, and 10 percent using a cell phone. Parents on average report their children watching between one and two hours of television per day, with a slight decrease on the weekends. New Zealand On Air, a government body, is responsible for ensuring that programming meets the interests of children. Its Children’s Programming Strategy promotes a diverse range of New Zealand-produced children’s content with the proviso that it represents good value for ‘‘taxpayer dollars.’’ Despite this, most children’s programming comes from North America, the United Kingdom, and Australia. A popular children’s format for New Zealand free-to-air channels are umbrella programs where New Zealand content is presented by young people, often including children in staged activities, in between the showing of cartoons from overseas. There is a voluntary code of practice for advertisers to provide ‘‘appropriate guidelines’’ for advertisements directed at children. Recent research shows that more than two-thirds of food advertising during children’s
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viewing times were ‘‘counter to improved nutrition.’’ Advocates say the complaints process is at fault making it difficult to enforce guidelines. Current evidence also shows that many children are watching television outside designated viewing times, which exposes them to advertising not in line with children’s standards. In addition, there is evidence that increasing obesity is not due to lack of physical activity, but to the connection between television watching and a higher intake of energy dense foods. CHILD LABOR There is a long tradition of children and young people being employed in part-time and holiday work within New Zealand. Such work includes childcare and babysitting, picking fruit, delivering newspapers and advertising, serving food, shop assistance, and farm work. This employment is thought to encourage the development of skills and to foster greater independence. A number of legal and regulatory provisions protect children and young people from exploitation, ensuring they do not work in dangerous places (such as the manufacturing, forestry, and construction industries), undertake dangerous practices (such as injurious lifting) or use dangerous machinery (such as tractors). The Health and Safety in Employment Regulations (1995) also generally prohibit children under the age of sixteen years from night employment between the hours of 10:00 p.m. and 6:00 a.m., and they cannot generally be employed during school hours. There are no reliable sources of data on employment rates for children under fifteen years in New Zealand, although a limited amount of research has shown that employment patterns vary in different age groups and are gender sensitive. Part-time employment among school-age children and young people appears to be widespread, with more than 40 percent of eleven- to fourteen-year-olds estimated to work occasionally, and around 25 percent of fifteen-year-olds being in regular part-time work. Nearly 40 percent of sixteen-year-olds and 50 percent of seventeen-year-olds are in employment. The Accident Compensation Corporation annually records those accidents for which claims have been made by children under fifteen years who were working at the time of the accident. The New Zealand government ratified ILO Convention 182 on the Worst Forms of Child Labor on June 12, 2001. The Department of Labour is currently considering ILO Convention 138, which sets minimum age requirements for employment. New Zealand has a reservation in relation to Article 32(1) of UNCRC, which relates to the country’s lack of a comprehensive policy to deal with child labor, and the absence of a basic minimum age of admission to employment, or a range of minimum ages for different types of work. The Minimum Wage (Abolition of Age Discrimination) Amendment Bill, currently under consideration, aims to make the minimum wage for sixteen- to seventeen-year-olds the same as that for adults (currently
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NZ$11.25 per hour). The issue is controversial in New Zealand. Employers argue that the Bill, if passed, will make the hiring of young people less appealing. There are also concerns about whether or not it will lead to more early school leavers. FAMILY Over the past fifty years, New Zealand has experienced profound changes in patterns of family formation, dissolution, and reconstitution. Marriage is no longer the key event orchestrating the onset of sexual relationships and parenthood. Instead, there has been a decline in the marriage rate, a widespread postponement of marriage in favor of de facto unions or sole living, a delay in childbearing, a pronounced shift from two-parent to one-parent families, greater instability of relationships, less differentiation in roles between the sexes, and a fundamental change in women’s economic role in the family (Ministry of Social Development 2004). New Zealand’s most common family type, however, remains a couple with children (42 percent), followed by couple-only families (39 percent) and one-parent with children families (19 percent). Fathers are now more involved in raising their children than they were thirty years ago. Extended family networks are an important feature of Maori and Pacific cultures, with 8 percent of Pacific, 6 percent of Asian, 3 percent of Maori, and 1 percent of European family households comprising three generations. New Zealand’s no-fault divorce law provides that any marriage dissolution must be on the sole ground that the marriage has broken down irreconcilably, demonstrated by the couple living apart for a period of two years. New Zealand’s divorce rate has been stable since the mid-1980s, with 10,609 dissolutions granted by the Family Court in 2005. Around 47 percent of these involved families with children younger than eighteen years of age. There is no reliable data on the number of children affected by the separation of married and cohabiting parents, although cohabitation is associated with higher rates of relationship breakdown than marriage. Government policies directly impact on family income through taxation measures, which reduce disposable incomes, or through targeted income transfers, which increase disposable incomes. These are usually through benefits, pensions, supplementary grants (for example, for accommodation), childcare subsidies, and emergency or hardship assistance. There has also been a move from universalism to targeting of social assistance over recent years. Growing concern over disadvantaged children led to the Strengthening Families initiative, which improved co-ordination and casework between education, social welfare, health, and other government services. Parents as First Teachers, HIPPY (Home Instruction Program for Preschool Youngsters), Early Start, and the SKIP (Strategies for Kids/Information for Parents) Programs are examples of other government and NGO initiatives that support and educate the parents of young children.
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Families with children have suffered economically over the last quarter century as a result of the deregulation and liberalization of the New Zealand economy (initiated in 1984), and the 1991 budget cuts aimed at reducing expenditure and creating stronger incentives for workforce participation. These reforms have been associated with growing inequality and levels of poverty: ‘‘Children—and in particular Maori and Pacific children and the growing numbers of children in one-parent families—have been disproportionately affected’’ (Blaiklock, Kiro, Belgrave, Low, Davenport and Hassall 2002). While the proportion of families living in poverty has recently decreased, low-income and beneficiary (especially sole-parent) families with children remain below the poverty threshold. Income inequality has increased dramatically in New Zealand, with the gap between high- and low-income (80th to 20th percentile) households widening by 17 percent between 1992 and 1998. Again, it is households with children who are skewed towards the lower echelons of income distribution. In the early part of this century, child advocacy groups campaigned against legislation allowing parents to use physical punishment as a means of discipline. Through work done by the Children’s Issues Centre, there was a clear recognition that physical punishment is ineffective, and that the current legislation has been used to justify child abuse. Church and religious groups, which are not so central to New Zealand life as they were fifty years ago, have presented mixed views on the debate. The church has a significant influence on Pasifika communities in New Zealand, which have been supportive of the use of physical punishment. This follows a debate about whether this view is a legacy of the church and colonialism or a feature of particular Pasifika cultures. The section of the Crimes Act that provides a defense for parents to physically discipline their children was amended by Parliament during 2007. HEALTH Provision The costs of health care provision fall upon individuals or the state, depending on its purpose. Public health care is available covering most forms of treatment, but because it is rationed or subsidized by the state it is sometimes preferable to pay for treatment privately or via health insurance rather than attempt to get on a public waiting list. Only a minority of the population takes up private health insurance. Emergency care as a result of accident or injury is provided immediately and is of a high standard for all New Zealanders. Primary care via general practitioners is subsidized by the state depending on the age of the patient. Children under the age of six are treated for almost no cost, and there is a partial charge for those up to seventeen years of age. General dental care for children up to seventeen years of age is paid for by the state.
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Hospital care for pregnant women is universally available and free. New Zealand law does not require parental consent for an abortion for children below eighteen. Medication for children younger than six years of age is generally free, but everyone else who is eligible for publicly funded healthcare receives a subsidy depending on whether the particular drug is on an approved list. There is documented evidence that the health status of children from Maori and Pacifika ethnic backgrounds is poorer than that of European children in New Zealand. Maori and Pacific children have higher rates of infant mortality, low birth weight, hearing failure at school entry, obesity and cigarette smoking, and youth suicide. NGOs like Plunket are able to provide some universal forms of support to families with young children, whereas Family Start programs are targeted to families who meet particular criteria. Both forms are funded via government contracts. A number of government agencies and NGOs also provide a range of diverse services for young people. The complexity of life circumstances makes responding to sexual and mental health concerns, drug and alcohol abuse, and school exclusion difficult. At times, the government has increased funding in areas like mental health services for young people, only to find that the needed specialists are not available. The 2005 Human Rights Commission reports a number of groups, including ethnic minorities and those who are gay, lesbian, bisexual, or transgendered (LGBT), face higher levels of harassment in New Zealand society. LGBT groups have much higher rates of suicide than other groups. Partner and elder abuse is also an area of concern with family violence reduction being a major government social priority. Mortality and Morbidity Low birth weight babies (less than 2.5 kg) accounted for 6.3 percent of births in 2000. Thirty percent of all births involve an intervention with 20 percent of births being by caesarean. At three months of age, just over 50 percent of babies are still breastfeeding. In 1999, 70 percent of children were immunized for measles, mumps, rubella, whooping cough, and meningococcal B, but this figure is dropping. One in three two-yearolds are not immunized. The number of new entrants to school who fail screening tests for sight and hearing has dropped from 10.5 percent in 1991–1992 to 7.7 percent in 1998–1999. The number of injuries for children younger than five years old in 2001 was 1,260 per 100,000 for boys and 1,054 for girls. The largest number of injuries is from falls around the home followed by poisoning. The leading cause of death for under-five-year olds was by motor vehicle, suffocation, drowning, and then fire. In the five- to fourteen-year-old age group motor vehicles are the leading cause of death and injury. This has been decreasing for this age group, as well as for the population in general. The
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rate of injury for fifteen- to nineteen-year-olds has fallen between 1996 and 2001. Males in this age group are injured twice as often as females. For this age group, the number of deaths due to road fatalities has fallen over the period 1994 to 2000. The main causes of road death in this age group are speed, alcohol, or drugs. This age group accounts for 6 percent of drivers convicted of drunk driving above the legal limit and makes up 14 percent of the road injuries and 11 percent of fatal vehicle crashes. In 1999, the legal age of drinking alcohol was reduced from twenty to eighteen years old, and surveys show that teenagers are increasing their consumption. Over a twenty-year period (1981–2001) the level of smoking by fifteen- to twenty-four-year-olds has fluctuated between 25 and 35 percent. The most common age at which children begin to smoke is fifteen to sixteen years old. In 2001, the heavy use of cannabis by fifteento seventeen-year-olds was reported at 4 percent. A 2001 survey reported that 38 percent of participants in this age group have tried cannabis. The four leading causes of hospitalization are injuries (23 percent); respiratory diseases, including asthma, pneumonia, and tonsillitis (17 percent); nervous system diseases, including ear infections, epilepsy, and eye problems (12 percent); and digestive problems, including appendicitis, hernia, and dental problems (11 percent). Abortion rates have risen from 15.9 per 1,000 births in 1991 to 24.1 per 1,000 in 2001. In 2000, 48 percent of chlamydia cases and 37 percent of gonorrhea (sexually transmitted diseases) cases were reported by fifteen- to nineteen-year-olds. As a preventive measure, the government is sponsoring media campaigns to encourage condom use. Disability In 2001, the number of children with disabilities reached 13 percent for boys and 9 percent for girls. Forty percent of those with chronic health problems have had them since birth. Fifty-eight percent of those reporting disabilities fall under the category of sensory, learning, or developmental difficulties. Ninety-seven percent of this group are enrolled in schools. When children are identified with an impairment, families are able to get them assessed for necessary support and services. The assessment is carried out as part of the Needs Assessment and Co-ordination Service, which then follows strict guidelines to establish what level of service can be made available. The aim is to allow families to manage the resources as they see appropriate with guidance from a coordinator. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The welfare of the child principle was introduced into New Zealand family law in 1887 and became the paramount consideration in 1926. The Care of Children Act 2004 recently extended this to ‘‘the welfare
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and best interests’’ of the child, to bring the provision in line with Article 3 of UNCRC. This statute also establishes, for the first time, what principles determine a child’s welfare and best interests. The Family Court, established in 1981, makes and implements any decisions affecting the child within an appropriate timeframe. Children of all ages must be given reasonable opportunities to express their views, and these must be taken into account by the court. The Family Court can request specialist reports on any child who is the subject of an application. A lawyer can be appointed to represent a child under several statutes. New Zealand provides strong measures to protect children under the law, because family violence and child abuse are recognized as significant social problems. While there is no system of mandatory reporting in place, many professions and agencies have protocols for the reporting of suspected abuse and neglect to the two statutory agencies—the Department of Child, Youth and Family, and the police. New Zealand has a substantiated child abuse rate of 7.2 per 1,000 children (Ministry of Social Development 2005b). A UNICEF study of child maltreatment in the 1990s found that New Zealand had the third highest rate (1.2 per 100,000), behind the United States and Mexico. The Children, Young Persons and Their Families Act 1989 defines the circumstances in which a child is declared to be in need of care and protection, and brings family members together with professionals to formulate plans for the child’s safety. The Domestic Violence Act 1995 enables a family member to obtain a protection order against a partner or family member to protect them and their children from physical, sexual, or emotional violence. The Crimes Act (1961) prosecutes alleged offenders for offences against children involving sexual violation, homicide, assault, and failing to provide the ‘‘necessaries’’ of life. The minimum age of criminal responsibility in New Zealand is ten years, although this only applies to the offences of murder and manslaughter. Other young offenders are generally dealt with under the provisions of the Children, Young Persons and Their Families Act. Children cannot be prosecuted for other offenses unless they are at least fourteen years old at the time of the offense. In 2002, the offenses committed by children and young people included dishonesty offences (52 percent), shoplifting (20 percent), property damage (12 percent), and violence (10 percent). Family group conferences, attended by the offender, parents, extended family members, victim(s), police youth aid officers, and Department of Child, Youth and Family representative, are the centerpiece of the youth justice system. These meetings aim to recognize the harm suffered by the victim, to work out ways in which reparation can be made, and to make a plan to prevent further offending by the young person. Where court involvement is necessary, the Youth Court hears and resolves the majority of cases involving fourteen- to sixteen-year-olds. The youth justice system aims to ensure accountability and family involvement in the
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resolution of a young person’s actions. Inmates under fourteen years sentenced to imprisonment are transferred to a Department of Child, Youth and Family residence. All other male inmates under seventeen years, and those aged seventeen to nineteen who are assessed as vulnerable, are assigned to Youth Units within the prison system. All female inmates aged between fourteen and nineteen years are placed in women’s prisons or Child, Youth and Family residences. The age of majority is eighteen years. Parental guardianship ceases at this age, and young people have the right to vote, purchase alcohol, and marry without parental consent. New Zealand ratified the UNCRC in 1993, but this has not been enacted into domestic legislation. Nevertheless, several pieces of legislation reflect its principles and New Zealand has made a concerted effort to bring its family law into line with international obligations. The Children’s Commissioner, initially established in 1989 and given increased independence in 2003, plays an important role in advocating for the rights and interests of New Zealand children and young people. The Families Commission, which focuses on research, was established in 2003. The Treaty of Waitangi, signed between around 500 Maori chiefs and the British Crown in 1840, is New Zealand’s founding document and a part of its constitutional arrangements. Children (tamariki) and young people (rangitahi) are regarded as the taonga (treasure) of their community, and Maori believe they retain the right to determine issues affecting their children within Maori institutions and processes. Unfortunately, the Eurocentric nature of the current legal system causes difficulties for Maori who rarely use the courts to enforce their rights. The Crimes Act (1961) prohibits a number of sexual offences against children including sexual violation, attempted sexual violation, indecent assault, incest, and indecent acts. A person having sexual connection with a child under sixteen faces up to ten years in prison (up to seven years if the child is a family member under eighteen). Those who engage in exploitative sexual connection with an impaired person face up to ten years in prison. While criminal proceedings focus on convicting and punishing the offender of sexual crimes against children, it is likely that steps would also be taken under the Children, Young Persons and Their Families Act 1989 to protect child victims whose families are unlikely or unwilling to keep them safe. ECPAT NZ Inc. is an NGO that is actively lobbying within New Zealand for an end to child prostitution, pornography and trafficking. RELIGIOUS LIFE New Zealand, as a result of British colonization, is a predominantly Christian country. In 1901, more than 95 percent of people specified a
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religious affiliation. In 2001, just under two thirds of people specified a religious affiliation. Of those that did, 95 percent chose Christianity with the largest subgroups being Anglican, Catholic, and Presbyterian. The responsibility for religious education generally falls to the family. Elements rooted in prayers and Bible readings are occasionally introduced at school assemblies, though these are not legally allowed within the secular state schools. Maori have seen the inclusion of Karakia—prayer—as a means of acknowledging Maori culture within schools even when other elements of religion are avoided. The health curriculum in schools and Maori section of the early childhood curriculum make reference to spirituality being important for children. Many of the church-based schools fall within the ‘‘state-integrated’’ or ‘‘private’’ part of the sector, which accounts for 13 percent of the student population in schools. Churches are able to provide early childhood education within the state system and are involved in providing activities such as after school and holiday programs for school age children. They have traditionally been involved in youth programs via the Scouting and Boys/Girls Brigade movements. Churches also provide a level of family support through their social agencies, making available food parcels, access to social workers, and community advocacy. This may include providing programs within local schools when invited. Religious festivals are still important. The first term holiday of each school year coincides with Easter, and the school year ends just prior to Christmas. As Christmas occurs in summer most communities have Christmas parades and community singing of Christmas carols during the month of December, followed by fireworks to celebrate New Year’s Eve when the majority of families are on holiday. The acknowledgement of other cultures is now seeing the Chinese New Year celebrated in late January/early February and the Maori New Year Matariki in mid-June. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The Department of Child, Youth and Family Services has primary responsibility for children who are abused and/or neglected. They have fifty-three sites, employing 2,670 full-time equivalent staff. For the 2005–06 financial year the budget was $457,331 million for direct services and $70,716 million for contracted services provided by NGOs. Reporting in New Zealand is not mandatory, but people making notifications are protected. Even in situations involving breach of confidentiality, no action may be taken if notification is made in good faith. During the year ending June 30, 2005, 53,097 notifications were made, a 23 percent increase from the previous year. Of these notifications, 43,460 required further action. The primary decision-making mechanism in these cases is the Family Group Conference (FGC). A total of 5,422 care and protection FGCs were convened in the year ending June 30, 2005. Other families are
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supported by way of family agreements (3,010 for year ending June 30, 2005) or referral to community-based agencies. In situations where an agreement cannot be reached at an FGC the matter goes before the Family Court. 14,335 distinct clients received care and protection intervention services over the July 2004 to June 2005 year. The New Zealand Children, Young Persons and their Families Act, 1989, places emphasis on the importance of family. When children cannot live safely with their parents, the first preference is a family/kin placement. When this is not possible, children are placed in foster care. As of June 30, 2005, there were 4,855 children and young people in care and protection placements and 153 in youth justice placements with 3,800 caregivers. The most recent data on the ethnicity of children in care indicates that 45 percent are Maori. Of these, 45 percent were in kin placements. Overall, 33 percent of children are in kin placements. Adults who seriously mistreat or murder children can be charged under the Crimes Act 1961 and can be sentenced to imprisonment for life. Children are protected by labor laws and Crimes Act provisions related to assault. There are age restrictions, and it is unusual for children under the age of twelve to be in paid work. Some children, however, work in family businesses, such as farms and shops. Military conscription does not occur in New Zealand, and there is a minimum age of eighteen years for entry into the armed forces for both boys and girls. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY In June 2002, the government released New Zealand’s Agenda for Children, which draws from UNCRC and sets out several ‘‘action areas’’ to promote a ‘‘whole child’’ approach, increase children’s participation, end child poverty, address violence in children’s lives, improve central and local government structures and processes to enhance policy and service effectiveness for children, and enhance information and research relating to children. This central policy has led to the development of other policies. For example, the Youth Development Strategy Aotearoa is a closely related document, which explores how government and society can help and support young people. On this builds a Youth Offending Strategy with thirty local Youth Offending Teams that aim to reduce the severity of offending by young people. The challenge for these government-led initiatives is to impact on the day-to-day experiences of children and young people. However, the growing number of childless couples suggests that government-provided family support is not the guaranteed election winner that it used to be. The government departments and NGOs are becoming better at using the media to raise the profile of children within society. This can be difficult when only bad news is reported. The first New Zealand Commissioner for Children, Ian Hassell, started an initiative for a Children’s Day
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in New Zealand, which began in 2000. The day enjoys support from NGOs as well as national and local governments, and offers low-cost activities to promote spending time with family, rather than drawing on the gift giving that has become associated with Mothers’ and Fathers’ Day. The majority of New Zealand children have a very good life and are well supported as they grow up. The biggest challenge is for those in power to support disadvantaged children and families and help them to feel that they have value in society. The promotion of children within family life is only part of the answer. The other lies in reducing the number of children brought up in poverty. Here the questions and answers are framed in the realm of economics where the acknowledgement of the place of families and children is difficult to hear. The indicators of the health and well-being of New Zealand children and young people reveal areas of concern, especially in relation to child abuse and youth suicide. New Zealand has long been viewed as a great place to bring up children, and to a certain extent this is true, but changing family circumstances merit a closer look at the economic, political, and social sectors to see what can be improved. While a lot of work has gone into raising the expectations of life for children and young people across New Zealand, the hard work in meeting these expectations has in many ways only just begun.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Bishop, Russell, and Ted Glynn. 1999. Culture Counts: Changing Power Relations in Education. Palmerston North: Dunmore Press. This book challenges the power relations inherent in social research and looks to create approaches that will acknowledge the concerns and create knowledge that will benefit all New Zealanders. Boston, Jonathon, Paul Dalziel, and Susan St. John. 1999. Redesigning the Welfare State in New Zealand: Problems, Policies, Prospects. Auckland: Oxford University Press. This book describes the political, economic, and social changes that have occurred in New Zealand society and follow the impact that such changes have on structures that support children and families. Davey, Judith. 2003. Two Decades of Change in New Zealand: From Birth to Death V. Wellington: Institute of Policy Studies, Victoria University. This is the fifth volume that presents twenty years of change across the lifespan collating, summarizing, and presenting much of the currents statistics available on children, young people and families in New Zealand. Peters, Louise. 2003. Youth and the law. 3rd ed. Wellington: Legal Resources Trust. This volume in its third edition describes the New Zealand law as it relates to children and young people across differing topics such as personal rights, family relationships, education, to name but a few. Smith, Anne B., Nicola J. Taylor, and Megan M. Gollop, eds. 2000. Children’s Voices: Research, Policy and Practice. Auckland: Pearson Education. This edited book
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brings together a collection of articles about current issues for children and families in New Zealand. Smith, Anne B. 1998. Understanding Children’s Development: A New Zealand Perspective. 4th ed. With a chapter on disability and development by Keith Ballard. Wellington: Bridget Williams Books. This book reviews much of the education and developmental literature and applies it to New Zealand settings and contexts both historical and social, and draws on theories and perspectives on children’s rights and voice in order to better understand child development.
Web Sites Action for Children and Youth Aotearoa, http://www.acya.org.nz/?t=2. This group has coordinated and presented the last two NGO reports to the UN on New Zealand’s compliance with UNCRC. Barnardos New Zealand, http://www.barnardos.org.nz/home/index.asp. Barnardos, a NGO, works within the community to provide a range of care, education, and support services for children and their families and is dedicated to ensure that all New Zealand children and families have access to appropriate services that address their needs. Child and Youth Mortality Review Committee, http://www.newhealth.govt.nz/ cymrc. The Child and Youth Mortality Review Committee was established by the Minister of Health to review deaths of children and young people aged 28 days to 24 years. Their goal is to find ways to prevent such deaths in the future. Children’s Commissioner, http://www.occ.org.nz. The Children’s Commissioner speaks out on behalf of all children to ensure their rights are respected and upheld. It also investigates the actions of the Department of Child, Youth and Family Services. Children’s Issues Centre. University of Otago, http://www.otago.ac.nz/cic. The Centre aims to provide a national interdisciplinary forum for research into and discussion of children’s issues, as well as resources and information for those involved with children. Crime and Justice Research Centre, Victoria University of Wellington, http:// www.vuw.ac.nz/cjrc.This centre has been set up to provide research and consultancy services on crime and criminal justice issues. Much of the work is policy focused under contract to NZ government agencies. Department of Labour. http://www.dol.govt.nz/services/international/child/ index.asp. This site describes the New Zealand government’s views on child labor. The Knowledge Basket: Legislation New Zealand, http://rangi.knowledge-basket. co.nz/gpacts/actlists.html. This is one of the databases run by a private NZ company to make data available to NZ research institutions. Access to this database is free. Ministry of Education, http://www.minedu.govt.nz. This is the official web site for New Zealand state education with links to many other official web sites that describe early childhood, compulsory, and tertiary education.
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Ministry of Health, http://www.moh.govt.nz. The Ministry of Health aims to ensure that the health and disability system works for all New Zealanders. Ministry of Social Development, http://www.msd.govt.nz. The Ministry of Social Development is a government department responsible for providing social policy advice to government, income support, care, and protection of young people, student support to students at tertiary institutions, and coordination of programs that support families. New Zealand Advertising Standards Authority, http://www.asa.co.nz/codes/ codes.htm. This incorporated society is made up of advertisers who use the ASA to develop codes of practice to support self regulation through the Advertising Standards Complaint Board that is made up of media and non media representatives. New Zealand Broadcasting Standards Authority, http://www.bsa.govt.nz. The BSA is an independent crown entity that receives and determines complaints, provides opinions on matters of broadcasting standards and ethics, and conducts research in relation to broadcasting. New Zealand Family Violence Clearinghouse based at the University of Canterbury in Christchurch, http://www.nzfvc.org.nz. The New Zealand Family Violence Clearinghouse is the national center for collating and disseminating information about domestic and family violence in Aotearoa New Zealand. New Zealand on Air, http://www.nzonair.govt.nz. This crown entity aims to promote and foster the development of New Zealand’s culture on the airwaves by funding locally-made television programs, public radio networks, and access radio, and to promote New Zealand music by funding music videos and radio shows. Plunket, http://www.plunket.org.nz//AM/Template.cfm?Section=Home. New Zealand’s largest provider of services to support the health and development of children under five. Roy McKenzie Centre for the Study of Families, http://www.vuw.ac.nz/mckenziecentre. The Centre aims to provide high quality independent Aotearoa New Zealandbased research and information on families to assist law makers, inform policy decisions, and educate communities and professionals. Save the Children, New Zealand, http://www.savethechildren.org.nz. Save the Children is a non-political, non-sectarian development agency that delivers immediate and lasting improvements to children’s lives worldwide. Sport and Recreation New Zealand, http://www.sparc.org.nz. SPARC is a crown entity responsible to providing advice on sport and recreation to the government and distributing funding for the purposes of promoting physical activity. Youth Law Project/Tino Rangatiratanga Taitamariki, http://www.youthlaw.co.nz. YouthLaw Tino Rangatiratanga Taitamariki is a community law center for children and young people throughout Aotearoa/New Zealand. They provide information and advocacy on a range of matters affecting young people.
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Organizations and NGOs Action for Children & Youth Aotearoa (ACYA) Inc. P.O. Box 41532, St Lukes, Auckland, New Zealand Web site: http://www.acya.org.nz This group has coordinated and presented the last two NGO reports to the UN on New Zealand’s compliance with UNCRC. The Children’s Issues Centre, University of Otago P.O. Box 56, Dunedin, New Zealand Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.otago.ac.nz/cic A multidisciplinary research center with a key role in child and family advocacy. The Donald Beasley Institute P.O. Box 6189, Dunedin, New Zealand Phone: 0643 479 8080 or 479 2162 Fax: 0643 479 2162 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.donaldbeasley.org.nz A national, independent, nonprofit organization that aims to promote and carry out applied research in the area of intellectual disability and to disseminate current knowledge relating to people with intellectual disabilities. Families Commission–Komihana a Whanau Mail: P.O. Box 2839, Wellington, New Zealand Phone: 0644 917 7040 Fax: 0644 917 7059 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.nzfamilies.org.nz This is an independent government body set up by NZ statute to provide advocacy for families. Office of the Children’s Commissioner P.O. Box 5610, Wellington, New Zealand Phone: 0064 4 471 1410 Fax: 0064 4 471 1418 Email:
[email protected]. Web site: http://www.occ.org.nz This is a government office established by statute to advocate on behalf of children; this includes monitoring certain government agencies and undertaking investigations.
Selected Bibliography Action for Children and Youth Aotearoa. 2003. Children and Youth in Aotearoa 2003: The Second Non-governmental Organizations’ Report from Aotearoa New Zealand to the United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child. Wellington: Action for Children and Youth Aotearoa.
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Atwool, Nicola. 1999. New Zealand Children in the 1990s: Beneficiaries of New Right Economic Policy? Children & Society 13:380–93. Becroft, Andrew. Youth Offending: Putting the Headlines in Context. 2004 Ministry of Justice web site. http://www.justice.govt.nz/youth/media/rates1204.html. Blaiklock, A., C. Kiro, M. Belgrave, W. Low, E. Davenport, and I. Hassall. 2002. When the Invisible Hand Rocks the Cradle: New Zealand Children in a Time of Change. Innocenti Working Paper No. 93. Florence: UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre. Broadcasting Act 1989, section 36 (c) (ii). The Knowledge Basket Ltd web site. rangi.knowledge-basket.co.nz/gpacts/public/text/1989/se/025se36.html. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The World FactBook 2005. http://www.cia.gov/ cia/publications/factbook/index.html. Child and Youth Mortality Review Committee (a). Infant Mortality (deaths in the first year of life). Ministry of Health web site. http://www.newhealth.govt. nz/cymrc/mortalitydata/1-infantmortality.htm. Child and Youth Mortality Review Committee (b). Child Mortality (1-14 years) Ministry of Health web site. http://www.newhealth.govt.nz/cymrc/mortality data/1-infantmortality.htm. Child Poverty Action Group. 2003. Our Children: The Priority for Policy (2nd ed.). Auckland: Child Poverty Action Group. Child Youth and Family. 2005a. Annual Report. Wellington: Department of Child Youth and Family Services. ———. 2005b. Briefing for the Incoming Minister. Wellington: Department of Child Youth and Family Services. ———. 2000. Child Youth and Family Submission to the Government Reviews of Referrals and Notifications and Placement Services. Wellington: Department of Child Youth and Family Services. Children’s Day. Celebrate Children’s Day. http://www.childrensday.org.nz/. Crooks, Terry, and Lester Flockton. 2002. Heath and Physical Education Assessment Results, 2002. National Education Monitoring Report 26. Dunedin: Educational Assessment Research Unit, University of Otago. Davey, Judith. 2003. Two Decades of Change in New Zealand: From Birth to Death V. Wellington: Institute of Policy Studies, Victoria University. Dharmalingam, A., I. Pool, J. Sceats, and R. Mackay. 2004. Patterns of Family Formation and Change in New Zealand. Wellington: Ministry of Social Development. Education Act 1989. The Knowledge Basket Ltd web site. rangi.knowledge-basket. co.nz/gpacts/public/text/1989/se/080se8.html. An Encyclopedia of New Zealand. 1966. Welfare Services: History of Monetary Benefits. Te Ara–The Encyclopaedia of New Zealand Web site. http://www. teara.govt.nz/1966/W/WelfareServices/HistoryOfMonetaryBenefits/en. Hipkins, R. 2006. The nature of key competencies: a background paper. Wellington: New Zealand Council for Educational Research, Te Kete Ipurangi: The Online Learning Centre web site. http://www.tki.org.nz/r/nzcurriculum/ draft-curriculum/key_competencies_e.php. Human Rights Commission. New Zealand Action Plan for Human Rights 20052010. 5. Civil and political rights. http://www.hrc.co.nz/report/actionplan/ 5civil.html. Gasson, R., J. Gasson, T. Linzey, and J. Powell Chalmers. 2001. Children and Work. Dunedin: Dunedin College of Education.
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Gasson, R., C. Linsell, J. Gasson, and S. Mundy-McPherson. 2003. Young People and Work. Dunedin: Dunedin College of Education. Kiro, Cindy. 2000. Assessing the Impact of the Economic Reforms on Maori Tamariki and Rangitahi. In A.B. Smith, M. Gollop, K. Marshall, and K. Nairn, eds. Advocating for Children: International Perspectives on Children’s Rights. Dunedin: University of Otago Press. Law Commission. 2004. Delivering Justice for All: A Vision for New Zealand Courts and Tribunals (Report 85). Wellington: Law Commission. ———. 2002. Family Court Dispute Resolution–A Discussion Paper (Preliminary paper 47). Wellington: Law Commission. ———. 2001. Maori Custom and Values in New Zealand Law (SP 9). Wellington: Law Commission. Lealand, Geoff. 2001. Some Things Change and Some Things Remain the Same: New Zealand Children and Media Use. Childrenz Issues 5(2): 6–11. Mamer, Abraham. 2006. Refugee Family Sponsored (Reunification) Policy Impact on Family Resettlement Options. Childrenz Issues 10(1): 37–9. Ministry of Culture and Heritage. Cultural Well-Being. http://www.mch.govt.nz/ cwb. Ministry of Education. 2005. Retention of Students in Senior Secondary School. Wellington: Ministry of Education. Education Counts web site. http://www. educationcounts.edcentre.govt.nz. Ministry of Education. 2004a. Learning for Tomorrow’s World. Wellington: Ministry of Education. Ministry of Education. 2004b. Educate: Ministry of Education, Statement of Intent 2004-2009. Wellington: Ministry of Education. Ministry of Education. 2002. Pathways to the Future: Nga Huarahi Arataki–a 10-year Strategic Plan for Early Childhood Education. Wellington: Learning Media. Ministry of Social Development. 2005a. The Social Report 2005. Wellington: Ministry of Social Development. ———. 2005b. Children and Young People: Indicators of Wellbeing in New Zealand. Wellington: Ministry of Social Development. ———. 2004. New Zealand Families Today. Wellington: Ministry of Social Development. Ministry of Youth Affairs. 2002. Youth Development Strategy Aotearoa. Wellington: Ministry of Youth Affairs. Ministry of Youth Development. 2004. The Youth Development Strategy Aotearoa Survey 2004: Knowledge and Applications by Government Agencies. Wellington: Ministry of Youth Development. Ministry of Youth Development Web site. http://www.myd.govt.nz. New Zealand Advertising Standards Authority. Code for Advertising to Children. http://www.asa.co.nz/codes/codes.htm. New Zealand on Air. Space for the New: NZ on Air Children’s Programming Strategy 2003. http://www.nzonair.govt.nz/television_detail.php?pid=315&sid=300& hid=314. Obesity Action Coalition. Submission to the New Zealand Parliamentary Health Select Committee: Inquiry into Obesity and Type Two Diabetes. Obesity Action Coalition Web site. http://www.foe.org.nz/publications.html. OECD. 2006. OECD Factbook 2006—Economic, Environmental and Social Statistics. http://oberon.sourceoecd.org/vl=5811642/cl=16/nw=1/rpsv/factbook/ index.htp.
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Orange, Claudia. 1992. The Treaty of Waitangi. Wellington: Bridget Williams Books. Pereira, Tino Fa’amatuainu. 2004. A Pacific Perspecitve on Physical Punishment. Childrenz Issues 8(2): 27–9. Pitama, D., G. Ririnui, and A. Mikaere. 2002. Guardianship, Custody and Access: Maori Perspectives and Experiences. Wellington: Ministry of Justice and Department for Courts. Pool, I., N. Jackson, and J. Dickson. 1998. Family Formation and Structure: The Implications of Cradle Conservatism and Reproductive Reprise. In Vivienne Adair and Robyn Dixon, eds. The family in Aotearoa New Zealand. Auckland: Addison Wesley Longman. Scragg, Robert, Rob Quigley, and Rachael Taylor. Does Watching TV Contribute to Increased Body Weight and Obesity in Children. A report prepared by the scientific committee of the Agencies for Nutrition Action. http://www.ana.org. nz/page.php3?16. Smith, Anne B., Megan Gollop, Nicola Taylor, and Kate Marshall. 2004. The Discipline and Guidance of Children: A Summary of Research. Children’s Issues Centre and Office of the Children’s Commissioner. http://www.occ.org.nz/ childcomm/resources_links/reports_publications. Sport and Recreation New Zealand. Participation in sport. http://www.sparc.org. nz/research-policy/participation-in-sport. Sport and Recreation New Zealand. 2005. Annual Report for the Year Ended 30 June 2005. Wellington: Sport and Recreation New Zealand. Statistics New Zealand. The New Zealand Population Clock. http://www.stats. govt.nz/. ———. 2005. Divorces–Summary of Latest Trends. Wellington: Statistics New Zealand. ——— 2002a. Families and Households: 2001 Census Snapshot 17. Wellington: Statistics New Zealand. ———. 2002b. 2001 Census of Population and Dwellings: National Summary, Wellington: Statistics New Zealand. Statistics NZ web site. http://www.stats.govt. nz. St. John, Susan, and Donna Wynd. 2006. Impact of Economic Policy on New Zealand Children. Childrenz Issues 10(1): 13–17. UNESCO. 2006. The six EFA goals. http://portal.unesco.org/education. UNICEF. 2005. Child Poverty in Rich Countries (Innocenti report card no. six). Florence: UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre. Walter, Reece, and Wiebe Zwaga. 2001. The Younger Audience: Children and Broadcasting in New Zealand. Palmerston North, NZ: Dunmore Press in association with the New Zealand Broadcasting Standards Authority. Wilson, Nick, Louise Signal, Sarah Nicholls, and George Thomson. 2006. Marketing Fat and Sugar to Children on New Zealand Television. Preventive Medicine 42: 96–101.
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PAKISTAN Fazila Gulrez and Sabeen Hafeez NATIONAL PROFILE Pakistan is located in the northwestern part of South Asia, bordering the Arabian Sea, with India on the east, Iran and Afghanistan on the west, and China in the north. The country came into being as a result of independence obtained from the British on August 14, 1947, after the partition of India. The total area of Pakistan is 79.6 million hectares (approximately 796,000 km2), of which 26.5 million hectares is arable land and 4.6 million hectares is forest (World Fact Book 2006). The country is divided into four provinces (Punjab, Balochistan, the North West Frontier Province [NWFP], and Sindh). The Islamabad Capital Territory, tribal areas, and the Federally Administered Northern Areas (FANA), enjoy a special status. The Pakistani-administered part of the Kashmir region is a separate legal entity but part of Pakistan for all practical purposes. According to the World Fact Book (Central Intelligence Agency 2007), the total population of Pakistan
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is 164,741,924 (July 2007 est.), of which 36.9 percent (males 31,264,576/ females 29,507,174) are in the zero to fourteen years age bracket, 58.8 percent (males 49,592,033/females 47,327,161) are in the fifteen to sixtyfour years age bracket, and about 4.3 percent (males 3,342,650/females 3,708,330) are over sixty-five years. Pakistan is extremely diverse in its culture, language, and climate. It has a significant cultural, historical, and architectural heritage; and people of different faiths, beliefs, and ethnic backgrounds have been living together in this region for centuries. The Constitution of Pakistan provides for a Federal Parliamentary System of government, with a President as the Head of State and an indirectly elected Prime Minister as the chief executive. At the lower level, there are provincial and local governments. There are many nongovernmental organizations (NGO) working on a number of issues, including human rights and child rights. Some of them work with the government while others work with the assistance of foreign donor agencies. Traditional family values are highly respected and considered sacred. Many urban joint families have grown into a nuclear family system because of various socio-economic constraints imposed by the traditional joint family system. There are few, if any, unmarried single mothers. The children of unmarried mothers are killed, abandoned, or given away to shelter homes. Women in Pakistan have progressed in such varied fields of life as politics, education, economy, service sectors, health, and many more. While they continue to struggle for their rights, Pakistani women today have made progress. They enjoy a better status than most Islamic and Middle Eastern women, and there has been a decrease in the number of children per woman. Pakistan is a developing country that has suffered from decades of internal political disputes, low levels of foreign investment, and a costly, ongoing confrontation with neighboring India. Inflation remains the biggest threat to the economy, jumping to more than 9 percent in 2005 (CIA 2007). Thirty-two percent of Pakistan’s population lives below poverty level, where basic needs, especially those of children, KEY FACTS – PAKISTAN remain unfulfilled. Government Population: 1.7 million (July 2007 est.) institutions that can safeguard Infant mortality rate: 68.84 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) the rights of children are weak Life expectancy at birth: 63.75 years (2007 est.) and suffer from mismanageLiteracy rate (age 15 and over): 49.9 percent (2005) ment, bureaucratic apathy, lack Internet users: 10.5 million (2005) of funds, and an overall lack of People living with HIV/AIDS: 74,000 (2001 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 65 commitment to the social needs of the population. At the societal Sources: CIA World Factbook: Pakistan. https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/pk.html. April 17, 2007; level, centuries of old traditions United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human discriminate against women and Development Report 2006–Pakistan. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/ girls, with long-term consequenstatistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_PAK.html. April 26, 2007. ces on maternal health, female
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literacy, and lack of participation in decision-making processes. Poverty has created an impassable divide in the society, and children sufferer the worst. Homelessness prevails in the country because of poverty and poor economic conditions. Very few proper shelters exist for the population who are out on the streets, including children in poor families. Street children are vulnerable to physical abuse, drug abuse, and exploitation. OVERVIEW Children in Pakistan face a host of challenges that threaten their wellbeing. The country has not adopted free public education and consequently has one of the lowest literacy rates in the world. The lack of educational opportunities contributes to poverty, child labor, exploitation, and abuse of children among many other violations of child rights. Because of poor healthcare facilities, early motherhood, malnourishment, and illiteracy among the expecting mothers, the mortality rate for children in Pakistan is among the highest in the world. Pakistan has been home to Afghan refugees since the 1980s, many of whom continue to live in makeshift tents and in miserable conditions. Child refugees suffer from exploitation and sexual, physical, and mental abuse. They are deprived of education, protection, and proper health care facilities. Thousands of children work in hazardous occupations and as bonded laborers. Children are bound in indentured servitude, especially in the agricultural and brick kiln sectors, because of their parents’ bonded status. In emergency situations, children in Pakistan are the most vulnerable. According to the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF 2006), the October 2005 earthquake in northern Pakistan killed nearly 75,000 people and displaced millions. The earthquake destroyed more than 7,500 schools and killed, seriously injured, or displaced some 2,000 teachers. Child trafficking, internal and regional, is an important challenge facing the country. Pakistan is a signatory to several international conventions and agreements that tackle the issue of child trafficking: .
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The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), including the optional protocols on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution, and Child Pornography. The Stockholm Agenda and Plan of Action Against Sexual Exploitation of Children. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Convention on Preventing and Combating Trafficking in women and children. Untied Nations Convention on Transnational Organized Crime (UNTOC) has two optional protocols that are applicable to the trafficking of children from, within, and through Pakistan: the Protocol to
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prevent, suppress, and punish trafficking in persons, especially women and children, and the Protocol against the smuggling of migrants by land, sea, and air. However, Pakistan has not signed these protocols. Pakistan has established an Anti-Trafficking Unit (ATU) within the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) and cosponsored several public awareness campaigns.
There are a number of laws and regulations that protect children, but because of lack of proper and strict enforcement of these laws and regulations, the government and the society in general have failed to provide children their rightful place in the society. Not only does this impact adversely on the child, but there are far-reaching consequences on the society, the family, and the country. A child who grows up with deprivation, anger, and frustration is unlikely to bode a bright, progressive, prosperous future for any nation, family, or for him/herself. EDUCATION The state of education in Pakistan leaves much to be desired in quality, accessibility, uniformity, and standards, among many other negatives. The education sector in Pakistan has suffered from official neglect and apathy for the past 58 years. Education (at all levels) is not free in Pakistan. The Pakistan government spends only 2.3 percent of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) on public sector education. According to the World Bank, Pakistan government’s spending on education is much lower than the South Asian average of 3.6 percent and even lower than the low-income countries’ average of 3.4 percent. According to Franciscans International, an NGO at the United Nations (2006), public spending on education as a percentage of overall government expenditure in Pakistan is a very low 1.8 percent of GDP, far below prescribed international levels (which range from 20 percent recommended by UNICEF to 6 percent recommended by the Dakar Framework of Action at the World Educational Forum 2000). Public spending on education in Pakistan declined from 2.6 percent of the GDP in 1990 to 1.8 percent in 2002–2003 (Franciscans International 2006). Pakistan is among twelve countries in the world that spent less than 2 percent of their GDP on education (Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, 2005), and public spending on education in Pakistan is the lowest in South Asia. The country was ranked last out of fourteen Asian Pacific Countries in a School Report Card that investigated developing countries’ commitment to basic education (South Asian South Pacific Bureau of Adult Education 2005). On the indicator of population without access to basic education, the School Report Card shows that 45.3 percent of Pakistanis have no access to early childhood care and education, 40.3 percent have no access to primary school, and 76.1 percent have no access to secondary school. According to the same report, the adult illiteracy rate in
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Pakistan is 58.5 percent, second highest among the Asian countries (Bangladesh being the first, with a rate of 58.9 percent). Primary education has been made compulsory by law in three provinces of Pakistan: Sindh, the Punjab, and North West Frontier Province, and in the capital territory, but the law suffers from lack of implementation. The education system in Pakistan is delivered by four different systems: Private schools, government schools, religious schools (madrassahs), and non-formal education. Children attending these four different systems come from different economic strata and grow up with specific and defined opportunities and aspirations. Children attending English private schools belong to the elite and wealthy class. The public schools are attended by children from lower middle class. According to the World Education News and Reviews (WENR 2005), the crisis in Pakistan’s system of education begins at the primary level with a teacher/student ratio of between 44 to 50 children per teacher; enrollment is only 57 percent for boys and 44 percent for girls; the dropout rate during the first five years of primary school is around 70 percent. At the secondary level, the enrollment rate is 46 percent for boys and 32 percent for girls. The deterioration of public schools has given rise to proliferation of private schools and madrassahs in recent years. Children who attend madrassahs come from poor families. Madrassahs are funded by private religious organizations, and children are provided with free lodging and boarding. Children are taught to read, and they memorize the Quran. Madrassahs have come under severe attack at both the national and international levels in recent years as they are accused of brainwashing children and turning them into jihadis (religious fighters). Children educated in madrassahs are also accused of fighting in Afghanistan and of carrying out terrorist activities in other parts of the world. In order to accelerate the literacy rate in Pakistan, the government has pledged to increase the number of non-formal schools to reach children, especially for out-of-school children who could not benefit from the formal school system. Under the National Education Policy 1998–2010, the government envisaged a massive plan to meet policy targets of primary education to enroll 5.5 million out-of-school children through the NonFormal Basic Education Program. However, the program failed to yield the required results and suffered from many drawbacks that could have been addressed to raise the primary literacy rate qualitatively and quantitatively. Overall literacy rates of the population and gender discriminations are also major concerns. According to the Pakistan Social and Living Standards Measurement Survey of 2004–2005 (Federal Bureau of Statistics, Islamabad 2005), the literacy rate among men was 65 percent and among women, 40 percent. There are discrepancies at the provincial level ranging from Sindh, with the highest literacy rates at 55 percent, to
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Balochistan at 37 percent. On a more positive note, overall adult female literacy increased from 32 percent in 2001–2002 to 40 percent in 2004– 2005. Literacy remains higher in urban areas (71 percent) compared with 44 percent in the rural areas. Given the dismal picture of education, the opportunities for secondary and higher education narrow down further, resulting in high drop-out rates. According to the Economic Survey of Pakistan, 2005–2006 (Ministry of Finance, Government of Pakistan, 2006), Pakistan is ranked lowest in the world in higher education enrollment, with only 2.9 percent in 2005. There are vocational training institutions in the country, but they fail to provide students with skills to improve their financial conditions. In the current educational scenario, it is very unlikely that Pakistan would be able to reach the Millenium Development Goals target on literacy unless and until it changes its policy and framework for implementation. The government has pledged to promote technical and vocational training, to produce a skilled workforce of international quality, and to create opportunities for people at the grassroots level (DAWN 2006). Education for special needs children received a major boost during the regime of military dictator General Zia-ul Haq (1977 to 1988), who was moved by personal reasons as he had a child with mental retardation. However, it benefited the population as a whole. The office of the Directorate General of Special Education was created under the then Ministry of Social Welfare and Special Education to boost special education and rehabilitation of disabled persons. In 2004, a National Policy for Special People was approved focusing on the welfare and education of children with disabilities. According to the 1998 census, 2.49 percent of the population suffered from various disabilities. There are 51 special education centers in Pakistan, and 4,631 children are enrolled in these centers. Disability in Pakistan is not always perceived with sympathy and empathy. Given the limited resources of the family, such children lose out altogether on leading a happy, healthy life. The State has also failed to provide the facilities and provisions that might help them lead full lives. Some regular schools in Pakistan do accept children with disabilities. Islam is the major religion practiced in Pakistan. Muslims are the largest in number, population wise. All other sects apart from Muslims are considered minorities. It is clearly laid down in the Constitution of Pakistan that adequate provision shall be made for minorities to progress and practice their religions and to develop their cultures freely. This ensures the protection of minority languages, religious beliefs, and cultures, including those of the tribal communities, in school curriculums and practices. Pakistan has developed ‘‘Education for All National Plan of Action’’ (2001–2015), which incorporates the six Education for All goals. The priority areas are elementary education, adult literacy, and early childhood education. The North West Frontier Province Primary Education Act 1996 provides primary education for children between the ages of 5 and 10.
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The Sindh Compulsory Primary Education Ordinance 2001 provides for compulsory education for children in the province of Sindh whose age at the beginning of school year is not less than five years and not more than eleven years. The Islamabad Capital Territory Compulsory Primary Education Ordinance 2001 provides compulsory primary education for children in Islamabad whose age at the beginning of the school year is not less than five years and not more than ten years. PLAY AND RECREATION Recognizing the right of the child to play, the Pakistan government ratified its revised National Sports Policy on December 5, 2005, with the aim of raising the declining standard of sports in Pakistan. The government is concerned about the falling interest in sports among children. To remedy the situation, the policy aims primarily to advance sports at the grass roots level, then take it to the national level. According to the Government of Pakistan’s Ministry of Culture, Sports and Youth Affairs, Pakistan Sports Board, Pakistan Olympic Association, National Sports Federations, Provincial Sports Boards, and associations, educational institutions are the main sports organizing agencies. Sports at grass roots levels are mere formalities and at times not held at all. The sporting facilities in the provinces are also not up to the mark. Few stadiums or gymnasiums with proper facilities exist in the country. The educational institutions that are supposed to be sports nurseries have ceased to produce talented athletes who might replace the aging stalwarts. The policy envisages giving a new lease on life to the promotion of sports. This will bring in mass participation, improve sporting abilities, and provide opportunities to youth to be part of national teams. The Ministry of Education is also planning to create a Sports Cell to monitor the implementation of the policy by the Secondary and College Boards, while the Higher Education Commission will do the same for the universities. Every school will be required to participate in at least four games including martial arts. Each college must have at least six teams including athletics, and grade schools will have to allocate at least two periods for games in a week. All schools, colleges, and equivalent institutions will be obligated to provide sports facilities within the school or make arrangements for opening play grounds. The Pakistan Sports Board is hoping to create an academy in selected games in the capital city of Islamabad and one in each province to boost local talent, if funds are available. These academies will cater only to boys who will be trained with modern techniques in various sports. Girls will continue to be denied their rights to enjoy play and recreation. To promote and encourage sports among women, the Pakistan Cricket Board (PCB) and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) signed a Memorandum of Understanding in 2006. The focus of this campaign is
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to bring girls into schools and promote their retention and graduation from various levels of schooling. Programs for children in media are scarce. However, cable television is popular with children. According to a survey conducted by the Cartoon Network, the ‘‘New Generations Pakistan (NGP) 2006,’’ almost 99 percent of children who have access to cable TV ‘‘surf’’ the cable channels. The radio caters to children’s interests by playing Pakistani and foreign music; but other than that, there is little for children to hear on FM and AM radio. Print media also lags behind in providing quality, dynamic, and innovative reading. Books for children in Urdu have improved but still suffer from a lack of creative story telling and production quality. Despite low literacy rates, internet services are widely available in the country. According to the above survey, in Karachi, the biggest city of Pakistan, 31 percent of households have personal computers but only 9 percent have access to the internet. Hockey is the national game of Pakistan, but cricket is the most played and most popular game among children. Local teams are seen playing cricket on assigned grounds as well as in the by-lanes of cities, towns, and villages. Given the unsafe environment in cities, outdoor games are more popular in villages and towns than in the cities. Toys are available to children, but the quality of toys depends on the purchasing power of the parents. Because of cultural barriers, girls are encouraged to play inside the home while boys have the freedom to play outside the home. Pakistan has a close-knit family system, and family recreation is common; it is preferred that children and parents go out together for safety reasons as well. Recreation includes eating out, visits to the park, zoos, hill stations, or foreign trips—depending on the economic status of the family. CHILD LABOR Millions of children in the age group of five to eighteen years are involved in child labor in Pakistan. Almost two thirds of child laborers work full time, a majority in the agricultural sector. Children work in almost every economic sector, such as carpet weaving, tanneries, roadside restaurants and hotels, in factories, brick kilns, bangle making, and in clandestine factories, where they are forced to do dangerous work. Suffering physical deformities, and facing potential mental, physical, and sexual abuse, these children usually work to supplement the family income. A typical household comprises an ill or addicted father, too many siblings, and a working mother as the caretaker. These children miss out on education, are prone to serious health problems, and continue to live in poverty. The prospect of these children leaving work is a source of anxiety for the family as it means starvation and more suffering due to the loss of the child’s income. The most invisible and difficult to access are domestic child workers, often girls. This is sometimes also called the ‘‘hidden sector’’ and can involve coercive recruiting methods and physical
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and sexual abuse. Street children in Pakistan are a group of children also difficult to access despite being visible and despite suffering the worst forms of abuse and exploitation. Pakistan has signed and ratified the UNCRC which, under Article 32, protects children from employment that is likely to be hazardous to their health or interfere with their education and development. Estimates on the number of child laborers in Pakistan vary greatly. In 2003, UNICEF estimated that eight million children under the age of fourteen were engaged as laborers, most involved with brick kiln factories, carpet weaving, agriculture, small industries, and domestic services. According to the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan Report (2005) titled ‘‘State of Human Rights in Pakistan,’’ more than ten million children in Pakistan could be working as laborers. Officially, children make up about 7 percent of the total workforce. However, government statistics omit children who are working in family and small businesses not registered with the government, and they fail to cover children working in informal sectors such as the domestic labor sector not covered by any laws. Many children in Pakistan work as bonded laborers. Bonded labor is a modern form of slavery that combines feudal values, traditions, and practices with contemporary exploitative labor conditions. If a family is bonded due to debt or loan, the children also suffer the same destiny. They are forced to work long hours and denied any pay. Children are the most vulnerable of all workers and are sometimes bonded or forced to work alone, separated from their families. Children in bonded labor may also be recruited for work or kidnapped from their families and used forcibly in places like brothels. It is a cultural tragedy in Pakistan that bonded labor is accepted by the society and there is no political will to eliminate this modern day slavery. Girls in such situations are very likely to be sexually abused. The government has laws banning child labor and bonded labor, but these are not enforced. Many international and national NGOs have various initiatives and projects for combating child labor in specific areas and hazardous occupations. The growing awareness and movements against child labor around the globe are having a great impact in Pakistan as well. Many projects and campaigns have been launched to eradicate child labor and to protect and promote the rights of the child in all spheres of society. FAMILY The family system in Pakistan is cohesive and firmly entrenched in the culture. The family varies from being nuclear (parents and children), joint (more than one family of siblings living together), and extended family (several generations all living under the same roof). The family provides protection, economic support, and rearing, and fulfills the basic needs of every member of the family.
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Roles of boys and girls are distinct and well defined from the day they are born to the day they die. While the birth of a girl is mourned, a son’s birth is celebrated. Girls are domesticated from childhood, helping mothers with the household chores and taking care of the siblings. They are denied rights to education, proper nutrition, play, and recreation. The girl child suffers from all kinds of discrimination. She eats after the son has eaten, and in the event of a financial crunch, her future is likely to be sacrificed to protect the future of the son. The Child Marriage Restraint Act 1929 was introduced to prohibit child marriage. The Muslim Family Laws Ordinance 1961 changed the marriageable age of girls from fourteen years to sixteen years of age, while boys do not become eligible for marriage until age eighteen, which is discriminatory against girls. Divorce in Pakistani culture and religion is considered taboo, a stigma on the woman for having failed to fulfill the commitments of a married life. The divorce rate is low in rural areas compared with urban areas. The emergence of nuclear family units, women joining the workforce, the pressures and tensions of the city life, and economic independence of women has increased the divorce rate in urban areas. The Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act 1939 continues to govern divorce in Pakistan. The Act was amended by the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance (MFLO) 1961 to include the contracting of a polygamous marriage in contravention of the MFLO as a ground entitling a woman to seek divorce. Child custody is governed by the Guardians and Wards Act 1890. The Act stipulates that the courts are to be guided by the personal law to which the minor is subject. The general rule for Muslims is that the mother is entitled to custody until seven years of age for male children and puberty for female children. The courts are also directed to consider the age, sex, and religion of the minor and the character and capacity of the proposed guardian, as well as the minor’s own opinion if s/he is old enough to form an intelligent preference. If the minor is young or a female, the courts are directed to give preference to the mother. In all cases, the interests of the ward are paramount. A child’s right to inheritance is in accordance with the Sharia or the Quranic injunctions on inheritance. Every legitimate child of either sex has a right to the parents’ property, a specific portion of their wealth. The mother of the children is also entitled to a portion of the husband’s wealth. Under Islamic law, an adopted child has no right to inheritance, unless it is given as a gift to him/her by the parents. The major chunk of the Pakistani population lives in rural areas, where all family members mostly live under the same roof. This kind of joint family system provides protection in the event of husband/father’s death. The wife and children continue to enjoy the love and kinship of the family, are financially looked after, and saved from emotional and mental pressures. The responsibility is shared by the next of kin. In urban areas,
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the system is changing, but families continue to retain close ties with parents and other family members. Pakistan is an amalgamation of many diverse cultures and traditions and as such each culture has specific rites of passage, while other practices are common. As soon as a child is born, any male member of the family, or a friend, recites the Azaan (call to prayer) in the ear of the child so that the first thing he/she hears is the name of Allah. Aqiqa is performed, the newborn’s head is totally shaved, and a sheep or goat is sacrificed. There are celebrations among some cultures when the son turns twentyone. Marriage is a major rite of passage for both the girl and the boy. The main rite of marriage is the Nikah (signing of the marriage contract) followed by Ruksati (the bride goes to her husband’s home), then Valima to announce to the world that the marriage has been consummated. Children also take care of their parents when they become old. The concept of old homes is nearly invisible in Pakistan. It is common to have three generations living in one house. Usually parents and grandparents are looked upon for guidance, support, and courage. HEALTH According to the Human Development Index (2006) report published by the United Nations Development Programme, Pakistan ranked 134 among 177 countries in the world. According to the CIA’s World Fact book (2006), Pakistan’s infant mortality rate was 70.45 per 1,000 live births in 2006, which is among the highest in the world. Many children die each year due to preventable diseases such as diarrhea, measles, complications from being born with low birth weight, malnutrition, and from curable diseases such as pneumonia and malaria. Maternal deaths, associated with complications of pregnancy and childbirth, are also quite high. A large number of children lose their mothers at birth, and many more grow up in an environment of neglect and deprivation, without achieving their full physical and mental potential. Pakistan has signed the Alma-Ata Declaration of 1978, which ensures the provision of health care to every citizen through the primary healthcare approach. It also includes all support facilities necessary for the survival and development of the child. The Federal Ministry of Health and the provincial health departments provide health-care services through hospitals and other health outlets. A number of NGOs supplement these services. Most urban dwellers have access to such services; however, they remain limited in the rural areas. Currently, the Federal Health Policy is paying special attention to reducing infant and child mortality, curbing severe malnutrition among children and mothers, and improving child survival and safe maternity. Health initiatives include polio eradication, creating awareness about HIV/AIDS, countering malnutrition, and ensuring maternal care.
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Despite the enormous health burden, budgetary allocations to the health sector remain lower than other countries in the region. Children in Pakistan are the most vulnerable victims of this poor health system and have low standards of health and development. Progress has been made in a number of areas, but there still exists a critical need for increased access to and improved quality of health services such as reproductive health, family planning, and maternal and child health services, especially for women and children. It is vital to understand the relationship of maternal and child health with family planning as well as other factors such as macroeconomic issues, poverty, and health system performance. Mental illness, especially among women, is one of the major healthcare problems in Pakistan. Factors associated with these disorders are female sex, middle age, low level of education, financial difficulty, being a housewife, and relationship problems—suggesting that social factors play an important part in the increase of anxiety and depression. Other major health problems such as psychosis and drug abuse exist, but reliable figures remain unavailable. All these problems also result in growing number of suicides and murders. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS There is no standard definition of a child in Pakistan. Under the Majority Act 1875, a child is defined as a person under eighteen years of age, while the labor laws fix the minimum age of employment at fourteen years. The voting age is eighteen years, and the national identity card is also issued at this age. The marriageable age for a girl is sixteen years and for a boy eighteen years under the Child Marriage Restraint Act of 1929. Under the Muslim Law, maturity is attained on reaching puberty, and this definition applies in criminal matters covered under the controversial Hudood Ordinances, enacted by the military ruler, General Zia, in 1979. A positive step towards a standard definition of a child is the Juvenile Justice System Ordinance 2000. It sets the definition of a child at 18 years of age, raising it from fifteen and sixteen years in the provincial laws. However, the age of criminal responsibility remains at seven years. There are many laws for the protection of child rights in Pakistan. The main hurdle in many cases is the proper enforcement and monitoring of these laws. Child Labor Laws There are a number of laws against child labor. The Merchant Shipping Act 1923 prohibits children’s labor in the shipping industry. The Mines Act 1923 applies to all mines and oilfields in Pakistan and prohibits the employment of children below the age of fourteen years and disallows
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even their presence in an underground mine. The Children (Pledging of Labor) Act 1933 prohibits the making of agreements pledging the labor of children and the employment of children whose labor has been pledged. The Factories Act 1934 prohibits the employment of underfourteen children in any factory. It allows employment of children between the ages of fourteen and seventeen years provided they have a fitness certificate obtained from a certifying surgeon. This Act also restricts the working hours of a child. The Road Transport Workers Ordinance 1961 prohibits employment of children below the age of eighteen years and governs the conditions of employment of road transport workers. For employment of drivers, the minimum age is fixed at twenty-one years. Contravention is punishable, however, with a fine of only 1,000 rupees (one US$1.00 ¼ 60.4 rupees). The Shops and Establishments Ordinance 1969 prohibits employment of an under-fourteen child in any establishment. It regulates the working hours of children between the ages of fourteen and seventeen. This law applies to all shops and establishments as are notified by the Provincial Governments. The Employment of Children’s Act 1991 prohibits employment of a child, who is defined as a person who has not completed his or her fourteenth year of age. The Bonded Labor System (Abolition) Act 1992 was introduced with the affirmed purpose to abolish the bonded labor system; however, it is important to mention that penalty for violation of these laws is quite minimal. Health-Related Laws There are laws related to health and nutritional practices that impact the well-being of children. The Protection of Breastfeeding and Young Child Nutrition Ordinance 2002 is meant to protect breastfeeding, and places regulations on the marketing and promotion of breast milk substitutes. The Prohibition of Smoking and Protection of Non-Smokers Health Ordinance 2002 places a ban on smoking and other tobacco uses in places of public work or use and public service vehicles, and the sale of cigarettes or smoking substances to all under-eighteen children, or within fifty meters of any college, school, or educational institution. Juvenile Justice There are also laws pertaining to juvenile justice. The Punjab Borstal Act of 1926 provides for the establishment and regulation of Borstal institutions in Punjab for the detention and training of adolescent offenders. Two such institutions exist in the country, one in Faisalabad and the other in Bahawalpur. The Sindh Borstal Act 1955 provides for the establishment of Borstal schools in the Province of Sindh; however, no such school exists in the Province. The Sindh Children’s Act 1955 deals with the protection of children, defined as under the age of sixteen,
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and gives a number of procedural safeguards relating to the administration of justice to juveniles. A special prison exists under its provision in Karachi. The Juvenile Justice System Ordinance (JJSO) of 2000 provides for the protection of the rights of children involved in criminal litigation. The JJSO sets the definition of a child at eighteen years of age, raising it from fifteen and sixteen years in the provincial laws and ending the ambiguity that prevailed earlier; it also prohibits the death penalty for convicts under the age of eighteen years. Laws Pertaining to Child Abuse and Child Trafficking There are laws to protect children from abuse that results from various exploitative practices as well as neglect. The Punjab Destitute and Neglected Children Act 2004 deals with the rescue, protective custody, care and rehabilitation of destitute and neglected children in the Province of the Punjab. The Pakistan Penal Code outlaws the offenses of kidnapping, abduction, passport forgery, and immigration violations as well as recruitment of children into employment. The Prevention and Control of Human Trafficking Ordinance 2002 is administered by the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) and applies to all children below eighteen years. According to the Ordinance, human trafficking means recruiting, buying, or selling a person, with or without consent, by use of coercion, abduction, or giving payment or share for such person’s transportation, for exploitative entertainment. The Ordinance prohibits all forms of human trafficking and gives detailed punishments (ten years) for the trafficking of women and children into or outside of Pakistan as well as the crimes related to trafficking (i.e., slavery, forced labor, and kidnapping). Implementation of this law has been kick-started by the government’s notification of the Prevention and Control of Human Trafficking Rules, 2004. The rules address legal assistance to victims, return of victims, training of judges, prosecutors and investigators, public awareness, rehabilitation of victims, and punishment for traffickers and those who aid and abet them. RELIGIOUS LIFE The state religion of Pakistan is Islam, and almost 97 percent of the population in the country belongs to two sects of Islam: Sunnis, 77 percent and Shias, 20 percent. Christians, Hindus, and members of other religions make up the remaining 3 percent of the population. Most Muslims are intensely devoted to the ideals and practices of Islam, and religion plays a vital role in the life of the individual. Hinduism is still strong in the Sindh province, although many Hindus have emigrated to India. Overall, Hindus make up a little more than 1 percent of the population. Most of the festivals in the country are religiously oriented, such as Eid-ul Fitr, which marks the end of the holy month of Ramadan (month
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of fasting). This is followed by the second major festival, which is preceded by the event of Haj (pilgrimage to the holy city of Mecca) and culminates with Eid ul Azha (feast of sacrifice). Children make the most of these festivals. Parents get new clothes for them, money is given as a gift called Eidie, and the more Eidie a child gets, the happier he is. The birth of the Prophet Mohammad is also celebrated with great reverence and devotion. Ten days of mourning is observed by the Shias in remembrance of the sacrifice of the Prophet’s grandson in Karbala (Iraq) in the first month of the Islamic calendar, Muharram. A Muslim child is taught the Quran in Arabic from the age he or she is able to read and is taught to say Bismillah (in the name of Allah) before eating, drinking, or doing anything. It is an occasion to celebrate. The procedure to pray is also inculcated from a young age, and by age seven the child should be able to read the Quran and be able to pray with guidance. Children are either sent to religious schools or a male or female cleric teaches at home in the evenings after they return from the regular school. After the age of ten, the child is asked to start fasting, and the first fast of the child is celebrated with gifts. From age ten and onwards the child is obligated to perform all the religious rites, and the parents or guardians may force the child to do so. When a child is born, he or she is welcomed to the world with the recitation of Azan (call to prayer) in the child’s ear. In the early days after the birth, the male child undergoes circumcision, which is also a religious rite. Religion plays a pivotal role in the growing life of a Muslim child. Many modern parents encourage their children to read the Quran in Urdu (national language) or in English, as well as in Arabic, to better understand the teaching and rationale of the religion. The Sunni sect is again divided into many more sub-sects (seventy-two in total), and each one of these have their own religious organizations where children are inculcated in the teaching of that particular school of thought. There are madrassahs all over Pakistan that give religious education to children. Muslim children are not obligated to attend these madrassahs; however, children in madrassahs are encouraged to memorize the entire Holy Quran called (Hifz), and the children who do this are called Hafiz. It is a great honor for the parents if their child achieves this feat. Religious education is provided to children in all educational institutions, and Islamiyat (teachings of the Quran) is a compulsory subject taught in schools. Children living in orphanages, shelters, or healthcare facilities are all taught to read the Quran and to offer prayers. The management also makes sure that the children are encouraged to fast. The performance of Haj (pilgrimage to Mecca) and Zakat (a certain fixed proportion of the wealth of a Muslim to be paid yearly for the benefit of the poor in the Muslim community) are not enforced on children until they become adults. As mentioned earlier, it is clearly laid down in the Constitution of Pakistan that adequate provision shall be made for the minorities to progress
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freely and to practice their religions and develop their cultures. Religious minority groups enjoy many rights, including the right to celebrate their special events, such as Christmas and Easter celebrated by Christians, and Diwali (light festival) celebrated by Hindus. Schools set up by religious minorities are attended by children from all over the country and of various religions. Islamiyat is not a compulsory subject for children of religious minorities. They are given the option of other subjects like ethics. Various religious organizations provide supporting services such as orphanages, shelters, and healthcare facilities in addition to their religious activities. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Abuse and neglect of children is pervasive in Pakistani society. It is mainly attributable to parental poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, and vulnerability, not because such parents love their children less. According to the yearly count of child sexual abuse as conducted by Sahil, a Pakistani NGO, as many as 1,254 children were sexually abused, including 928 girls, across the country during the first nine months of the year 2005. Abduction and rape were the two major categories of abuse, in which 333 females and 40 male children were abducted for sexual purposes— 106 male children were sodomized, and 240 female children were raped. The report also stated that 1,254 children fell victim to different categories of abusers—1,030 children were abused by their acquaintances, 226 by strangers, 75 through female abettors, 15 by the Moulvis (religious leaders), 33 by police, 7 by teachers, and 14 fell victims to incest. According to Human Rights Commission of Pakistan report, State of Human Rights in 2005, there are sometimes cases of desperate killing as well. Neglect is common, whether intentional or unintentional. The State has neglected its young population because it has failed to provide them with good quality education, healthcare facilities, protection, healthy living conditions, or a clean environment. The home neglects children by ignoring their voice in decision making, refusing to listen to or believe them, and by failing to recognize that children have rights too. Children are murdered everyday, but the perpetrators, whether adult or juvenile, are tried under the same law. There are no exclusive penalties for murdering a child. However, there are a number of laws, such as the Punjab Destitute and Neglected Children Act 2004, the Sindh Children’s Act 1955, the Child Marriage Restraint Act 1929, and the Prevention and Control of Human Trafficking Ordinance 2002 that penalize adults for mistreating children. Child trafficking is a major issue in Pakistan and in the entire region of South Asia. Some sources report that Pakistan is a source country for young boys who are trafficked to the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, and Qatar as camel jockeys. Trafficking is operated by organized crime
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syndicates, local agents and recruiters, and even individuals, including parents and relatives. In Pakistan, children are transported across borders and within borders under the guise of well-paid employment, better opportunities, and improved quality of life. In reality, the poor and vulnerable children find themselves pushed into forced labor, domestic servitude, commercial sexual exploitation, bonded labor, and organ transplant. However, the number of children being trafficked within the country is much higher compared with those being trafficked abroad. Children trafficked outside are sent mainly to Arab countries, where they are employed as camel jockeys and work on the camel farms. Many children have lost their lives, while others who have survived suffer from physical injuries, emotional trauma, and mental stress because of the abuse and exploitation experienced by them in the United Arab Emirate. However, many of the trafficked children have returned to Pakistan after international pressure on Arab countries forced them to stop using children as camel jockeys. There are reports of children being trafficked to European countries particularly by parents from the Punjab province. Many of these children end up as child laborers and are exposed to verbal, emotional, physical, and sexual abuses. Sadly, there is no reliable data to indicate the magnitude of child trafficking either internally or abroad. The Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child, SPARC, has carried out a study titled Fading Light: A Study on Child Trafficking in the Sindh province. There are a few charitable NGOs and state-run centers that provide comfort and support to child victims of abuse and neglect. The most popular is the Edhi Center in Karachi that houses homeless, runaway, and abandoned children, and provides them with food and shelter. A rehabilitation center, Nai Zindagi (New Life) in Lahore, offers rehabilitation support to children who are addicted to drugs. Azad Foundation is another NGO that has set up ‘‘Drop-In Centers’’ in Karachi for runaway and street children. The state-run Child Protection Bureau, established at Lahore in 2003, offers shelter to children picked up from the street, who are begging, abandoned, or homeless. The government plans to set up similar bureaus in other parts of the Punjab Province. Pakistani society is in many ways a closed society. The family, the state, and the media all conspire to remain quiet on issues that involve abuse of women and children in order to portray the image of a clean and pure society. Reporting of such incidents, if not rare, is not common. The state also finds it more favorable to depict a society where crime is low and children are well looked after. However, many NGOs have taken up the task of at least chronicling the cases and reports that make it into the media. Generally, families and individuals live in a state of denial, and reporting is ignored. It may be mentioned here that with the advent of cable television and new private channels, a gradual change can be discerned, and reports of abuse and neglect are coming to light.
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In Pakistan, boys and girls are not forced into military services. Pakistan has signed but not ratified the Optional Protocol to the UNCRC on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict. There is no conscription; however, recruitment to the Pakistan Armed Forces takes place at sixteen years of age. These soldiers are not deployed into action until they turn eighteen. However, there are instances where young boys studying in madrassahs have been recruited by religious organizations for Jihad in Afghanistan and elsewhere. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY For children of Pakistan, growing up in the twenty-first century is a major challenge, especially for children who receive no or low quality education, are deprived of proper health care, nutrition, or recreation, and are disempowered. At the same time, children will find themselves under pressure from the demands of globalization, information explosion, and exposure to diverse perspectives of life. This exposure will however, make them more confident, give them more freedom, and provide more awareness about their rights and obligations. They will have a greater capacity to learn at a much younger age, unlike previous generations. Children’s exposure to diverse perspectives and popular youth cultures around the world may conflict with parental beliefs and age-old cultural traditions. Therefore, children will seek help outside their homes. This may impact negatively on the family as a unit, which is the basic cohesive force in Pakistani society. The country will continue to progress economically with the rich getting richer and the poor getting poorer. The gap between the two will continue to widen, unless there is a major and drastic change in the policies and strategies of the government. One can hope for a better, brighter future, with more children receiving quality education and health services. This can change the destiny of Pakistan’s children, and the nation can step into the twenty-first century with confidence, enthusiasm, and the promise of a better, safer, and healthier childhood. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP). 2005. State of Human Rights in 2005. Lahore, Pakistan. The state of human rights in Pakistan is monitored on yearly basis and then compiled into this report. Jillani, Anees. 1998. Child Labor: The Legal Aspect. Islamabad, Pakistan: SPARC. A book on the legal aspects of child labor in Pakistan. Jillani, Anees. 1999. Cries Unheard. Juvenile Justice in Pakistan. Islamabad, Pakistan: SPARC. A book on juvenile justice in Pakistan. Jillani, Anees, and Zarina Jillani. 2000. Child Rights in Pakistan. Islamabad, Pakistan: SPARC. An analysis of child rights situation, related laws and policies in Pakistan.
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SPARC. 2004. The State of Pakistan’s Children 2004. Islamabad-Pakistan. SPARC. 2005. The State of Pakistan’s Children. Islamabad-Pakistan. Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child (SPARC) is the only NGO working exclusively for child rights in Pakistan. This is SPARC’s flagship publication in which the state of children in Pakistan is monitored on yearly basis and then compiled into a report. SPARC. 2006. Fading Light: A Study on Child Trafficking. Islamabad. Wagner-Rizvi, Tracey, and Anees Jillani. 2003. Waiting for the Sunrise—Juvenile Justice in Pakistan. Islamabad-Pakistan: SPARC. A book on the Juvenile Justice System in Pakistan.
Nonprint Resources Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child Documentary ‘‘The Silent Scream’’ on Child Labor in Pakistan.
[email protected]. Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child Documentary ‘‘Elusive Dreams: The Lives of Girl Children in Heera Mandi (Red Light Area).’’
[email protected].
Web Sites Central International Agency: CIA. The World FactBook 2006. https://www.cia.gov/ library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/pk.html. Accessed May 03, 2006. Irin News: IRIN’s principal role is to provide news and analysis about sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and Central Asia for the humanitarian community. http:// www.irinnews.org/. Accessed on March 22, 2006. Official Website of the Government of Pakistan. http://www.pakistan.gov.pk. Accessed March 23, 2006. Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child (SPARC). http://www.sparcpk. org. Accessed April 22, 2006. Website of the Government of Islamic Republic of Pakistan. http://www.infopak. gov.pk. Accessed April, 13, 2006.
Organizations and NGOs Aangan (Rozan) House 68B Street 25, F-10/1 Islamabad – 44000, Pakistan Tel: þ 92 2215364 5 Fax: þ 92 2215366 E-mail:
[email protected] Website: http://www.rozan.org An organization working on the emotional health of all people especially women and children. Aangan works on the emotional health of children with special focus on child sexual abuse.
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Bunyad Literacy Community Council Email:
[email protected] Website: http://www.bunyad.org.pk An organization providing training or education on child rights. Human Rights Commission in Pakistan 107 Tipu Block New Garden Town Lahore-54600, Pakistan Tel: þ92 42 5865 969 Fax: þ92 42 5883582 E-mail:
[email protected] An organization working for human rights issues in Pakistan. Lawyers for Human Rights and Legal Aid (LHRLA) D-1, First Floor, Court View Apartments Court Road Karachi 74200, Pakistan Tel: þ92 21 5674031 or 5685824 Fax: þ9221 5685938 E-mail:
[email protected] An organization offering legal services for human rights violations as well as providing legal aid where needed. Sahil No 13, First Floor, Al-Babar Centre, F-8 Markaz Islamabad, Pakistan Tel: þ92 51 2260636 Fax: þ92 51 2254678 E-mail:
[email protected] Website: http://www.sahil.org Sahil works exclusively on the issue of child sexual abuse and exploitation. Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child (SPARC) National Office House 151, Street 37 F-10/1, Islamabad, Pakistan E-mail:
[email protected] Website: http://www.sparcpk.org The only NGO working exclusively for Child Rights promotion and protection in Pakistan. SOS Children’s Villages–Pakistan (SOS) Feroz Pur Road Lahore, Pakistan Tel: þ92 42 585 4416 Fax: þ92 42 585 2377 E-mail:
[email protected]
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Website: http://www.sos.org.pk An organization working for orphans and vulnerable children.
Bibliography The Asian South Pacific Bureau of Adult Education. 2005. MUST DO BETTER: A School Report of 14 developing countries in Asia Pacific to investigate their commitment to Basic Education. http://www.campaignforeducation.org/ schoolreport/2005_asia_countries/AsiaPacific_School_Report_Card.pdf. Accessed June 25, 2007. DAWN. Roadmap for skilled workforce okayed. http://www.dawn.com/2006/05/ 19/top4.htm. Accessed May 18, 2006. Federal Bureau of Statistics, Islamabad. Pakistan social and living standards survey (2004–2005). http://www.statpak.gov.pk/depts/fbs/statistics/pslm2004-05/ pslms percent202004-05.pdf. Franciscans International. 2006. Item 10: Right to education-Pakistan: Commission on human rights (62nd session). http://www.franciscansinternational.org/ docs/statement.php?id=417 Ministry of Finance, Government of Pakistan. 2006. Pakistan Economic Survey, 2005–2006. http://www.finance.gov.pk/survey/home.htm. SAHIL. 2005. Cruel Numbers: January-September. 2005. http://www.netbaz.org/ uploads/resources/Child percent20Sexual percent20Abuse percent20Report .pdf UNICEF. 2006. Rebuilding lives in the Pakistan earthquake zone, one year later. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/pakistan_36090.html United National Development Programme. 2006. Human development index. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/. WENR. 2005. Private universities in Pakistan. http://www.wes.org/ewenr/05jan/ feature.htm.
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PHILIPPINES Joan Dymphna G. Saniel NATIONAL PROFILE The Philippines is an archipelago made up of 7,107 islands with a total area of 299,764 square kilometers. Its length measures 1,850 kilometers starting from the point near the tip of Taiwan and ending close to northern Borneo. Its breadth is about 965 kilometers. It has a coastline of 17,599 kilometers and is located in Southeast Asia surrounded by three prominent bodies of water: the Pacific Ocean in the east, the South China Sea on the west and north, and the Celebes Sea on the south. The terrain is mostly mountainous with narrow to extensive coastal lowlands. The Filipino is basically of Malay origin with a sprinkling of Chinese, American, Spanish, and Arab blood. The country has a population of approximately 91 million (2007 estimate). Population growth rate is 1.84 percent (2005 est.). Birth rate is 25.31 births per 1,000 population (2005 est.), and death rate is 5.47 deaths per 1,000 population (2005 est.). The net migration rate is 1.49 migrant(s) per 1,000 population (2005 est.). Sex ratio at birth is 1.05 male(s) per female, for under fifteen years is 1.04 male(s) per female, for fifteen to sixty-four years is 0.99 male per female, and for sixty-five years and over is 0.77 male per female. For the total population, sex ratio is one male per female (2005 est.)
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Approximately 38.6 million or 45 percent of the population are nineteen years old and younger, a generally young population. The median age of Filipinos is 22.27 years, with 21.77 years for male and 22.8 years for female (2005 est.). The number of homeless families and single parents has been increasing, although there are no exact figures available. The government has recently enacted a ‘‘Solo Parents Act,’’ providing assistance and additional benefits for the single parents. Historically, before the Spanish explorers came, Indo-Malays and Chinese merchants settled in the islands. In the sixteenth century, the Philippines was a colony of Spain and later on ceded to the United States of America after the Spanish-American war in 1898. In 1935, the Philippines became a self-governing commonwealth under Manuel Quezon, who was tasked with preparing the country for independence after a tenyear transition. In 1942, during World War II, the country was under Japanese occupation, and U.S. forces and Filipinos fought together during 1944–1945 to regain control. On July 4, 1946, the Philippines attained their independence. The Philippine government is a presidential democracy. It consists of three co-equal branches, namely, the executive, legislative, and judiciary. The executive branch is headed by the president, who is both the chief of state and head of government. Under the president is the vice president and the members of the cabinet heading the different department of government. The legislative branch is a bicameral congress consisting of Senate (upper house) composed of twenty-four senators elected by people at large and the House of Representative (lower house) composed of 214 seats elected by district and party list. The judicial branch consists of the Supreme Court and the lower courts. Justices are appointed by the president on the recommendation of the Judicial and Bar Council. A nongovernmental organization (NGO) in the Philippines is a nonstock, nonprofit institution usually registered with the Security and Exchange Commission (SEC) and the appropriate government KEY FACTS – PHILIPPINES agency such as the Department Population: 91,077,287 (July 2007 est.) of Social Welfare and DevelopInfant mortality rate: 22.12 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) ment (DSWD). Many of the Life expectancy at birth: 70.51 years (2007 est.) existing laws provide for NGO Literacy rate: 92.6 percent (2002 est.) representation in various bodies Internet users: 7.82 million (2005) created, such as the Inter-agency People living with HIV/AIDS: 12,000 (2005 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 31 (2006 est.) Council Against Trafficking and the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Sources: CIA World Factbook: Philippines. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ Council among others. Under publications/factbook/geos/rp.html. April 17, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development the Local Government Code, Report 2006. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ the NGO is represented in the data_sheets/cty_ds_PHL.html. April 26, 2007. local development councils.
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In the past years, the number of NGOs in the Philippines has increased. Most partner with government for the delivery of services to the people and advocate on issues affecting the marginalized sectors. OVERVIEW There are many issues facing Filipino children. All forms of child abuse and exploitation and violations of child’s rights are present in the country: child abuse (sexual, physical, psychological, child exploitation), child labor, trafficking, prostitution, pornography, abandoned and neglected children, children in situations of armed conflict, children in conflict with the law, and discriminated children such as children born out of wedlock and children of indigenous communities. Poverty is the major factor that affects the lives of children. It is one of the primary causes of child exploitation, such as child labor, child trafficking, pornography and prostitution, among others. It is also a major cause why children are malnourished, drop out of school, and also become delinquents. Most of the children in conflict with the law commit crimes against property like theft and robbery. As is usually the case, when the family does not have enough to support its members, the needs of the children are most often sacrificed. A relatively recent phenomenon affecting Filipino families is the increase of Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs). To alleviate their families’ poverty, many Filipinos are seeking employment abroad to the point that even doctors are taking up nursing jobs just to be able to go abroad. This could eventually affect the health services of the country. In addition, separation of children from their parents affects children’s emotional and psychological needs. Although the main reason for going abroad is to provide for the family, at times the spouse who goes abroad eventually abandons the ones left behind, causing family breakups. Children end up not being supported both financially and emotionally. Married Filipinos who go abroad sometimes end up having children with other Filipinos they meet there who may also be married in the Philippines. Since the affair is illicit, the children are deliberately not registered and could be considered nonexistent and thereby not entitled to any form of protection from government. Because of poverty, many Filipino girls not only dream of working abroad, but also marrying foreigners to improve their situation. Unfortunately, some end up in a foreign country abused and battered, prostituted, abandoned, or divorced from their foreign spouses, and at times even dead. This situation of Filipino wives affects their children the most. Child trafficking not only across national borders but also within the country is now a major concern. Filipino children are specifically vulnerable to recruitment strategies because of poverty, dysfunctional family, materialism, adventurism, peer pressure, cultural factors, gender issues,
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and lack of information. Filipino children aged seven to sixteen years old are the usual victims of trafficking for sexual purposes. They are from poor families who have limited skills and were not able to attend higher levels of education. Many of the trafficked girls were previously domestic workers. Another major concern is the issue of juvenile justice. Before the new law on Juvenile Justice and Welfare was passed in 2006, the Philippines did not have a separate juvenile justice system. What existed was an adult criminal justice system that also applied to children; however, there are certain considerations when children are the accused, such as applying a lesser penalty, suspending the sentence of these children, and subjecting them to rehabilitation or other appropriate measures and treatment such as counseling, care, and guidance orders. Children were mixed together with the adults in detention centers. If they had separate quarters at all, they were allowed to mingle with the adult and hardened criminals. This was not very conducive to children who were supposed to undergo rehabilitation, as they ended up more hardened like the criminals they mingled with. Even with the new law, the implementation of the law still remains to be seen, as many of the concerned implementing agencies are not yet able to do their respective roles in the new system. With these issues, the Philippine government has enacted a host of laws protecting Filipino children. The Philippines has a Child and Youth Welfare Code (Presidential Decree 603), which was enacted in the 1970s. In the 1990s, more laws were enacted by virtue of the ratification of the Philippine government of the United Nations Convention on the rights of the child. In 2003, the Philippines enacted a law against trafficking in persons, particularly women and children. In 2004, another law was passed on Anti-Violence Against Women and their Children (AVAWC). In the year 2006, the Philippines for the first time established a comprehensive juvenile justice system through the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act (Republic Act 9344). Aside from child abuse such as exploitation and juvenile delinquency, another issue is environmental degradation. Some of the environmental issues are uncontrolled deforestation, especially in watershed areas; soil erosion; air and water pollution in major urban centers; coral reef degradation; and increasing pollution of coastal mangrove swamps that are important fish breeding grounds. These issues greatly affect children because they are most likely to become the victims of floods, landslides, and pollution. At times because of environmental calamities, families are displaced, including children. Children are also the ones who suffer from the depletion of natural resources. In some areas of the country, particularly in Mindanao and other rebel-infested areas, children are recruited by armed groups as combatants, spies, couriers, or are assigned other types of work, including
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cooking and being in the medical team. At times, they are also caught in the crossfire between the government and rebel groups. Another important issue confronting children is the lack of participation in decision-making processes. Most of the time, children in the Philippines are seen but not heard; they are alienated from the world of adults and the opportunity to participate in governance is limited. EDUCATION Education is considered a priority of the Philippine government. No less than the constitution itself has provided that education should be prioritized in the national budget. It is a sad fact, however, that the share of education in the national budget is only second to the budget for debt servicing. Philippine education is patterned after the American system, with English as the medium of instruction. The Philippines has a free public education system from elementary to high school, which is compulsory. The elementary consists of six years while high school is four years. Recently, a program on early childhood education (pre-elementary) is being implemented. Complementing public education are private educational institutions mostly run by religious groups. Tertiary level (college) education is no longer free and compulsory, although there are a number of state colleges and universities in addition to the privately owned ones. Elementary and high school education is supposedly available for all children, including children of indigenous cultural communities, children in both urban and rural areas, of both sexes, and even for children with disabilities. However, participation rates in public elementary schools have decreased since 2000. Of the approximately 13 million children of elementary-school age, almost 11 million were enrolled in 2002. This translates to a net enrollment ratio of 90 percent. This is a sharp drop from the 2000 estimate of 97 percent. It is also a fact that many children drop out of school because even if the tuition fees are free, they cannot afford the uniform, transportation, and other fees required to attend school. Out of ten grade 1 students who were enrolled five years ago, only seven are now in grade 5. Worse, only 67 percent will eventually complete basic elementary education (Basic Education Information System, Department of Education 2002). There are approximately 10 million young people (twelve to seventeen years old) in the Philippines. The net enrollment ratio in public secondary education in 2002 was only 57 percent. Approximately four of ten children (twelve to fifteen years old) are not in school. Six out of ten children entering first year reach and complete the fourth year. Although the Philippines has a high literacy rate of 92.6 percent, this only means that many Filipinos know how to read and write. However,
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the quality of Philippine education leaves much to be desired. The average class size across Philippine regions ranges from thirty-three to fifty students per class. In July 2003, 1.3 million grade 6 students took the High School Readiness Test. Using a passing mark of 50 percent (proportion of questions answered correctly), only 18 percent of the incoming high school students who took the diagnostic test passed the competency level for English; 8 percent passed math, and 10 percent passed science. Early learning for children younger than six remains a major concern. Data from the education department show that only three of ten children attend preschool or daycare services. Despite the passage of a national law on early childhood care and development, many parents still shun the practice of early learning stimulation whether through formal or nonformal structures. There are some public schools with special education for the deaf and children with disabilities. However, this is only found in the central/ district schools and not available in the remote areas. There is a Magna Carta for Disabled Persons including children, but there are no particular mandates on education for these children. English and Filipino are the languages taught in schools. Before, Spanish was also taught in college and some high schools. However, during the 1990s, Spanish as a subject was abolished and is not compulsory anymore. The medium of instruction in government elementary schools is bilingual (English and the local language). In secondary schools, the medium of instruction is English. Most if not all private schools use English as a medium of instruction. PLAY AND RECREATION Some traditional games in the Philippines include sipa, which is the national game. Several sports events like Palarong Pambansa are organized at the local and national levels. In most schools, there is a week-long intramurals where different year levels/courses compete in the different sports. Schools from elementary to college have physical education where the students are taught different sports like volleyball, basketball, and baseball. The subject also includes dancing and other physical fitness activities aside from sports. The Child and Youth Welfare Code specifically recognizes the right of children to recreational activities. One of the functions of the Barangay (village) Council for the Welfare of Children is to promote the opening of playgrounds and day care centers as well as to promote wholesome entertainment. All municipalities/cities have parks for outdoor play for children. However, these are usually found in the town centers and are not accessible to children in the mountain and remote areas. Although the barangays (villages) have playgrounds, these are usually found inside the public schools and not accessible to the out of school children. Many
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children do not have time to play at all since they are working. Children need to work because their parents cannot support them. The right to recreation and play is very much related to the problem of child labor as discussed in the next chapter. The internet is very accessible in the Philippines through several internet cafes operating in urban centers and even in the rural areas. Yet, children in the public schools generally do not have access unless they go to the internet cafes. One problem is that the information they get from the internet is not regulated. They can easily access pornographic web sites and inappropriate information. There have been many cases wherein the internet is being used for ‘‘virtual’’ prostitution/pornography wherein women and girls expose their private parts on the internet through the web cameras for a fee to a client in another country. There is no law covering this ‘‘virtual’’ type of prostitution/pornography. The law only covers prostitution where there is actual sexual intercourse/lascivious conduct for a fee, and pornography when it is published or displayed in public. As for television, the Philippines has a Children’s Television Act wherein all broadcast outfits are required to devote 5 percent of their airtime to television programs for children. Thus, television channels are supposed to have educational programs for children. However, there are also other children’s programs like cartoons, which show violence. Children are also exposed to soap operas during prime time, which also portray violent scenes. CHILD LABOR According to estimates of the International Labour Organization (ILO), there are 5 million child laborers in the Philippines as of 1995. Most of the children are employed in agricultural work in rural areas. In urban areas, most are working in the informal sector. These children can be found working in poor and unsafe conditions, risking their life and health for little or no remuneration in order to survive. The majority of these children are abused and exploited, and their futures threatened by work, which inhibits their physical, intellectual, and moral development. Some are bonded—not allowed to go out of the working place at any time—and most are coming from remote places in Bicol, Visayas, and Mindanao. The worst forms of child labor identified by the ILO are present in the Philippines. This includes sale and trafficking of children, forced labor, offering a child for prostitution, pornography, pornographic performance, and using children in illicit activities. The problem of child labor can be traced to major societal and economic factors, such as overpopulation, poverty, unemployment, cultural beliefs, failures in the educational system, and political instability, among others.
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There are existing laws to protect children from child labor. The recent enactment was Republic Act 9231, which amended Republic Act 7658 and Republic Act 7610. According to these laws, children below fifteen years old should not be employed, with certain exceptions in public entertainment and in family enterprises. A family enterprise is defined as one where only members of the family are employed. Thus, small businesses like vending can be considered as family enterprise. Under the law, for those children falling under the exceptions, their development should not be affected and they are only allowed to work a maximum of four hours per day and should not be working between 8:00 in the evening to 6:00 in the morning. For children fifteen years old to below eighteen, the law provides that they may not be employed in hazardous work, which is defined as work that is hazardous or harmful to the health, safety, or morals of a child as follows: Debases, degrades, or demeans the intrinsic worth or dignity of a child; exposes a child to physical, emotional, or sexual abuses; underground, underwater, or at dangerous heights; dangerous machineries, equipments, and tools; manual heavy transport; radiation, fire, flammable substances, temperature, noise levels, vibration, co-agents, and so on; particularly difficult situations; biological agents, fungi, and virus; and explosives and other pyrotechnics products. Although these children may be employed in nonhazardous work not falling under the enumeration above, they are only allowed to work a maximum of eight hours per day, which should not be between 10:00 in the evening and 6:00 in the morning. However, even if there are laws on this matter, enforcement is another thing. There have been no convictions yet on child labor. It could be because in Filipino culture, children are taught the value of work. Because of poverty and the desire to help the family, a Filipino child becomes very enterprising and becomes self-employed in the informal sector like vending, watching cars, and scavenging. This is not treated in the law. Another issue is the employment of children in domestic work. Domestic workers remain one of the most vulnerable social groups. They overwhelmingly face exploitation, discrimination, and coercion because of the nature of their work and its close link to trafficking. Many families employ children and some are even below fifteen years old. This issue does not get reported because they are in the confines of the home. The law does not include child domestic work as hazardous. Thus, children below eighteen years of age but above fifteen may be employed as domestic helpers. Most of the time, they work long hours and are subjected to maltreatment by their employers. NGOs such as Kamalayan Foundation have been working on the child labor issue, particularly those in the agricultural sector. They also have conducted rescue operations for children working in factories. Visayan Forum, another NGO, is working on the issue of child domestic work
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and congress is in the process of enacting a law to protect domestic workers. This law, the Batas Kasambahay (Magna Carta for Domestic Workers), seeks to formalize the rights of domestic workers and set parameters for decent working conditions for this population. FAMILY The family starts with the union of a man and woman in marriage. Under Philippine law, marriage is considered an inviolable social institution and its primary purpose is to found a family. Thus, divorce is not allowed under Philippine law. The law only allows declaration of nullity of marriage, annulment, and legal separation. There are specific grounds for these actions, which have to be proven in court. Because marriage is primarily intended to establish a family, those couples without children are generally not considered a complete family. In the Philippines, a couple without a child are known as mag-asawa, a mother with a child is mag-ina or if it is the father that is present, magama. It is only considered as mag-anak, which is the Filipino word for a family, when both parents and children are together. A typical Filipino family is close knit, and most of the time includes the ‘‘extended’’ family consisting of the grandparents, uncles, aunts, and even cousins (known as kamag-anak). In a traditional Filipino family, it is usually the father who is the breadwinner and makes decisions in the family. Even in the Family Code, although it provides for a joint management of the household by both husband and wife, there is a provision that if they do not agree, it is the decision of the father that prevails unless the wife chooses to go to court and the court makes the decision. Since the father is the breadwinner, the mother stays at home, does the household work, and takes care of children. Children are expected to respect their parents and to obey them. Members of the family are expected to support each other. However, at this present time of economic crisis and to make both ends meet, this tradition has changed. Mothers are already working outside the family home, yet are still expected to take care of household work. In some instances, it is the mother who works outside the home and the father stays at home. It seems that job opportunities for women are now higher compared with men. This change is also reflected in the law. Under the Family Code, spouses are obliged to live together, observe mutual love, respect, and fidelity, and to render mutual help and support. Spouses are jointly responsible for the support of the family, and they have the right and duty for the management of the household. As for children, it is usually the role of the girl child to help in the family chores like taking care of younger siblings, cooking, and doing the
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laundry. In terms of education, there is still a tendency for parents to prioritize education for male children. Parents and their children are also bound to support each other. Thus, with both parents working yet with limited income or worse, when the parents cannot find jobs at all, children serve as bread earners for the family. The Filipino family values children since they are considered as assets ‘‘to pay the family debts.’’ Thus, some children, especially girls in rural areas, are offered by their parents to the landowner whom they have been indebted for ‘‘debt-servicing.’’ The girl goes to stay at the house of the landowner where she becomes a servant and oftentimes is exploited. Children in the family are most of the time taught not to talk back to their parents and remain respectful and docile. Some parents go to the extent of choosing the careers of their children and even their spouses. This trend is at present changing, as children are now aware of their right to participate in decision-making processes. The Child and Youth Welfare Code also provides as a parental responsibility to let children participate in family affairs and choose their careers and spouses. With the increasing number of solo parents, the Philippines has enacted a law to provide support for solo parents. With the phenomenon of Filipinos going abroad to work and other problems the Filipino family is facing, the family as a unit of Philippine society is fast disintegrating. There are now many solo-parent families. These include the unwed mothers and the spouses who have separated from each other legally or defacto with children living with one of the parents. Solo-parent families also include families where only one of the spouses is left at home while the other spouse works abroad. There are even times when both parents are working abroad and children are left with the eldest sibling or with a grandparent, or with an aunt or uncle. HEALTH The Philippines has a national health insurance program under the Republic Act 7875 (National Health Insurance Act), which is supposed to cover all Filipinos. However, in reality, only those employed and the retirees are assured of coverage through salary deductions. The selfemployed may choose not to enroll in the program, although they are encouraged to do so. As for indigent families, they rely on the sponsored programs wherein their premiums are being sponsored by local government units, politicians, or civic/charitable institutions. Thus, the existence of a national health insurance program does not really ensure the health of all Filipinos including children, as shown by the data. The health budget only consists of around 5 percent of the national budget. Maternal mortality rate in the Philippines is 200 per 100,000 live births (State of the World’s Children Report UNICEF 2004). Roughly eleven women die every day. Seven of ten deaths occur at child birth or
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within a day after delivery, and four of ten deaths are due to complications and widespread infections. For every death, forty more women get sick. This is because eight of ten births in rural areas are delivered outside a health facility through the hilots or mananabang (local midwifes). Seventy percent of pregnant mothers had at least four prenatal checkup visits, 78 percent for urban areas and 62 percent for rural areas. Thirty-seven percent of pregnant mothers had at least two tetanus toxoid injections, 37 percent for urban areas and 38 percent for rural areas (National Demographic and Health Survey National Statistics Office 2003). Some maternal deaths are also caused by abortion complications. Due to poverty, many pregnancies are unwanted. Since all forms of abortion are illegal in the Philippines, abortions are performed illegally in illequipped places, often resulting in complications and death of the mother. Hospitals more often than not refuse to treat these patients with abortion complications, because it is considered illegal. The use of contraceptives is also discouraged by the Catholic Church, which has a great influence on government and the people. Because of this, contraceptives are not very well popularized and disseminated. The contraceptive Postinor is even classified as an abortive, and thus is considered illegal. Amid these problems, the reproductive health bill has not been passed by congress until the present. This is because the Catholic Church is against its passage, and members of congress are being pressured since the Catholic Church is very influential. With the mothers’ reproductive health not being cared for, it is not surprising that infant mortality is high. The infant mortality rate in the country is twenty-two deaths per 1,000 live births. Under-five mortality rate is forty-two deaths per 1,000 live births. Only 70 percent of children twelve to twenty-three months old are fully immunized, 74 percent in urban areas and 65 percent in rural areas. Although child mortality rates in the Philippines have steadily decreased since 1998, disparities across regions remain. In 2003, seven of seventeen regions were estimated to have infant and under-five mortality rates higher than the national average. Rural areas are worse off, with an infant mortality rate of thirty-six deaths per 1,000 live births. Pneumonia is the leading cause of infant deaths. Among both children and infants, bronchitis and influenza—both of which can lead to pneumonia—make up more than half of the reported morbidity. Diarrhea is the next most important disease. Diarrhea-related dehydration as a cause of death varies by region. In provinces such as Samar, where sanitation and water supply are poor, it can account for as many as half of child deaths. Twenty-eight percent of children (five years old and younger) are underweight. The prevalence of underweight children (under five years
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old) has decreased since 1998 from 32 percent to 28 percent in 2003. However, the rate of progress is still not sufficient to reach the national target of 17 percent by 2015. The most common form of malnutrition in the Philippines is iron-deficiency anemia. There is also an extensive and severe problem of iodine deficiency. As for health services, there is one hospital for every 113,040 people, one doctor for every 24,417 people, one nurse for every 22,309, one dentist for every 578,100, and one midwife for every 722,654 people. Many hospitals are only found in the cities and in the municipal centers, and not all municipalities even have a hospital. The hospitals found in the municipalities also lack the necessary equipment and even medical supplies, thus those who are not even seriously sick have to be brought to the city just to have a dextrose. There are cases when children die of dehydration if they are not immediately taken to the hospitals in the city. This is the poor state of health services in the country. The ratio of health workers to population could already have worsened because of the recent phenomenon in the Philippines where doctors take up nursing to have more opportunities for working abroad. Most of the nurses in the local hospitals are new graduates because the ones with experience are going out of the country. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The Philippines is a state party to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), which it ratified in July 1990. Thus, it is obliged to report to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child the status of implementation after two years from ratification and every five years thereafter. Unfortunately, the Philippines has not been timely in submitting reports. To date, it has only submitted two reports, the initial report in 1993 and the next report in 2003. Even before the Philippines ratified the Convention, it already had a Child and Youth Welfare Code (Presidential Decree No. 603) enacted by President Ferdinand Marcos in the 1970s. This provided for the rights and responsibilities of children and parents and had special provisions. It provided for the rights of children and treated special categories of children like the abandoned and neglected children, children with disabilities, and children in conflict with the law. It also provided penalties for parents who abandon their children, parents who do not send children to school, those who allow children to carry deadly weapons or to drive without a license, and similar acts. After the Philippines became a party to the UNCRC in 1990, it enacted a law (Republic Act 7610) protecting children from child abuse, exploitation, and discrimination. This law penalizes a host of child abuse and exploitation activities that include the acts of child prostitution; child
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pornography or indecent shows; child trafficking; attempts to commit child prostitution or child trafficking; using children for criminal activities such as drug trafficking; and keeping or having the company of a child who is ten years or more younger than one’s age, among others. The penalties in this law are higher than those provided under Presidential Decree 603. The penalty ranges from six years and one day to life imprisonment, depending on the offense committed. Several other laws on child labor, domestic and intercountry adoption, barangay-level total development for children, and children’s television, to name a few, were also enacted in the 1990s. The more recent enactments include the Anti-trafficking in Persons Act (Republic Act 9208) and the amendment to the law on child labor protecting children from the worst forms of exploitation (Republic Act 9231), both of which were enacted in 2003. In 2004, an amendment to the Family Code allowing children born out of wedlock to use their father’s last name (Republic Act 9255) was passed. However, this amendment did not eliminate the discrimination against children born out of wedlock in terms of legal inheritance of paternal properties. Children out of wedlock receive only one half of what the legitimate child gets. Also in the same year 2004, the Anti-Violence against Women and their Children Act (Republic Act 9262) was passed. In this law, children are treated as extensions of the women who are violated. Recently in 2006, the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act was passed. For several years, this had been advocated and lobbied by the NGOs in congress. The law establishes a comprehensive juvenile justice in the Philippines in accordance with international standards. The new legislation increased the age of criminal liability to fifteen years old. Children below the age of fifteen are exempt from criminal liability. However, children above fifteen but below eighteen are still exempted from criminal liability if they are found to have acted with discernment. This is an improvement of the prior law where children as young as age nine could be criminally liable if found to be acting with discernment. Republic Act 9344 also provides for diversion at three levels: the barangay, police, and prosecutor levels. For crimes without any victims, it is delegated to the social welfare officer. The last attempt at diversion is with the family court. The system of diversion was earlier (before enactment of the law) established by a Supreme Court rule, which is applied when the case has already reached the courts. This has been reenacted in the law. Should diversion not succeed, the trial of the case will proceed and if found guilty, the child will be entitled to a suspended sentence wherein rehabilitation and other disposition measures may be used. Children as defined in Philippine law are those below eighteen years of age. The legal status of children starts at birth where it is required that they are registered. However, many Filipino children are not registered at birth, especially those in rural areas where they are delivered by
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traditional/local midwives and parents cannot easily access the local civil registrar. Some are registered late when they are already in school since schools require birth certificates for enrollment. Others who do not go to school are simply not registered at all until they die. They are, therefore, considered nonexistent and do not get the protection of the state. Although the legal status or personality of children starts at birth, the law provides that for purposes favorable to it, even the child inside the womb of the mother can acquire rights, provided that the child is born later. Thus, unborn children can inherit properties although they were not yet born upon their father’s death. Abortion is also illegal in the Philippines and is penalized under the law. Persons older than eighteen years of age may still be considered as children under some laws if they are not able to take care of themselves due to physical and mental disabilities. This is to protect even those older than eighteen who cannot take care of themselves from abuse and exploitation. As children, they are entitled to certain rights but only up to a certain extent. As they are still under parental authority, children cannot enter into contracts by themselves. It is the parents who enter into contracts for them. They cannot vote in national elections, although children fifteen and older may vote for the Sangguniang Kabataan (Children’s Council). For children who are witnesses in both criminal and civil cases, who may be accused, the victim, or mere witnesses, certain rules of evidence are to be followed under the Supreme Court Rule on Child Witnesses. This rule allows innovative methods of presenting children as witnesses in court, such as live-link television testimony, video- and audiotaped depositions, use of testimonial aids like dolls, and use of one-way mirror or screens, among others. Hearsay testimony is also allowed with certain conditions, and confidentiality is also given emphasis. This rule is already in effect, yet many judges, prosecutors, and lawyers are still not aware of it, thus, it has not been implemented in many courts yet. RELIGIOUS LIFE The Philippines is predominantly a Catholic country because of Spanish influence for hundreds of years under the colonial rule of Spain starting in the sixteenth century. Most Filipinos (82.9 percent) are Roman Catholics. Other Christian denominations compose 10.3 percent, and Muslims 4.6 percent. Thus, even in public places and government offices, religious images are displayed. Aside from the national anthem, prayer is always a part of most public functions. The Roman Catholic Church in the Philippines is very influential when it comes to politics. The People’s Power Revolution in 1986, which toppled down the Marcos dictatorship, was greatly influenced by the late
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Archbishop of Manila Jaime Cardinal Sin. During the ‘‘revolution,’’ many religious priests and nuns with their rosaries participated, and the image of the Virgin Mary was displayed in the mass mobilizations. The Catholic Church owns a significant number of real properties that can still be traced from the Spanish era. Many religious orders, both nuns and priests, run educational institutions including hospitals, as well as child care centers for the abused and neglected, and other children in need. The right to freedom of religion is recognized by the Constitution. The Supreme Court in a case has upheld this right where school children belonging to the Jehovah’s Witness religion refused to salute the Filipino flag because it violated their religious beliefs. Although the right to freedom of religion is recognized under the Constitution, Filipino children usually follow the religion of their parents. They are usually baptized to the Catholic faith and other religions as well when they are less than one year old. It is their parents and their godparents who answer the vows of faith for them. As they grow up, children usually follow the religious practices of their parents. It is seldom that children convert to another religion. It is only when they reach the age of majority and get exposure to other religions that they at times change their religion. Although majority of Filipinos are baptized Roman Catholics, most do not actually practice the tenets of their religion. Many Catholics do not go to church to hear mass, nor do they practice the religious sacraments required of their faith regularly. Some only go to church during baptism, marriage, and death. However, most Filipinos do believe in God and turn to him when they have problems. Even with a predominantly Catholic religion, Filipino families are still very superstitious. They believe in superstitions carried on from generation to generation. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT There has been an increase in cases of child abuse filed with the Department of Justice (DOJ) from 2001 to 2004. From 144 cases in 2001, it has increased to 374 in 2004, although there was a decrease in 2003 wherein only forty-six cases were filed. Relatively few cases have been formally filed compared with the victims who actually received appropriate recovery measures and assistance from concerned government agencies, which totaled 4,413 in 2002 and 4,408 in 2003. An overwhelming majority are females. The figures only include cases of sexual abuse, rape, incest, and acts of lasciviousness. Other forms of abuse such as physical abuse, child labor, and other forms of abuse are not included in the figures. In the Philippines, as in many other places, much emphasis is placed on family values and building strong families. Families are meant to be safe places. Nevertheless, statistics show that families are the most common source of sexual abuse against children. Year 2000 figures showed
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that for sexual abuse cases, 19 percent of the perpetrators were fathers, 11 percent were uncles, 4 percent were brothers, 1 percent were grandfathers, and acquaintances and neighbors comprised 21 percent each, while strangers only made up 5 percent. The Child Protection Law (Republic Act 7610) provides stiff penalties for offenders. The offenses include child abuse and exploitation, child prostitution, child trafficking, indecent publication and indecent shows, child labor, and all other forms of abuse of children. Physical abuse and corporal punishment, however, is regarded by most Filipinos to be a form of discipline and is generally accepted. Even with the law, there is a resistance among the law enforcers, prosecutors, and judges to consider corporal punishment as a form of child abuse. Most victims of abuse opt not to formally file charges against their perpetrators for a number of reasons, which include fear of retaliation by perpetrator, shame, a slow and unfriendly justice system, and an offer of settlement by the perpetrator, among others. In incest cases, victims are generally not supported by their mothers and their relatives. Because of the death penalty before its recent repeal, children hesitated to file cases against their father, as they did not want to be the cause of their father’s death. As for child abandonment and neglect, the Philippine government reported to the Committee on the Rights of the Child that as of 2003, there were 2,732 children who were deprived of a family environment and separated from their parents. Of this figure, 2,686 were brought to institutions. Also in 2003, 970 children were placed with foster families, and 1,902 were adopted domestically or through interagency adoptions. For the abandoned and neglected children, it is the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) that usually takes custody over them. At times, they are referred to other childcare institutions (both private and publicly owned) duly accredited by the DSWD. In order that these children will be placed in the legal custody of DSWD, the law provides that they have to be voluntarily or involuntarily committed. Under voluntary commitment, the parents will have to execute a commitment in writing, which must be duly notarized, to the effect that they surrender custody of the child to DSWD. For involuntary commitment, a petition must be filed in court by the DSWD to judicially declare the child as dependent, abandoned, or neglected. This will have to undergo a hearing wherein the parents are notified. If the parents show up and prove that they are able to take care of the child, the child will be given to their custody, otherwise, when the court declares the child as abandoned or neglected, the custody shall be given to the DSWD and the parents lose parental authority over the child. Once the child is declared as such, s/he can already be subject to adoption proceedings. Custody shall only be given back to the parents if they can show that they are able to take care of the child and if the child had not in the meantime been adopted.
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The process of child adoption is also governed by laws. The Philippines has a Domestic Adoption Act (Republic Act 8552) and an Inter-Country Adoption Code (Republic Act 8043). These laws, though, are not strictly followed. There are many instances when newly born babies are directly registered in the name of their ‘‘adopting’’ parents without undergoing the legal process. This practice of simulated births are rampant since most couples who want to adopt children do not like to undergo the legal process of adoption, as it is expensive and would take time. Although simulation of birth is a criminal offense, no one complains about it and it is not monitored. The consequence is that the child would not have any legal protection at all as an adopted child since the relatives of the adopting parent could eventually question his status especially when it comes to inheritance after the adopting parents have died. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Growing up in the twenty-first century in the Philippines will be quite a challenge for Filipino children. There is still the time-immemorial issue of poverty that causes children to be neglected, abandoned, abused, and exploited. Parental travel to other countries as OFWs causes unstable family life for children. This also causes a ‘‘brain drain,’’ since professionals such as teachers, nurses, engineers, and even doctors who could have served the country serve other countries instead. On the other hand, the Philippine legal system is improving in terms of laws and procedures for children geared toward a child-sensitive legal system. Philippine laws are in place to protect children from all forms of abuse, neglect, and exploitation. There is now a juvenile justice and welfare system for children who come in contact with the law. Special legal procedures for children involved in court cases are also in place. Structures from the barangay level to the national level have been created to protect children from abuse and neglect. Even with all the laws in place, this is not an assurance that Filipino children will now enjoy their rights to the fullest. Continuous advocacy and capacity building of the concerned agencies is necessary for full implementation of these laws and structures. Children themselves must be made aware of their rights and responsibilities so that they can be fully protected and that their rights are respected and promoted. Filipino children are fast becoming aware of their rights and are little by little participating in decision-making processes. However, there is still the challenge of changing the long-held cultural values and beliefs and the institutions and educational system so that children and youth can become full partners in the development of the nation. It takes a village to raise a child. It is not just the government’s obligation to implement the rights of the child and to make them responsible
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citizens. The whole nation must be involved in raising the Filipino child who is capable of meeting the challenges of the new millennium.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Alejandro, W. 1996. A Beginning in Child Labor: A Worst Form of Child Labor Discovered and Rescued (A 1993 KDF’s Experience) Quezon City. Quezon City: Kamalayan Development Foundation. Discusses the rescue of child laborers as a beginning in the intervention to protect children from economic exploitation. Ateneo Human Rights Center. 1997. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Philippine Legal System. Makati City, Philippines: Ateneo and UNICEF. Discusses the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and Philippine case law related to the provisions thereof. Ateneo Human Rights Center. 2003. Opening Doors: A Presentation of Laws Protecting Filipino Child Workers (Third Ed.) International Labor Office. A compilation of international and national laws relating to child labor in the Philippines. Bautista, Violeta, Aurorita Roldan, and Myra Garces-Bacsal. 2001.Working with Abused Children from the Lenses of Resilience and Contextualization. Sweden: Save the Children Sweden UP center for Integrative and Development Studies. A research study aimed to explore the resilience of abused children through life story interviews, look into existing interventions, identify psychosocial methods that inspire resilience among children, and offer recommendations to design and implement programs for abused children. Children’s Legal Bureau, Inc. Paralegal Manual on Child Abuse Cases. Children and Youth Foundation of the Philippines, Terres de Hommes. Discusses the framework in giving legal services to children, discussion of the law on child abuse and the skills needed by paralegals in assisting child abuse victims. Children’s Legal Bureau, Inc. A Guidebook on the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and its Monitoring. Children and Youth Foundation of the Philippines, Terredes Hommes. Discusses the highlights of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Philippine experience in monitoring the implementation of the convention. Children’s NGO Network. 2004. Philippine Alternative Report on the Implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. Cebu City: Philippines: Children’s NGO Network. A commentary on the Philippine government’s report on the implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in the Country with recommendations to fully implement the convention. Concluding Observations Committee on the Rights of the Child, 39th session. June 3, 2005. Consideration of Reports Submitted by State Parties under Article 44 of the Convention–Concluding Observations: Philippines. Comments and recommendations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child on the implementation of the UNCRC by the Philippine government ECPAT Philippines. 2004. Endangered Generation Child Trafficking in the Philippines for Sexual Purposes. Jakarta, Indonesia: ECPAT Philippines Terre des
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Hommes, Netherlands. A study conducted in certain urban centers in the Philippines on the dynamics and processes of child trafficking. Heaver, Richard A., and Joseph M. Hunt. 1995. Improving Early Childhood Development An Integrated Program for the Philippines. Washington, DC: World Bank. Discusses the situation of preschoolers in the Philippines, including their health and nutrition status and the importance of early childhood development. It also makes recommendations for an integrated program for early childhood in the country. Visayan Forum Foundation. 2006. Trafficked into Forced Labor: Selected Case Studies of Domestic Workers in the Philippines. Manila. A book compiling the life stories of domestic workers in the Philippines.
Nonprint Resources Bunso. 2004. Consuelo Foundation and UNICEF, Manila. Directed by Ditsi Carolino. A documentary film showing the lives of three children in one of the jails of the Philippines. Minsan Lang Sila Bata. 1996. Disti Carolino, Ateno Center for Social Policy, Archdiocese of Manila Labor Center, Manila. Directed by Ditsi Carolino. A documentary film on the forms of child labor in different areas of the Philippines including working in a slaughterhouse, agricultural work, quarrying, and stevedoring. No Time for Play. A documentary showing forms of child labor such as the making of brooms, mining in gold mine, agricultural work. Si Vina at Si Jane. 2001. ECPAT. Cebu City, Philippines. A documentary on the lives of two prostituted girls who were trafficked from different parts of the Philippines to one of the cities within the country.
Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Commission on Human Rights SAAC Bldg. Commonwealth Ave., U.P. Complex Diliman, Quezon City Philippines Phone: (þ632) 9287098/9285655/9266188/9290102 Web site: http://www.chr.gov.ph A commission created under the Philippine constitution that will investigate human rights violations, provide legal measures for the protection of human rights, and monitor the implementation of human rights instruments ratified by the Philippine government. Council for the Welfare of Children CWC Building 10 Apo St., Sta. Mesa Heights 1114 Quezon City, Philippines P.O Box No. 2363 QC Central Post Office Phone: (þ632) 7422013/7811037/35/39/63/64
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Web site: http://www.cwc.gov.ph An interagency council created to oversee the implementation of the Child and Youth Welfare Code and other laws related to children. Department of Education University of Life Complex Meralco Ave. Pasig City NCR 1605 Philippines Phone: (þ632) 6321316 Web site: http://www.DepEd.gov.ph The government agency tasked to provide basic primary, secondary, and tertiary education for the people. Department of Health San Lazaro Cpd. Rizal Ave. Manila NCR 1014 Philippines Phone: (þ632) 7438301-23 Web site: http://www.doh.gov.ph The government agency tasked to provide basic health services to the people. Department of Justice DOJ Building Padre Faura Manila NCR 1004 Philippines Phone: (þ632) 5238481 Web site: http://www.doj.gov.ph The government agency tasked on matters concerning the administration of justice, which includes investigation, prosecution, and providing legal services to the citizens. Department of Labor and Employment San Jose St., Intramuros Manila, Philippines Phone: (þ632) 5272116/5272118 Web site: http://www.dole.gov.ph The government agency tasked to monitor compliance of labor standards, to mediate, arbitrate labor relations cases including child labor. Department of Social Welfare and Development Batasan Complex Constitution Hills Quezon City, NCR 1126 Philippines Phone: (þ632) 9318101 to 07 Web site: http://www.dswd.gov.ph The government agency tasked with providing social welfare services for those in need including children, women, disabled, and senior citizens.
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National Youth Commission 4th Floor Bookman Building 373 Quezon Ave., Quezon City Philippines Phone: (þ632) 7499399/7499401/7499404 Web site: http://www.youth.net.ph A commission created by law to promote youth participation in governance and provide services to the youth. Nongovernmental Organizations Ateneo Human Rights Center G/F APS Building, 20 Rockwell Drive Rockwell Center 1200 Makati City, Philippines Phone: (þ632) 8997697 loc. 2109 Phone/Fax: (þ632) 8994342 An academic based institution of the Ateneo de Manila University catering the cases related to Human Rights. One of its programs is the Adhikain para sa Karapatang Pambata (AKAP), which deals with child’s rights related issues. Children’s Legal Bureau, Inc. #10 Queen’s Road, Camputhaw Cebu City Phone: (þ6332) 2558106 Phone/Fax: (þ6332) 254509 Email:
[email protected] Providing legal services for children, conducts trainings on child’s rights and laws, and advocates for child sensitive policies in government. Consuelo Foundation, Inc. 27th Floor Citibank Towers Paseo de Roxas St. Makati City, Philippines Phone: (þ632) 8480601 A Hawaiian-based foundation that has an office in the Philippines providing financial and technical support to different NGOs all over the country on programs related to children including juvenile justice, child’s rights protection unit, youth skills training, and other programs. ECPAT Philippines 123 V. Luna Rd. Ext. Sikatuna Village Quezon City, Philippines Phone: (þ632) 9252803-04 Fax: (þ632) 4331150 Email:
[email protected] ECPAT is an international network, with one of their offices is in the Philippines. The organization advocates for the elimination of various forms of child sexual exploitation, such as child prostitution, pornography, and trafficking not only in the Philippines but globally.
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Kamalayan Development Foundation 43 Happiness St., Diho 2 Subdivision Buhangin District, Davao City Philippines Working with the various groups of toiling children in a number of communities all over the country by enhancing their capacity to participate in the society and organizing them. Visayan Forum Foundation, Inc. 4th Floor, RFM Corporate Center Pioneer cor. Sheridan Sts. Mandaluyong City 1550 Philippines Phone: (þ632) 6318101 loc. 7401/7421 Phone/Fax: (þ632) 6340683 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.visayanforum.org Working on the issue of domestic work specially child domestic work and trafficking for purposes of forced labor. Their intervention is at the port area where they have established halfway houses in partnership with government for trafficked persons they intercept at the port.
Selected Bibliography Alejandro W., Apit Kamalayan, Development Foundation. 1996. A Beginning in Child Labor A Worst form of Child Labor Discovered and Rescue (A 1993 KDF’s Experience). Quezon City: Kamalayan Development Foundation. Ateneo Human Rights Center. 2002. Opening Doors: A Presentation of Laws Protecting Filipino Child Workers. (Third Edition) Makati City: Ateno Human Rights Center and International Labor Organization. Child Protection in The Philippines: Philippine Resource Network. http:// www.childprotection.org.ph/factsfigures/index.html. Children’s NGO Network. 2004. Philippine Alternative Report on the Implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. http://www. crin.org/docs/resources/treaties/crc.39/Philippines_CNN_ngo_report_doc. CIA–The World Fact Book: Philippines. http:cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/ geos/rp.html. Council for the Welfare of Children. http://www.cwc.gov.ph/data.html. Heaver, Richard A., and Joseph M. Hunt. 1995. Improving Early Childhood Development: An Integrated Program for the Philippines. Washington, DC: World Bank. Official Website of the Philippine Government. http://www.gov.ph/aboutphil/general.asp. State of the World’s Children. http://www.unicef.org. Visayan Forum Foundation. 2006. Trafficked into Forced Labor: Selected Case Studies of Domestic Workers in the Philippines. Manila: Visayan Forum Foundation.
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SINGAPORE Wing-Cheong Chan NATIONAL PROFILE Singapore was founded as a British trading outpost in 1819. It joined the Federation of Malaysia in 1963, but seceded two years later in 1965 and became an independent nation. It is now one of the world’s most prosperous and technologically advanced countries, with one of the highest standards of living. Its per capita gross domestic product (GDP) in 2005 was S$44,666 (Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports 2006). Singapore’s economic success can be attributed to its policy of having an open trading economy and the government’s investment in its people to maintain Singapore’s competitiveness. However, an open economy also has its drawbacks. Singapore’s economic growth slowed down in recent years owing to the negative impact from external shocks, such as the Asian economic crisis, high oil prices, and the outbreak of diseases in the region, such as severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) and avian influenza. In terms of its size and physical location, Singapore
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Table 17.1. Age Groups of Population Age group
Percentage
0 to 14 years 15 to 24 years 25 to 34 years 35 to 44 years 45 to 54 years 55 to 64 years 65 years and over
20 13 16 18 16 9 8
is a small country lying at the tip of the Malaysian peninsula in South East Asia. It has a total land area of 699 square kilometers, and as of 2007, its resident population of citizens and permanent residents was about 4.5 million, making it one of the most densely populated countries in the world. Singapore has a multiracial, multicultural, and multireligious population made up of the descendents of immigrants from China, the Malay Peninsula, and the Indian subcontinent. In 2005, Chinese made up 75.6 percent of the resident population, Malays 13.6 percent, and Indians 8.7 percent (Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports, 2006; CIA World Factbook 2007). Under the Singapore Constitution, the government is charged with the duty to ‘‘care for the interests of the racial and religious minorities in Singapore.’’ In particular, it shall ‘‘recognize the special position of the Malays, who are the indigenous people of Singapore’’ (Article 152). However, there are few preferences given in favor of the Malays and other minorities in view of the government’s policy of meritocracy in its administration. As of 2005, the median age of the population was thirty-six years. The resident population of Singapore in 2005 is shown in Table 17.1 (Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports 2006). Owing to delayed family formation and declining birth rates, the proportion of young people has declined over the years. The proportion of resident children aged between birth and fourteen years, for example, formed only 19.9 percent of the resident population in 2005 compared with 39.1 percent in 1970 (Singapore Department of Statistics 2006b). Children in Singapore have reaped the benefits of the country’s rapid socioeconomic development along with the rest of the nation. Singapore’s infant mortality rate per 1,000 live births dropped from 20.5 in 1970 to 2.3 in 2007 (Singapore Department of Statistics 2006b; CIA World Factbook 2007), which is one of the lowest in the world today. Life expectancy at birth is 77.7 years for males and 81.6 years for females
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(Singapore Department of StaKEY FACTS – SINGAPORE tistics 2006b). With a relatively equitable distribution of its ecoPopulation: 4,553,009 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 2.3 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) nomic success, there are no child Life expectancy at birth: 81.8 years (2007 est.) beggars or street children to be Literacy rate: 92.5 percent (2002 est.) seen in Singapore. The literacy Internet users: 2.422 million (2005) rate of Singapore residents over People living with HIV/AIDS: 5,500 (2005 est.) fifteen years of age is 92.5 perHuman Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 7 (2006 est.) cent (CIA World Factbook Sources: CIA World Factbook: Singapore. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ 2007). As a sign of the country’s publications/factbook/geos/sn.html. April 17, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development rapid development, the two Report 2006: Singapore. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ most prevalent health issues countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_SGP.html. April 26, 2007; faced by children in Singapore UNICEF. At a Glance: Singapore–Statistics. http://www.unicef. today are obesity and shortorg/infobycountry/singapore.html. April 25, 2007. sightedness. Unlike some Asian countries, there is no trend of preference for males over females in children. A study on all births between 1982 and 1993 showed that the sex ratio at birth stayed below 110 males per 100 females even for higher birth orders (Koh 1995). This was attributed to the improved status of women and equal educational and employment opportunities in a meritocratic society (Koh 1995). The overall sex ratio according to the Census of Population 2000 showed 998 males for 1,000 females (Leow 2001). The government agency in charge of family support programs in Singapore is the Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports (MCYS). Its work is supported by Family Service Centres and other voluntary welfare organizations, which may be privately funded or partially funded by the government. OVERVIEW Owing to its colonial heritage, most of Singapore’s laws follow the prevailing English law (statute or common law) of the time. As such, distinctions still remain in some areas of the law where males and females are held to different standards. The offense of kidnapping from lawful guardianship under the Penal Code (which was adopted by Singapore in 1871), for example, applies to males younger than fourteen years old and to females younger than sixteen years old. These distinctions, however, have gradually eroded over time. Men and women are increasingly treated as equals in law and at the workplace. The most recent change in this direction is a constitutional amendment in 2004 to the way citizenship is acquired by children born abroad to parents of whom only one holds Singapore nationality. Under the previous law, a child born outside Singapore whose father is a Singapore citizen (but mother is not) can acquire Singapore citizenship by
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descent, but a similar child whose mother is a Singapore citizen (but father is not) cannot do so by descent but must acquire Singapore citizenship by other means. This was changed such that there is no longer any such distinction between children based on the nationality of their fathers and mothers. Other laws in Singapore have also been amended such that greater attention is now given to the needs of children. These include increased protection of children from abuse and neglect and the introduction of compulsory education in Singapore. The age of majority in Singapore is still the same as that under the common law dating back to the nineteenth century; that is, twenty-one years of age. Statute law, however, may lower this age for specific purposes, such as sexual consent for girls (sixteen years), being able to obtain a driver’s license (eighteen years), having capacity to marry (eighteen years), being able to buy tobacco (eighteen years), being able to buy or consume alcohol in a licensed premise (eighteen years), and in the case of boys, being called upon to report for compulsory military service (eighteen years). This can cause discrepancies, such as a person who is married and has children or who is in active military service but is still unable to vote in parliamentary elections or be held to a commercial contract. There are no known plans to lower the general age of majority to eighteen years in line with Singapore’s obligations under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child 1985, which she acceded to in October 1995. EDUCATION The typical student in Singapore spends six years in primary education from the age of six years, followed by another four to five years of education before proceeding to the polytechnic or the junior college if he or she so chooses. Vocational courses at both the primary and secondary education stages are also available. In addition, a diversity of options has recently become available in the Singapore education system to allow a student to structure his or her education path according to his or her strengths. There are special schools that concentrate on sports, the arts, the sciences, or that offer greater flexibility in allowing a student to skip an examination (which used to be compulsory for all school children) at the age of sixteen years. Youths aged between fifteen and twenty-nine years of age had an average of twelve years of schooling in 2005. The educational profile of the young in Singapore has improved remarkably over the last decade. In 1995, only 24 percent of the resident population aged fifteen years and over had postsecondary and university qualifications. By 2005, this has increased to 40 percent. Those with less than secondary qualifications declined from 49 percent to 38 percent over the same period (Singapore Department of Statistics 2006a).
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After many years of debate, the government finally enacted the Compulsory Education Act in 2000, which requires all children who are citizens of Singapore, and children residing in Singapore who were born after January 1, 1996, to attend six years of primary education in a national primary school. A parent of such a child who fails to attend school regularly can be fined up to S$5,000 or imprisoned up to twelve months, or both. Efforts are made to counsel the parent first and to resolve any difficulty which may prevent the child from attending school before the drastic step to charge a parent in court is taken. Even before the enactment of the Compulsory Education Act, most young people in Singapore attended school. According to the Census of Population 2000, 98.4 percent of those between seven and sixteen years of age attended school. Five categories of pupils are exempted from the Compulsory Education Act: (1) pupils studying at madrassahs (Islamic religious schools), (2) pupils studying at San Yu Adventist School (a private school), (3) children who are home-schooled, (4) children with physical or intellectual disabilities, and (5) any other child whom the Director General of Education has determined is unsuitable to attend school, having regard to the interests and welfare of the child. Minimum standards must be met for those studying in madrassahs, San Yu Adventist School and those who are home-schooled in order for the exemptions to continue. The government has repeatedly turned down calls made by voluntary welfare organizations to include children with physical or intellectual disabilities within the scope of the Compulsory Education Act. The reason given for this is that it was felt that children with physical or intellectual disabilities are of such varying abilities that it would not be fair to impose this obligation to attend school on all such children irrespective of their conditions. Those who can be integrated into mainstream education are encouraged to attend designated mainstream schools where there are special resource teachers to assist the disabled child to cope. Those who cannot be integrated in this way receive their education in special education schools run by voluntary welfare organizations. As of September 2005, there were twenty-one special education schools catering to about 4,500 students, which obtain their funding from the Ministry of Education and the National Council of Social Services. These schools run different programs catering to specific disability groups of children. Unfortunately, owing to the high demand on such places, there is often a long wait for admission to these special education schools. Criticisms have also been made of the level of support available to children with mild disabilities studying in mainstream schools. It is estimated that there are 18,000 children of school age who have some form of learning disabilities. In terms of younger children, there are seventeen childcare centers with teachers who are trained to receive preschool children with special needs. The usual childcare subsidies and financial assistance programs are
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available to these families who enroll their children in these centers, and additional grants are given by the government to allow the centers to employ these specially trained teachers. Another issue of concern is that despite Singapore’s obligations under Article 28(1)(a) of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child 1985, primary education is not entirely free of charge in that children have to pay fees towards extra programs and teaching materials. Only the building maintenance costs are entirely borne by the government in primary schools. For non-Singaporean children, they must pay this amount as well. There is equal opportunity for all children in terms of access to all levels of education. Admission is based on merit and where applicable, aptitude and ability, and not on the basis of race, gender, or socioeconomic background. Those who are unable to afford the cost of education can tap the many avenues of financial help available from the government and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). The only exception in the past to admission on the basis of merit was that female undergraduates seeking admission to Singapore’s sole medical school were limited to one-third of the intake since 1979. This limit was removed in 2003. A potentially explosive matter concerning religious freedom and nondiscrimination against minorities surfaced in early 2002 when four primary schoolgirls were suspended from their national public schools for insisting on wearing a Muslim headscarf (or tudung) to school. Prior to the suspension, the parents had been counseled for a month by the schools involved, but the issue could not be resolved. The Ministry of Education argued that wearing the tudung contravened its policy that students do not wear anything that does not form part of the official school uniform, and that wearing of uniforms promoted integration among the different races in Singapore. The parents countered that this policy infringed their constitutionally protected freedom to practice their own religion, and that it was selectively applied since Sikhs (another minority group in Singapore) were allowed to wear their turbans in schools. It was reported that the parents were planning to litigate the case before the courts but no hearing of the matter has surfaced thus far. It is believed that the parents have since either complied with the policy on uniforms or have transferred their children to a madrassah (where wearing the tudung is allowed). A final concern regarding the highly competitive education system in Singapore is the level of pressure that students face in schools. This has translated into a peak in suicides among the young during the September and October period corresponding with the final term examinations in schools. Various assistance schemes, including a telephone helpline catering to children between seven to twelve years of age by the Singapore Children Society, have been put in place to prevent such instances from occurring.
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PLAY AND RECREATION The Ministry of Education and the Singapore Sports Council promote sports and recreational activities for children. Students are required to take up co-curricular activities in schools such as uniformed groups, sports and games, and the arts. The Singapore Sports Council runs sports facilities open to the public where children are charged a concessionary rate. The Singapore Sports Council also provides financial assistance for talented young athletes. Advisory committees on English, Chinese, Malay, and Indian television and radio programs have been set up to give feedback on the range and quality of programs for children. Their recommendations have been accepted by the media broadcasters. It is estimated that about two-thirds of Singapore households have internet access at home, with 90 percent of those who live in private housing having internet access and 59 percent of those who live in public housing having internet access (Lee 2006). In 2006, a new group called the Community Advisory Committee was formed to help monitor and guide youth in their use of technology. This group takes over the work of other existing committees, such as a volunteer group called Parents Advisory Group for the Internet formed in 1999 to help parents make the internet safer for children. This group had in the past held talks and exhibitions to help parents understand what they can do to promote online safety for children, as well as worked with internet service providers on optional service filters to block out pornographic and undesirable sites. Library services are provided by the National Library Board, which reaches out to children through its network of regional and community children’s libraries in addition to its main National Library. Children are able to access print materials, multimedia, and online resources through these libraries. It was recently announced that a 1.2-hectare site near Orchard Road (the main shopping thoroughfare in Singapore) has been set aside as a community space for young Singaporeans. The youth are asked for feedback as to how this space is to be designed and used for various sports and recreational activities and arts performances, as well as social and community events. In addition, the National Parks Board manages 1,841 hectares of parks, playgrounds, park connectors and open spaces, and 3,326 hectares of nature reserves (National Parks Board 2006). These parks and playgrounds are available for public use, and the nature reserves are sanctuaries for wildlife, plant, and animal conservation, and are valuable resources for education and outdoor recreational activities. In a survey conducted in 2004 among 1,003 children between seven and fourteen years of age, it was found that sports participation is high. Sports are the most popular activity in schools, with 40 percent of children taking them up as a co-curricular activity. Music and drama follow with 16 percent of children taking them up, and uniformed groups at
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9 percent. Of sports activities available in school, badminton is the preferred sport, with 21 percent of children playing it, followed by basketball (18 percent), swimming (15 percent), and football (14 percent). However, even though children spend as much time on sports (10 percent of leisure time) as they do on reading (10 percent) and computer games (11 percent), it was found that watching television takes up half of a child’s leisure time (Lim 2004). CHILD LABOR Singapore has ratified the International Labour Organization’s Convention concerning Minimum Age for Admission to Employment (Convention No. 138) and the Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention (Convention No. 182). In practice, child employment is negligible in Singapore as children under fourteen years old are either in schools or vocational institutions. Nevertheless, Singapore has recently amended its employment law such that it will be in compliance with international norms. Few complaints were received by the Ministry of Manpower for more than ten years on the employment of children under twelve years of age, and of the 1,200 young persons between fourteen and sixteen years of age working in industrial undertakings, almost all were working parttime in fast food restaurants. Under the present employment law, only persons who are fifteen years of age and older may be employed in general. There are four exceptions to this. First, this restriction does not apply to those persons younger than sixteen years of age who are employed in work carried out in any technical, vocational, or industrial training school or institute, and apprenticeship program. Second, those who are thirteen years of age and older may be employed in light work suited to their capacity in a nonindustrial undertaking. The third exception relates to persons employed in an industrial undertaking in which only members of the same family are employed. The fourth exception is that in relation to employment in any occupation or in any place or under working conditions injurious or likely to be injurious to health, the person must be at least sixteen years or older. Employers who flout these employment laws, as well as parents and guardians who either knowingly or negligently allow their children to be employed in violation of these laws, are subject to a fine of up to S$2,000 or imprisonment of up to two years, or both. FAMILY Singapore has seen a gradual shift toward smaller family households owing to the preference for newlyweds to set up home separately from their parents, as well as families choosing to have fewer children. The
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average household size in Singapore in 2000 is 3.7 persons as compared with 4.2 persons in 1990 (Leow 2001); and the average number of children born to each family is 2.5 in 2000 compared with 2.8 in 1990 (Leow 2001). Of the three ethnic groups, the Chinese and Indians have fewer children (2.5 and 2.4 children on the average in 2000, respectively) compared with Malays who have 3.1 children on average in 2000 (Leow 2001). Households with an extended family under the same roof also dropped to 5.6 percent of all households in 2000 compared to 6.7 percent in 1990 (Leow 2001). Of the three ethnic groups, only 5.2 percent of Chinese households have extended families living in them in 2000, compared with the Malays who have the strongest family orientation, with 7.7 percent of households with extended families living in them (Leow 2001). The percentage of dual career families increased significantly over the years, along with the rise in the education level among women and the greater labor force participation rate of women. The number of married couples where both the husband and wife are working increased by 93 percent between 1980 and 1990 (Singapore Department of Statistics 1994). The labor force participation rate of females in 2000 stands at 50 percent compared with 44 percent in 1980 and 29 percent in 1970 (Leow 2001; Lim 1994). More children are therefore raised in families now where both parents are working. Children are cared for by their relatives, private foster care, domestic helpers, or by childcare centers. With regards to the latter, infant care (for children from two to eighteen months) and childcare/nursery on a fullday and half-day basis are available for older children. Mothers who place their children in such programs are eligible for government subsidies depending on the number of hours the child spends in the program and whether the mother is working or not. For those who cannot afford it, there are financial aid schemes available. However, even though there is greater assurance of quality childcare services in childcare centers because of the specialized training of the caregivers and regulatory controls over such centers, childcare by parents and grandparents within the home is still the preferred option, possibly because of the inconvenience and the cost involved in sending a child to a childcare center. According to the Census of Population in 1990, only 16 percent of children were looked after outside their homes (Lim 1994). In 2004, 781 live births were born to teenagers in Singapore aged nineteen years and below. Slightly more than half (53.4 percent) of the teenage births were born to Malays and slightly less than one-third were to the Chinese (30.7 percent). Indians and other ethnic groups accounted for the remaining 15.9 percent (Registry of Births and Deaths 2005). This trend of Malays having the highest number of teenage births among all ethnic groups—exceeding that of the Chinese, the largest ethnic group—began in 1999 and is a source of concern.
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The statistics for 2004 also showed that 555 live births were registered without the father’s name, which implies that these children were born out of wedlock. Nearly one-third (30.6 percent) of these births were born to teenagers. Malays again made up the largest proportion of these single parent registration births (45.1 percent), followed by the Chinese (37.8 percent), Indians (10.8 percent), and other ethnic groups (6.3 percent) (Registry of Births and Deaths 2005). There is no distinction between parents in terms of their legal duty to maintain their children. This duty under Singapore law extends to legitimate as well as illegitimate children, and continues even after the breakdown of the parents’ marital relationship. MCYS implements Family Life Education and Parent Education programs nationwide to promote harmonious and healthy family interactions. Various committees have also been set up by the Ministry to promote strong families. In the event that the marriage does fail, both parents are expected to co-operate with each other and to continue to play their role in bringing up their children, if any. In a noteworthy case decided in 2005, the Singapore Court of Appeal endorsed the sentiment that ‘‘parental responsibility is for life.’’ In deciding which parent should be in charge of the day-to-day care issues concerning the child when the marriage breaks up, Singapore law requires that welfare of the child be given paramount consideration. The welfare of the child is not defined in purely material terms, but also involves emotional and psychological aspects such as the child’s need for security and stability. In most cases when the child is young, this person will be usually the child’s mother since she would inevitably have been the child’s main caregiver. The child, if mature enough to express himself, may also have his views made known to the judge before a decision is made. When needed, the judge may direct that an investigation be made by a court counselor or a welfare officer from MCYS before the appropriate orders are made. In the event that the parents pass away before their children, the legal rules that apply regarding the children’s inheritance rights depend on whether they are Muslim or non-Muslim. In the case of non-Muslims, the children will inherit the parents’ property in accordance with their will, or if a will was not made, in accordance with the intestate succession rules. These rules do not make a distinction between male and female children in terms of their respective shares of the parents’ property. In the case of Muslims, the property is distributed according to Muslim law, which generally favors male children over female children. Under Singapore law, it is possible for a parent or guardian of a person under sixteen years old with severe behavioral problems to temporarily suspend his or her relationship with the child on the basis that he or she is ‘‘unable to control the child.’’ A complaint is made by the parent or guardian to the Juvenile Court, and the Juvenile Court may order the
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child to be placed on statutory supervision for a period not exceeding three years; or for the child to be sent to an approved home for a period of not less than two years and not more than three years. The parent or guardian must consent to the order to be made. In such ‘‘beyond parental control’’ cases, the Juvenile Court may also make an additional order requiring either or both the child concerned and the parent or guardian to undergo counseling, psychotherapy, or other treatment to: (a) resolve any relationship problems between the child and the parent or guardian; (b) rehabilitate the child; (c) enable the parent or guardian of the child to manage the child; or (d) enhance, promote, or protect, the physical, social, and emotional well-being and safety of the child.
It should be noted that ‘‘beyond parental control’’ complaints are carefully scrutinized and where possible, parents and their children are referred to appropriate agencies for counseling instead of institutionalizing the child. According to MCYS, 136 ‘‘beyond parental control’’ complaints were made in 2004, comprising sixty-one males and seventy-five females. Six were between nine and ten years of age, eleven were between eleven and twelve years of age, seventy-two were between thirteen and fourteen years of age, and forty-seven were between fifteen and sixteen years of age. Among the Chinese, the main festival observed is the Chinese New Year, which falls in January or February and lasts for fifteen days. This is a time for family gatherings where the young offer their respects to their elders and married members of their families. In return, they receive token sums of money in red packets (hong bao), symbolizing good fortune. Malay and Indian families in Singapore also gather together to celebrate important dates in their religious calendar such as Hari Raya Puasa for the Muslims and Deepavali for the Hindus. HEALTH Singapore is generally pollution-free and prides itself as having a clean and green living environment. Modern sanitation is available to almost 100 percent of the population, and the incidence of food-, water-, and vector-borne disease is low. The water quality of inland water bodies and its coastal areas is closely monitored. Domestic air pollution is low. The use of open fires to dispose of waste has been banned since 1973. Air pollution by industries and motor vehicles must also be below stringent international criteria. The handling, transportation, treatment, and disposal of toxic industrial waste are strictly controlled. Environmental management and public health policies are implemented by the National Environment Authority.
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Table 17.2. Mortality Rates
Infant mortality rate Neonatal mortality rate Perinatal mortality rate Maternal mortality rate
1950
2000
82.2 29.8 35.4 1.8
2.5 1.7 4.3 0.2
The quality and range of health care available to children in Singapore has greatly improved along with the country’s economic growth. The infant mortality, neonatal mortality, perinatal mortality, and maternal mortality rates per 1,000 resident live births have dropped dramatically between 1950 to 2000 (Ministry of Health 2001) (see Table 17.2). The average life expectancy at birth for Singapore residents rose from 72.1 years in 1980 to 81.8 years in 2007 (Singapore Department of Statistics 2006b; CIA World Factbook 2007). The School Health Service provides health screening, immunization, and health promotion to students through school-based activities. Immunization is a major focus of the School Health Service’s efforts to maintain a high level of protection of school children against diphtheria, tetanus, poliomyelitis, measles, mumps, rubella, hepatitis B, and tuberculosis. These efforts reached 93 to 95 percent of the target groups in 2005. The School Dental Service promotes good oral health and treats oral conditions among the young in Singapore. According to the School Health Service, the most common health problems found in school children in 1998 were defective vision (52.4 percent), obesity (10.9 percent), asthma (8.1 percent), spinal problems (5.4 percent), and being underweight (3.3 percent). The most common causes of death among children aged five to eighteen years are accidental injuries, cancer, infections, congenital anomalies, suicides, and heart diseases. A survey conducted in 2000 among Singapore school children aged thirteen to sixteen years found that 11.3 percent currently smoke cigarettes (13.4 percent among boys and 8.8 percent among girls). In another survey carried out in 1993 on a sample of 5,149 Singapore students between twelve and nineteen years, it was found that 18.5 percent had engaged in sexual intercourse by the time they were nineteen years of age. Unfortunately, only one out of every two sexually active girls and boys reported that they or their partner had used protection against conception and sexually transmitted diseases. The actual extent of circumcision practiced on children in Singapore is not known, as there is no mandatory reporting of circumcision (male or female) to the authorities. Anecdotal evidence is that while male circumcision is common practice among Muslims and Jews in Singapore, female circumcision is rare, if practiced at all.
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Table 17.3. Numbers of Abortions by Year
Overall total Total (13 to 21 years) 13 to 14 years 15 to 16 years 17 to 18 years 19 to 21 years
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
14,504 2,661 17 223 679 1,742
14,365 2,729 19 228 698 1,784
13,827 2,764 29 256 793 1,686
13,838 2,475 9 155 682 1,629
13,753 2,610 7 168 689 1,746
There is no requirement under Singapore law for a minor to obtain parental consent for an abortion, which is available on demand up to the end of the second trimester. The number of abortions by those between thirteen and sixteen years is very small, less than 2 percent of the total number of abortions annually for the period 1995 to 1999. The number of abortions by those between thirteen and twenty-one years has remained relatively stable over the same period (Lim 2000) (see Table 17.3). Administrative procedures, however, have been put in place to counsel unmarried girls younger than sixteen years of age who request an abortion. They have to undergo compulsory preabortion counseling to ensure that they are aware of the consequences of their decision. There is also a minimum waiting time of forty-eight hours after the preabortion counseling before the pregnant girl can undergo an abortion. This time lapse seeks to ensure that the decision made is an informed one. The AIDS Education program, spearheaded by the Health Promotion Board, was launched in 1985. This program aims to educate the public and create greater awareness of AIDS, and what steps can be taken to reduce the risk of being infected with HIV. There is a specific School AIDS Education Program, which targets school students. In 2005, the proportion of those younger than twenty years infected with HIV accounted for 2.7 percent of the total HIV infections, compared with 1.6 percent for the period 1985 to 2004 (Ministry of Health Web site). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS As mentioned earlier, the default age of majority in Singapore is twenty-one years unless this has been lowered by legislation for specific purposes. Under the criminal law, the age of criminal responsibility starts from seven years of age. For those between seven and twelve years of age, the doli incapax provision applies such that a child in this age group is not held criminally liable unless he or she has sufficient maturity to understand the nature and consequences of his or her conduct. Children who are first time offenders who commit minor criminal offenses are usually given a warning by the police or diverted to a
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Guidance Program administered by MCYS with the help of voluntary welfare organizations. The aim of this program is to help them develop better self-control, take responsibility for their actions, acquire life skills, and involve parents in the child’s life. Upon successful completion of the program, the child is let off with a police caution. In 2004, a total of 853 persons had gone through the Guidance Program comprising 596 males and 257 females. Seventy-four persons were under thirteen years of age, 293 between thirteen and fourteen years of age, 407 between fifteen and sixteen years of age, and 79 were sixteen years and above (Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports Web site). Children who are under sixteen years of age and charged with a criminal offence must have their cases dealt with by a specialized Juvenile Court which practices a restorative model of justice and is required to have regard to the welfare of the child. The only exceptions are when a child is charged with an offense which is triable only by the High Court (such as murder and drug trafficking), or where he is jointly charged with a person who is sixteen years old or above in which case the case must be tried by the High Court (an adult court). Even where the offence is triable only by the High Court, the case can still be tried by the Juvenile Court if (a) the Public Prosecutor applies for it; and (b) the legal representative of the offender consents to the offence being tried by the Juvenile Court. The range of options available to the Juvenile Court include committing the child to the care of a relative or other fit person, making a probation order of between six months and three years, making a community service order of up to 240 hours, ordering the offender to be detained for up to 6 months or on weekends for up to 52 weekends, and sending the offender to an approved school for between two and three years. Institutionalization of the young offender is only considered as a last resort and community-based options are preferred. An example of a diversionary measure is the Streetwise Program, which aims to reduce delinquency among youths who may have unwittingly drifted into street corner gangs. Youths may be referred to this six-month program by the Juvenile Court, the police, or self-referrals. During this time, counselors engage with the youths in casework, life skills training, academic and career guidance, and recreational activities. The most common mode of dealing with young offenders is by way of a probation order. In 2004, a total of 979 cases were placed on probation. Twelve persons were twelve years of age and below, 412 were between thirteen and fifteen years, 432 were between sixteen and eighteen years, and 123 were nineteen years of age and above (Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports Web site). In the case of a young offender who has been found guilty of committing an offence, the Juvenile Court may, in addition, convene a family
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conference in order to make him realize the consequences of his actions and to provide an opportunity for him to express remorse such as by paying compensation to the victim of the offense or apologizing to the victim of the offense. In the event that the offender fails to attend the family conference or fails to comply with a requirement imposed by the family conference, the Juvenile Court is informed of this and may then deal with the offender as it thinks fit. For offenders who are between sixteen and twenty-one years of age, or between fourteen and sixteen years of age and have been previously sent to an approved school, and the court is of the opinion that it would be expedient for his reformation and the prevention of crime, the offender may be sentenced to reformative training at a Reformative Training Centre, which is a much harsher regime than that at the homes for juvenile offenders. Under the Criminal Procedure Code, a child who is under the age of eighteen years at the time when the offense was committed cannot be sentenced to death even if the offense carries a mandatory death penalty, and is instead detained at the President’s pleasure. Hence, such persons under eighteen years old who have been convicted, for example, of murder or drug trafficking (both of which carry a mandatory death penalty) in the past have been detained till released on the order of the President. In Singapore’s Initial Report to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, it was revealed that such cases are reviewed every four years and a report is forwarded to the Minister of Home Affairs and the President. After the tenth year of detention, the review is carried out every year. It appears that such persons are eligible for consideration for release only after serving a minimum of thirteen years of detention. There is an overlap between this general provision in the Criminal Procedure Code and a provision found in the Children and Young Persons Act (which applies to persons under sixteen years old) for those convicted of murder, attempted murder, or voluntarily causing grievous hurt. In the latter, the court is given the power to order the offender to be detained for a fixed period if it is ‘‘of the opinion that none of the other methods by which the case may legally be dealt with is suitable.’’ Such persons may be released earlier by order of the Minister on license, with or without conditions imposed. It is also possible for the Minister to revoke or vary the license, and if revoked, the offender has to return to detention. It has been suggested by one commentator that this provision in the Children and Young Persons Act should be used in all cases of persons under sixteen years of age as it allows the judge to consider the individual circumstances of the case and is a more flexible order, which incorporates the rehabilitative ideals of the juvenile justice system. On June 1, 2006, a new ‘‘Community Court’’ was set up to deal with youthful offenders aged between sixteen and eighteen years of age, as well as other categories of cases. This recognizes that the present ‘‘cut off ’’ at sixteen years of age for the Juvenile Court may be too harsh on
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young offenders to treat them as ‘‘adults’’ at that age. The aim of the Community Court is to adopt a more rehabilitative approach towards these cases and to partner community resources in the treatment plan. Hence, offenders who would have been sent to prison by the adult court in the past have been ordered to undergo probation by the new Community Court. RELIGIOUS LIFE A person’s freedom to practice a religion of his or her choosing and to propagate it in Singapore is protected in the Singapore Constitution, subject to the overriding need to preserve ‘‘public order, public health or morality’’ (Article 15). However, it is also specifically stated in the Singapore Constitution that the religion of a person under the age of 18 years shall be decided by his parent or guardian (Article 16[4]). In that sense, the religious freedom of a minor is curtailed since he cannot decide on his own religion without the consent of his parent until he reaches eighteen years of age. It is unclear if the word ‘‘parent’’ in the singular in the Singapore Constitution means that one parent can decide on the child’s religion without the other parent’s consent. In view of the developments in Singapore’s family law, which emphasizes the roles of both parents in the upbringing of a child, it is advocated that the word should be read to include both parents. According to the Census of Population 2000, the religion of those in the fifteen- to nineteen-year-old age group (the lowest age group for which the statistics are given) follow closely those of the general population, as can be seen in Table 17.4 (in percentages) (Leow 2001). The Singapore Constitution specifically allows every religious group to establish and maintain an educational institution for the education of children and to provide them with instruction in its own religion. A number of schools with different religious affiliations have been set up in Singapore, catering to a range of ages. Such schools are open to students from that affiliation as well as to others.
Table 17.4. Religions by Age Group
Christianity Buddhism/Taoism Islam Hinduism/Sikhism Other Religions No Religion
15–19 Years
Total Population
12.2 45.3 20.8 4.3 0.2 17.1
14.6 51.0 14.9 4.0 0.6 14.8
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Of the ten public holidays observed in Singapore, six recognize the more important religious observances of the diverse population. These are Hari Raya Puasa, Hari Raya Haji, Good Friday, Vesak Day, Deepavali and Christmas Day. Hari Raya Puasa and Hari Raya Haji are celebrated by Muslims to mark the end of the fasting month and the pilgrimage to Mecca respectively. Vesak Day is observed by Buddhists to mark the birth, enlightenment, and the passing of Buddha. Diwali or festival of lights, which symbolizes the triumph of good over evil, is celebrated by Hindus. Christmas Day is celebrated by Christians to mark the birth of Christ. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Protection of children from abuse and neglect is available under Singapore law through the Penal Code, the Women’s Charter, and the Children and Young Persons Act. The Penal Code protects adults and children alike by criminalizing more severe forms of conduct such as causing hurt, causing grievous hurt, criminal intimidation, incest, and outrage of modesty. The young age of the victim is usually an aggravating factor to be taken into consideration in sentencing. The Women’s Charter contains specific provisions protecting women and girls from sexual exploitation. Protection Orders (a type of restraining order) are also available for ‘‘family violence’’ committed against children by a family member. ‘‘Family violence’’ is defined as: (a) willfully or knowingly placing or attempting to place, a family member in fear of hurt; (b) causing hurt to a family member by such act which is known or ought to have been known would result in hurt; (c) wrongfully confining or restraining a family member against his will; or (d) causing continual harassment with intent to cause or knowing it is likely to cause anguish to a family member.
Applications for Protection Orders are made to the Family Court, which can in addition grant exclusive occupation of the home to the victim and refer the abuser, the victim, or both to attend counseling. A person who contravenes a protection order is liable to a fine or imprisonment term or both. The most important statute in this area is the Children and Young Persons Act, which provides specifically for the protection of children and young persons under the age of sixteen years from abuse and exploitation. This act was overhauled in 2001 in order to give a wide power to the state to intervene in cases where a child or young person is in need of care or protection, and created the new offense of ill-treatment of a child,
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which encompasses emotional abuse, as well as physical and sexual abuse. It was reported that in 2004, ninety cases of child abuse and neglect were taken up by the Child Protection Services of MCYS. Of these ninety cases, forty-nine cases involved physical abuse, twenty cases involved sexual abuse, ten cases involved physical neglect, and eleven cases involved emotional abuse. In terms of their age profile, twenty-seven were below six years old, forty-four between seven and twelve years old, and nineteen between thirteen and sixteen years old (Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports 2005). There is no general duty to report cases of child abuse to the authorities. Mandatory reporting of child abuse only applies to operators of childcare centers who must report instances of suspected child abuse to the Director of Social Welfare. For all other persons, the Children and Young Persons Act encourages the reporting of cases of child abuse by protecting those who make a report from professional discipline and legal action. Their identity is also kept confidential by law. Although MCYS continuously supports and educates the public on positive parenting, Singapore at present follows the common law position that parents and those in loco parentis, such as school teachers, have the right to inflict moderate corporal punishment on children in order to discipline them. Hence, reasonable use of force by way of correction will not amount to ‘‘family violence’’ under the Women’s Charter or an offence under the Penal Code. Local laws have restricted this right of school teachers somewhat such that corporal punishment may not be inflicted on girl pupils and corporal punishment for boys may only be administered with a light cane on the palms of the hands or on the buttocks over clothing by the principal or another teacher expressly authorized by the principal to do so. Corporal punishment may also be used in juvenile institutions on boys and girls although every effort is made to enforce discipline without resorting to corporal punishment. With the high degree of internet penetration among Singapore households, unfortunately some cases of adults targeting children for sexual activities through the internet have come to light in recent years. Such cases are severely dealt with by the courts. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Two key social transformations affecting Singapore are the decline in the total fertility rate in recent decades and the rise in marital breakdowns. In terms of the total fertility rate, this was 4.7 per resident female in 1965, but swiftly declined to 3.1 in 1970 and 1.60 in 2000 as a result of highly successful family planning campaigns. In 2005, the total fertility rate declined further to 1.25 (Singapore Department of Statistics 2006b). This rapid transition over a few decades from a high fertility country to a low fertility country has severe implications on Singapore’s population
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profile. The median age of the resident population rose from 19.5 years in 1970 to 35.9 years in 2005 (Singapore Department of Statistics 2006b). The percentage of elderly persons of at least sixty-five years increased from 3.4 percent of the resident population in 1970 to 8.2 percent in 2005. As a result of these demographic changes, Singapore’s labor force is shrinking and increased demands are made on its medical and social support services for the elderly. Various immigration and pronatalist policies have been put forward by the government in an effort to reverse the decline. It is still too early to predict if these will lead to any sustained changes in Singapore’s population structure. Another worrying trend is the rise in the number of marital breakdowns, with its consequential implications on the number of single parent families and juvenile delinquency. In 2005, a total of 6,909 divorces and annulments were recorded. This may be compared with a total of 3,634 recorded in 1990 and 1,721 recorded in 1980 (Singapore Department of Statistics 2006b). The rise is particularly worrying in the case of Muslim marriages (which come under a separate legal system), which have a far higher number of divorces and shorter marriage duration than their non-Muslim counterparts. It can also be observed that Malays as an ethnic group (who are predominantly Muslims) are overrepresented in teenage pregnancies, abortions, and juvenile delinquency cases. In 2004, 417 Malays aged nineteen and younger gave birth—which is about 53 percent of all teen births when Malays made up about nineteen percent of teens in Singapore at the time. In the same year, 434 Malays aged nineteen years and younger had abortions. This is almost one-third of all teen abortions, a proportion that has been rising since 2000 when it was 21 percent (Hussain 2005). The future for Singapore children certainly holds promise, but much will depend on whether Singapore’s economic growth can be sustained and how families can be helped in view of the social transformations mentioned earlier. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Leong, W. K. 1997. Principles of Family Law in Singapore. Singapore: Butterworths Asia. This is an authoritative book on the non-Muslim family law of Singapore. It is studied by law students at the university, lawyers, and judges. Lim, M, ed. 2005. Teens and the Law. Singapore: Singapore Association of Women Lawyers. This is a book written for teenagers to answer their queries related to the law. It is written in a question-and-answer format with a section on the various avenues of help available such as counseling, crisis shelters, and legal clinics. Magnus, R., H. M. Lim, M. L. Mesenas, and V. Thean V., eds. 2003. Rebuilding Lives, Restoring Relationships: Juvenile Justice and the Community. Singapore:
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Eastern Universities Press. This book describes the juvenile justice system in Singapore and the various initiatives that have been implemented to tackle the problem of juvenile crime. Ministry of Community Development and Sports. 2002. Singapore’s Initial Report to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. Singapore: Ministry of Community Development and Sports. This is a report submitted to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child detailing how Singapore has met its obligations under the Convention on the Rights of the Child and what further developments and challenges lay ahead. Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports. 2005. Protecting Children in Singapore. Singapore: Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports. This publication provides statistics on child abuse in Singapore which have been reported to the Ministry as well as details on the various programs and services available to such child victims. Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports. 2006. Singapore: Social Statistics in Brief 2006. Singapore: Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports. Advances made by Singapore over the decades in various fields such as health care, education, and employment are presented in this publication.
Web Sites Attorney-General’s Chambers. Singapore Statutes Online. Attorney-General’s Chambers, http://statutes.agc.gov.sg/. The text of Singapore laws can be found on this site. Government of Singapore. Family and Community Development @ eCitizen, http:// fcd.ecitizen.gov.sg/. This site contains information on such topics as setting up a family, caring for babies, and parenting of teenagers. National Youth Council. Inter-Ministry Committee on Youth Crime. http://www. imyc.org.sg/about_history.html. The Inter-Ministry Committee on Youth Crime (previously known as the Inter-Ministry Committee on Juvenile Delinquency) was formed in 1995 to monitor and steer measures to combat juvenile delinquency. This site highlights the various preventive and rehabilitative programs available, as well as the research done in this area in Singapore. National Youth Council. Youth Research Network, http://www.youthresearch.org. sg/facts.asp. This site provides statistics on youth that are extracted from existing statistical studies conducted by the Department of Statistics, other ministries, and statutory boards in Singapore. Singapore Department of Statistics. Statistics Singapore. http://www.singstat.gov.sg/. This site provides key statistics on Singapore, such as demographic, health, and education trends, as well as research papers on the trends observed. Subordinate Courts of Singapore. Family Court of Singapore, http://www.familycourtofsingapore.gov.sg. This site contains information provided by the Family Court on issues such as adoption proceedings, obtaining custody and access of children following divorce, protection against family violence, applying for maintenance payments, and so on.
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Subordinate Courts of Singapore. Juvenile Court of Singapore. http://www.juvenilecourtofsingapore.gov.sg/. This site contains information provided by the Juvenile Court on issues such as the approach of the court towards young offenders, orders which the court can make against young offenders, care and protection orders and beyond parental control orders.
Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Family Court of Singapore 3 Havelock Square Singapore 059725 Phone: 64355110 Fax: 64355112 Web site: http://www.familycourtofsingapore.gov.sg/ The Family Court of Singapore handles matrimonial cases among the non-Muslim population, including adoption of children, custody and guardianship, maintenance applications, and orders for protection against family violence. In some of these areas, Muslims may apply to the Family Court as well. Health Promotion Board 3 Second Hospital Avenue Singapore 168937 Phone: 64353500 Fax: 64383848 Web site: http://www.hpb.gov.sg/ The Health Promotion Board is the main driver for national health promotion and disease prevention programs in Singapore, including health and dental services for school children. Juvenile Court of Singapore 3 Havelock Square Singapore 059725 Phone: 64355107 Fax: 64355108 Web site: http://www.juvenilecourtofsingapore.gov.sg/ The Juvenile Court of Singapore deals with persons under sixteen years old who have been charged with committing a criminal offense, care and protection cases, as well as complaints of persons under sixteen years old being beyond parental control. Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports 512 Thomson Road, MCYS Building Singapore 298136 Phone: 1800-2586378 Fax: 63548140 Web site: http://app.mcys.gov.sg/web/home_main.asp The Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports is charged with the responsibility to build a cohesive and resilient society by fostering: (1) socially responsible individuals; (2) inspired and committed youth; (3) strong and stable families; (4) a caring and active community; and (5) a sporting people.
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Ministry of Education 1 North Buona Vista Drive Singapore 138675 Phone: 68722220 Fax: 67755826 Website: http://www.moe.gov.sg/ The Ministry of Education directs the formulation and implementation of education policies. It has control of the development and administration of the government and government-aided primary schools, secondary schools, junior colleges, and a centralized institute. It also registers private schools. Ministry of Health College of Medicine Building, 16 College Road Singapore 169854 Phone: 63259220 Fax: 62241677 Web site: http://www.moh.gov.sg/ The Ministry of Health plays a key role in reducing illness in Singapore through the control and prevention of diseases and ensuring that the resources are allocated appropriately to do this. Ministry of Manpower 18 Havelock Road Singapore 059764 Phone: 6438 5122 Fax: 6534 4840 Web site: http://www.mom.gov.sg/ The Ministry of Manpower is in charge of workplace safety, as well as ensuring that Singapore’s workforce is prepared for future challenges. National Environment Agency 40 Scotts Road, Environment Building #13-00 Singapore 228231 Phone: 1800-2255 632 Fax: 62352611 Website: http://app.nea.gov.sg/ The National Environment Agency is in charge of the implementation of environmental policies in Singapore, including pollution control, food hygiene in the food retail industry, and cleanliness of public toilets. National Youth Council 113 Somerset Road, National Youth Centre Singapore 238165 Phone: 67344233 Fax: 68362473 Web site: http://www.nyc.pa.gov.sg/index.html The National Youth Council was set up in 1989 as a coordinating body for youth affairs in Singapore. It supports the development of youth and youth organizations through grants, awards, national and international programs, research and publications, as well as other support services.
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Singapore Sports Council 15 Stadium Road, National Stadium, Kallang Singapore 397718 Phone: 63457111 Fax: 63409537 Web site: http://www.ssc.gov.sg The Singapore Sports Council operates various sports facilities all over Singapore, and its aim is to promote participation in sports among all Singaporeans. Syariah Court 512 Thomson Road, #02-00 MCYS Building Singapore 298136 Phone: 63548371 Fax: 63548381 Web site: http://www.syariahcourt.gov.sg The Syariah Court handles matrimonial cases among the Muslim population in matters such as divorce and custody of children on divorce. It also has jurisdiction over the distribution of a deceased’s estate if he or she died a Muslim. Nongovernmental Organizations Action for AIDS 21 Norris Road Singapore 208263 Phone: 62540212 Fax: 62565903 Website: http://www.afa.org.sg/ Action for Aids is a voluntary welfare organization committed to AIDS prevention, advocacy and support. It runs the only anonymous AIDS testing facility in Singapore. Centre for Fathering Blk 128A Lorong 1 Toa Payoh #01-01 Singapore 311128 Phone: 62528408 Fax: 62528428 Web site: http://www.fathers.com.sg/ The Centre for Fathering is a voluntary welfare organization that aims to encourage fathers to be more involved with their children. National Council of Social Service 170 Ghim Moh Road, #01-02 NCSS Centre Singapore 279621 Phone: 62102500 Fax: 64671705 Web site: http://www.ncss.org.sg The National Council of Social Services leads and coordinates the social service sector in Singapore. It funds voluntary welfare organizations in Singapore through donations collected from the public.
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Singapore Children Society 298 Tiong Bahru Road, #09-05, Central Plaza Singapore 168730 Phone: 62732010 Fax: 62732013 Web site: http://www.childrensociety.org.sg/ The Singapore Children Society is a voluntary welfare organization with programs and services specifically catering to children in need.
Selected Bibliography Ball, J., and K. Moselle. 1995. Health Risk Behaviors of Adolescents in Singapore. Asian Journal of Psychology 1:54–62. Chan, J. S., Y. Chow, and J. M. Elliot. 2000. Professional and Public Perceptions of Physical Child Abuse and Neglect in Singapore (Research Monograph No. 3). Singapore: Singapore Children’s Society. Chan, W. C., and A. Phang. 2005. The Development of Criminal Law and Criminal Justice. In Kevin Tan, ed. Essays in Singapore Legal History. Singapore: Singapore Academy of Law and Marshall Cavendish Academic. Chan, W. C. 1994. Changes to the Juvenile Justice System. Singapore Journal of Legal Studies: 448–56. Chan, W. C. 1996. Latest Improvements to the Women’s Charter. Singapore Journal of Legal Studies: 553–99. Chan, W. C. 2005. Custody Orders, Parental Responsibility and Academic Contributions. Singapore Journal of Legal Studies: 407–15. Chan, W. C. 2005. Protection of Underaged Workers in Singapore: Domestic and International Regulation. Singapore Academy of Law Journal 17: 668–92. Elliot, J. M., Y. S. Chua, and J. I. Thomas. 2002. Emotional Maltreatment of Children in Singapore: Professional and Public Perceptions (Research Monograph No. 4). Singapore: Singapore Children’s Society. Elliot, J. M., J. I. Thomas, and Y. S. Chua. 2003. Child Sexual Abuse in Singapore: Professional and Public Perceptions (Research Monograph No. 5). Singapore: Singapore Children’s Society. Elliot, J. M., J. I. Thomas, J. S. Chan, and Y. Chow. 2000. Professional and Public Perceptions of Child Abuse and Neglect in Singapore: An Overview (Research Monograph No. 2). Singapore: Singapore Children’s Society. Hussain, Z. 2005. Malay Community Tackles Problems of Rising Teen Sex. The Straits Times. November 12. Koh, E. C. 1995. Sex Selection At Birth. Statistics Singapore Newsletter 17(3):2–5. Lee, M. C. March 2006. Infocomm Usage by Households and Individuals 2000– 2005. Statistics Singapore Newsletter: 17–19. Leow, B. G. 2001. Census of Population 2000. Singapore: Singapore Department of Statistics. Lim, K. E. 1994. Census of Population 1990. Singapore: Singapore Department of Statistics. Lim, H. K. 2000. Abortion. Singapore Parliamentary Debates, Official Reports 72: 965–67. Lim, M. 2004. Kids enjoy sports but TV soaks up free time. The Straits Times. July 30. Ministry of Health. 2001. Annual Report 2001. Singapore: Ministry of Health.
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National Parks Board. 2006. National Parks Board Annual Report 2005/2006. Singapore: National Parks Board. Quan, P. 2004. Detention During the President’s Pleasure: A Forgone Sentence for a Young Person Convicted of Murder? Singapore Academy of Law Journal 16:192–235. Registry of Births and Deaths. 2005. Report on Registration of Births and Deaths 2004. Singapore: Registry of Births and Deaths. Singapore Department of Statistics. 1994. Dual-Career Couples in Singapore. Singapore: Singapore Department of Statistics. Singapore Department of Statistics. 2006a. Singapore 2006: Statistical Highlights. Singapore: Singapore Department of Statistics. Singapore Department of Statistics. 2006b. Population Trends 2006. Singapore: Singapore Department of Statistics. Tong, C. K., J. M. Elliot, and P. Tan. 1996. Public Perceptions of Child Abuse and Neglect in Singapore (Research Monograph No. 1). Singapore: Singapore Children’s Society.
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SOUTH KOREA Youngjoo Kim NATIONAL PROFILE South Korea is located in Northeast Asia and is a neighbor of China and Japan. The country is surrounded by sea on all sides except on the northern boundary, which connects to North Korea. South Korea and North Korea have been separated by the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) since the end of the Korean War (1950–1953). South Korea has an area of 99,313 square kilometers and a population of 48.5 million (Korea National Statistical Office 2005). While the current population density of the country is high, 487 people per square kilometer in 2005, the population growth rate has been continuously dropping from 3.01 percent in 1961 to 0.44 percent in 2005 due to the decreasing childbirth rate. The fertility rate was 1.16 in 2004, a significant decrease from 2.8 in 1980. The average life expectancy for males is 73.9 years old, and for females, 80.8 years old. The reduced childbirth rate and increased life expectancy are turning South Korea into an aging society. The proportion of children aged eighteen and under dropped from 51.3 percent in 1965 to 27.5 percent in 2006, while the elderly population of sixty-five or above grew from 3.1 percent in 1970 to 9.5 percent in 2006. The ratio of males to females is 101.6 for the total population, but the ratio at birth is 108.2, demonstrating a gender imbalance in the population of children (Korea National Statistical Office 2005). South Korea became a member of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in 1996. The gross national income (GNI) per capita was $13,980 in 2005. The overall unemployment rate was 3.7 percent in 2005 and that of youth aged fifteen to nineteen years was 12.6 percent. About 80 percent of the youth workers are employed in the social overhead capital or service sectors. The labor force participation rates for males and females were 72.9 percent and 48.9 percent, respectively, and their unemployment rates were 3.7 percent and 3.1 percent in 2005. The proportion of female employees in professional,
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technical, and administrative jobs was 16.9 percent, which has doubled from 7.7 percent in 1990 but is still smaller than the 23.1 percent rate of males. The average wage of female workers is 0.62 times as much as that of males. The occupational change rate for female employees is 1.3 times higher than that for males (Korea National Statistical Office 2005). Single-parent households have been increasing since the 1990s, and they made up 6.1 percent of the total households in Korea in 2000. There are about 2,755 child-headed households in 2005, which consist of underage children only or with economically inactive or unable adults. This number is a decrease of about 5,500 from that in 1997 when South Korea was struck by an economic crisis, resulting in job losses and family dissolutions. It is estimated that there are about 10,000 sheltered homeless in Korea today. This number is a decrease from about 32,300 in 1986 (Korea National Statistical Office 2005). However, the problem of homelessness has received a great deal of attention since the economic crisis occurred in 1997, as homelessness now takes a different form from the past. Until the middle of the 1990s, the homeless were predominantly those who had varied mental and physical disabilities, who were unable to work and were staying at shelters. Then, the economic crisis of 1997 led several thousand ordinary citizens to be homeless, those who lost their jobs and homes.
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These people, with no place to go, slept in public places such as train stations, subway terminals, and parks, although now they stay at newly constructed homeless shelters called Haeng-yeo-jan-shwim-tuh (resting place for the homeless). Korea has adopted a decentralized government system. The central government is a presidential government system. Under this system, there are twenty-two government agencies directly attached to the president’s office, and eighteen Ministries affiliated with the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister is appointed by the president and approved by the National Assembly. While several Ministries are involved, the Ministry of Health and Welfare takes charge of social welfare programs. In 2005, the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family was established to provide a more effective support system for women, families, and infant care. Local governments of metropolitan cities and provinces have Departments of Social Welfare and provide services and aid for family and children within the communities. In Korea, a nongovernmental organization (NGO) is understood to be similar to a civil society organization (CSO). NGOs have been augmented in full scale since the late 1980s. While their estimated number KEY FACTS – SOUTH KOREA varies from several to tens of thousands, about 5,000 NGOs Population: 49,044,790 (July 2007 est.) were registered by the governInfant mortality rate: 6.05 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) ment in 2004. NGOs, along Life expectancy at birth: 77.23 years (2007 est.) with religious organizations, are Literacy rate: 97.9 percent (2002) actively involved in the promoNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 99 percent tion of most areas of society, rang(2000–2005) ing from human rights, women, Internet users: 33.9 million (2005) and youth to the environment, People living with HIV/AIDS: 8,300 (2003 est.) civil issues, laws, administration, Sources: CIA World Factbook: Korea, South. https://www.cia.gov/ peace, education, economy, culcia/publications/factbook/geos/ks.html. April 17, 2007. ture, and consumption. OVERVIEW During the past decades, many changes have occurred to the lives of children in South Korean society. The Korean War that broke out in 1950, lasting for three years, ruined the infrastructure of the country. This conflict left many children in orphanages. Poverty and disease resulted in the deaths of many children at an early age. As the society began to rebuild from the rubble of the war, living conditions for children started to improve as well. Child mortality dropped dramatically, from 127 per 1,000 births in 1960 to 6 per 1,000 births in 2004 (Korea National Statistical Office 2005). The length of free public education has gradually expanded to nine years of primary and middle schools from the previously required six years of primary school. A pilot program of
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yearlong free education is currently offered to five-year-olds before they enter mainstream school. It is planned to expand this program to all fiveyear-olds in the nation by 2007, extending the free education program by one year. South Korea has also seen progress in the child welfare policy over time. Until the 1960s, child relief that provided orphans with shelter was the dominant form of child support; this activity mostly relied on religious organizations and foreign aid. Child welfare today is becoming more inclusive and extensive, concerning not only needy children but also the general child population and attempting to create healthy and quality living conditions for all children. While living conditions, the basic child welfare indexes, and the child welfare system have been improving, there are other issues that face children in South Korea today. Many children are affected by the divorces of their parents and by the changes in family structure. An increase in child abuse and an exposure to violent and sexually sensational materials have been a rising concern. Suicide is the second-leading cause of death for children. Most children of school age, high school students in particular, struggle under the pressure to achieve academic success, spending most of their day doing schoolwork, taking additional lessons from private learning institutions or private tutors after school, and returning home late-night. This leaves them little time not only for play and recreation but also for opportunities to interact with their families. The overwhelming academic pressure is a significant contributor to the increase in teenage suicide. In addition, the proliferation of costly private educational practice has created the problem of unequal distribution of educational resources and opportunities. The issue of welfare for children of foreign workers and refugees from North Korea has emerged as a growing concern. Beginning in the mid1990s, the number of foreigners, mostly from Asian countries, entering Korea in search of jobs began to surge. The Ministry of Justice estimated that the number of both legal and illegal foreign workers in South Korea totaled 678,000 in 2004. Many foreigners, particularly those who have illegal status in South Korea, are employed in menial and low-wage jobs, and the living conditions of their children are less than adequate. In addition, the number of North Korean refugees has soared since the 1990s. According to the Ministry of Unification, during three and a half years beginning in 2001, about 3,700 North Koreans entered South Korea— 1,000 people per year on average—escaping from the escalating poverty and food shortages in North Korea. Among them, more than 15 percent were children, demanding attention to the problems of nursing, education, and adjustment for them. EDUCATION Korea has a 6-3-3-4 school system. A single tracking system continues until middle school, and high school is broadly divided into two
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categories: academic high school and vocational high school. There are two-year junior colleges and four-year universities for undergraduate students. Postgraduate education is provided through master’s and doctoral programs offered at universities. The enrollment rate at primary schools is 98 percent, and 99.9 percent of the graduates proceed to middle school. The advancement rate of middle school graduates to high school is 99.7 percent, and that of high school graduates to tertiary institutions is 82.1 percent—about 90 percent for academic high school graduates and about 62 percent for vocational high school graduates (Ministry of Education and Human Resources Development 2005). Compared with the gross school enrollment ratios above, the enrollment of children with disabilities is relatively low. Among the total population of school-age children with disabilities, approximately 88 percent attend school. About 29 percent of children with disabilities are at special schools, 34 percent are in special classes, and about 37 percent attend regular classes (Ministry of Education and Human Resources Development 2005). Six years of primary school and three years of middle school are tuition free and compulsory. In high school, students are responsible for paying tuition and fees that range from $1,000 to more than $3,000, depending on the type of school they attend. The government pays the expenses for children living below the poverty threshold and those with disabilities. Beginning in 2005, a new education aid program was introduced to aid vocational high school students from relatively low-income families with school expenses. By 2007, tuition and fees will be waived for all vocational high school students in rural areas. South Korean children have demonstrated high literacy performance on various domestic and international assessment tests. In a survey of the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) conducted by OECD, South Korean fifteen-year-olds ranked second in reading skills, third in math literacy, fourth in science, and first in problem-solving skills among thirty OECD members and eleven partner countries participating in the assessment. Boys performed better than girls in all areas except reading. Although some of the marginalized children are helped with their education expenses, inequality in educational opportunities is a persistent problem in South Korea due to the high reliance on parents’ pockets for educational expenditures. According to Education at a Glance published by OECD, South Korea spent 8.2 percent of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) for education in 2002, becoming the highest spending country for education among the OECD countries. Close to 42 percent of the spending (3.41 percent of GDP) was supplied by private sources, while public spending for education was only 4.79 percent of the GDP. The great reliance on private spending to offset the cost of education presents a major disadvantage to the poor in obtaining equitable education opportunities. Immigrant children are allowed to attend elementary school regardless of their parents’ legal status in South Korea. In the case of secondary
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school, decisions about the admission of immigrant children are entrusted to the principals. Only 1,574 immigrant children attended public schools in 2004. Although this is close to double the number in 2003 (817), this number is believed to fall short considering that the number of legal and illegal immigrant workers combined in South Korea is nearly 700,000. In addition, a study conducted by the Korea Educational Development Institute (KEDI) (2005) discovered that many children of immigrant workers find it difficult to get adjusted to the school setting, as they are invisible and have poor resources of cultural capital, which is important to be successful in Korean schools. Similar problems have also been observed among North Korean child refugees. According to the Ministry of Education and Human Resources Development, only 303 of 801 North Korean children of school age attend schools, a 37.8 percent enrollment rate. The enrollment rate is particularly low for high school age children at 6.6 percent. Many of the North Korean students experience difficulty in keeping up with the material taught at school. PLAY AND RECREATION The term ‘‘digital generation’’ is well-suited for South Korean children. A Media Watch survey in 2005 found that the internet was the most frequently used and influential medium among children in South Korea, followed by television, mobile services, and newspapers. About 80 percent of the total households possess a computer, and about 70 percent of them are connected to high-speed internet. This allows computers to function as convenient and effective tools for many children to collect information, communicate, listen to music, play games, and so on. Playing games is a prime leisure activity the youth do with computers; this is particularly true for boys. For about 90 percent of boys, playing computer games is one way to spend their leisure time; about 60 percent of girls play computer games. In addition to four land-based broadcasting channels, nearly every household subscribes to cable television, which costs about five dollars a month. According to KEDI (2003), children in secondary school spend about nine and a half hours a week watching television. While the children’s favorite programs are entertainment, comedies, and soap operas, other programs ranging from the Korean version of Sesame Street, information, and culture to animation, dramas, movies, and sports are aired on land-based and cable television and radio channels. In particular, the Educational Broadcasting System (EBS) has channels that are entirely devoted to children’s educational and cultural programs, including lessons on subjects taught at school. The importance of play and recreation in children’s lives has been proclaimed in major children’s rights-related documents. The Three Chapters of Public Pledges on Children’s Rights, announced in 1923, first
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made a statement about play, urging the country to establish suitable conditions for children to play. A similar claim was included in the Children’s Charter written in 1975 and revised in 1988. More recently, the Youth Charter created in 1990 and revised in 1998 acknowledges the right to leisure along with other eleven youth rights. Despite the acknowledgment of children’s right to play and leisure, this right tends to remain unfulfilled for many children. About 70 percent of children are unsatisfied with their leisure lives, and the primary cause of this dissatisfaction is the lack of leisure time. In the case of secondary school children, according to a recent study conducted by KEDI (2003), the average leisure time is about eight hours per week. The children’s insufficient leisure lives are due to an overemphasis on academic accomplishment, which discourages children from assigning time for activities unrelated to schoolwork. Beginning in the early 1990s, the government started to pay attention to youth activity, building legal and administrative infrastructures such as the Youth Basic Law, the Youth Activity Promotion Law, and the National Youth Commission. According to the Youth Activity Promotion Law, the central government must build and maintain two or more national youth institutes. The law also obligates each province and city to install one or more youth training institutes and cultural centers (at least one of each). As of 2004, about 100 youth organizations and 687 youth training institutes exist throughout the country (National Youth Commission, 2006). Financial assistance is available for youth activities and institutions that are operated by individuals and organizations. Since 1992, the National Youth Commission has developed and supplied about 130 youth programs in order to facilitate quality youth activities. CHILD LABOR The Labor Standard Law prohibits employment of children under the age of thirteen with the exception of art performances. Employment of children above the age of thirteen and below fifteen is allowed with approval from the government. Children above age fifteen and below eighteen may be employed with the agreement of their parents. In order to prevent the exploitation of child labor, the Labor Standard Law prohibits a labor contract from being signed by a proxy, and payment must be made directly to the child employed. It is unlawful to hire children for work that may be harmful to their mental and physical health. Children may be allowed to work up to seven hours a day and forty-two hours a week. The minimum wage for children with work experience of six months or less is 90 percent of the minimum wage of adult workers. From the 1960s to 1980s, many youth used to work at factories and do other menial work to put bread on the family table. While children laboring to assure their families’ survival are rare, the number of those
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who work part-time for extra cash or experience is on the rise. According to the 2006 Youth White Book, about 40 percent of children have done some sort of part-time work. Part-time work tends to be more prevalent among children living in youth facilities and vocational high school students. Among youth part-time workers, about 12 percent report that they have experienced delayed payment, and another 12 percent, curtailment of wages. About 4 percent and 1.7 percent, respectively, report physical violence and sexual harassment. Slightly higher numbers of girls tend to be victims of those violations than boys. Child slavery and indentured servitude are illegal under the Child Welfare Law, and violators are punishable by a sentence of up to ten years or a fine of 30 million Korean won, which approximately amounts to US$30,000. The Youth Protection Law and the Juvenile Sex Protection Law prohibit sexual exploitation and offenses against children. Nonetheless, youth prostitution has continued to be a serious social concern since the 1980s. In addition to the trafficking of young females to red-light streets, two additional routes taking teens to sex work have arisen since the 1990s. One is through decadent entertainment establishments. Close to 4,000 minor females were found to be illegally hired by these entertainment establishments in 1999 (Supreme Public Prosecutor’s Office, 2000). Among others, the Ticket-Dahbahng (‘‘tea house’’) is the most notorious—it is supposed to be a drink delivery location, but illegal prostitution frequently takes place between the customers and female drink deliverers. Many runaway or poor girls are the main victims of this type of sex selling. Another pervasive form of youth prostitution is so-called Won-joh-kyojeh, in which teenage girls have short- or long-term sexual relationships with adult men for money (roughly $100–$150). Making extra pocket money and living expenses or sexual curiosity are the main reasons for these girls to do sex selling. The participating parties are mainly hooked on the internet and by chatting on the phone. The practice of luring children with easy money is spreading to not only runaway girls, who used to be the typical victims of commercial sexual exploitation, but also to those who are from decent family backgrounds. In 2004, 1,593 youth sex-selling cases were exposed, swelling from 1,255 in 2001 (National Youth Commission 2006). More than 50 percent of sex-selling youth are sixteen years old or younger. The Juvenile Sex Protection Law allows both those who arrange sex selling of youth and those who purchase sex from youth to be sentenced up to three years’ penal servitude or a fine of up to 20 million Korean Won. Yet, only 6 percent of the arrested sex-purchasers were given prison sentences and only 32.5 percent a monetary penalty in 2001, while the rest were granted probation. Follow-up measures for sex-selling teenagers are inadequate, as well. Only 6.5 percent were placed under protective custody in 2004. Most (83.15 percent) were sent home, while another 5 percent
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were criminally booked (National Youth Commission 2006). NGOs and religious organizations have responded by campaigning against the disturbing problem of teenage prostitution and supplying rehabilitation facilities to help the recovery of the ex-sex-selling children. Further, those organizations operate facilities called Shwim-tuh (meaning ‘‘resting place’’) for youth and accommodate runaway or homeless youth in order to prevent these children from selling themselves to make money and encourage their return home. FAMILY In the traditional family structure, the father is the breadwinner and the mother is the housekeeper and childcare provider. The division of family responsibilities and different gender roles continues to exist today, although they are much weakened due to the increased social participation and economic independence of females and the expansion of a sense of gender equity. According to a study conducted by KEDI (2003), about 20 percent of secondary school students believe that males and females are supposed to have distinctive gender roles. The time-honored values of unconditional love for children and respect for parents are being maintained in the current society of South Korea as well. Hyo (‘‘filial piety’’), derived from Confucian thought, is deemed to be a virtue, demanding that children to be obedient to their parents’ will. This hierarchical parent–child relationship often silences children’s voices, although they are heard more now than in past. While more and more elderly parents live independently from their grown-up children, it is still widely accepted that children should look after their aging parents as their parents did for them when they were young. Each turning point of a family is celebrated with a pertinent rite of passage from childhood. Baek-il (the 100th day after birth) and Dohl (the first birthday) are observed as two major milestones for a child, pronouncing with formality that the child is a new member of the community. On Baek-il, the child is dressed with clothes quilted with 100 scraps, and parents distribute rice cakes to their neighbors. On Dohl, parents dress the child with gilded Hahn-bok (traditional Korean dress) and invite extended family members and neighbors to celebrate with food. At the party, Dohl-jahb-ih is performed, in which people seat the child in front of a table with foods and materials, ask him or her to pick an item from the table, and infer a bright future for the child from the item. While people give meaning to the item and interpret it in association with the child’s future, it is more about wishing the child blessings and longevity rather than a prediction. Family structure in South Korea has diversified, and divorce is a major contribution to this change. The divorce rate has almost tripled during the past fifteen years, from 1.1 per 1,000 people in 1990 to 2.9 per
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1,000 in 2004. Statistics show that, in 2000, about 70 percent of the divorced couples had children age twenty or under, indicating that divorce affects a significant number of children (Korea National Statistical Office 2005). In divorced families, about 65 percent of the mothers assume full custody of their children. While economic difficulties are a widespread problem in single-parent households, it is particularly severe for a divorced woman with children. In the case of divorce, the property accumulated after marriage is supposed to be equally divided between both parties. Nonetheless, more than half of divorced women are denied a fair division of property by their husbands. About 60 percent of divorced childrearing women receive no aid from the biological fathers of the children. Further, females in the workforce are generally paid significantly less than males. This problem is further complicated by the lack of meaningful and productive employment for women who are returning to the workplace. Consequently, many children with divorced parents undergo not only the psychological distress of parental separation but also suffer from economic hardship. Government programs that support families with children are mostly intended for the marginalized. Parents of children in kindergarten with disabilities are assisted with roughly $200 a month per child for tuition or tuition is waived at the special kindergartens for children with disabilities. The government pays part of or the entire daycare cost and schooling expenses for children from families below the poverty threshold. Financing and housing aid are also available to low-income, single-parent families. For child-headed families, the government pays for basic living expenses and schooling-related expenditures including tuition, transportation, reference materials, and so on, as well as a monthly allowance that amounts to about $70 per child. In addition, the government bears 37 percent of the total nursing expenses of the nation and plans to expand that total up to 50 percent by 2008. HEALTH Under the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS) introduced in 1989, all Koreans, including Koreans abroad and foreigners living in Korea, are covered by either medical insurance or a protection program. The total health care spending in South Korea was 5.6 percent of the GDP in 2004, which was the lowest share of GDP among OECD countries (OECD 2006). The ratio of people to a doctor dropped from 1,631 in 1981 to 589 in 2004, and the ratio of people to a nurse from 345 to 249 (Korea National Statistical Office 2005). However, health care facilities are concentrated in urban areas and are lacking in remote rural and poor regions. Also, the co-payment, approximately 20 percent of the total health care charge, burdens the poor and discourages them from using medical facilities, thus making prevention or early diagnosis of disease difficult.
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Infant and child mortality rates are 5 and 6 per 1,000 live births, a significant decrease from 61 and 127 per 1,000 in 1960 (Korea National Statistical Office 2005). The National Immunization Program (NTP) allows all children to be provided with free vaccinations against diseases such as tuberculosis, hepatitis B, diphtheria, pertussis, tetanus, polio, measles, mumps, rubella, Japanese encephalitis, typhoid fever, influenza, and hemorrhagic fever with renal syndrome. All children are inoculated with vaccines against various child diseases recognized by the government. The inpatient care co-payment is waived for children under the age of six years. Infants of the poor receive health examinations free of charge. Limited financial support is also available for the treatment of premature babies born to poor parents. While parents assume primary responsibility for children with disabilities, the government provides financial aid for the poor, covering half or the whole co-payment for health care. According to the Ministry of Health and Welfare (2005), about 35 percent of the adult population is constantly under stress, and about 6 percent suffer from extreme stress. The suicide rate is higher than ever—the second-leading cause of death for children in South Korea. Mental disorders affect about 18 percent of the total population annually. While many are in need of mental health care, the prevailing stigma against mental illness discourages them from seeking treatment. The government and NGOs are campaigning to eliminate the public’s prejudice against psychiatric treatment. Between 1998 and 2003, the number of social rehabilitation centers and public mental health centers, such as community mental heath centers and halfway houses, increased by approximately twenty times. A study conducted by KEDI (2003) reports that close to 40 percent of secondary school students are or used to be dating. Among them, 2.2 percent are or used to be sexually active. About 31.5 percent of the total number of unwed mothers were teenagers in 2005, growing from 0.4 percent in 1984 and 28.7 percent in 1996 (Korean Women’s Development Institute 2005). Along with the increase of teenage unwed mothers, the issue of homosexuality has surfaced as an issue in the society of Korea. In particular, the mistreatment of the homosexual youth arose as a disquieting problem (Shin 2005). Gays and lesbians started to come out in the late 1990s and voiced their rights. Yet, society still holds harsh attitudes toward homosexuals. While it has been rare for bisexuals or the transgendered youth to come out in public, some have done so, only to be faced with isolation and violence from their peers. While schools are required to give sex education, it is mostly devoted to teaching the structure of genital organs and encouraging students to keep their passions under control and maintain their virginity. Although sexual identity, sexual behavior, and contraception issues are major concerns for youth, these issues are rarely discussed at school. Rapid economic development since the 1960s and population concentration around the metropolitan cities has caused a serious environmental
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pollution. The amounts of carbon monoxide, dust, and ozone in the air have risen dramatically. Air quality deterioration is particularly prevalent in large cities, including the Seoul Metropolitan Region and areas with major industrial complexes. Respiratory system-related diseases are the top causes for people to seek Medicare, generating 32 percent of the total number of outpatients in 2002. About 92 percent of the total population use improved drinking water sources. Tap water is piped to about 97 percent of the urban residents and about 71 percent of the rural residents (Korea National Statistical Office 2005). NGO activities for health promotion in South Korea vary from environment movement, free medical services, and emergency relief work to health campaigns, assistance with medical expenses, and exercise of influence on policy making. The environment is one of the areas in which NGOs are most active, keeping close watch on pollution and campaigning for environmental protection and preservation. NGOs are also vital resources for sex and sexuality education, offering related information and counseling via the internet, phone, and television channels. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Korea is a party to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) carried out in 1989. The country reports to the UN on the welfare of children in Korea every five years and consults with the UN to identify areas of child welfare needing improvement. The UNCRC was reflected in the Child Welfare Law that provides a frame for child welfare policies in South Korea. The central and local governments are accountable to take necessary action to protect a child when the child loses his or her home or his or her safety is threatened by the surrounding environments. According to the Ministry of Health and Welfare, as of 2005, there exist 282 child welfare facilities entrusted with close to 20,000 children. Slightly less than 30 percent of these children are children given up by unwed mothers, and about 50 percent of these children are the victims of poverty and abuse. The Youth Protection Law regulates the safeguarding of children from violent, sexually offensive, and other harmful environments that tend to lead them to delinquent behavior. The Juvenile Act outlines protective and punitive measures for juvenile delinquents. According to the Juvenile Act, juvenile delinquencies are crimes or crime-ridden offences committed by children between the ages of twelve and twenty years old. All juvenile delinquency cases are handled by the Juvenile Squad Police and classified into three categories: penal offense by children age fourteen or above, penal offense by children age twelve and thirteen, and crimeridden offense. Based on the Criminal Law, the legal majority starts at age fourteen. Only penal offenses by children age fourteen or older are treated as juvenile crime. The other two types are handled as protection
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cases. Juvenile crime occurrences reached the pinnacle in 1997 and have been on the decline since then. According to the 2005 White Book about Youth, there were about 93,000 cases in 2004, making up 3.6 percent of the total crime cases in South Korea. This is a substantial drop from about 164,182 cases in 2000, which accounted for 7.8 percent of the total crime occurrences in that year. Theft and violence are the leading forms of offenses committed by children, representing about 60 percent of the total juvenile crimes. Juvenile crimes are processed by the prosecution, and they are treated more generously than adult crimes. While the suspension rate of indictment for adult crimes was 11.2 percent in 2004, only about 23 percent of the total juvenile crimes were indicted (National Youth Commission 2006). The indicted juvenile case is subject to a criminal trial. Capital punishment and life imprisonment sentences are prohibited and replaced with fifteen years’ and five years’ imprisonment, respectively. There is an awareness that separating juvenile delinquents from society may not be beneficial in helping them adapt to society. Many delinquents are placed under probation. Also, a sentence may be replaced with parole after one-fifth to onethird of the original sentence period has passed. There are about 26,500 juvenile delinquents under probation. If a sentence is ordered, it is executed at juvenile prison; there are 903 juvenile penal offenders confined at two juvenile prisons in South Korea, which is a decrease of close to half from 1,701 in 2000 (National Youth Commission 2006). All protection cases are heard at family court; there are eight throughout the country. Protective custody is carried at various places such as the offender’s home, a youth facility, hospital, nursing home, or juvenile reformatory. Juvenile prisons, reformatories, and other protective facilities provide job training and subject matters along with counseling. There are sixty counseling centers affiliated with the Ministry of Justice that serve juveniles, and counseling is included as a part of the inspection and rehabilitation processes. RELIGIOUS LIFE Religion has been an important part of life for Koreans since ancient times. Buddhism was strong from the period of the Three Kingdoms, and was reclaimed as the national religion during the Koryo (918–1392) period. During the Choson (1392–1897) period, Confucianism was adopted as the national religion, replacing Buddhism. While each religion is grounded in its own unique doctrine and spirit, has distinctive rituals, and brings different lessons to its believers, the influence of Confucianism in South Korea was extraordinary. This is because Confucian thoughts directly address social relationships between people while offering moral principles that permeate everyday life. Confucianism supports distinctively different gender roles between males and females, and a strong family tie.
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Confucianism also suggests that the parent–child relationship be close and loving yet hierarchical, asking children to conform to their parents. Confucianism also encourages children to pay respect to the elderly. These Confucius principles are being followed less today, yet they still serve as fundamental life values for South Koreans in the present day. There is no national religion in South Korea today. While religious freedom is ensured, no religious activities are allowed in public schools. Diverse religions such as Buddhism, Confucianism, Christianity, Won Buddhism, Taoism, Shamanism, and Islam coexist in Korea. According to Report on the Social Statistics Survey by the Korea National Statistical Office, 2003, more than half of the total population, 61 percent of females and 46.4 percent of males, participate in religious activities. Younger generations are less religious than the older ones. Among children age fifteen or under, about 46 percent have a religion, while more than 60 percent of people age fifty or older do. Buddhism (47 percent) and Christianity (50.5 percent) are the two most prevailing religions, making up about 97.5 percent of the total religious population in 2003. Protestant Christians make up 36.8 percent and Catholic Christians make up 13.7 percent of those who believe in Christianity (Korea National Statistical Office 2005). Buddhism is most widely believed among adults and Christianity among youth. About 65 percent of the religious children age fifteen or younger believe in Christianity. Buddha’s Birthday and Christmas are observed as holidays. Contributions of religious organizations to social welfare in South Korea are noteworthy. In fact, a Catholic priest started the first modern orphanage for abandoned children in 1888. Christian missionaries introduced modern schools to Korea, building several hundred schools during the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century. It was mostly religious organizations that sheltered children orphaned by the Korean War or arranged adoptions for them. Religious organizations still play a crucial role in serving children in need of care in the present day, operating several thousand residential facilities for children and providing free day care facilities, communal study rooms, and scholarships for children from lowincome families. In addition to the relief work and service for marginalized children, religious organizations are active in promoting youth activity by organizing youth clubs, facilitating cultural and traditional events, and offering children volunteer opportunities for the public and the needy. Throughout the country, there are 130 counseling centers for children and family, and about 5,500 youth centers built by Buddhist, Christian, Catholic, and other religious organizations. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The Child Welfare Law broadly defines child abuse by including not only infliction of harm on children but also negligence and abandonment.
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However, the law is somewhat vague on what is regarded as abuse in South Korea, where discipline and corporal punishment by parents are culturally accepted and prevail. Also, this ambiguity allows many abuses to remain unexposed. Recently, however, child abuse reports substantially increased. According to the Ministry of Health and Welfare, 6,998 reports were made in 2004, multiplying by 8.7 times from 807 in 1997. This swelling number is viewed as a sign of enhanced understanding about child abuse as well as an actual increase of its occurrence. Out of the 6,998 reports in 2004, 3,891were concluded to be child abuse. The Ministry of Health and Welfare reported that about 80 percent of child abuse victims were of age twelve or under in 2004. Most abuses occur at home (about 75 percent), and parents are the most dominant abusers (about 80 percent). Child neglect occurred most frequently, making up about 35 percent of the total abuse cases, followed by physical abuse, emotional abuse, sexual abuse, and abandonment. Close to 40 percent of abused children suffered from more than two kinds of maltreatment. While current services for abused children tend to rely on counseling (about 32.4 percent in 2004), other various treatments through children’s hospitals or institutions and family support programs are available. Also, abused children may be admitted to protective facilities if it is necessary for them to remain separate from their abusers. Child abusers may face up to five years of imprisonment or a monetary penalty of up to 30 million Korean Won. Yet, they are rarely punished. Only slightly more than 1 percent of child abusers were imprisoned in 2001. As with the care of abused children, counseling is the dominant measure taken to help abusers (77 percent in 2001) and professional treatment is rarely conducted (0.4 percent in 2001) (Han and Song 2006). The hotline number (1391) for child abuse reports is open twenty-four hours a day. Social workers, medical personnel, teachers, and so on are required to report all abuse cases they discover. In addition, many prevention efforts have escalated. The Korea Association for the Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect holds seminars urging people to be attentive and responsive to the problem of child abuse. The association’s outreach program particularly targets children, parents, and teachers. The Good Neighbors provides Child Empowering Services (CES), teaching preschoolers about their rights to be protected from abuse and strategies for selfprotection when they are abused. Including ‘‘the child abuse zero campaign’’ launched by the organization of Save the Children, many anti-child abuse movements are carried out via various mass media channels. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The progress made in children’s living conditions during the past halfcentury is notable. Children’s organizations are being formed to discuss and speak for child welfare, criticizing rules and practices that intrude on
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children’s human rights. While these are hopeful signs, in order to advance child welfare, it is essential for the government to provide stronger leadership by fully acknowledging and protecting children’s rights. In addition to enhancing the welfare state of sheltered children, the government needs to construct a comprehensive support system for children of the marginalized so that poverty or being the children of unwed mothers does not have to cause children to be separated from their families or lose opportunities that are available to mainstream children. Also, a stronger government support system for families with children needs to be put into place. Economic pressure, one of reasons for the dwindling fertility rate in South Korea, needs to be alleviated. Parental education is another service in demand, considering that a dominant portion of child abuse is committed by parents. Accomplishing educational equity, creating curriculum sensitive to needs of children and the society such as sex and sexuality education, and bringing play back to their lives: all remain as tasks to be fulfilled. The disquieting problem of sex selling by teenage girls suggests the necessity of helping children to build strong values in addition to toughening legal actions against the individuals involved. Further, without accomplishing gender equity and transforming stereotypes of gender roles, the troublesome imbalance of gender ratio among children is likely to continue. Finally, it should be remembered that government policy alone cannot create a child welfare society but requires the participation of the country’s citizens. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Doe, S. 2001. Comparative review of children’s rights and women’s rights in Korea. Development 44(2):111–16. Reviews development of legal and social welfare system for children and women in Korea. Hahm, H., and N. Guterman. 2001.The emerging problem of physical child abuse in South Korea. Child Maltreatment 6(2):169–79. This research report discusses sociocultural factors contributing to child abuse and recent efforts to address the problem. National Human Rights Commission: The Republic of Korea, Annual Report 2004: National Human rights Commission. http://www.humanrights.go.kr. Provides an overview of human rights conditions, issues, and efforts towards improvement along with recommendations for future direction. Park, N. 2005. Life satisfaction among Korean children and youth: A developmental perspective. School Psychology International 26(2):209–23. Discusses degrees of life satisfaction among elementary, middle, and high school students, and their associated factors. United Nations, Committee on the Rights of the Child. 2003. Consideration of Reports submitted by States Parties Under Article 44 of the Convention: Convention
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of the Rights of the Child: Concluding Observations: Republic of Korea. The United Nations Web site. http://documents.un.org/mother.asp. An examination of child welfare state in South Korea, including general principles, children’s rights and freedom, family environment, care, health, and so on. Yang, O. 2002. Guidelines for a national policy model for early childhood education and care in Korea: Meeting the needs of knowledge-based societies. International Journal of Early Childhood 34(1): 37–44. Reports findings of a survey on the conditions of and the parental expectations for early childhood education and care in South Korea.
Nonprint Resources Between Us. 2004. Directed by Hyunjoo Han. This human rights film reveals child abuse taking place inside the home and depicts how children perceive and process their abuse by their parents. Ih-Bahn-Guhm-yeol (Lesbian censorship in school). 2005. Directed by Young Lee. Produced by Women Visual Collective Wom. This documentary exposes the problems of oppression on homosexuality, its censorship in schools, and the anguish homosexual children experience as their sexual identity is suppressed and denied by their community. The National Youth Commission. 2005. White Book about Youth. http://youth.go. kr/Library/Statistical_bbs.asp. This resource provides an extensive overview of policies and future plans for youth rights, as well as comprehensive youth related statistical information ranging from population, health, and labor, to education, safety, protection, and crime. R U Ready? 2005. Korea Sexual Violence Relief Center. This educational film examines the problem of teenage sex-for-profit and illustrates how underage girls are exposed to the temptation and trap of prostitution.
Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Korea Institute for Youth Development Umyoon-dong, Seocho-gu Seoul, Korea 137-140 Phone: 82-2-2188-8860 Fax. 82-2-2188-8869 Web site: http://www.youthnet.re.kr This institute conducts youth related research and policy development. Korea National Statistical Office Government Complex Daejon 139 Seonsaro Seo-gu, Daejeon, Republic of Korea 302-701 Phone: 82-42-281-4114 Web site: http://www.nso.go.kr This office coordinates the national statistical services, collecting, compiling, and disseminating fundamental statistical data.
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Ministry of Education and Human Resources Development 77-6 Sejong-gu Seoul, Korea 110-760 Phone: 82-2-2100-6570 Fax. 82-2-2100-6579 Web site: http://www.moe.go.kr The Ministry is a central agency that supervises human resource development, as well as school and nonschool academic affairs. Ministry of Gender Equality and Family 55 Sejong-ro, Jongro-gu Seoul, Korea 110-760 Phone: 82-2-2100-6600 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.mogef.go.kr The Ministry is responsible for planning and implementing family, gender, and childcare related policies. Ministry of Health and Welfare 1 Joongang-dong, Gwacheon-si, Gyeonggi-doh, Republic of Korea 427-721 Phone: 82-2-1600-1522 Fax: 82-2-3771-4818 Web site: http://www.mohw.go.kr The Ministry of Health and Welfare supervises health care and social welfare programs. Ministry of Justice Building # 1, Gwacheon Government Complex 1 Joongang-dong Gwacheon-si, Gyeonggi-doh, Republic of Korea Phone: 82-2-503-7023 Fax: 82-2-504-3337 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.moj.go.kr The Protection Division, the Investigation Division, the Probation and Parole Division, the 1st Juvenile Division, and the 2nd Juvenile Division are commissioned with the task of social protection, rehabilitation, and correction of juvenile delinquents. Ministry of Labor 1 Joongang-dong Gwacheon-si, Gyeonggi-doh, Republic of Korea 427-718 Phone: 82-2-2110-2114 Fax. 82-2-503-6623 Email.
[email protected] Web site: http://www.molab.go.kr The Employment Policy Office is in charge of youth employment-related policies and programs. The Youth Work-Net (http://youth.work.go.kr) is an employment portal for youth.
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National Human Rights Commission of Korea Gumsegi Building No. 16 Ulgiro 1-ga, Jung-gu Seoul, Korea 100-842 Phone: 82-2-2125-9700 Fax: 82-2-2125-9718 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.humanrights.go.kr Provides policy recommendations on human rights and handles human rights violation cases. National Youth Commission 110-760 Central Government Complex, Sejongno, Jongno-gu Seoul, Korea 110-760 Phone: 82-2-2100-8516 Fax. 82-2-2100-8518 Web site: http://www.youth.go.kr The Commission is in charge of national youth policies and programs promoting youth activity and providing various protection and guidance services. Nongovernmental Organizations Good Neighbors 95-3 Sahngsoon-dong, Mapo-gu Seoul, Korea Phone: 82-2-338-1124 Email.
[email protected] Korea Sexual Violence Relief Center 366-24 Hapjeong-dong, Mapo-gu Seoul Korea 121-884 Phone: 82-2-338-5801 Fax: 82-2-338-7122 Web site: http://www.goodneighbors.org Good Neighbors is in a General Consultative Status with United Nations (UN) Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC). This international organization runs childabuse prevention centers and children’s shelters across the nation, as well as offers welfare services and foster care support. Korea Welfare Foundation C.P.O Box 1278 Seoul, Korea Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.kwf.or.kr The Korea Welfare Foundation provides financial support for needy children and youth and offers diverse social welfare services through various centers and programs the foundation runs, including Community Welfare Centers, In-Home Service Centers, Child Find Center, Child Protection centers, and care programs for handicapped children.
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Korea Youth Counseling Institute 292-61, Shindang 6-dong, Jung-gu Seoul, Korea 100-882 Phone: 82-2-2253-3811 Fax: 82-2-2253-3811 Web site: http://www.kyci.or.kr The institute researches and develops youth counseling policies and programs, and runs the 1388 hotline providing youth with counseling. Korea Youth Services Center #811 Royal Building, Dangju-dong, Jongro-gu Seoul, Korea 110-721 Phone: 82-2-730-0924 Fax: 82-2-730-0926 Web site: http://www.kysc.or.kr The Korea Youth Services Center is affiliated with the National Youth Commission, and its major responsibility is to promote youth activity. Korean Human Rights Foundation Rm. 402 Women’s Mission Center 1-1 Yonji-dong, Chong-ro ku Seoul, Korea 110-738 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.humanrights.or.kr The Korean Human Rights Foundation promotes public awareness of human rights and supports related research and academic publications. National Council of Youth Organizations in Korea 801 Banghwa-dong, Gangseo-gu Seoul, Korea 157-856 Phone: 82-2-2667-0471 Fax. 82-2-2667-0479 Web site: http://www.ncyok.or.kr The council helps youth organizations to build networks and work closely with one another. In addition, it provides various services offering youth leadership training and workshops, supporting needy children, and sponsoring international youth exchange programs.
Selected Bibliography English Doe, S. 2000. Cultural factors in child maltreatment and domestic violence in Korea. Children and Youth Services Review 22(3): 231–36. Han, I. 2004. Korea’s declining birthrate crisis. Koreana 18(2): 66–9. Jung, K., and A. Honig. 2000. Intergenerational comparisons of paternal Korean child rearing practices and attitudes. Early Child Development and Care 165: 59–84.
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Kim, H., and H. Kim. 2005. Gender Differences in Delinquent Behavior among Korean Adolescents. Child Psychiatry and Human Development 35(4): 325–45. Kim, U., Y. Park, Y. Kwon, and J. Koo. 2005. Values of Children, Parent-Child relationship, and Social Change in Korea: Indigenous, Cultural, and Psychological Analysis. International Association for Applied Psychology 54(3):338–54. Kim, Y. 1999. Recent developments in Korean school education. School Effectiveness and School Improvement 10(1):55–71. Korea Development Institute (KDI). 2005. 2005 Annual Report. Seoul, Korea: KDI Publications. Ministry of Justice. 2005. ‘‘Innovation of Juvenile Protection Administration.’’ The United Nations Web site. http://www.moj.go.kr. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). 2005. Education at a Glance: OECD Indicators. Paris: OECD Publications. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). 2006. OECD Health Data. Paris: OECD Publications. Korean Citizens Coalition for Economic Justice. 2005. A Survey on Youth’s Media Usage. Korean Citizens Coalition for Economic Justice (KCCEJ). Seoul, Korea: KCCEJ Publications. Han, S., and J. Song. 2006. Child Welfare. Seoul: Chanhjihsa. Kim, J., H. Lee, E. Bae, and C. Huh. 2005. A study on the conditions of educational welfare of the foreign workers’ children in South Korea. Seoul: Korean Educational Development Institute. Kim, M. 2004. Young North Korean Defector’s School Adaptation. Seoul: Korean Educational Development Institute. Korea National Statistical Office. 2005. Korea Statistical Yearbook. http://www.nso. go.kr/e_book/yeabook05.htm. Korea National Statistical Office. 2006. Statistics on youth. http://www.nso.go.kr/ nso2006/bbs/report/report10/view.jsp?contentid¼3055. Korean Women’s Development Institute. 2005. Annual Report on Women. Seoul, Korea: KWDI Publications. Lee, Y. 2005. The Rights of the Child and Youth in Korea. Seoul: Human beings and Welfare. Ministry of Education and Human Resources Development. 2005. Annual Statistical Analysis of Education. Seoul: Korean Educational Development Institute. Ministry of Health and Welfare (MHW). 2005. An Analytical Study on the Spending on Social Welfare by Religious Organizations. Seoul: MHW Publications. National Council of Youth Organizations in Korea. 2004 Annual Report. Seoul, Korea: NCYO Publications. National Human Rights Commission of Korea (NHRC). 2004. Planning of Children’s Rights Policies. Seoul, Korea: NHRC Publications. National Youth Commission (NYC). 2005. White Book about Health and Welfare. Seoul, Korea: MHW Publications. National Youth Commission (NYC). 2006. White Book about Youth. Seoul, Korea: NYC Publications. Oh, Y. 2002. Ways to Protect the Human Rights of the Child and Youth in the Administration of Justice Process. Seoul: National Human Rights Commission of Korea.
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Park, H. 2003. An Analytical Study on the Life and Culture of Korean Secondary School Students. Seoul: Korean Educational Development Institute. Shin, Y. December 2005. The homosexual youth are moaning. Hangyureh 21, 588Hangyureh Media Web site: http://h21.hani.co.kr/section-021003000/ 2005/12/021003000200512060588013.html. Supreme Public Prosecutor’s Office (SPPO). 2000. White Book on Safe School. Seoul, Korea: SPPO Publications. Yoon, D., H. Park, and Y. Jang. An investigation of Implementations of Underage Girls’ Sex-Selling Related Laws. Seoul: Korean Women’s Development Institute. Youth Organization Activity Guidance Series. 2004. The direction of youth movement for a new era. Seoul: Chunghyup.
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SRI LANKA Upali M. Sedere NATIONAL PROFILE The Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, popularly known as Sri Lanka, is an island in the Indian Ocean situated at the southern tip of India with coordinates of 7 00 North and 81 00 East, with a coastal area of 1,340 kilometers. Sri Lanka has a land area of 25,332 square miles (65,610 square kilometers) spreading 280 miles from the furthest northern point Pedru, to the southern point, Devundara, and 170 miles from the furthest eastern point to the western point. The lowest point of elevation in the Indian Ocean is at 0 meters, while the highest point, Pidurutalagala, peaks at 2,524 meters (8,281 feet) (The World Factbook 2006). The centrally located hills of Sri Lanka rise to 8,200 feet, and the island has rivers running in all directions from the central hills to the Indian Ocean. The northern side of Sri Lanka is a peninsula located twenty-two miles away from the southeast Indian subcontinent, exposing the eastern coastal belt more towards the Bay of Bengal
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and the south and south west of the Indian Ocean. The result of these physical factors has formed semi-arid land to rain forests and hot and humid equatorial coastal belt to cooler tropical hills. Temperature fluctuates between 80°F (December to January) and 83°F (the rest of the year), and the daynight fluctuation is greater than the month-to-month fluctuation, with daytime temperature reaching 90°F and the nighttime temperature dropping to 75°F (The World Factbook 2006). The tropical monsoon provides the seasonal variations. The northeast monsoon (December to March) brings rain to northeastern Sri Lanka and during that season, the southwest remains relatively dry. The southwest monsoon (June to October) brings rain to southwestern Sri Lanka, and the northeast remains dry during this season. This rain pattern has given the island a blessing of a plantation system that brings most of the agricultural products to the markets year around. Permanent crops such as tea, rubber, and coconut occupy 16 percent of the land, and with a sound irrigation system 70 percent of the arable land is under cultivation. Occasional cyclones and tornadoes in the northeastern belt during the monsoon season is the only weather hazard. Sri Lanka has an estimated population of 20,743,000 in 2007. Currently, there is a declining population growth rate of less that 1 percent, about 0.982 percent; birth rate: 17 per 1,000; infant mortality KEY FACTS – SRI LANKA rate: 12 per 1,000; life expectancy: 74.8; density per square Population: 20,743,000 (2005 est.) mile 792. Sri Lanka has a Infant mortality rate: 12 deaths/1,000 live births (2004 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 74 years (2005 est.) diverse population of 74 perLiteracy rate: 91 percent (2001–04 est.) cent Singhalese, 18 percent Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 99 percent (2000–2005) Tamil, 7 percent Moors, and 1 Internet users: 280,000 (2005) percent others. Seventy percent People living with HIV/AIDS: 5,000 (2005 est.) of the country’s population are Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 38 (2006 est.) Buddhists, 15 percent Hindus, Sources: United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human 8 percent Christians, and 7 perDevelopment Report 2006: Sri Lanka. http://hdr.undp.org/ cent Muslims. Sri Lanka has hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_LKA.html. April 26, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Sri Lanka–Statistics. http:// three official languages: Singhawww.unicef.org/infobycountry/sri_lanka_sri_lanka_ lese, Tamil, and English (The statistics.html. April 25, 2007. World Factbook 2007). OVERVIEW Sri Lanka is a middle-income country with a democratic system of government. Sixty percent of the population is middle class. Sri Lanka remained under colonial rule for nearly 450 years: the Portuguese (1505–1658), the Dutch (1658–1796), and the British (1796–1948). Sri Lanka got independence on February 4, 1948, a year after India. Since independence, Sri Lanka had two major constitutional changes in 1970 and 1978. The 1978 constitution introduced a presidential system of
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government. A President is elected by the popular vote for a period of six years, and the parliament is elected for a term of five years. The parliamentary election follows a proportional representation system; 225 parliamentarians are elected to ensure adequate representation of all ethnic and minority groups. The people of Sri Lanka exercised universal franchise before the British and maintained a good track record of democratic ruling. However, since independence, there have been growing differences between the Singhalese majority and the Tamil minority who are concentrated in northern Sri Lanka. These worsened in the 1980s, and a group of Tamil militants called Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE) declared a war against the government of Sri Lanka, demanding a separate state (Elam) for the Tamil minority. Since 1983, this ethnic war has taken a toll of nearly 60,000 lives, affecting the lives of children in the northern and eastern parts of Sri Lanka. Today, LTTE controls a larger part of northern Sri Lanka. This continues to be the most serious political issue to be resolved. With international interventions, a peace truce was reached in December 2000; however, a political resolution towards lasting peace is still absent. Despite twenty years of war, Sri Lanka graduated to a middle-income country in 2000. The gross domestic product (GDP) based on purchasing power parity (PPP) amounts to $86.72 billion (2005), and the GDP based on official exchange rate is estimated at $21.98 billion (2005). This indicates a GDP per capita purchasing power parity of PPP$4,300 (2005) or exchange rate based GDP per capita of $1,100. For GDP, real growth rate was around 5 percent in 2005. In 2005, the GDP composition by sectors was as follows: agriculture, 17.7 percent; industry, 27.1 percent; and services, 55.2 percent (Central Bank of Sri Lanka 2005, The World Factbook 2006). When current division of production is compared with the division in 1977, Sri Lanka’s production structure shows a clear shifting towards service and industrial sectors over the agricultural sector. Sri Lanka has a labor force of 8 million, with 45 percent occupied in the service sector, 38 percent in agriculture, and 17 percent in industry. There is 8.4 percent unemployment, and 22 percent were below poverty level in 1999. The disparity in the distribution of income or consumption is evident. Looking solely at income, in 2005, the lowest 10 percent of the population received only 3.5 percent of the GDP, while the highest 10 percent received 28 percent. Sri Lanka has a gross investment rate of 27 percent, with a budget revenue of $3.8 billion and expenditures around $5.47 billion, with large budget deficits and increasing public debts (Central Bank of Sri Lanka 2005; The World Factbook 2006). Sri Lanka has demonstrated a very high level of achievement in the social sector, particularly in the area of human development. The Human Development Index for Sri Lanka was 0.751 in 2003. The large middleclass population is aspiring to achieve a better quality of life. Sri Lankans
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believe that education is a vehicle of change for their socioeconomic mobility. The literacy level and school enrollment in Sri Lanka are impressive. Sri Lanka has a population of 5 million children who are less than fifteen years old (25 percent of population). Sri Lanka shows a 97 percent literacy rate among the younger population and a 79 percent enrollment in secondary education. This is one of the highest levels reported for any Asian country. The gross enrollment ratio in primary schools is 104 for girls and 107 for boys (Central Bank of Sri Lanka 2005, Ministry of Education 2005). Yet the National Survey on child labor conducted in 1999 reported that 926,037 children (less than 0.02 percent of the younger population) in Sri Lanka were economically active, indicating that this number includes children who are involved in some form of economic activity while also attending school or some other educational institution. Nearly 26 percent, or 234,618, of these children are engaged in an economic activity and not attending school or any other educational institution. It is reported in an International Labour Organization (ILO) survey that 52 percent (475,531) of all working children are less than fifteen years old (ILO-IPEC February 2002). The social fabric of Sri Lanka too has changed over the last sixty years, and the status of women in particular has risen. The reason for such change has been attributed to the achievement of gender parity in education as early as the 1970s. Today, there are more female students in higher secondary schools than male students. With the rising education levels, maternal mortality significantly declined from 8.3 in 1946 to 0.2 per 1,000 live births in 1996 (Central Bank of Sri Lanka 2005). The labor force participation rates for men and women (35 percent for females) have yet to achieve parity. The future trend is promising, because there are more female students than male students enrolled in higher secondary schools. There are certain female-dominated professions. For example, nearly 70 percent of teachers are women (Ministry of Education 2006). The percentage of females holding decision-making senior administrative positions in the central government shows a positive trend. Although only 3 percent are in the category of Secretary to the Ministry, 20 percent of females hold the next most-important position of Additional Secretary to Ministries in the central government. The rates are better at local government levels, with females holding 40 percent of administrative jobs (Asian Development Bank 2004). EDUCATION Sri Lanka has a well-established thirteen-year school system: five years of primary, six years of secondary, and two years of higher secondary. Education is compulsory up to fifteen years of age. Children are admitted to a formal school at the age of five. Over 95 percent (2004) complete primary schooling, 89 percent continue on to secondary school, and
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83 percent (2004) complete secondary education. Sri Lanka records a literacy rate of 92 percent (2003 est.) of the over ten-year-old population. The rate of literacy in the younger aged population is estimated at over 97 percent (Ministry of Education 2006). The success of education in Sri Lanka is largely attributed to its free education policy that was introduced as early as 1944 and implemented in the last six decades. Today, all children attending public schools receive free education. This policy perhaps is the single most important policy that contributed to minimize the gender gap in Sri Lanka. Every child between grade one through grade eleven receives a set of free textbooks and limited support towards school uniforms. However, most of the schools do accept parent’s contributions for school development. This is being encouraged by the government because the income levels of over 60 percent of the parents have substantially increased, and they can afford to contribute towards their children’s schooling. There are schools for the children of the affluent, less affluent, and the poor. Although the most prestigious private schools cater to the affluent, the prestigious government schools also cater to the children of the affluent. However, the national scholarship holders, selected through a competitive national scholarship examination, also are enrolled in prestigious government schools. The disparities between rural and urban schools, as wells among the bigger and smaller schools, are evident. There is no equity in the distribution of public expenditure on education. This are being addressed, but the progress is very slow. Most of the prestigious schools are located in areas where the affluent people live, and their children have the advantage because proximity to school is one of the important criteria for school admission. Parents and alumni associations of such schools also contribute substantially to school development funds. Therefore, there exists imbalance and inequity in the quality of education received by children of different socioeconomic levels. The private cost of education is high, mostly because many parents send their children to private tutorial sessions held after school and on weekends. Despite the income distribution disparity and inequalities in the school system in Sri Lanka, the rate of achievement of basic skills among children of different social classes shows no significant difference. The government also offers a substantial number of scholarship awards at the end of the sixth year in school to those children who pass the scholarship examination. These scholarship holders get admission in schools serving the affluent. Trained and specialized teachers are available at all levels. Almost 100 percent of teachers have received two to three years of institutionalized training after successfully completing the GCE (General Certificate of Education, Advanced Level) with thirteen years of schooling in one of the seventeen colleges of teacher education in Sri Lanka. There are different requirements to become a trained teacher at different levels. All primary school teachers are trained to become primary school teachers and they have a minimum of GCE (Advanced Level) qualification and two
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to three years of institutionalized training in primary education. The junior secondary teachers are either trained at Colleges of Education or at one of the four university departments of education. Teachers in the senior secondary teachers are university graduates with a postgraduate diploma in education with teaching experiences. However, due to the recruitment of fresh graduates, there is always a large number of untrained graduates in the senior secondary school system. Sri Lanka has about 10,000 schools, and every child has easy access to a school. However, there are isolated and less-developed schools in more remote areas, particularly in tea plantation areas. These schools are brought under special project interventions. Furthermore, children who have to use transportation to get to their schools are also given a subsidized bus fare. The high rate (about 66 percent) of completion of secondary education by students demonstrates parental motivation, interest, and involvement in their children’s schooling. There is no significant disparity in schooling or learning achievement between girls and boys. In fact, the enrollment rate of girls in higher secondary education is higher than that of boys. The child labor issue largely wraps around the 5 percent of children who do not complete primary education and the 17 percent who do not complete the nine years of compulsory education. Children with Special Needs Sri Lanka adopted the inclusive education policy in 1986 and trained and provided special education teachers to all schools where a special education teacher was needed. There are twenty-five special education institutions for severely disabled children. However, these institutions do not have adequate facilities when compared with the provincial system of education introduced in 1986 under the thirteen amendments to the constitution. New educational reforms are addressing this issue to ensure every province has specialized institutions that are adequately equipped to cater to the needs of severely disabled children. Preschool Education Although preschool education is not compulsory and is not directly managed under the government system, preschool education has received the attention of the provincial and local governments. Most municipalities have established preschools free of charge. In addition, there are thousands of preschools run by the private sector. The disparity in facilities, quality of teachers, and programs among preschools is vast. The Open University system in Sri Lanka offers a very popular weekend preschool teacher development program across the country at regional centers. There are private Montessori training institutes, as well as preschool and nursery education institutes that provide teacher training. Even in
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rural areas, NGO-supported preschools are found. However, there is no established system to ensure that every child under age five has access to preschool education. Children of the Minority The majority of Sri Lankans are Sinhalese (about 74 percent of the population). Among the ethnic minority groups, Sri Lankan Tamils comprise 12.6 percent, the Tamils of recent Indian origin compose 5.3 percent, Muslims are 7.1 percent, and others are 1 percent (The World Factbook 2006). Sri Lanka has three official languages, and all minority children can have their mother tongue as the medium of instruction at all levels of education, including university education. The school system is segregated along ethnic lines, having Tamil schools and Muslim schools under separate roofs. This has contributed to continuing ethnic tensions and separations in the country. Present educational reforms are attempting to promote social cohesion by calling for ethnically integrated schools. Schools were ethnically integrated much more before 1960, and three official languages were introduced in 1957. CHILD LABOR Child prostitution, child labor, violence against children, and general inconsideration of children’s feelings and views are reported in Sri Lanka. The National Child Protection Authority (NCPA) states nearly 20 percent of boys and 10 percent of girls get abused in their own homes at the hands of parents or someone that they know. Nearly 150,000 children under the age of fifteen years are employed as servants and workers in homes and hotels around the country. This amounts to 3 percent of the under-fifteen-year-old population. However, these estimates are not based on any systematic surveys. Sri Lanka has three distinct categories of child labor: child prostitutes; child soldiers—forcibly recruited by the Tamil Liberation Movement, better known as Tamil Tigers or LTTE; and working children. Child Prostitutes Sexual activities performed by children, such as child prostitution and child pornography, are another form of child employment. The government estimates that there are 2,000 active child prostitutes in the country. Private groups claim the number to be much higher than that. There is very little congruence among the different estimates by ILO, the Department of Census and Statistics, UNICEF, and the NCPA. Estimates vary from 2,000 to 40,000. The Department of Census and Statistics (DCS) estimates a range between 15,000 and 20,000, and most of
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these children (80 percent) are boys. They are sexually exploited in tourist centers and are trafficked around the country to serve tourists. According to UNICEF and ILO statistics, there are nearly 40,000 child prostitutes in the country, and Western pedophile sex tourists use 5,000 to 30,000 Sri Lankan boys. According to DCS, nearly 10,000 to 12,000 children from rural areas are trafficked and prostituted to pedophiles by organized crime groups. The actual numbers are not known, and the numbers are determined mostly on speculation. Child Soldiers It is estimated that 2,000 children have been involved in the armed conflict as child soldiers in the North-Eastern Province. The LTTE conscripts high school-aged children to work as cooks, messengers, and clerks. In times of war, children are used as child soldiers. However, some reports indicate that nearly 21,000 girls have been abducted by LTTE. Child fighters form an integral part of the Tigers’ guerrilla army, one of the most feared in the world. Reports point to brutal methods of abduction and forced conscription in all rebel controlled areas of the North and the East. In rebel-controlled eastern Sri Lanka, Tigers are taking advantage of the ceasefire, declared in late December 2002, to forcibly recruit teenagers. Tigers are also recruiting children from governmentcontrolled territories. Because travel restrictions have been eased, they can prey on families who fled rebel areas. There is also evidence that Tigers recruit school-going teenagers to use as suicide-bombers. Tigers have never denied using soldiers as young as fifteen. Yet with the prevailing ceasefire and the pressure from the international agencies, the situation is getting better, however, at a grim pace. A United Kingdom based research indicated that 60 percent of LTTE fighters who have died in the armed conflict are under the age of eighteen, and most of them are in the age range of ten to sixteen years. The LTTE child soldiers surrendered in October 1998 reported that about 75 percent of LTTE fighters are children from both sexes. Working Children In recent years, the use of children as domestic servants has received wide attention of all human rights institutions and the government of Sri Lanka. The National Survey on Child Labor 1999 states that 926,037 children in Sri Lanka are economically active. However, this number includes children who are involved in some form of economic activity while also attending school or some other educational institutions. Further, as many as 234,618 of them (nearly 26 percent) are engaged in an economic activity while not attending school or any other educational institution. It reported in the survey that 52 percent (475,531) of all
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working children are aged less than fifteen years old. The majority of the children engaged in economic activity are boys (62.3 percent). Furthermore, 95 percent of all working children reside in rural areas. Nearly 60 percent of all working children are reported to be working as agricultural workers (Hemachandra Damitha October 2003). Among the children working in the urban sector, the most dominant occupations are classified under the category of ‘‘shop sales persons and demonstrators.’’ The number of child domestic laborers is estimated to be 19,111, of which a majority are girls from rural areas. The NCPA records a reduction in child labor of 10- to 15-fold following the intensified action by authorities and a wide media campaign against domestic child labor. Using children as domestic servants has become a taboo today because of the media awareness campaign. Accordingly, an unofficial survey conducted by the ILO showed that nearly 35,000 children are now employed mainly at shops and small factories. According to the ILO report, one of the most destructive forms of child labor in Sri Lanka prevails in the fishing industry. Children are recruited in fishing Vaadiyas (fishing camps in hidden isolated island locations in the sea where dry fish is made), and children are kept in conditions of virtual slavery. However, the number of children involved in fishing camps is very small. Ethnic conflicts too have left many children displaced and abandoned. They are easy prey for ‘‘job placement agents’’ who pick them up on streets in villages or even from refugee camps and then sell them for employment, most commonly for domestic work. The twenty-year civil war has left one million children homeless. They are now returning home and are vulnerable. UNICEF estimates that in LTTE-controlled areas of the north, one-third of children have dropped out or have never attended school. Nevertheless, children in conflict areas and with poor economic backgrounds are not the only ones facing physical and mental harassment. Another hazard is the use of children in drug trafficking. Although the numbers are not known, ILO and the DCS have indicated that this is a growing issue in the urban areas of Sri Lanka. Meanwhile, a report by the U.S. Department of Labor on global child labor and prostitution indicates trafficking of children into Pakistan from Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and the Middle East for camel jockeying. FAMILY With the economic and social transformation, the family structure in Sri Lanka is changing as well. With the declining fertility rates, the average family size has come down from 7 to 3.5. At the same time, the older-age population is on the increase. The impact of this change has resulted in decrease of dependency. In the 1940s, the population dependency rate was as high as 72 percent, and only 2.6 million were engaged in
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some occupation. In 2003, 49 percent of the population was engaged in gainful employment, indicating that the dependency rate has dropped to 49 percent (Central Bank of Sri Lanka 2005). In most of the urban as well as rural families, both mother and father are engaged in gainful employment, and often children stay with the grandparents. Although the family is father-dominated, the mother is the most important family member who keeps the family together and runs the household. Unlike in the past, young parents today share their marriage responsibilities. The security of the child comes not only from the parents and older siblings but also from the grandparents and relatives who live nearby. Having a larger elderly population and not having a culture of staying in retirement homes or homes for the elderly, the grandparents often live separately but closer to their children’s homes, providing security and support to the grandchildren. This is becoming more true for the over-60-percent middle-class population in Sri Lanka. Therefore, in general there is a sound security system in place for almost all children. The culture is not different in the minority groups and the families in the lower income deciles. Earnings of the family either by the mother or the father go to a common pot. Women usually are the ones who take care of money brought into the house by the husbands and themselves. Children’s education is usually the first priority for any family, and owning a home and furnishing it well with a refrigerator and a television are the dreams of even the lower middle-class families. Family aspirations are shared with their children. Social values, including respect for grandparents and relations and neighbors, is very high. There is a high degree of tolerance, particularly in mothers, to keep the family free of disruption. In Sri Lankan society, the woman is referred to as Paula (‘‘wife’’), with the wife as the symbol of the family. Sri Lankan women earned this position of profound respect because of their abiding concern for the security and well-being of their families. Invariably, the wife is the focal point for all major decisions. Sri Lanka is a country with high per capita consumption of alcohol. The per capita estimate is rather misleading, because other than the women of the estate sector Tamil families, women from other communities in Sri Lanka do not drink alcohol. High school students do not consume alcohol. This indicates that the average adult male consumes more alcohol than reported per capita consumption of alcohol. The consumption of alcohol can have a negative impact on the family. Such situations may result in waste of family incomes, which in turn lowers the family’s capacity to plan for a better future. Often, disruptive behavior in the family brings unhappiness and insecurity to children. The chances are higher for children to run away from such homes and fall into the hands of child traffickers. Even in cases of disturbed families, Sri Lankan parents rarely consider divorce as a solution to family problems. Family continues to be highly valued and an institution that must be sustained.
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HEALTH All Sri Lankans have free access to health care, and this has been the backbone of the social sector achievements. Sri Lanka records a life expectancy of seventy-four years at birth, which is a good indicator about the soundness of the health care system. The fertility rates have dropped from 7 in the 1960s to 1.9 by the year 2005. The crude death ratio declined from 9 per 1,000 in 1970 to 6 in 2004, while crude birth rates dropped from 31 per 1,000 to 16 by during same period, and the life expectancy increased from seventy-one to seventy-four (UNICEF 2005, Central Bank of Sri Lanka 2005). Family planning was introduced in Sri Lanka as early as in 1950s and has made good progress in bringing down fertility rates. The public health system tracks every mother and child and provides a package of total prenatal, natal, and postnatal care. This has contributed to significant achievements in maternal and child health. Today, 98 percent of child births take place at hospitals. This has enabled the health authorities to provide all vaccinations on time. In 2004, immunization coverage was as follows: 99 percent of the under one-year-old children were immunized against tuberculosis; 98 percent against diphtheria, pertussis and tetanus (DPT1); 97 percent against: diphtheria, pertussis, and tetanus (DPT3); 97 percent against polio; and 96 percent against measles and against hepatitis B. This level of actual coverage is not achieved in any of the developing countries. The HIV prevalence for adults (fifteen to forty-nine years) by the end of 2003 was estimated at less than 0.01, which is also a good indicator of the family health situation in Sri Lanka. The high literacy rate and completion of secondary education (about 66 percent) has contributed to achievement and sustenance of a very satisfactory level of family health in Sri Lanka. Eight-four percent of infants less than six months are exclusively breastfed (UNICEF 2005, Central Bank of Sri Lanka 2005). This is a very high rate, and the family culture supports and values such practices. The government has granted four months of postnatal privileged leave for working mothers in both public and private sectors for the first two children. This reinforces the family health system. The extended families in rural areas also help young parents, particularly mothers, to provide good childcare at home. However, the birth of underweight babies continues to pose a problem for the health care sector. Twenty-two percent of newborns were underweight in 2004. Twenty-nine percent of children younger than five years old were underweight (UNICEF 2005). Sedere (1996) cited that in the areas where NGOs have worked more than twenty-five years, the rate of malnutrition in children increased because of high demand placed by NGOs and the government on housing and income-generating activities. Almost all rural families have a decent house, but their children are malnourished. Poor eating habits and cooking practices in the lower income groups also contribute to this problem. However, the underweight
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problem gradually fades as these children get older. The country’s strong health care program has supported the survival of these children, who were otherwise would be dead. However, since 1990 Sri Lanka has been implementing a massive poverty eradication campaign that provides integrated inputs to households with poverty. The issue of malnutrition in children is addressed under these poverty eradication programs. Schools where malnutrition among children is very high have introduced midday meals for children. The government provides food stamps for families below poverty level, which is about 6 percent of the population. The public health nurses visit schools as well as homes and provide supplementary vitamins, as well as high nutritious supplementary food to such families. Prevention of HIV/AIDS and STDs Lack of training in life skills and access to information for young persons are of particular concern as this population is faced with health threats associated with teenage pregnancies, abortions, premarital sex and HIV/AIDS, and STDs. A study among young persons conducted by Plan in the Hambanthota, Kandy, Kurunegala, and Badulla districts where Plan has worked for more than five years found that their knowledge of methods of transmission and prevention of HIV/AIDS increased from 10 percent in 1999 to 36 percent in 2004, and knowledge of STDs increased from 2 percent to 11 percent. In areas where Plan has just started working (Monaragala, Anurdhapura, and Kurunegala districts and in the plantation sector of the central province), knowledge of transmission and prevention methods was as low as 5 percent. Although Sri Lanka is a lowprevalence country for HIV/AIDs, the risk factors are high, and the implications of poor preventive knowledge puts women at risk Tsunami and Children Sri Lanka, a country generally free of natural disasters, was hit by the worst tsunami ever recorded on December 26, 2004. The tsunami had profound effects on children, ravaging their sense of safety and predictability and increasing their vulnerability. More than 30,700 people died, 192,500 families were affected, and more than 490,000 were displaced (World Bank 2005). Children were the worst affected victims. Ten of the twenty-five administrative districts were affected. It was the first experience of a tsunami for the Sri Lankans, and no one was prepared for such a disaster. The tsunami destroyed children’s social supports by devastating homes, schools, and communities, and overwhelming the adults caring for them. Adding to children’s risks were ongoing threats to their protection, such as separation from parents, sexual exploitation, trafficking, recruitment into armed groups, and engagement in dangerous labor
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activities. Not long after the disaster, Sri Lanka’s Chairman of the National Child Protection Authority issued a warning in response to reports that stated that children were missing from hospitals and emergency shelters. It is feared that some children might have been trafficked to work as domestic aids and for sexual exploitation. However, people from all walks of life in Sri Lanka and national and international agencies and volunteers worked together to protect all the victims of the tsunami. Factors such as Sri Lanka’s health system, public assistance, international assistance, and people’s educational levels contributed to much less incidence of health problems, such as pneumonia, typhoid, and diarrhea after the tsunami in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka recovered fast from the 2004 tsunami disaster. There is no doubt that psychological trauma is huge, because this scale of devastation has never been witnessed by anyone in Sri Lanka. Children from the affected areas are still experiencing an incredible sense of loss and grief, loss of home, family members, friends, safety, health, education, and most importantly, hope. Today, there are many international and national projects all over the tsunami-affected areas. UNICEF, Save the Children, and many other child-focused programs have been running programs targeted on psychosocial aspects of child victims. Many other development partners, multilateral, bilateral, and NGOs and national voluntary organizations and the government of Sri Lanka, have worked together, and almost all affected schools have been re-established. The hospitals and health care system, trade and commerce, livelihoods, and social life are regained, and normalcy has been achieved. Children who lost their parents either have found new homes with their closest relatives or care homes and are attending schools. The international NGOs in collaboration with national organizations have established children’s centers that provide many types of activities to bring children back to normalcy and care and protection. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The legal system in Sri Lanka is a highly complex mixture of English, Roman-Dutch, Muslim, and Sinhalese law and has accepted compulsory International Criminal Justice (ICJ) jurisdiction. The judiciary is independent, and there is a clear division between judiciary and executive powers. Sri Lanka is a signatory to the ILO Worst Forms of Child Labor Convention (No. 182); ILO Minimum Age for Employment Convention (No. 138); ILO Forced Labor Convention (No. 29); ILO Abolition of Forced Labor Convention (No. 105); and UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and has seriously demonstrated its commitment to combat child labor issues. Under the Constitution of Sri Lanka, 1978, Article 27 (13) Directive Principles of State Policy and Fundamental Duties, the state pledges to ‘‘promote with special care the interest of
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children and youth so as to ensure their full development, physical, mental, moral, religious, and social.’’ In addition, to protect them from exploitation and discrimination, the Draft Constitution (August 2000) Article 22, entitled Special Rights for Children, gives constitutional guarantees to the right of a child to be protected from abuse, to have access to free education between the ages of five and fourteen, and to stop being employed in any hazardous activity. It also defines conclusively a child as a person under the age of eighteen years. Since 1994, the government of Sri Lanka has given high priority to protection of children from physical and sexual abuse, from exploitation through child labor, and from the effects of armed conflict. In 1996, a presidential task force on the prevention and control of child abuse was set up, which made far-reaching recommendations, including the establishment of a NCPA functioning under the direct purview of the Executive President. The NCPA was established in June 1999. The basic goal of the NCPA is the elimination of child abuse in all its forms and manifestations. The NCPA operates in four main areas: protection, advocacy, rehabilitation, and legal reform. It is also placed under the Executive President of Sri Lanka. Often, child abuse entails an element of trafficking, therefore, the NCPA is the preeminent national agency driving the anti-trafficking mission. With support from the ILO’s International Program on the Elimination of Child Labor (IPEC), the NCPA has initiated an anti-trafficking unit. The powers and functions of the NCPA and its strategic location under the Executive President eminently qualify it to be the coordinating agency with relevant ministries, provincial councils, local authorities, and private as well as public sector organizations. In March 2001, Sri Lanka ratified the ILO Convention No. 182 and subsequently developed a National Plan of Action (NPA) to combat trafficking of children for sexual and labor exploitation. They also had support from the IPEC project for combating child trafficking for labor and sexual exploitation. The Young Persons and Children Act (No. 47) of 1956 was amended in December 1999, raising the minimum age of employment in all sectors from twelve to fourteen years. At present, the minimum age of employment in all sectors other than the plantation sector is fourteen years. Further, the Ministry of Labor, legislation has been amended to provide for payment of compensation to victims of employers who violate the minimum age for employment laws. Several amendments have been made to the Penal Code in 1995 to protect children from trafficking and abuse. Combating child trafficking amendments have been stated in the Penal Code, the Code of Criminal Procedure, and the Evidence Ordinance. The momentum generated by working towards the designing of a NPA to combat the trafficking of children or exploitative employment has led to refocusing attention on further amendments of the Penal Code. This
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has led to effective dealing with the offence of trafficking for exploitative employment, not confine it to adoption alone. So far in the history of crime prevention in Sri Lanka, there has not been a single instance of a successful prosecution of any person for the offense of trafficking. It is expected that a new subsection to Section 360 of the Penal Code will be enacted, through which ‘‘whoever does any act for the purpose of transporting, transferring, or relocating any child below 18 years, whether with or without the consent of such child, for (a) prostitution, illicit sexual intercourse, sexual abuse; (b) any illicit activity; (c) any illegal activity in relation to the adoption of a child; (d) securing forced labor or other services of any kind; or (e) the removal of organs, is committing an offence of child trafficking and shall on conviction be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term not less than five years and not exceeding twenty years and may also be punished with fine.’’ All recent reforms of the legal system have focused on the issue of child labor. However, all legal systems have loopholes and require continuous updating, and NCPA is mandated to find such loopholes. RELIGIOUS LIFE Having a lifestyle that has evolved over 2,600 years with strong Buddhist and Hindu religious traditions and commitments, almost every Sri Lankan (except the few who are in violation of law and order) leads a relatively active religious life. Historically, the state and religion have had a very strong link, and the ancient kings had to demonstrate their religious commitments to people. Even today, Sri Lanka has public holidays to observe religious festivals of all religions. Religion is taught at primary schools through the lower secondary levels, eleven years, as a compulsory subject. Further, having an extended family culture, particularly in rural areas, children come under the influence of their grandparents, who are often more religious than their parents, and receive an early exposure to religious rituals and obligations. There are many religious practices in Sri Lanka. Buddhism is the major religion of the country. Buddhist temples play a vital role in rural areas, and most of the temples offer religious education to children on weekends. Hinduism, Christianity, and Islam are taught to schoolchildren as well. The Hindu temples, Christian churches, and Muslim mosques also offer regular religious education to children. All schools observe important religious festivals from all faiths and encourage children to follow religious rituals. Parents, particularly in the rural areas, are more concerned with and committed to religious life than parents in cities. Buddhist and Hindu temples and Christian churches are much involved in providing shelter and refuge to displaced children in war-torn and tsunami-affected areas. However, facilities in most of these shelters are inadequate.
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CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT In recent years, the government of Sri Lanka has taken steps to eliminate child trafficking and is making significant improvement. For instance, there is no child labor involved in any of the established industries in Sri Lanka. The export-oriented apparel industry in Sri Lanka is totally free of child labor. There are special nonformal education programs targeting street children. The Ministry of Education has taken special interventions to provide nonformal education to street children. The number of street children has decreased. In LTTE-controlled northern and eastern Sri Lanka, the government was unable to enforce anti-trafficking measures. Sri Lankan officials have taken strong measures to prevent trafficking of child victims of the tsunami. There were reports that children in some orphanages have also faced new nightmares of abuse. Child workers in the agriculture sector may not be considered as victims of abuse. These children are often helping parents in their plantations, particularly during the peak season of harvest, while attending school as well. Children receive a good training of livelihood skills from their parents and contribute to the financial well-being of their families. It is true that the school attendance also declines during the peak seasons of harvest, and school authorities as well as parents are in consultation to reduce such incidences. Sri Lanka’s targeted poverty eradication program introduced in 1988 has been very successful. Interventions place high priority on addressing issues of malnutrition in infants and children. Although the rate of malnutrition is decreasing, it is still common among children of the 22 percent of the population living below the $2.00-a-day income level. However, Sri Lanka still has much more to do to improve security and to ensure child protection, particularly in the areas of corporal punishment and abuse and neglect of children at home and in school. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY After many years of hard campaigning, Sri Lanka has advanced very well toward bringing better hopes to abused children. The problem of child labor is drastically reduced, largely due to successful awareness campaigns and public prosecution. Many middle-class homes resist employing young children as domestic workers even when they are in dire need of household help. Sri Lanka has focused on child labor legislation for a long time and has implemented very effective laws. Although Sri Lanka has good legislation, enforcement, and implementation mechanisms, it does not have a satisfactory system of care and support to rehabilitate these children. There are rehabilitation homes, but the facilities are not adequate. Sending a child to an adoption home is not the answer. Sri Lanka has to establish effective rehabilitation and reintegration processes
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to withdraw children from child labor. The tsunami-affected children are brought under special programs, and they are recovering faster than expected. National and international NGOs have cooperated well with government interventions to bring them faster relief, not only by providing physical infrastructure but also through counseling programs. Though the situation of working children and street children is also improving, Sri Lanka has to address this issue to identify alternate ways to generate income for parents from economically marginal families, and to find places for working mothers to leave their children while they are at work. Trafficking (actually kidnapping) of children to work in fishing camps is not very common any more. The most common form of trafficking is internal for labor exploitation and de facto adoptions. The introduction of new laws and training of law enforcement officials under the ILO project will have a positive impact in bringing desired changes. Preventing recruitment of child combatants and addressing the psychosocial needs of existing and past combatants could be the most difficult challenge for Sri Lanka during the new millennium. The open-market economy was introduced in Sri Lanka in 1978. Since then, the economy and the life styles of Sri Lankans have changed. Globalization of labor is working well for Sri Lanka. Over 5 percent, or 1.2 million, Sri Lankans (of the 20 million population) work abroad. With high primary school enrollment and over 79 percent in secondary schools, the future of the Sri Lankan children looks brighter than ever before (Central Bank of Sri Lanka 2005). Parents are highly motivated to seek a high-quality education for their children. Despite the ethnic conflicts, the economy is growing at a rate of 5 percent and has graduated to a middle-income economy. These trends are promising a better future for Sri Lankan children in the twenty-first century. The government is modernizing the education system by introducing computer education at all levels. More and more private international schools are being established to meet the middle class demand for an English medium education that will assure their children’s success in the global economy of the twentyfirst century. The Ministry of Education too has allowed schools to introduce English as the medium of instruction of all school subjects beyond grade six where it is possible to find an adequate number of teachers to teach in English. The number of internet users is growing, and mobile telephones have spread throughout the country. Television companies are expanding fast, adding more free channels and programs. Electricity is available to 88 percent of the population and is targeted to reach 100 percent by 2015. Middle-class parents try their best to provide their children with exposure to computers and enroll them for computer classes. Children in schools are highly motivated, and achievement levels of learning have significantly increased over the last few decades. Both urban and rural children are enjoying sports and aesthetic education. However, Sri Lanka’s promise and progress very much depends on the nature of a
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peace settlement that will bring an end to the twenty-year ethnic war. The declared public spending on war is around US$1billion a year. If this money were to be directed to development and prevention, the average child in Sri Lanka could be provided with targeted programs to enjoy a prosperous future. It can also help eradicate problems such as malnutrition and child labor. The hope is to educate the next generation of Sri Lankans with updated knowledge and skills so that they can be true beneficiaries of the twenty-first century, and Sri Lanka has the capacity and resources to make this happen.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Ganasinghe, Dr. Mallika. 2000. Challenges on Working on Child Labour Issues in Sri Lanka in the New Millennium. CWA Newsletter 16(1). http://www.cwa.tnet. co.th/Publications/Newsletters/vol16_1/v16_1_ganasinghe.html. This article, written by the Executive Director of the Organization for the Protection of Social Environment (OPSE), provides a good coverage on various estimates and issues. Human Rights Watch. 2003. Child Soldier Use 2003: A Briefing for the 4th UN Security Council. Open Debate on Children and Armed Conflict - Sri Lanka. http://www.hrw.org/reports/2004/childsoldiers0104/16.htm#_Toc59872941. Provides a good account of non-state armed groups in Sri Lanka. This a UN security Council Reporting where it indicates that the Sri Lanka the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) continued to recruit and use children in violation of international law. Also provides other Web links. Human Rights Watch. Promises Broken: An Assessment of Children’s Rights on the 10th Anniversary Of The Convention On The Rights Of The Child. http:// www.hrw.org/campaigns/crp/promises/labor.html. This article from the Human Rights Watch Web site provides a comprehensive cover of the current state of child labor worldwide. International Labour Organization (ILO): International Program on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC)/Subregional Information System on Child Labour. Child Labour and Responses in South Asia–Sri Lanka. http://www.ilo.org/public/english/region/asro/newdelhi/ipec/responses/srilanka/index.htm. This article provides an overview of the child labor situation in Sri Lanka, including socioeconomic factors, legislation, policies, action, and initiatives. International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC). 2005. Report: Combating child labour in Asia and the Pacific: Progress and challenges. http://www.ilo.org/iloroot/public/english/standards/ipec/doc-view.cfm?id¼ 1879. Manoharan, N. October 21, 2003. Child Soldiers III: ‘Baby Brigades’ of the LTTE. Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies–South Asia. Article no. 1184. http:// www.ipcs.org/South_Asia_articles2.jsp?action¼showView&kValue¼11 93&country¼1016&status¼article&mod¼a. WomenWarPeace. The Impact of the Conflict in Sri Lanka on Women, Political and Security Impact. http://www.womenwarpeace.org/sri_lanka/sri_lanka.htm.
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This article provides an account of the present ethnic conflict and its impact on women and children.
Web Sites BBC News–Asia-Pacific, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia-pacific/default.stm. Department of Census and Statistics–Sri Lanka, http://www.statistics.gov.lk/index.asp. International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour: IPEC, http://www. ilo.org/public/english/standards/ipec/index.htm. National Child Protection Authority–Sri Lanka, http://www.childprotection.gov.lk/ home.html. Save the Children in Sri Lanka, http://www.savethechildren.lk/. The World Bank. Sri Lanka Tsunami Recovery: The World Bank Responds. http://www.worldbank.lk/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/SOUTHASIA EXT/SRILANKAEXTN/0,,contentMDK:20372350menuPK:232812pagePK:1 41137piPK:217854theSitePK:233047,00.html. The World Bank. Tsunami Recovery in Sri Lanka. http://web.worldbank.org/ WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/EXTTSUNAMI/0,,contentMDK:20743297 pagePK:64168445piPK:64168309theSitePK:621037,00.html.
Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Department of Probation and Child Care Services 150A. LHP Building, Nawala Road, Nugegoda Phone: 94-11-285-3596 Fax: 94-11-285-2393 Email:
[email protected] This is the key government institution dealing with all child labour, abuse, and child protection issues. Human Rights Commission, Sri Lanka 36 Kynsey Road, Colombo-8, Sri Lanka Phone: 94-11-269-4925 Fax: 94-11-269-4924 Email:
[email protected] This is an organization that provides regular reporting on human rights violations in Sri Lanka. Has become more important in view of the on-going ethnic conflicts. IPEC Project for Combating Child Trafficking for Labour and Sexual Exploitation 202-204 UN Building, Baudhaloka Mawatha, Colombo-7, Sri Lanka Phone: 94-11-259-2525 Fax: 94-11-258-1116
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Email:
[email protected] This is a regional project supported by ILO and has produced a number of valid reports. It has also been influential in the framing of child labor regulations and legal frame. National Child Protection Authority Office of the President of Sri Lanka, Presidential Secretariat Colombo-1, Sri Lanka Phone: 94-11-232-75221 Fax: 94-11-243-7362 Email:
[email protected] This is the most influential monitoring arm on child labor issues in Sri Lanka. It is housed under the executive president’s office. Organization for the Protection of Social Environment (OPSE), LO, UN Building, Baudhaloka Mawatha, Colombo -7, Sri Lanka This is a cell at ILO that works in close collaboration with the IPEC project but covers more social issues. Nongovernmental Organizations International Labor Organization 202-204 UN Building, Baudhaloka MawathaColombo-7, Sri Lanka Phone: 94-11-259-2525 Fax: 94-11-258-1116 Email:
[email protected] The International Labour Organization of the United Nations is the most active organization initiating and supporting child labor-related studies and action programs and works hand in hand with the Ministry of Labour and Child Protection Authorities on Child Labour issues. PLAN International 50/5 Siripa Road, Colombo-5 Phone: 94-11-258-8185 An international NGO working closely with UN, agencies, and government to address child labor issues. Sarvodaya Movement 32, Rawatawatta Road Moratuwa, Sri Lanka, Phone and Fax: 94 1 647348 E-mail:
[email protected] The major program areas of the organization are skill training for self-employment, rehabilitation, financial assistance, gender sensitization, and so on, for women. This is the largest national NGO in Sri Lanka and is involved in all development sectors. Save the Children 58A Horton Place, Colombo-7 Phone: 94-11-267-2668-74 / 0773-106200 Fax: 94-11-536-4400
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An international NGO working closely with the UN, agencies, and government to address child labour issues. Sri Lanka Women’s NGO Forum 121/1 Ascot Avenue, Colombo 05, Sri Lanka Phone: 94 1 597738, 94 1 595224 Fax: 94 1 595224 Email:
[email protected] The objectives of the organization are to coordinate, liaise, network, and lobby with local, national, regional, and international organizations in order to promote implementation of the Platform for Action and the UN Declaration at Beijing during the Fourth World. Conference on Women, the advancement of the status of women within a nonsexist, nonracist framework. UNICEF 5 Gitanjalee Place, Galle Road Colombo-3, Sri Lanka Phone: 94-11- 255-5270 Fax: 94-11-255-1733 Email:
[email protected]
Selected Bibliography Asia Child Rights Weekly Newsletter. 2003. Sri Lanka: LTTE Continues to Build its Child Army Unperturbed by Peace Talks. Vol 2, no. 17. April 23. http:acr. hrschool.org/mainfile.php/0124/118. Asian Development Bank. 2004. Gender Assessment Study-in Sri Lanka. Manila: Asian Development Bank. Central Bank of Sri Lanka. 2005. Socio-economic Data 2005. Colombo-1, Sri Lanka: Central Bank of Sri Lanka. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). 2006. World Fact Book. Washington, DC. Child Workers in Asia Newsletter. 2000. Challenges on Working on Child Labour Issues in Sri Lanka in the New Millennium. 16(1). http://www.ipcs.org/ South_Asia_articles2.jsp?action¼showView&kValue¼1193&country¼1016& status¼article&mod¼a. DCS–Department of Census and Statistics, Ministry of Finance and Planning. 1999. Child Activity Survey. Sri Lanka: DCS DNA World. December 8, 2005. Child Soldiers of LTTE Tamil Tiger Terrorists in Sri Lanka; LTTE drafting child soldiers. ILO. 1999. International Program on Elimination of Child Labour. Sri Lanka: ILO. ILO-IPEC (Sarah W. Amerasinghe). 2002. Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children: A Rapid Assessment. http://www.ilo.org/public/english/region/asro/ newdelhi/ipec/responses/srilanka/action.htm. Ministry of Education. 2006. School Census Report 2005. Isurupaya, Battaramulla, Sri Lanka: Ministry of Education. Save the Children. 2005. Update on Save the Children Tsunami Response, January 2005. Reports on Save the Children activities. http://www. save the children. org/Sri Lanka.
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Sedere, M. U. 1996. Malnutrition and Development—A Case Study of Sri Lanka. Journal of the Center for Integrated Rural Development for Asia and the Pacific (CIRDAP), Dhaka, Bangladesh: Asia Pacific Journal of Rural Development. Vol. 8, no. 1: 23—47. UNDP. 2005. Human Development Report. New York: UNDP. UNICEF. 2005. State of the World’s Children 2005. New York: UNICEF. World Vision. 2005. Australia Tsunami Education Kit for Children 2005.
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TAIWAN Hsiu-Zu Ho and Wei-Wen Chen, with Hsin-Yi Kung NATIONAL PROFILE Demographics Taiwan is located in Eastern Asia, off the southeastern coast of China, south of Japan and north of the Philippines. The area of this sweet-potatoshaped island is 35,980 square kilometers, with a population of about 22.9 million. The population density of approximately 636 persons per square kilometer is second highest in the world after Bangladesh. Of this population, 19.7 percent are birth to fourteen years of age; 70.7 percent are fifteen to sixty-four years of age; and 9.6 percent are sixty-five years of age and over. The fertility rate is 1.57 children born per woman. The life expectancy at birth is approximately seventy-seven years. Taiwan has a dynamic capitalist economy with gross domestic product (GDP-purchasing power parity) of $611 billion, ranked nineteenth in the world (The CIA World Factbook 2005). According to the Ministry of Interior’s 2003 estimates
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(Ministry of Interior 2006), the population living below the poverty line is 0.9 percent; the unemployment rate is 4.2 percent; and the total households are approximately 7,047,168 families, with 96.71 percent being twoparent families and 3.29 percent single-parent families.1 Historical Background Until the seventeenth century, Taiwan was primarily inhabited by Austronesian (Malayo-Polynesian) aborigines who migrated to Taiwan in around 4000 B.C. Since the seventeenth century, Taiwan has been ruled by a number of countries. These include Spain, the Netherlands, the Chinese Qing dynasty, and Japan. From 1949 to 1987, martial law was in effect and Taiwan, recognized as the Republic of China, was a one-party government controlled by the Kuomingtang (KMT). The Republic of China (ROC) was initially established in 1912 in mainland China with Dr. Sun Yat-Sen as its founding father. Led by the Kuomingtang in 1949, the ROC government relocated in Taiwan when the Chinese Communist Party established the People’s Republic of China (PRC) on the mainland. Under the KMT rule from 1949 to 1987, Taiwan was led by Chiang KaiShek and subsequently his son Chiang Ching-Kuo. In 1988, Lee TengHui was the first Taiwanese-born person from the KMT party to become president. Subsequently, in 1996, Lee won as the incumbent in the first direct presidential election in Taiwan. In 2000, President Chen Shui-Bian and his female Vice-President, Lu Hsiu-Lien (both Taiwanese-born) were elected, and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) replaced the KMT as the ruling party. Despite Taiwan’s political and economic progress toward becoming a democratic government with thriving economic power, its international recognition has been complicated by global politics due to the rise of the People’s Republic of China. Since 1971, the United Nations has no longer recognized the Republic of China (Taiwan) as the representative of China and has replaced it with the People’s Republic of China (mainland China). Whether Taiwan should remain the Republic of China (ROC), become unified with the People’s Republic of China (PRC), or become an independent new Republic of Taiwan is a subject of intense debate. Ethnic Identity and Languages The people of Taiwan are comprised primarily of descendants of the indigenous aborigines (2 percent) and the Han Chinese (98 percent) who immigrated to Taiwan from various provinces in China during different historical periods. The political shifts in the history of Taiwan have played 1
Unless otherwise noted, the statistics provided in this section on demographics are based on 2005 estimates.
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a role in the ethnic identification of the people in Taiwan. Of the Han Chinese group, the majority are descendants of the early Han immigrants. These early Han immigrants and their descendants are referred to as p un2 s e ng-l^ a ng/b e nsh e ng r e n meaning ‘‘original-province person’’ and are comprised of two subgroups who migrated to Taiwan primarily during the seventeenth century: the Southern Fujianese (70 percent of the total population) who came from the Fujian province and the Hakka (14 percent of the total population) who came from the Guangdong province. The later Han immigrants (14 percent of the total population), referred to as g oa-s e ng-l^ a ng/w aish e ng r e n meaning ‘‘external-province person,’’ migrated from mainland China to Taiwan in the late 1940s and early 1950s to escape from Communism. On the island, the term ‘‘Taiwanese’’ is generally not used to refer to all persons living in Taiwan, but more typically used to refer to only those Han Chinese who are considered persons of ‘‘original-province’’ and their offspring. While the distinction between ‘‘Taiwanese’’ and ‘‘Mainlander’’ identities was clearer in the period soon after the KMT fled to Taiwan, intermarriage as well as the birth of second and third generations have caused these separate identities to become less distinct. An increasingly popular view is that any individuals with a strong identification with the island’s culture can claim to be Taiwanese. The languages and dialects spoken in Taiwan have their origins in the Austronesian and Han lingual systems. Derived from the Austronesian lingual system, the languages of the twelve aboriginal tribes are distinct. Common Han languages are spoken mainly by those whose ancestors immigrated from China’s Fujian and Guangdong Provinces. These Han languages include Taiwanese (also referred to as Minnanese or Holo), which is spoken by approximately 70 percent of the people in Taiwan, and Hakka, which is spoken by approximately 14 percent of the Taiwan population. Those who were educated during Japan’s rule (from 1895– 1945) speak fluent Japanese as well. In 1949, under the rule of the ROC government (or KMT), Mandarin was made the official language of Taiwan and the only language taught or allowed to be spoken in the schools. Following the lifting of martial law in 1987, social pluralization has, however, been accompanied by a growing emphasis on native languages. Agencies/Organizations Supporting Families Established on International Children’s Rights Day (November 20, 1999), the Children’s Bureau Ministry of the Interior (CBI) has become the specialized institution in charge of the overall planning and providing
2
In this chapter both Taiwanese and Mandarin terms will be presented respectively. For the romanization of Taiwanese terms, the Church Roman System is used and for the Romanization of Mandarin terms, the Pin-yin system is used.
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of child welfare. CBI’s major issues and projects relevant to children include child care, child Population: 22,858,872 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 5.54 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) protection, child abuse, crime Life expectancy at birth 77.56 years (2007 est.) prevention, sex education, estabLiteracy rate: 96.1 percent (2003 est.) lishment and guidance of child Internet users: 13.21 million (2005 est.) welfare institutions, developSources: CIA World Factbook: Taiwan. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ ment of programs to promote publications/factbook/geos/tw.html. April 17, 2007. the importance of family values, recreation, and the interests and rights of children. Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have also played a significant role in the promotion of child welfare and protection in Taiwan. These NGOs include the Child Welfare League Foundation of ROC, Taiwan Fund for Children and Families, World Vision Taiwan, the Garden of Hope Foundation, Eden Social Welfare Foundation, Good Shepherd (Sisters of Taiwan), and the Humanistic Education Foundation. KEY FACTS – TAIWAN
OVERVIEW According to the laws of the Taiwan government, the term ‘‘children’’ refers to those younger than twelve years of age, and the term ‘‘youth’’ refers to those between ages twelve and eighteen. While this two-category definition differs from that of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), which defines children as all those under eighteen years of age, the children’s bill of rights in Taiwan is consistent with those of the UNCRC. Taiwan’s children and youth population has been declining in recent years. The population of children and youth in Taiwan is 3.29 million (14.47 percent) and 1.95 million (8.56 percent), respectively, thus making up a total of 5.24 million or 23.03 percent of the total population (Children’s Bureau Ministry of Interior 2005). Based upon 2004 estimates, the sex ratio for children and youth younger than fifteen years is 1.09 male(s) per female (The World Factbook 2005). The fertility rate decreased from 4.8 children born/woman in 1966 to 1.8 in 1995 to 1.2 in 2004 (Ministry of Interior 2006). Like many other countries, Taiwan has experienced the downturn of population growth. This trend toward having fewer children is, in part, the result of a combination of the increase in two-wage earning couples, movement towards a small nuclear family unit of living, government birth control efforts, and contemporary attitudes. Taiwan’s strong commitment to education is evidenced in a number of ways. According to the Taiwan Yearbook 2005, the total enrollment rate of the population aged six to twenty-one in educational institutions in 2004 was 96.77 percent. Approximately 23.7 percent of the total population was attending some type of educational institution, with less than 2.84 percent of the population over fifteen years of age being illiterate.
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The net enrollment rate of elementary students eligible for public education in 2004 was 99.21 percent. Also for that year, 99.42 percent of all elementary school graduates went on to junior high school; and approximately 96.03 percent of all junior high graduates continued their studies in either senior high or vocational schools. The college and university enrollment in 2004 was 56.67 per 1,000 of the total population, ranking Taiwan as a nation with one of the highest rates of enrollment in higher education worldwide. For the 2004 fiscal year, the government spent 18.61 percent of its budget (or about 6.26 percent of its gross national product, an equivalent of about US$19.8 billion) for educational purposes (Taiwan Yearbook 2005). In terms of international academic standing, students from Taiwan have ranked among the top nations in mathematics and science; for example, Taiwan ranked among the top four countries in the Third International Mathematics and Science Study; specifically, Taiwan ranked fourth in mathematics for both fourth- and eighth-grade students; Taiwan ranked second in science for both fourthand eighth-grade students. Nature of Childhood Views about the nature of childhood have been typified by the Confucian saying: ‘‘By nature, people are nearly alike; by practice, they get to be wide apart.’’ An individual’s character and temperament was traditionally viewed as the product of socialization rather than inheritance. The child was perceived as malleable, having the capacity to absorb knowledge and experience with training and guidance from teachers, parents, and elders. Rooted in a strong belief in filial piety, the expectation of children is to obey one’s parents and to conduct oneself so as to bring honor, not shame, to the family name. Children are expected to excel in school and achieve their full potential through hard work, unwavering moral conduct, and diligence. While childrearing practices have generally tended to be authoritarian, parenting styles that are more responsive to the child’s point of view through encouragement of the child’s self-expression and display of warmth and affection are becoming more common. As a result of the interplay among progressive economic, political, and educational factors, the more egalitarian, democratically minded citizens of Taiwan are increasingly challenging the authoritarian and patriarchal traditions. Children of Intercultural Marriage Foreign spouses comprise a significant proportion (98 percent) of new immigrants in Taiwan. In 2004, one of every 3.1 newlywed couples was ‘‘intercultural.’’ The majority of these marriages were between a Taiwanese man and a foreign bride from People’s Republic of China, Cambodia, Indonesia, Philippines, or Vietnam. (In this chapter, the term
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‘‘intercultural marriage’’ refers to the union between a person of Taiwanese nationality and a foreign spouse.) While birth rates in Taiwan have been decreasing in recent years, the birth rate resulting from the intercultural marriages are increasing. According to the Minstry of Interior, the percentage of babies born to these intercultural marriages in 2005 was 12.89 percent, with one of every 7.8 newborns being born to ‘‘intercultural’’ parents. Children from immigrant families comprise approximately 2.1 percent of the total number of students enrolled in the elementary and junior high school levels (Ministry of Interior 2006). The Taiwan government as well as NGOs provide services for the intercultural families to help them overcome linguistic and cultural difficulties. EDUCATION Historical Background During the Qing dynasty (1644–1911), the Han Chinese expanded educational programs and opportunities in Taiwan in the form of stateowned and county-owned public schools as well as private, individual, and group-supported academies. Following the Sino-Japanese War of 1895, the Qing court ceded Taiwan to Japan and subsequently a colonial education policy in support of Japanese language and values was established. At the end of World War II, under the rule of the ROC government, the Chinese educational system was established in Taiwan, with the emphasis on the ‘‘nation’s philosophical principles and the cultivation of a national spirit in its education curriculum.’’ However, from the late 1950s to the early 1980s, the emphasis shifted to the ‘‘planning and development of human resources in conjunction with the national goal of economic development’’ (Hsieh et al. 1999). Educational Ideals Confucianism has played a central role in the education and socialization of children in Taiwan. Historically, compared with other occupations, scholars have held the highest rank in society; hence, teachers (of all educational levels) have commanded a high degree of respect. Within the Confucian tradition, a high value is placed on educational achievement; parents make great investments toward their children’s education, and children are highly motivated to succeed in school, to pursue higher social status, to gain access to societal institutions, and ultimately to honor and support their parents. In the context of meritocracy, the Confucian teachings promote a work ethic of personal effort that is disciplined on the part of students. In addition, the educational model in Taiwan has also been influenced by Western educational ideals, including the concepts of cultivating creativity, coordinating education with
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scientific and economic development, and developing human potential and child-centered education. The Educational System Since 1922, the 6-3-3-4 system has been in place in Taiwan: six years in elementary school, three in junior high school, three in senior high school, and four at the university level. University master’s studies range from one to four years; and doctoral studies range from two to seven years. In 1968, the six-year compulsory education was expanded to nine years to include the junior high school level. Upon completion of the nine-year compulsory education, students choose either an academic or vocational track. The vocational track includes professional high schools, junior colleges, and institutes and universities of technology, which promote diversified and specialized vocational education, needed for the nation’s economic development. The ratio of students in the academic track to those in the vocational track is nearing 50:50. A number of experimental ‘‘bilateral high schools,’’ which combine vocational and academic programs, have been established to provide students with a wider range of selection. During their schooling, students in Taiwan are administered two important entrance examinations that have significant bearing on their subsequent education. The first entrance examination takes place upon completion of junior high school, and the results are used to determine a student’s placement in a particular senior high school, senior vocational school, a combined vocational and academic school, or a five-year junior college. The second entrance examination takes place upon completion of senior high school, and the results are used to determine placement into colleges, universities, and institutes of technology (including two-year junior colleges and four-year science and technology universities), as well as specific academic majors. While 87 percent of high school students who take the entrance exams do go on to obtain higher education, there is still great competition for enrollment to the limited number of prestigious public universities. Because of the tremendous stress that the entrance examinations have placed on students, a number of alternative selection criteria have been developed that include selection through recommendation, screening examination, students’ academic performance, and special recommendation for outstanding achievement in selected fields. Nevertheless, the intense pressure of the entrance examinations has led to a high ıb enrollment of students in private p o.-sıp-pan/bux a n or ‘‘cram schools,’’ which are designed specifically for increasing scores on these examinations. In addition to the regular academic domains, the public school curriculum also includes moral education classes (which cover topics including life and ethics, civic education, and morality), and military education classes (which cover topics such as civil defense, national defense, military
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drills, and basic firearms). The moral education classes are taken during the middle and high school years, and the military education classes are taken during high school years, as well as the first year of college. In order to promote global communication, English language classes are conducted as early as the elementary years. While the government policy stipulates that the English language is taught at least by the fifth grade, schools typically begin earlier, with some at first grade. A survey cited in LexisNexis Academic, on January 12, 2006, showed that 40 percent of elementary students began learning English even as early as preschool age. Special education in Taiwan includes programs and facilities for the blind, deaf, physically challenged, and developmentally disabled, as well as the gifted students. Most special education classes exist within mainstream schools, although a minority of special schools that run parallel to the mainstream educational system (extending from preschool through senior vocational school) are operated by the government. Home study services are also provided for children with disabilities or those with other health problems. In Taiwan gifted students are classified as those who have superior abilities in either mathematics or the sciences, while talented students are those who excel in areas such as music, fine art, dance, or sports. The constitution of Taiwan (Article 10) ‘‘affirms cultural pluralism’’ and seeks to ‘‘actively preserve and foster the development of aboriginal languages and cultures.’’ While Mandarin Chinese is the official language used in the schools, since 2001, schools have been required to teach one of Taiwan’s local dialects (Taiwanese, Hakka, or an aboriginal dialect) to elementary grade students. During the middle school years, these languages are taught as elective courses. With respect to provisions for ethnic minority students, the government provides enrollment assistance to aboriginal students, students on offshore islands, and in remote areas. The government has also established a network of educators and parents to develop the best approaches and curricula for each particular indigenous group. While compulsory education does not include kindergarten or preschool, an increasing number of children in Taiwan are attending preschool for one to two years (which in Taiwan includes kindergarten for children from four to six years of age). Approximately 50 percent of fiveyear-olds attended preschool (based on 2004 estimate). Most of the preschool/kindergarten programs in Taiwan are in private institutions and independently operated. Due to the high costs of attending preschools, the government has provided (since the year 2000) education vouchers for students attending preschool/kindergarten, including students from the offshore islands (Penghu, Kinmen, Matsu, Lanyu, Green Island, and the Pescadores areas). Special provisions have been made for preschool/ kindergarten education for those disadvantaged persons living in indigenous tribes. Supplementary and continuing education (typically offered as
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correspondence or night schools) are also available to provide citizens in Taiwan with alternatives to achieve their educational goals. To meet the challenges of the information age, the Ministry of Education emphasizes the following critical areas: the development of an internationalized environment; promotion of English learning on a national scale and cultivation of students with international views; establishment of computer networking environments in schools nationwide; and the construction of learning websites to provide quality digital content, share resources, provide guidance for schools in remote areas, and bridge the technological divide between urban and rural areas. PLAY AND RECREATION Physical Education Throughout the nine years of compulsory education and three years of secondary education, all students are required to take two hours of physical education every week. Even in colleges and universities, physical education is a required subject. However, graduation appears to cut off many Taiwanese individuals’ connection to exercise and participation in sports, according to a 2001 survey by the National Council on Physical Fitness and Sports as cited in the Taiwan Yearbook 2003. Recreation Until 2001 when the government implemented a five-day workweek, weekends for those employed only lasted for one and a half days. According to a 2001 study released by Roper Starch Worldwide as cited in the Taiwan Yearbook 2003, the Taiwanese people ranked fourth of 32 participating nations in terms of most hours spent working (the average in Taiwan was 53.4 hours per week spent working). In order to promote recreation for its citizens, the government responded by establishing centers for recreational and sports activities in all twenty-five counties and cities in Taiwan. For example, The Taipei Youth Activity Center includes a gymnasium, theater, bookstore, comic book/graphic novel and video library, Internet workstations, conference hall, dance floor, roller-skating rink, and restaurants. Many schools, corporations, and government agencies have activity clubs and intramural sports teams. The area of public facility land utilized for parks and playground comprise 13.8 percent of the total land area in Taiwan (2005 estimate). Popular recreation activities include nature trips (e.g., nature observation and hiking), cultural activities (for example, exhibitions, festivals, arts performances, and religious activities), recreational parks, shopping, and culinary enjoyment. With regard to indoor recreation, Internet cafes, karaoke parlors or KTV (karaoke television), and comic book stores are pervasive on the island and
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are popular locations for children and adolescents. Internet cafes that offer broadband Internet access along with the latest online computer games and refreshments are very popular among the youth in Taiwan. Karaoke, a singing performance activity that emerged in the 1980s, still remains a popular recreation for the Taiwanese youth and adults alike. With more than 3,800 comic book rental stores (2003 estimate), comic books/graphic novels also continue to entertain Taiwanese youth. Some favorite sports among children in Taiwan include ping-pong, badminton, baseball, basketball, swimming, jogging, and bicycling. Traditional Taiwanese folk games include diabolo playing (a light bar-bellshaped toy that is spun on a string tied to two sticks), shuttlecock kicking, jumping rope (including a rope of linked rubber bands), spinning whipping tops, blowing leaf flutes and playing with bamboo guns and paper dolls. Television viewing is also a favorite pastime for children in Taiwan. A survey from the Child Welfare League Foundation in 2005 reported that children from third to sixth grade spent an average of 2.3 hours per day during the weekday watching television and an average of three hours per day on the weekend. The programs that children most preferred included cartoons (both ‘‘nonfighting’’ and ‘‘fighting’’ categories), and soap opera-type drama with popular actors. Each televised program begins with a recommendation for age appropriateness using a rating system including general audience, protected category for children between six and twelve, parental guidance for ages twelve to eighteen and restricted category for those over eighteen years of age. CHILD LABOR The labor standards law stipulates age fifteen (when a child will have completed the nine years of compulsory education) as the minimum age for employment. To prevent the exploitation of child labor, laws that comply with CRC guidelines have set penalties for individuals who abuse children in the workplace. In particular, according to the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women-Asia-Pacific (2003), child prostitution is a very serious problem in Taiwan with an estimated 40,000 to 60,000 child prostitutes ranging from ages twelve to seventeen years of age. The law provides for up to two years incarceration for violators of prostitutes under the age of eighteen. The Children and Youth Welfare Act enables the courts to terminate guardianship if the parents have forced their children into prostitution. Trafficking women and girls, mainly from the People’s Republic of China and Southeast Asia, for the purposes of sexual exploitation and forced labor is a concern. A number of these women and girls are lured into Taiwan by fraudulent marriage brokers and forced into prostitution or exploitive labor. A law legislated in 2004 punishes those persons found guilty of trafficking with a prison term of three to ten years.
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FAMILY Collectivistic Orientation Stemming from Confucian teachings that emphasize a collectivistic worldview, the Taiwanese culture tends to place group interests, needs, and goals above personal ones. The essence of universal harmony in Confucianism begins with the family and the primary step towards moral excellence is via filial piety to one’s parents and ancestors. Taiwanese concerns of others’ well-being can be readily observed in the common greeting of persons by asking ‘‘Have you eaten?’’ The importance of the group is also reflected in the language where the term ‘‘we’’ is used relatively more frequently than ‘‘I’’ or ‘‘me’’ when referring to the individual. Children in Taiwan are socialized to avoid direct confrontation in order to maintain harmony in the group. ‘‘Losing face’’ (or humiliation) brought about by one’s own actions must be avoided so as not to bring dishonor to the family. The welfare of the family typically takes precedence over that of the individual even in considerations about one’s academic choices, future career, or marriage. The collectivistic attitudes, beliefs and values are highly espoused in the socialization of children in Taiwan. Roles of Male and Female Children Due to the influence of Confucian philosophy, the traditional Taiwanese kinship system supports a patriarchal ideology where women assume a subordinate role to men. Even though a female might be given opportunities to pursue her own education and career in contemporary society (depending on family resources), a successful marriage is still generally perceived as the woman’s ultimate means toward happiness and success. In addition to the perceived status of her spouse, the woman’s success in life is generally also measured by the success of her children. In the Taiwanese family, a boy will typically receive the greater share of the family’s financial resources. Traditionally, the male child is expected to continue the family lineage and the first male child, in particular, is responsible for the family’s future wealth and prosperity. While these traditional gender roles are still pervasive, Taiwan’s dynamic socioeconomic and political transformation has given rise to a gender-conscious middle class advocating for gender equality, particularly with respect to women’s status and roles as well as the nature of relations between men and women. Since the emergence of women’s rights activism in Taiwan in the late 1970s, progress has been made particularly with respect to amendments in laws such as the family provisions of the Civil Code, Sexual Harassment Acts, and Domestic Violence Bills as well as the extent of women’s participation in government.
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Divorce and Inheritance Laws The number of divorced couples in Taiwan has nearly doubled in a decade from about 32,000 couples (or 1.5 couples per 1,000 population) in 1994 to nearly 63,000 couples (or 2.8 per 1,000 population) in 2004 (Statistical Yearbook of the Republic of China 2004). With respect to the legal status of women in marriage and family, patriarchal ideology continues to influence the Family Law of the Civil Code in terms of place of residence, inheritance of family name, child discipline, and property management. Revisions to the family law in 1996 have helped to protect women’s rights in terms of property and custody rights after divorce. Support for Families with Children With the country’s shift from a traditional agricultural economy to a modern industrialized economy, family structures in Taiwanese society, particularly in the urban areas, have changed from traditionally large multi-generational kinship units to small nuclear family units. With the higher rate of divorce, many single parents without family support are in greater need of help from government resources. For low-income families, assistance (in the forms of job placement, educational programs, maternal nutrition programs or stipends) is provided by the government. In the year 2002, 0.68 percent of the population (or 64,535 households), were eligible as members of low-income families (Taiwan Yearbook 2005). Additional stipends are given to low-income families depending on the number of children (with some limitation on the number of children per family). Child and Elder Care With an increasing number of two-wage parents, the grandparents commonly assume the role of childcare in a multigenerational household; hence, strong intergenerational relationships and emotional ties are maintained and developed. For the increasing number of nuclear family units, children are either brought to the grandparents’ homes or care is provided by nannies and daycare centers. Rooted in the Confucian tradition of filial piety, the Taiwanese have a strong moral obligation in caring for the elderly, especially for one’s own parents. According to the Taiwan Yearbook 2004, about 50 percent of the elderly who are over the age of sixty-five are personally cared for by their children in their own homes. The Taiwan government established a pension system for the elderly, granting a monthly pension of US$87 for those sixty-five years of age or older. Taiwanese elders are also provided subsidized public transportation and entertainment costs. Senior citizens who live by themselves and have difficulty performing everyday tasks are provided general in-home care by
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the government. Across the island, over 4,000 recreation and daycare centers exist for citizens over sixty-five years of age. Rites of Passage As a result of family planning measures implemented by the government to control population growth, family size has decreased in past decades. With this decrease, rituals at childbirth and childhood have become even more important. One of the most important rites of passage occurs during the first month of life. Traditionally after birth, the mother and infant will enter a one-month period of recuperation and nurturance during which the mother is typically in the care of the maternal grandmother who prepares traditional postpartum tonic foods. Except for nursing the baby, the mother is to remain relatively inactive and by traditional custom is not to bathe, wash her hair, or go outdoors. All of the rituals of the first month are conducted to ensure the survival of both mother and infant during this crucial period. A grand celebration (m oa-g oeh/m a n yu e: ‘‘fulfilling a month’’) with a banquet for family and close friends held when the mother and infant emerge from the one-month confinement. A similar celebration (ch oÆ t o-ch e /m a n zh o suı: ‘‘fulfilling a year’’) is held at the end of the first year. The honoring of ancestors is also an important part of both of these celebrations. HEALTH Environmental Concerns Taiwan’s dynamic economic growth has been accompanied by significant environmental concerns. Many of Taiwan’s environmental problems can be linked to overcrowding on the densely populated island. Air pollution is one of the most serious problems and is caused by the heavy traffic and high concentration of industrial plants. In fact, Taiwan has the highest density of factories and motor vehicles in the world. Water pollution is also considered a significant health threat with the major pollutants being domestic sewage and industrial wastewater, particularly from the country’s vast pig farm industry. Health Care Significant improvements in the health of the general population in Taiwan have been made over the last several decades and have important implications for lives of families in Taiwan. Life expectancy for females increased from 56.3 years in 1951 to 77.9 years in 1997 and to 80.3 years in 2005; for males, the relative increases are from 53.4 years in 1951 to 71.9 in 1997 and to 74.5 years in 2005 (Ministry of the Interior 2006).
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Infant mortality rate dropped from 44.7 per 1,000 live births in 1952 to 5.54 per 1,000 live births in 2007 (Ministry of the Interior 2007). Whereas acute infectious diseases were the leading cause of death in Taiwan fifty years ago, cancer and cardiovascular diseases top the current list of ten major causes of death. For nearly a decade, suicide, which has been steadily increasing, has been among the top ten causes, particularly among people suffering from depression. Generally, compared with Western societies, the general public in Taiwan is not well educated with the issues of mental health. Moreover, some attribute mental illness to ‘‘bad conduct of the ancestors’’ or ‘‘possession by bad spirits,’’ and look toward folk prescription or religious service. Because of a stigmatized view of mental disorders, individuals often do not seek professional help so as not to bring shame or embarrassment to themselves and their families. Health care for Taiwanese citizens has been nationalized since 1995 when the government implemented the National Health Insurance (NHI) covering health insurance for all of its citizens. Free pediatric health care is provided for children up to four years of age and includes standard inoculations. Additionally, premarital health examinations, prenatal screening, neonatal diagnosis of congenital metabolic disorders, and a variety of other diagnostic tests are provided as part of the government’s comprehensive health care services. In addition to Western medicine and practices, traditional Chinese medicines and treatment such as Chinese herbal medicines and acupuncture are also covered by the NHI program. A combined method of traditional practices with modern technology is increasingly common. Sex Education With a more open attitude toward sex among Taiwanese youth, the issues of teen pregnancy and the spread of sexually transmitted diseases among youth have become a main governmental concern. Based on a survey conducted by the Department of Health in 2000, 13.9 percent of boys and 10.4 percent of girls between fifteen and nineteen years of age have already engaged in sexual activity, reflecting an increase from 1995. Among these youth with sexual experience, 27 percent of boys and 34 percent of girls stated they did not use any contraception. The teenage pregnancy rate is 1.4 percent for girls between twelve and nineteen years old. In response to these issues, sex education was expanded in the nineyear compulsory education as well as in courses offered to high school and college students. With respect to abortion rights in Taiwan, parental consent is required for girls under eighteen years of age. HIV/AIDS In line with similar global trends, Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) is becoming increasingly widespread among Taiwan’s
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youth and young adults. Individuals between fifteen and twenty-four years of age show the highest incidence among the total infected population. The number of persons under twenty years of age infected with HIV increased from forty-one in 2003 to seventy-three in 2005 (Taiwan International Medical Alliance 2005). A number of governmental organizations as well as NGOs provide a wide range of support services and medical treatment for those infected and their families, as well as prevention programs and intervention practices for the general public. Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgendered (LGBT) Youth While there is growing visibility and acceptance of LGBT persons in contemporary Taiwanese society, public incidents of discrimination against LGBT are common. In Taiwan, the term tongzhi is used to denote the collective meaning of LGBT persons. For adolescents in Taiwan, being accepted by society as gay or tongzhi is still a struggle, even though it has become easier to connect with other tongzhi and gather relevant information utilizing the internet which is widely accessible in Taiwan. Moreover, since sexuality is rarely discussed in families, disclosing one’s sexual orientation, especially to one’s parents, is difficult. The expectation of getting married and having a son to carry on the family name is still predominant. Currently, same-sex marriage is not recognized by the legal system in Taiwan. With regard to education, LGBT issues are controversial and seldom mentioned by teachers in the K-9 system and senior high schools, especially in rural areas. Gay-affirmative organizations, such as the Taiwan Tongzhi Hotline Association (TTHA), have attempted to make the issues more accessible to high school students via workshops. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Over the past fifty years, Taiwan has achieved a significant degree of progress in developing children’s rights. Recent efforts have resulted in the consolidation of the legal framework to secure the rights and interests of children that parallel the UNCRC. This comprehensive framework addresses issues that include children’s fundamental rights (for example, freedom of speech, equality rights, and protection rights); rights to education, culture, and recreation; rights to physical and mental health; employment rights; and rights of adoption and care. Various laws regarding child protection and welfare have been promulgated, among which the Children and Youth Welfare Law, the Law Governing the Disposition of Juvenile Cases, the Child and Youth Sexual Transaction Prevention Act, the Sexual Violation Prevention Law, and the Domestic Violence Prevention Act are among the most significant. Courts and law enforcers, as well as civic groups in Taiwan, are increasingly aware of and concerned about cases concerning children.
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The principle philosophy underlying the Juvenile Division regarding juvenile delinquency is that it is ‘‘better to teach than to punish.’’ The Juvenile Division typically treats all cases for those youth under fourteen years of age who have not committed a serious crime as ‘‘reformatory cases’’ and refer them for intensive education and care. Those who commit a serious offense are transferred to the criminal court. For convicted juveniles in Taiwan, four juvenile institutions exist. In 2005, the supreme court in Taiwan made a historic decision to abolish the death penalty for minors. While juvenile delinquency is still a problem in Taiwan, the juvenile crime rate has been decreasing in the last decade. According to the Taiwan Yearbook 2004, of all crime suspects in 2001, 9.38 percent were juveniles. Drug-related crimes and drug abuse are also problematic, with 25 percent of all drug violations being made by persons between the ages of 12 and 23 (2001 estimate) in Taiwan’s youth. RELIGIOUS LIFE Prevailing Religious Practices Taiwan is diversified in terms of religious faith, with thirteen registered religions on the island (2006 estimate). Buddhism and Taoism are the most common religions (about 83 percent) followed by Protestantism and Catholicism (about 5 percent). While Taoism is indigenous to China, Buddhism originated from India. Although Taoists and Buddhists originally worshipped separately in Taiwan, during the Japanese occupation, the persecution of Taoists by the Japanese regime led to secret worship in Buddhist temples. Except for a small number of temples that are purely Buddhist, most of the island’s traditional places of family worship combine Buddhism and Taoism as well as folk beliefs. Confucianism While some consider Confucianism to be a religion, the Taiwanese people generally view it as an ethical tradition. Confucian temples are more regarded as places to honor Confucius rather than to worship him. Confucian tradition is pervasive in the everyday practices and customs of families in Taiwan. With its origins in the Han dynasty, the teachings of the scholar and philosopher Confucius (551–479 B.C.) emphasize moral cultivation of the individual and harmonious ordering of family and society. Great value is placed on five moral virtues: benevolence or humaneness (j^ın/r e n); propriety or ritual (l e /lı); righteousness or the sense of justice (gı/yı); wisdom and knowledge (tı/zhı); and faithfulness (sın/xın). Central to the ordering of society is a hierarchy of relationships; for exam^ un) are between sovereign ple, the Five Cardinal Relations (ng o-lun/w ul
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and subject, father and son, elder brother and younger brother, husband and wife, and friend and friend. In today’s society the relevant dominant/subordinate hierarchy also includes parent/child, teacher/student, old/young, dead/living, government/population, and employer/employee relationships. Attached to this hierarchy of relationships are important rules of conduct and role-specific expectations that individuals must adhere to in order to ensure social order, group harmony, and family stability. Concepts such as filial piety, respect for elders, obligation, submission to authority, social conformity, saving face, reciprocity-based social relations and collective orientation are rooted in classical Confucian ethics. The tradition of filial piety, for example, is expressed in rituals of ancestor worship and ancestor shrines, funerals, and religious festivals. Children’s Roles and Obligations The worship of ancestors is an important part of folk religion for Taiwanese people. According to Taiwanese folk religion, people will become ghosts after they die. They might become either a happy ghost or hungry ghost, not only depending on whether they were good or bad persons when they were alive, but also whether their offspring worship them or not. Therefore, it is an extremely important obligation for the Taiwanese to worship their ancestors with offerings of food, ‘‘spirit money,’’ and incense, in order to bring blessings of peace and happiness to their families. Holidays and Festivals The most popular holiday for families in Taiwan is the Lunar New Year with ritualistic celebrations, which last for two weeks up to the Lantern Festival on the fifteenth day of the new year. The next two major holidays observed are the Dragon Boat Festival and the Mid-Autumn Festival. The Dragon Boat Festival is celebrated on the fifth day of the fifth lunar month to ward off evil and disease. It is highlighted by the dragon boat races and the preparation and eating of a traditional dish of rice and pork steamed in bamboo or lotus leaves. The Mid-Autumn Festival is celebrated on the fifteenth day of the eighth lunar month to celebrate family and the fall harvest. Families will typically go together to scenic locations and parks to observe the full moon, eating traditional mooncakes and pomeloes and praying for a safe year. Other popular festivals in Taiwan include the Ghost Festival, Tomb Sweeping Day, and the Double Ninth Day. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Compared with 1,638 cases of child abuse reported in 1994, the number of child abuse cases has increased to 5,341 in 2004, and parents
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account for more than 80 percent of these cases. Based on the data from the Department of Social Affairs, among the 4,466 children below the age of twelve protected by the Child and Youth Protection Center in 2001, physical abuse was the most common (29.8 percent), followed by child neglect (22.5 percent), and child abandonment (6.5 percent). In 2004, twenty-two child welfare centers, forty-two homes for abandoned children and orphans, thirty-one counseling and educational centers, and thirty-six youth welfare centers served the Taiwan youth. In 2004, about 5,800 cases of child abuse were reported, an increase of almost 8 percent over 2003, with 90 percent of abusers being parents, relatives, or caregivers. The perspective of ‘‘children as the property of parents’’ may contribute to the persistence of child abuse by parents. In addition to specific service programs and agencies, the government set up a twenty-four-hour women’s and children’s protection hotline and a child protection Web site in 2001 to accept reports of child abuse cases, to offer counseling, and also to provide information on related issues. In the context of schools, corporal punishment against children is illegal in Taiwan. Nevertheless, while the practice has declined, corporal punishment is still prevalent. Results of a 2004 report by the World Corporal Punishment Research showed that in more than 200 elementary and junior high schools in Taiwan, 70 percent of the students had received some form of corporal punishment during that school year. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The twenty-first century will be an era of rapid change—a highly developed information age that increases global connection and at the same time promotes global competition. As Taiwan enters the new millennium, having shifted from a labor-intensive to a capitalistic and technologyintensive industrial structure and having shifted in its political system to democracy in the last century, its educational system in the twenty-first century has also entered an era of transition and reform. Taiwan’s ability to continuously reform its educational system and adequately prepare its young citizens for the demands of the new millennium is key to addressing national goals of increasing the nation’s competitive edge, enhancing its cultural society, preserving its ecological environment, and raising the overall quality of life for its citizens. The educational reforms as proposed by the Commission on Educational Reform are geared toward raising standards of school education and moving towards a system that is more humanistic, democratic, pluralistic, technology-oriented, and internationalized. Despite Taiwan’s political progress to a democratic system, the fate of its sovereignty as well as its challenges for international recognition still remain unresolved. In the age of globalization, as Taiwan shifts from an authoritarian to a liberal system with respect to political, educational, and social domains, the ability to adapt to modern ideals while retaining
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age-old traditions has important implications for the education and socialization of its children. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS We are grateful to a number of colleagues who provided useful feedback to earlier drafts of this chapter. These include Liz Alix, Ching-chih Chen, Jessica Chen, Cathy Chiu, Jennifer and Ken Ebbitt, Raymond Eng, Ju-Shey Ho, Michelle and Luke Hwang, Yen-Jui Lin, Kuo-ching Tu, Taitzer Wang, Yu-Ching Yeh, and Hsiao-jung Sharon Yu. We appreciate Michael Berry’s suggestions of particular films and videos depicting lives of Taiwanese children. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Davison, Gary Marvin, and Barbara E. Reed. 1998. Culture and Customs of Taiwan. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. This book provides an overview of the culture and customs of contemporary Taiwanese society. Farris, Catherine, Anru Lee, and Murray Rubinstein, eds. 2003. Women in the New Taiwan: Gender Roles and Gender Consciousness in a Changing Society. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe Inc. This multidisciplinary volume examines a variety of topics related to the roles of women in Taiwan society, including gender relations, the role of women in the island’s industrial, commercial, and agricultural sectors, and the contemporary roles that women play in Taiwan’s work force today. Jordan, David K., Andrew D. Morris, and Marc L. Moskowitz, eds. 2004. The Minor Arts of Daily Life: Popular Culture in Taiwan. Honolulu, Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press. This collection of essays offers highly focused and penetrating analyses of some of the ways that people in modern Taiwan approach everyday life. Li, Xiaobing, and Zuohong Pan, eds. 2003. Taiwan in the Twenty-First Century. New York, NY: University Press of America, Inc. This multidisciplinary collection of essays examines topics of culture and tradition, ethnicity, society and education, economy and political reform, and US-Taiwan-China relations in contemporary Taiwan. Rubinstein, Murray A. ed. 1994. The Other Taiwan: 1945 to the Present. New York, NY: M. E. Sharpe Inc. This multidisciplinary collection focuses on critical accounts of contemporary Taiwanese society in transition and includes essays on political change, economy, environmental movement, gender issues, and questions of ethnic identity. Shambaugh, David, ed. 1998. Contemporary Taiwan. Oxford: Clarendon Press. This volume of papers by international scholars on Taiwanese affairs provides a comprehensive assessment of contemporary Taiwan—its historical accomplishments, its present challenges, and its future uncertainties with respect to cultural identity, democratization, technology, environment, relations with China, as well as foreign relations. Taiwan Yearbook 2006. 2006. Taipei, Taiwan, R. O. C.: Government Information Office. A Taiwan government publication that provides current and
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authoritative information on Taiwan in 2006, with annual updates of major events, political and social trends, statistics, and historical information.
Literature Chang Ta-Chun. (Trans. M. Berry). 2000. Wild Kids: Two Novels About Growing Up. New York: Columbia University Press. There are two stories in Wild Kids, Kid Sister and Wild Child. Both stories examine the narrator’s family life, inner problems, and issues, and how society affects people and relations with others. Cheng, Ching-Wen. 2000. Three-Legged Horse. Irvington, NY: Columbia Press. Offers twelve moving tales about city and village, man and woman, child and parent. Tu, Kuo Ching and Robert Backus, eds. 2005. Children’s Stories From Taiwan. Taiwan Literature: Chinese-English Bilingual Series No. 2. Santa Barbara, CA: Center for Taiwan Studies, University of California, Santa Barbara. This book includes several children’s stories, which represent the unique characteristics of Taiwan, vividly portraying Taiwanese lore, geography, and history.
Nonprint Resources Films/Videos Blue Gate Crossing. 2002. Directed by Yee Chin-Yen. Produced by Peggy Chiao, Hsiao-ming Hsu, and Tung Wang. Art Light Films. Taipei, Taiwan. 85 min. A gentle comedy and coming of age story about three high school students discovering their sexuality in contemporary Taipei. A Brighter Summer Day. 1991. Directed by Edward Yang. Produced by Zhan Hongzhi and Yu Weiyan Yang. 237 min. Central Motion Pictures Corporation, Taipei, Taiwan. Loosely based on the murder of a fourteen-year-old girl who was killed by one of her schoolmates in 1961, this film is an intimate portrayal of an adolescent growing up in a society in flux and the changes in local traditions brought on by gangland feuds and immigration from mainland China. Dust in the Wind. 1986. Directed by Hou Hsiao-Hsien. Produced by Xu Xinzhi, Lin Dengtei, Hua-Ken Chang. Central Motion Pictures Corporation, Taipei, Taiwan. 109 min. In a small mining town north of Taipei, a boy experiences love, loss, and growth as he graduates from high school, and travels to Taipei for work, and ultimately to Jinmen, for his obligatory military service. Dull Ice Flower. 1989. Directed by Yang Li Guo. Produced by Nai Chung Chou, Ming Chuan Son, and Y. L. Tu. Crowth International Entertainment Corporation, Taipei, Taiwan. 99 min. A touching story about a young boy growing up in a conservative farming village whose artistic expression is discouraged. Faces of the Future. 1993. Kwang Hwa Mass Communications, Taipei, Taiwan. 28 min. A tri-partite comprehensive portrait of Taiwan’s urban, rural, and special education children presented in documentary form. Through observations of children in these three major areas, this film illustrates the future and potential of children in Taiwan. Growing Up. 1984. Directed by Chen Kun-Hou. Produced by Hsiao-Hsien Hou. Central Motion Pictures Corporation, Taipei, Taiwan. 100 min. A story tracing the turbulent relationship and eventual reconciliation between a young boy and his stepfather.
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In Our Time. 1982. Directed by Edward Yang. Produced by Ming Chi, Kuo-Liang Hsu, Yeang-shyan Neich, and Chung-Ling Wu. Central Motion Pictures Corporation, Taipei, Taiwan. 106 min. Four episodes, each depicting a different stage of life (early childhood, early adolescence, college years, and married life), and each taking place during a different decade, 1950s to 1980s). The episodes and directors are respectively: Little Dragon Head, directed by Tao; Expectation, directed by Yang; The Jumping Frog, directed by Ko; Say Your Name, directed by Chang. A Summer at Grandpa’s. 1984. Directed by Hou Hsiao-Hsien. 93 min. Central Motion Pictures Corporation, Taipei, Taiwan. Because of their mother’s illness, two siblings from Taipei spend the summer with their grandparents in the countryside. During their adventures, they encounter a madwoman, a pair of escaped convicts, and a group of children that end up changing their lives forever. A Time to Live, and A Time to Die. 1985. Directed by Hou Hsiao-Hsien. Central Motion Pictures Corporation, Taipei, Taiwan. 138 min. An autobiographical film detailing Hou’s growing up and his family life in Southern Taiwan from the 1940s to 1950s. Yi Yi: A One and a Two. 2000. Directed by Edward Yang. Produced by Shinya Kawai, Osamu Kunota, Naoko Tsukeda, and Wei-yen Yu. Atom Films. Taipei, Taiwan. 173 min. Beginning with a wedding and ending with a funeral, Yi Yi traces the Jian family as they search for life’s meaning through everyday quandaries.
Web Sites About Taiwan. http://www.asianinfo.org/asianinfo/taiwan/about_taiwan.htm. Provides a variety of information about Taiwan including its history, religions, culture, and customs. CIA. The World Factbook, Taiwan, http://www.cia.gov/publications/factbook/geos/ html. United States government document providing various statistics on Taiwan. Confucius. http://www.friesian.com/confuci.htm. An introduction of Confucius, his life, tenets, and values. Country Report on Human Rights Practices. 2005, http://www.fas.org/asmp/pro files/taiwan/taiwan-hr-05.htm. A U.S Department of State document released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor includes information on individual, civil, political, and worker rights, as set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in Taiwan. The Ministry of Interior, R. O. C. http://www.moi.gov.tw/english/index.asp. Covers official information about population, land, construction, military service administration, social welfare, local administration systems, peace and order, and disaster/ emergency aid and rescue in Taiwan. The Republic of China (Taiwan) Government Information Office. http://www.gio. gov.tw/. Includes information about governmental publication materials and documents translated in various languages.
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Taiwan Human Rights Report 2000, Children. http://www.tahr.org.tw/site/data/ report00/eng00/children.htm. Taiwan Association for Human Rights (TAHR) is the oldest independent human rights organization in Taiwan that aims to promote and protect human rights, and fight against inequality among all people in Taiwan. The 2000 report is about children’s rights in Taiwan. Taiwan Profile. http://www.nationmaster.com/country/tw. Nation Master is a massive central data source with a vast compilation of data from such sources as the CIA World Factbook, United Nation, and Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development. The link provides background and statistics information about Taiwan. Taiwan Women Web. 1998. http://taiwan.yam.org.tw/womenweb/index_e.htm. Provides comprehensive information related to women in Taiwan society.
Organizations and NGOs Child Welfare League Foundation of R.O.C. 5F.-1, No.2, Lane 137, Sec. 5, Minsheng E. Rd. Taipei 105, Taiwan Phone: 886-2-27486006 Fax: 886-2-27486005 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.children.org.tw The Child Welfare League Foundation is a nonprofit organization that has been devoted to child welfare both in direct service and indirect fields. It consistently works on revising legislations, coordinating related child welfare agencies and organizations, as well as monitoring the government’s child welfare system and policies. Eden Social Welfare Foundation 3F, No.55, Sec. 1, Wanmei St. Taipei 116, Taiwan Phone: 886-2-22307135 or 886-2-22307715 Fax: 886-2-22306523 or 886-2-25795841 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.eden.org.tw In 1982, wheelchair-bound writer Liu Hsia and a group of Christians wishing to help improve the overall condition of disabled individuals in Taiwan established a small foundation. Presently, the foundation has evolved into a national institution and is called the Eden Social Welfare Foundation. The Garden of Hope Foundation 7F, 75 Roosevelt Rd. Section 2 Taipei 106, Taiwan Phone: 886-2-23679595 Fax: 886-2-23673002 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.goh.org.tw Established in Taipei in 1988, the Garden of Hope (GOH) works to help children and women victims of violence and prostitution.
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Good Shepherd (Sisters Taiwan) P.O. Box 8-310 Taipei, Taiwan Phone: 886-2-23815402 Fax: 886-2-23611371 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.catholic.org.tw/shepherd The Good Shepherd Sisters was established in 1987 at the invitation of the Archbishop of Taipei to address the problem of teen prostitution. It continues to dedicate services to the welfare of women and children. The Humanistic Education Foundation 9F, No. 227, Roosevelt Rd., Sec. 3 Taipei, Taiwan Phone: 886-2-23670151 Fax: 886-2-23625015 Email:
[email protected] Web site: hef.yam.org.tw The Humanistic Education Foundation is a private, nonprofit organization dedicated to the development of human-centered education in Taiwan. The foundation identifies problems in contemporary education, promotes alternative educational ideas, and helps create a social and political forum to discuss the purpose and means of education. King Hong Foundation For Children, Culture & Education 6F, No. 16, Tungfeng St. Taipei 106, Taiwan Phone: 886-2-27039484 Fax: 886-2-27039486 Email:
[email protected] Web: http://www.happynet.org.tw The King Hong Foundation was established in 1996 for the purposes of providing adolescent children (ages 11–15), particularly those living in remote areas of Taiwan, with activities to promote traditional culture, students’ sense of belonging to their school and community, environmental protection, creativity and innovation. Taiwan Fund for Children and Families/Taiwan (CCF/Taiwan) P.O. Box 65-65 Taichung 403, Taiwan Phone: 886-4-22061234 Fax: 886-4-22061235 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.ccf.org.tw The Chinese Fund for Children and Families/Taiwan (CCF/Taiwan) aims at promoting and advocating the well-being of children and families. It was established in 1950 as the Taiwan Field Office of Christian Children’s Fund with headquarters in Richmond, Virginia, U.S.A. CCF/Taiwan is also a member of International Network of Christian Children’s Funds (INCCFs) whose mission is to help needy children worldwide. World Vision Taiwan 5th F, No.30, Sec 3, Chung-Shan N Rd.
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Taipei, Taiwan Phone: 886-2-25917488 or 25856300 Fax: 886-2-25949678 or 25913491 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.worldvision.org.tw In 1964, World Vision Taiwan was officially incorporated into the World Vision international network. Professional assistance, prompt response and endurable solutions are the goals that characterize World Vision Taiwan when its helping hand reaches out to the poor in all forms.
Selected Bibliography A Brief Introduction to Taiwan. Public Health 2004. Government Information Office Web site, http://www.gio.gov.tw/taiwan-website/5-gp/brief/info04_13.html. Asia Information Organization. Taiwan’s Religion 2000. Asian Information Organization Web site. http://www.asiainfo.org/asianinfo/taiwan/pro-religion.htm. Bates, Chris and Ling-li Bates. 1995. Culture Shock. Portland, OR: Graphic Arts Center Publishing Co. China (Taiwan Only). Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2003. U.S. Department of State Web site. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/ 2003/27767.htm. Child Welfare League Foundation, R. O. C. 2005 Taiwan Children’s Media Rights Investigation Report. http://www.children.org.tw/Public/Data/F200512139 42291.pdf. Children’s Bureau Ministry of the Interior, R. O. C. CBI Work Report. http:// www.cbi.gov.tw. Chou, Hua-shan. 2000. Tongzhi: Politics of Same-sex Eroticism in Chinese Societies. New York: The Haworth Press. The CIA World Factbook. Taiwan. http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/ geos/tw.html. Clart, Philip, and Charles B. Jones, eds. 2003. Religion in Modern Taiwan. Honolulu, Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press. Coalition Against Trafficking in Women—Asia-Pacific. 2004. Facts and Statistics. http://www.catw-ap.org/fact.htm. Davison, Gary Marvin, and Barbara E. Reed. 1998. Culture and Customs of Taiwan. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Department of Health, R. O. C. National Health Insurance Annual Statistics Information Service 2006. http://www.doh.gov/tw/statistic/index.htm. Energy Information Administration. Taiwan: Environmental Issues 2003. http:// www.eia.doe.gov/emeu/cabs/taiwanenv.html. The Epoch Times. College Enrollment Rate in Taiwan 2004. htpp://www.epoch times.com/b5/4/8/10/n622242.htm. Farris, Catherine, Anru Lee, and Murray Rubinstein, eds. 2003. Women in the New Taiwan: Gender Roles and Gender Consciousness in a Changing Society. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe Inc.. Fertility Rate for Women of Childbearing Age. 2004. Taiwan-Fukien Demographic Fact Book. Taipei, Taiwan: Ministry of Interior, R. O. C. Government Information Office. Constitution of the Republic of China. http:// www.gio.gov.tw/info/news/constitution.htm. Government Information Office. Holidays and Festivals in Taiwan. http://www.gio. gov.tw/info/festival_c/html_e/moon.htm.
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Government Information Office. 2003. Taiwan Yearbook 2003. Taipei, Taiwan: Government Information Office. Government Information Office. 2005. Taiwan Yearbook 2005. Taipei, Taiwan: Government Information Office. Governmental Statistics. Situation of Family Type in Taiwan 1991–2002. readopac. ncl.edu.tw/cgi-bin/stat/login. Governmental Statistics. Situation of Childcare in Taiwan 2000–2004. readopac.ncl. edu.tw/cgi-bin/stat/login. Household Registration Affairs. Ministry of Interior Web site. http://www.ris.gov. tw/ch4/0930671.html. Hsieh, Jolan. 2003. Taiwan. In: L. Walter, M. Desai, et al., eds. The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Women’s Issues Worldwide, v. 1, Asia and Oceania. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Hsieh, Wen Chyuan, Yu Wen Chou, Che Sung Gai, Chien Chen Chang, and Chieng Hwa Kao. 1999. The Story of Taiwan, Education. Taipei, Taiwan, R. O. C.: Government Information Office. Hung, David Sho-chao. Abortion Rights in the United States and Taiwan. http:// www.kentlaw.edu/jicl/articles/spring2004/Abortion%20Rights%20-%20David%20Hung.pdf. Information From Answers.com. Corporal Punishment of Children 2006. http://www.answers.com/topic/corporal-punishment. Kinney, Anne Buhnke, ed. 1995. Chinese Views of Childhood. Honolulu, Hawaii: University of Hawaii Press. Lee, Wei Chin, ed. 2000. Taiwan in Perspective. International Studies in Sociology and Social Anthropology, v. 77. Leiden, NV: Brill Press. Li, Xiaobing, and Zuohong Pan, eds. 2003. Taiwan in the Twenty-First Century. New York, NY: University Press of America, Inc. Ministry of Education, R. O. C. Statistics And Research. 140.111.1.22/english/ home_statistics.htm. Ministry of the Interior, R. O. C. Interior affair. http://www.moi.gov.tw. Murray, Stephen O., and Keelung Hong. 2004. Taiwan Culture, Taiwanese Society: A Critical Review of Social Science Research Done in Taiwan. New York, NY: University Press of America, Inc. Research and Children: Taiwan. School Corporal Punishment 2006. End All Corporal Punishment Web site. http://www.endcorporalpunishment.org/pages/ research/children/taiwan/html. Rubinstein, Murray A., ed. 1998. The Other Taiwan: 1945 to the Present. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe Inc. Shambaugh, David, ed. 1998. Contemporary Taiwan. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Simon, Scott. 2005. Tanners of Taiwan: Life Strategies and National Culture. Westview Case Studies in Anthropology. Situation of Local Dialects Teaching Movement in Elementary and Junior High Schools in Taiwan. members.at.infoseek.co.jp/Frank_chang/implementation.doc. So-Net.com. Taiwan: Religion 2003. my.so-net.tw/omftw/religion.html. Statistical Yearbook of The Republic of China. 2004. Population And Housing 2004. http://www.gio.gov.tw/taiwan-website/5-gp/yearbook/P233.htm. Taiwan Association for Human Rights. Taiwan Human Rights Report 2000—Children’s Rights. http://www.tahr.org.tw/site/data/report00/eng00/children.htm. Taiwan International Medical Alliance. Taiwan’s Response to HIV/AIDS 2005. http://www.tima.org.tw/xoops/html/modules/articles/print.php?id¼28.
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Taiwan Pintung District Court. Juvenile Courts 2005. ptd.judicial.gov.tw/english/ Juvenile_Courts.htm. Taiwan Women Web. The Report on Women’s Status In Taiwan 1998. taiwan.yam. org.tw/womenweb/st/98e/e_law.htm. Taiwan Yearbook. 2004. 2004. R.O.C. The Elderly. english. http://www.gov.tw/ Yearbook/index.jsp?categid¼184&recordid¼52664. Taiwan Yearbook 2005. 2005. Taipei, Taiwan, R.O.C.: Government Information Office. World Corporal Punishment Research. Taiwan: School Corporal Punishment 2004. http://www.corpun.com/tws00404.htm.
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TAJIKISTAN Angela Baschieri and Jane C. Falkingham NATIONAL PROFILE Tajikistan, situated in the southeastern corner of Central Asia, lies at the heart of the ‘‘Silk Road,’’ sharing borders with China to the east, Afghanistan to the south, Uzbekistan to the west, and Kyrgyzstan to the north. The recorded history of Tajikistan dates back at least to the second millennium BC, with the country being the oldest settled nation in the Central Asia. The current Republic has its roots in the Samanid Empire (874–1005AC) and this is reflected in the name of the national currency, the Somoni. From the 1920s Tajikistan formed part of the USSR, becoming an ‘‘independent’’ Socialist Soviet Republic (SSR) in 1929. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 the Tadzhik SSR became the new Republic of Tajikistan. The first five years of independence were marred by civil war, with large numbers of the population displaced, widespread destruction of property and infrastructure, and significant loss of life. It is estimated that during the civil war 50,000 people were killed, 25,000 women widowed, 55,000 children orphaned, and close to a million people displaced from their homes. A peace agreement was signed in 1997 and since then the country has reaped the benefits of political and economic stability. Over the period 1998 to 2005 economic growth has averaged around 9 percent per year and gross domestic product (GDP) per
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capita expressed in US dollars has increased from $690 PPP (purchasing power parity) to $1,202 (UNDP 2006). Despite this Tajikistan remains the poorest county in Central Asia, with two-thirds of the population living on less than US$2.15 PPP per day, and one-quarter of the workforce (more than 400,000 people) migrate every year to seek employment outside Tajikistan (World Bank 2005). Since independence, traditional cultural and social values have enjoyed a renaissance. Although Tajikistan remains a secular state, there has been a revival of Islamic practices. The Constitution provides for freedom of religion. An estimated 95 percent of citizens consider themselves Muslims, although the degree of religious observance varies widely. An estimated 30 to 40 percent of the rural population and 5 to 10 percent of the urban population regularly follow Muslim practices or attend services at mosques (US Department of State 2006). Tajikistan is a highly centralized country governed under a presidential system, and political life is dominated by the President Emomali Rakhmonov who has remained in power since the end of the civil war. The Tajik Parliament (Majlisi Oli) has two legislative chambers: the National Assembly (Majlisi Milli) with thirty-three seats and the Assembly of Representatives (Majlisi Namoyandagon). Three-quarters of members are indirectly elected by people’s Deputies (representing the administrative territorial units) and the remaining quarter is appointed directly by the President. The Deputies are elected under a single member majority system. The country has a constitution and a functioning multiparty political system, but in practice democratic progress has been slow. Some opposition candidates won seats at the Parliamentary elections in February 2005, although the elections did not meet international standards. The population of Tajikistan numbered 6.1 million at the time of the last Census in 2000 and was estimated at more than 7 million in 2007 (CIA World Factbook 2007). With relatively high fertility and low mortality, the country has a high population growth rate (around 3 percent per year) and in 2005 the population was estimated to be 6.8 million. Tajikistan is a young population, with just under half (46 percent) of the population aged under eighteen and 12.3 percent aged under five. Since independence, the number of young people aged under eighteen has increased by 0.5 million, from 2.6 million in 1991 to 3.1 million in 2005. With a total fertility rate of 3.7 live births per woman, the youthful population age structure is likely to continue into the future. Extended families are common, and the average household size is 6.1 members, representing several generations. The majority of the population lives in rural areas (73 percent) and inhabits just 7 percent of the territory, the vast majority of the country being mountainous and uninhabitable (Baschieri and Falkingham 2007). The majority of the population is ethnic Tajik (around 80 percent). There is also a sizeable minority of Uzbeks, comprising 15 percent of the total population. At the time of independence in 1991, ethnic Russians
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constituted around 6 percent of the population. This share however has fallen to just 1 percent due to large-scale emigration to Russia and other former Soviet Union countries during the 1990s, along with differential population growth rates. Other significant minority ethic groups include Kyrgyz, Tatar, and Turkmen. The official national language is Tajik, but Russian and Uzbek are also widely spoken. In principle, the Constitution rules out the possibility of discrimination on the grounds of race, sex, language, nationality, faith, political beliefs, or social or material status. Under the Constitution, all nationalities and minorities living on the territory of the Republic are entitled to use their mother tongue without restriction and the Constitution bans ‘‘propaganda and agitation that arouse social, racial, religious and linguistic enmity and hatred.’’ According to the Culture Act of 1997, which was revised in 2001, national ethnic groups are able to maintain and develop their own national cultural interests and to establish cultural centers and communities. Even though poverty rates are high, Tajikistan continues to enjoy relatively good indicators of social development, reflecting the legacy of the Soviet period. On the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Index (a composite measure of life expectancy, adult literacy and educational attainment, and per capita GDP), at 0.652, Tajikistan is firmly placed in the group of countries with a medium level of development. Life expectancy at birth averages around 64 years, which is significantly above that enjoyed in nearby Pakistan and exceeds levels in Iran and Turkey. Literacy is almost universal and well above other countries with comparable levels of per capita income. During the Soviet period, there was free and universal schooling and health care. High social spending was supported by large budgetary transfers from Moscow. It is estimated that in the late 1980s/early 1990s, such transfers were worth as much as 40 percent of GDP. Following independence, public spending on education and health care fell sharply. In 2003, it is estimated that per capita government expenditure on health was just $71 PPP (Falkingham 2005). This compares with $5,711 PPP in the United KEY FACTS – TAJIKISTAN States. Education’s share of Population: 7,076,598 (July 2007 est.) GDP is 2.8 percent, which is Life expectancy at birth: 64 years (2005 est.) low even for a low-income counLiteracy rate: 99 percent (2000–2004) try. As a consequence of the Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 89 percent (2000–2005) decline in investment there have Internet users: 5,000 (2005) been reversals in key indicators People living with HIV/AIDS: 4,900 (2005 est.) of child welfare such as the infant mortality rate and preSources: CIA World Factbook: Tajikistan. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/geos/ti.html. April 17, 2007; UNICEF. school enrollment. The past At a Glance: Tajikistan–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ gains in human development are infobycountry/Tajikistan_statistics.html. April 25, 2007. now under threat. Today’s
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children represent the human capital of the country, and their experiences will, to a large degree, determine the shape of the country’s future. Thus, it is vitally important that the government of Tajikistan takes action to protect the rights of children and provides them with the opportunity to develop to their full potential. OVERVIEW The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) sets out the basic human rights that children everywhere have: the right to survival; to develop to the fullest; to protection from harmful influences, abuse and exploitation; and to participate fully in family, cultural, and social life. The government of Tajkistan ratified the main protocols of the UNCRC on October 26, 1993, and in 2002, it ratified further optional protocols including protection of children in armed conflict, child trafficking, child prostitution, and child violence. Tajikistan has a monist system, which means that international instruments automatically become part of their national law upon ratification or accession. Ratification of the UNCRC, therefore, provides Tajikistan with a framework for ensuring child protection, development, and participation. Various government agencies are responsible for the development and oversight of policy to enhance child welfare and child protection: the Committee for Social Affairs, Family, Healthcare, and Ecology; the Committee on Science, Education, Culture, and Youth Policy; the Ministry of Education; Ministry of Labour and Social Protection; Ministry of Health at the national level; and the Departments of Social Protection, Guardianship, and Education at the local government level. Since independence, there has also been a significant increase in the number of NGOs concerned with children and child welfare. In order to encourage them, the law on NGOS stipulates that all organizations formed by children and youth, as well as organizations that work with them, are exempt from registration fees and by 2006, 100 such organizations had been registered. In 2001, the government of Tajikistan established the National Commission on Child Protection (NCCP). The NCCP is a consultative interdepartmental body whose task is to coordinate the activities of the government, NGOs, and international organizations in addressing the needs of children requiring protection. The NCCP has in turn established four different expert groups made up of policy makers, government officials, NGOs, and child advocates who are charged with examining and developing government policies and practices. The four expert groups include: . .
Rights of the child; Children in need of special protections and care (including abused, neglected, exploited, orphaned, institutionalized, disabled, and delinquent children);
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Juvenile justice; Violence against children.
The scope of the expert groups’ work has been defined by the 2000– 2004 and 2005–2009 Country Programme Action Plans (CPAP) which the Government of Tajikistan have developed in cooperation with UNICEF in order to achieve the progressive implementation of the UNCRC. One of the most notable outcomes of the first CPAP has been the reform of the child welfare system through the establishment of Child Rights Departments (CRDs) at oblast (region) and district levels. The first CRD was established in 2003 and at present there are eight such departments functioning in pilot sites as well as in Dushanbe city. The aim is to provide timely and functional social services to those families at social risk, including legal and psychosocial counseling, in order to create a protective environment for children at the district level. During the Soviet era, there was little focus on children protection and most children requiring care due to physical or mental impairment were institutionalized. Thus, one of the important functions of the CRD is to promote the process of de-institutionalization of children and to act as gatekeepers for preventing and regulating future placement of children in institutions. EDUCATION In Tajikistan, children aged two months to six years are entitled to preschool education, either in a day nursery (two months to two years) or a kindergarten (three to six years). The network of preschools was not as extensive in Tajikistan as elsewhere in the Soviet Union; even in 1989, it is estimated that only 16 percent of three- to six-year olds were enrolled in kindergarten compared with 31 percent in the Kyrgyz Republic, 37 percent in Uzbekistan, and 53 percent in Kazakhstan. However, enrollments rates have fallen sharply since independence, and in 2004 just 7 percent of three- to six-year-olds were enrolled in kindergartens (UNICEF 2006). The trends in enrollment rates reflect changes in both the supply of places and in demand. Over the 1990s, the number of kindergartens fell by 40 percent, with the closure of many enterprise based (employer provided) facilities and the destruction of infrastructure due to the civil war. In 2004, in his annual message to the nation, President Rakhmonov charged local authorities with the rehabilitation of a functioning network of kindergartens and the Ministry of Education is currently working with UNICEF to draft an Early Child Development (ECD) policy. However, there remains much to be done; the UNESCO Country Profile commissioned for the Education for All Global Monitoring Report 2007 highlighted the fact that almost 90 percent of children enter the first grade of primary education unprepared for the school program.
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Compulsory basic (primary) education starts at age seven and comprises grades one through four. This is followed by five years of compulsory general secondary education, covering grades five through nine. Upper secondary consists of grades ten and eleven, and graduation from grade eleven is required for higher tertiary and university education. Technical and vocational education is available after grade nine (for three to four years) and grade eleven (two years), although participation in post-compulsory schooling is low in comparison with other countries in the central Asia region. Enrollment rates among youth aged sixteen to eighteen are around 35 percent, and among nineteen- to twenty-fouryear-olds, only 14 percent are in higher education (author’s own analysis of Tajikistan Living Standards Survey 2003). Instruction at all levels is usually in Tajik or Russian but in some regions textbooks are also available in Uzbek, Kyrgyz, and Turkmen, although many of these date from the Soviet era. There are very few private schools in Tajikistan, and those that exist are mainly located around the capital of Dushanbe and the other major cities of Khojand and Kurgan-Tebbe. Private religious schools are permitted and must be registered. In 2006, there were eighteen madrassahs (Islamic schools) registered. Parents are allowed to home-school their children; however, parents are not allowed to teach other children than their own in their home in a group setting. Traditionally, Tajik culture has placed a high value on being educated. Tajikistan was known as a seat of learning in the past and those members of society who were educated were held in high esteem. The Soviet period reinforced this emphasis on learning—widening the experience to the whole of society with universal free primary education. However, the prestige of education among the young has started to decline, being replaced by an income-generating imperative, which often does not require education. Young people, when faced with the choice of continuing to study or working (often in the informal sector), are increasingly choosing the latter. The law on education continues to guarantee every Tajik child free access to ‘‘high quality’’ education, and education is compulsory between the ages of seven and sixteen (grades one through nine). However, the meaning of ‘‘free’’ education has changed. High inflation and reduced real government expenditure has given rise to an increasing number of selffinanced educational establishments and the growth of informal charges in public institutions. Since independence, the education sector has suffered from low investment and poor maintenance. Difficulties in some areas have been exacerbated by the destruction of infrastructure. In the regions where the civil war was most intense, it is estimated that nearly 20 percent of schools were destroyed and plundered, and more than 130 buildings are in need of repair. Low salaries and irregular payments have led to an outflow of experienced teachers into other professions. Where teachers
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have stayed, many have resorted to charging pupils for textbooks and other services to supplement their salaries. Thus, although free in principle, public education has increasingly come with a price tag. Historically, attendance rates at school have been high, at over 95 percent. According to the 2005 World Bank Poverty Assessment Update, attendance in education within Tajikistan has dropped since 2000, and the fall in school attendance rates has been particularly noticeable in secondary and post compulsory education. The increasing cost of education, declines in the quality of schooling, and the remote physical location of some education institutions have been all cited as possible causes for the fall in school attendance rates. Enrollment rates begin to taper off after age eleven, with the fall being more pronounced among girls than boys. Girls are more likely to drop out of school than boys. A recent qualitative study found that many girls believe that education will not impact upon their future quality of life and that parents prefer to send boys rather than girls to school when confronted with economic difficulties. This study also found that some girls prefer to attend Bihutan, which are religious classes that are considered an alternative form of education for girls, first because they are provided free of charge and second because they are perceived to provide more relevant skills for future married life. The rise in the share of girls among dropouts, especially after the fourth grade, has been identified as a cause for urgent concern. The current UNICEF country program (2005–2009) component on ‘‘quality basic education for all’’ focuses on supporting efforts to reverse the declining demand for education among girls, seeking to improve school management and the classroom environment in selected schools through the active participation of children, parent groups, and communities. Other international donors are also active in promoting basic education in Tajikistan including the USAID PEAKS (Participation, Education, and Knowledge Strengthening) Project, the Aga Khan Foundation’s Improving Basic Education in Tajikistan (IBET) program and Save the Children. In 2005, with the support of UNICEF and the World Bank, the Republic of Tajikistan prepared a comprehensive strategic framework and plan in education for the first time. The goals of the Ministry of Education National Strategy for the Education Development of the Republic of Tajikistan 2006–2015 are to: . Improve the management and performance of the education system for the delivery of quality educational services. . Improve the effectiveness of the system of education by consolidating decentralization, community participation, and institutional and human capacity building. . Ensure the quality of educational services delivered at all levels, and align with the World Initiative ‘‘Education for All’’ Goals and Millennium Development Goals.
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Ensure equitable access to basic education, and merit-based access to other levels of education for all citizens. Improve the physical infrastructure, material, and technical basis of the education system.
The strategy also identifies the key risk factors in achieving these goals by 2015. These include insufficient financial resources; rapid growth rate of population, and the growing demand for education services; poverty of the majority of population; low community participation in the decision-making process of education problems; unemployment and migration of labor force; and uneven development of the different regions of the country. Resources remain the key problem. It has been estimated by the Ministry of Education, in conjunction with UNICEF, that in order to meet the education targets among the Millennium Development Goals by 2015, the government needs to raise the share of education in GDP from around 3 percent to 6 percent by the end of the decade. PLAY AND RECREATION During the Soviet period, Tajik children benefited from a range of organized clubs and sporting activities. During the civil war these activities were disrupted. The decline in public expenditure and subsequent pressure on school resources has meant that many of these extra curriculum activities were not reinstated with the return of peace to the country. Many schools are now unable to offer extracurricular recreation opportunities and programs to provide safe spaces for girls and boys to play and study, and the positive role of sports in promoting family and community participation, healthy lifestyles, and gender equity among children is not generally appreciated by schools or by parents. In 1999, only ninety-eight sport clubs were functioning, providing services for around 27,600 children and teenagers out of a total youth population of 3 million (UNDP 2005). Most traditional sports in Tajikistan are heavily male dominated. Horse racing and games played on horseback, such as Buzkachi, have been played in Tajikistan for centuries. Buzkachi originated from a time when sheepherders on horseback chased wolves away from their flocks while rescuing stray sheep from imminent danger by picking them up and whisking them away. Over generations it developed into a game of horsemanship, where riders compete to grab a sheep, or calf, carcass and carry it on horseback to a designated goal for a prize. It is very physical and injury is commonplace. Nevertheless, boys as young as twelve may be involved. Other traditional sports include wrestling and falconry. Modern sports that are popular in Tajikistan include athletics, football, boxing, judo, chess, table tennis, volleyball, mountaineering, and skiing. Music and dance play a significant role in Tajik culture. The art of storytelling, gurugli, is an important feature of traditional Tajik music,
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and folk songs have been handed down through the generations to both daughters and sons. Folk music is often played using traditional instruments such as the tar—a small stringed instrument. Since independence, traditional Tajik music and dance has undergone a renaissance, supported by the Ministry of Culture and with funding from major international NGOs including UNESCO and the Aga Khan Foundation. Traditional music is promoted within some schools and the children’s dancing group Djahonaro won first prize (among thirty-six countries’ participants) at the recent international festival ‘‘Children of the World and Art’’ in Turkey. There are several theatres and concert halls in the capital, Dushanbe, including a puppet theater. In comparison to other countries in Asia, Tajik children have less exposure to new technology and the mass media, although this is changing rapidly in urban areas. In 2003, just 26 percent of households had a color television, 52 percent a black and white television, and only 11 percent owned a video player (author’s own analysis of Tajikistan Living Standards Survey 2003). The number of television channels that can be received without a satellite dish remains low. The public television company Poitakht carries news bulletins, films, and other programs in Tajik, Russian, and Uzbek. There is a private television company Somoni€en and the main Russian television channels are also routinely retransmitted. Access to the internet is limited. Less than 1 percent of households owned a personal computer (author’s own analysis of Tajikistan Living Standards Survey 2003), and nationwide there were only 20,000 registered email users. The number of internet hosts per 1,000 people was just 0.04 (UNDP 2005). CHILD LABOR According to Tajikistan’s Labor Code, the minimum age for the employment of children is sixteen years of age, and workers under the age of eighteen may work no more than six hours a day and thirty-six hours a week. However, it is acceptable for children under sixteen to do some light work. Article 174 of Tajikistan’s Labor Code states that: To prepare young people for production labour it is allowed to take pupils from schools, students of professional colleges for carrying out light work, which will not cause damage to their health and education. Work should be performed during free time after reaching age of 14 and with approval of a parent guardian.
There are some concerns that this code is not being strictly enforced and that during harvest time in particular, children as young as five work in the cotton fields. A survey conducted on behalf of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) found that children in Panj Vose in Khatlon were missing around 10 percent of the study hours per year and
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in Zafarabod students were absent from classes for up to one-third of the academic year due to cotton harvesting. The same study also found that in cotton-growing regions, Zafarabad in Sogd and Panj Vose in Khatlon, 20 percent, 62 percent, and 72 percent of school children participated in the 2003 cotton harvest. Child labor is a difficult concept to define. According to survey data collected as part of the UNICEF 2005 Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey, many children in Tajikistan are involved in some form of work, although only a minority (less than 5 percent) are involved in paid work. Twothirds of children aged between five and fourteen report carrying out household chores on a regular basis. However for most children, these activities occupy less than four hours a day. Just 5 percent of children report carrying out household chores amounting to twenty-eight hours or more a week. Using a definition of child labor that combines all those doing paid work, unpaid work, intensive household chores (over four hours a day), and working for the family business, around 12 percent of all children five to fourteen years old are engaged in one or more of these activities. This varies significantly by age, with more than a quarter (25 percent) of twelve- to fourteen-years-olds ‘‘working’’ compared with 6 percent of younger children aged five to eleven (author’s own analysis of UNICEF Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey 2005). Girls are more likely than boys to be engaged in child labor, primarily because of their greater role in home care tasks. A recent survey in Isfara in northern Tajikistan found that 20 percent of young girls were missing school. Most of them stay home to help their mothers with housework, while others take on seasonal farm work. While the government of Tajikistan recognizes that child labor is a problem, it does not currently have a comprehensive policy for eliminating child labor and the government has not signed the ILO Convention 182 on the Worst Forms of Child Labor. FAMILY In the past, large extended families were the norm. Marriages were arranged by close relatives in accordance with Islamic law, and often neither party had any say in the choice of their future spouse. Large differences in age between husband and wife were commonplace as men had to wait to marry until they had accumulated sufficient wealth to afford the ‘‘bride price’’ (kalym). Girls were considered as only temporary members of their own family and upon marriage women became members of their husband’s family. Under Soviet rule, Tajikistan underwent an intensive process of modernization. Tajik society was secularized and between 1921 and 1923 laws were passed banning traditional Islamic practices such as polygamy, the payment of kalym, and marriage without the
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consent of the bride. The minimum age for marriage was set at sixteen for girls and eighteen for boys. In 1927, the ‘‘emancipation of women’’ campaign was stepped up with the mass unveiling of central Asian women. Special privileges were given to women who discarded the veil, while the husbands of those who did not ran the risk of fines. By the 1930s, it was rare to see a full-veiled woman although women in rural areas continued to wear brightly colored headscarves. Since independence, more traditional pre-Soviet cultural values have enjoyed a renaissance. An increasing number of young women, particularly in rural areas have begun to wear the hijab although it remains very rare to see women fully veiled. Gender relations are being reshaped and traditional customs such as polygamy are being increasingly practiced and accepted. Economic and political transition has also resulted in the discontinuation of many of the state structures that supported women in combining their reproductive and productive roles. The erosion of statesupported child and health care has placed a heavy burden on women, forcing them to absorb care-giving duties as unpaid labor, often on top of paid work. There has also been a reemergence of multigenerational households. However, this has been as much in response to combating economic pressures and increasing the security of the families of migrant laborers where husbands are absent as to the rekindling of traditional family structures. Poor and vulnerable children in Tajikistan are currently supported by a complex mix of both formal and informal safety nets, with benefits in cash and in-kind from government, nongovernmental organizations, and the extended family and wider community. In the past, the state provided a comprehensive system of social assistance for families with young children. Cash benefits included a one-time birth payment, payments for mothers on maternity or child-care leave, universal monthly allowances for children aged less than eighteen months old, and for those aged eighteen months to sixteen years, as well as additional benefits for single mothers and mothers of more than four children. The economic dislocation during transition and the civil war weakened the ability of the state to continue to provide a universal system of benefits to all families with children. With insufficient resources and a growing number of families and children in need, the social assistance system was reformed, with a sharp reduction in the range of benefits and the introduction of targeting. Today, there is just one benefit payable to poor families with children from six to fifteen years attending school—the cash compensation program (CCP). In principle, CCP benefits are payable to the 20 percent poorest children in each school. School committees consisting of parents, teachers, and local representatives are responsible for identifying the poorest children and allocating benefits. The current level of the benefit is two simony per month (equivalent to around just US$0.60), payable in four installments during the school year and available for up to three
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children per family. In 2003, 292,500 children received the CCP (author’s own analysis of Tajikistan Living Standards Survey 2003). However, evidence suggests that the reformed CCP is poorly targeted with some better-off children being in receipt while poor children miss out. Moreover the low value of the benefit means that it is ineffective in lifting children out of poverty. Cash remittances from household members currently living in another part of Tajikistan or abroad are now a key source of support for families with children. Between 500,000–1,000,000 Tails travel abroad—mainly to Russia—for seasonal work each year, and it is estimated that their remittances contributed at least $600 million to the Tajik economy in 2006 (this compares to the total state budget of around $550 million). Thus, remittances provide many families with a crucial source of income. However, it is important not to overlook the negative impact on children of extended periods of separation from their parents. A qualitative study that included focus groups with children in 2006 found that many children would rather go without toys and other commodities and would prefer to have their parents at home. HEALTH Survival represents the most elemental of human rights. Official statistics show an improvement in infant mortality in Tajikistan over the past decade, down from a peak of 48.4 in 1997 (at the end of the civil war) to 43.6 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2003 (Tajikistan Ministry of Health reported in Falkingham 2005). However, recent research shows that in many countries in the CIS, including Tajikistan, official infant mortality rates (IMR) appear to be much lower than those estimates from surveys that ask women about their reproductive histories. Estimates of infant mortality from household surveys vary, but suggest that actual IMR and under-five mortality rates (U5MR) are more than twice the official figures. According to the 2005 UNICEF Multiple Indicators Cluster Survey, infant mortality at the start of the twentieth century was 65 per 1,000 live births, indicating that Tajikistan has the highest infant mortality rate in the CIS region. Data from the 2003 Tajikistan Living Standards Survey can be used to look at patterns of child morbidity. Around 5 percent of children had suffered an episode of acute ill health in the four weeks prior to the survey. The most common cause of acute ill health among children under three was a cold/flu (63 percent of boys and 56 percent of girls) followed by diarrhea (15 percent of boys and 14 percent of girls). Interestingly, however, 3 percent of cases of acute ill health among this age group were reported to be attributed to typhoid. Diarrhea also accounts for around a quarter of acute ill health amongst boys aged between three and ten. Such diseases are directly related to poor sanitation and water quality.
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Only around 60 percent of children live in households with access to clean drinking water and this falls to less than half in rural areas. Ninetythree percent of children under five years old have access to toilet facilities. However, only 13 percent have access to a toilet connected to a sewage system, and 79 percent use a pit latrine with a slab (Baschieri and Falkingham 2007). Malnutrition, or hunger, is a robust indicator of the presence of severe child deprivation. As well as a basic right in itself, sound nutrition leads to improved life chances for infants and children and increases the likelihood that children will complete primary education and benefit from the learning experience. Conversely, poor nutritional status early in life may have long-term developmental consequences. The nutritional status of children in Tajikistan is a major cause for concern, with 27 percent of children under age five severely or moderately stunted, 7 percent severely or moderately wasted and 17 percent severely or moderately underweight (Baschieri and Falkingham 2007). There are significant differences in the proportion of children stunted by mother’s education, with children of mothers with higher education being less likely to be stunted than children of mothers with lower education. There is also a clear link between household wealth, as measured by the asset index, and child nutritional status. Children living in the poorest household are more likely to be found underweight and stunted. The region of the former Soviet Union now holds the dubious distinction of experiencing the fastest growing HIV/AIDS epidemic in the world and AIDS looks set to become one of the major causes of premature mortality among adolescents and young adults. Tajikistan is still at the early stages of the epidemic. Knowledge of HIV/AIDS among young people is alarmingly low. In 2000, just 10 percent of young women aged fifteen to nineteen had heard of the disease. This had risen to 30 percent in 2005 (Baschieri and Falkingham 2007), but the percentage of young people who have knowledge of how to protect themselves from contracting HIV is still very low. Only 10 percent of young people were aware of the preventative methods of using a condom or having sex with one faithful uninfected partner, highlighting the scale of the challenge ahead (Baschieri and Falkingham 2007). LAW AND LEGAL STATUS Although the Constitution of the Republic of Tajikistan does not provide for the age of majority, a child is considered to be a person under the age of eighteen years. Civil competence is reached at the age of eighteen (Article 22 Civil Code of the Republic of Tajikistan), although legal capacity can be reached before age eighteen if a person marries below that age. The legal age for marriage is seventeen years (Article 13 Family
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Code), unless a judge rules that a child can marry before that age. The minimum age for marriage, even with permission of a judge, is sixteen. Young people are able to fully engage in the labor market at the age of fifteen years and may participate in seasonal work below that age, as long as it does not interfere with their studies (Article 174 Labor Code). The age of criminal responsibility in Tajikistan is set at sixteen years by the Criminal Code (Article 23[1]). However the age of criminal responsibility is reduced to fourteen where a child commits a serious offense (Article 23[2]). Serious offenses include homicide, infanticide, intentional major bodily injury, kidnapping, rape, terrorism, trafficking of narcotics, sale of hard drugs, and several other acts. Children between age fourteen and sixteen who commit minor offenses are dealt with by the Commission of Minors who can place them in an appropriate children’s institution. The Commission of Minors can also send children who commit offences under the age of fourteen to a special school, with the result that in reality there is no minimum age below which a child can be presumed to have no ability to commit an offense. The current Tajik criminal justice system does not have juvenile courts, specialist juvenile judges or a separate form of criminal procedure for children. There are also no designated juvenile officers within the police force. This is, however, under review so as to comply with the UN Convention on the Right of the Child of which Tajikistan is a signatory. In 2003 and 2004, the Expert Group of the National Commission on Child Protection (NCCP) carried out a situational analysis of the juvenile justice system and proposed a set of policy reforms that will align the country’s legal code with the requirement of the UNCRC. Complete data on the average time or numbers of children who are deprived of their liberty in the country is not available since pre-trial detention data is not systematically collected or centralized in the country. In 2004, the juvenile crime rate was 70 per 100,000 population aged fourteen to seventeen. This compares with a rate of 164 per 100,000 for all age groups. There were just 488 recorded crimes committed by fourteen- to seventeen-year-olds, including eight homicides. This is very low compared with other countries in the region. The juvenile crime rate has fallen significantly during the 1990s, from 336 per 100,000 population aged fourteen to seventeen in 1991 to just sixty-five in 2001, since when it has stabilized (UNICEF 2006). It is difficult to say whether this is a real effect or reflects a deterioration in the statistical collection system. However, reports of conditions within child detention centers paint a grim picture, frequently violating the UNCRC. The most common crime committed by children is theft, often of foodstuffs. Theft accounted for 95 percent of all recorded juvenile crime in 2004 (Haarr 2005). However, chronic poverty combined with proximity to the region’s major producer of narcotics means that drug trafficking is a growing problem. It is estimated by the United Nations Office on
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Drugs and Crime (UNODC) that 100 to 200 tons of heroin per year are smuggled through Tajikistan, making the trade worth between 500 million and 1 billion dollars. This compares with Tajikistan’s GDP of 2.1 billion dollars. An increasing number of women and children are acting as couriers and drug trafficking offences are rising. One side effect of the growth in the volume of opiates passing through the country is a rapid rise in the number of drug users. According to UNODC there was a 17-fold increase in opiate abuse during the 1990s across Central Asia. The Tajik authorities estimate the number of drug addicts in the country to be around 55,000 to 75,000 people, of whom 80 percent are heroin addicts. Much of the growth in drug abuse has occurred among young people; the average age of Tajik addicts has fallen from about thirty- to thirty-five years old to between twenty and twenty-nine. Female addicts, many of whom are sex workers, account for around 30 percent of all registered users. Such trends have worrying implications for the spread of infectious diseases, particularly HIV/ AIDS. RELIGIOUS LIFE Tajikistan is a secular state, but an estimated 95 percent of the population consider themselves Muslims. During the Soviet period, active observance of Islam was suppressed but with independence the proportion of the population who regularly follow Muslim practices or attend services at mosques is increasing. During the holy month of Ramadan, up to 99 percent of Muslims in the countryside, and 70 percent in the cities are thought to have observed the fast. Approximately 7 percent of all Tajik Muslims are Shias, 40 percent of whom are Ismailis (U.S. Department of State, 2006). The majority of Shia Muslims reside in the remote GornoBadakhshan region, as well as certain districts of the southern Khatlon region and in Dushanbe. Most other Muslim inhabitants (approximately 90 percent) are Sunni. Reflecting the legacy of the Soviet past, there are approximately 230,000 Christians, mostly ethnic Russians and other Soviet-era immigrant groups. The largest Christian group is Russian Orthodox, but there also are registered organizations of Baptists (five), Roman Catholics (two), Seventh-day Adventists (one), Korean Protestants, which includes the Grace SunMin Church (two) and Jehovah’s Witnesses (one). As mentioned earlier, the Constitution outlaws discrimination on the grounds of religion and people are free to practice their faiths. Although a secular state, Eid-i-Kurbon (Feast of the Sacrifice) and Eidi-Ramazon (end of Ramadan) are celebrated as public holidays. Tajikistan’s biggest annual celebration is the spring festival of Navruz, literally ‘‘New Day.’’ Navruz marks the beginning of the Persian New Year. Schools and universities are closed and the first and second days of
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Farvardin, the first month of the New Year, are usually marked by performances of traditional music and drama. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Child abuse and neglect is prevalent throughout Tajik society. Although Tajikistan is a signatory to the Convention on the Right of the Child, which requires states to protect children from ‘‘all forms of physical or mental violence’’ while in the care of the others (article 19), there are no national laws that prohibit corporal punishment in the home, in school, as a discipline measure in penal institutions, or in alternative forms of care. Tajikistan retains a traditional culture where physical and psychological punishment of children within the home is still commonplace. The 2005 UNICEF Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) included a set of questions on child discipline. The mother or primary caretaker of selected children aged two to fourteen years were asked about various methods that they or anyone else in the household had used ‘‘to teach children the right behavior or to address a behavior problem’’ over the past month. A minority received severe physical punishment, with 7 percent being ‘‘hit on the bottom or elsewhere on the body with something like a belt, hairbrush, stick or other hard object’’ and 4 percent ‘‘hit over and over as hard as one could.’’ Over a half of children were subjected to less severe physical punishments, such as shaking or being spanked on the bottom with a hand. Emotional and psychological abuse was also widespread: two-thirds of children were shouted at and more than a third were called dumb or lazy. The proportion of boys receiving a punishment was higher than girls. Younger children, aged two to four years, were generally less likely to be punished than older children, although worryingly, 20 percent had received a severe physical punishment in the last month (Baschieri and Falkingham 2007). Such violence seems to be accepted as part of normal life by Tajik children. A qualitative study on child violence conducted by a Tajik NGO, Open Asia, found that children consider physical violence to be a ‘‘normal’’ form of discipline used by parents and relatives to punish and to teach children. When asked how they would handle problems of violence in their family, 44 percent of children said that they would suffer in silence because their parents ‘‘have the authority and right to use violence to punish them.’’ Children are also subject to abuse in settings outside of the home, such as schools, religious institutions, care and residential institutions, on the streets, in work situations, and in detention facilities and prisons. To date, there have been few systematic attempts to measure the prevalence of violence against children in institutions but a couple of studies have examined violence in schools. From them it is estimated that between a
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quarter and a half (25–50 percent) of adolescents have experienced either physical or psychological abuse at school from teachers and classmates. However, the Ministry of Education provides no formal guidance or policies on bullying. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, street children have emerged as a growing problem. In 1995, UNICEF estimated that 60,000 orphaned children remained abandoned in Tajikistan and these children are at particular risk of abuse. During a recent focus group discussion Hochamgol, a thirteen-year-old boy, stated ‘‘I think that orphans suffer the most. . . . Everybody can abuse or chide them, and nobody will defend them.’’ Street children often work long hours and risk not being paid at the end of the day. During the last five years, an even more worrying trend has emerged— trafficking. There is now evidence that children, particularly girls, are increasingly being trafficked out of Tajikistan. The promise of respectable jobs lures young women out of the country but instead of finding jobs, many girls find themselves entrapped in domestic servitude and the sex industry. The true extent of trafficking is unknown, but it is estimated that more than 300 girls and women were trafficked out of Tajikistan to work in the sex industry in the United Arab Emirates in 2000 alone. There are currently no comprehensive policies dealing with violence against children. There are also no special provisions making corporal punishment illegal. In addition, there are currently no statutory acts in Tajikistan’s legislation that would require persons, such as teachers and doctors, to report acts of violence, abuse, neglect, and/or exploitation against children. However, there are some recent developments that give cause for hope. In 2003, the National Expert Group on Violence against Children was established by the National Commission on Child Protection. The expert group has begun to analyze the extent and nature of violence against children in Tajikistan and to review the legislative framework that protects children who are victims of violence. There have been a number of mass media campaigns to raise public awareness on the rights of the child and a series of workshops have been organized for professionals and decision makers on reducing violence against children. A telephone hotline (operated by the NGO, Association of Women Scientists of Tajikistan) has also been established. It is hoped that the 2005–2009 Country Programme Action Plan (to Reduce Violence and Exploitation of Children) will begin to deliver the protection and security to which all children should be entitled. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The first generation of children born into the new Republic of Tajikistan has missed out on the opportunity to develop to their full potential. The first years of independence witnessed a bitter civil war and a dramatic
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decline in GDP and government spending on health, education, and other public services. Poverty rates increased, and in 1999, more than four in every five children were living below the poverty level. However the re-establishment of political stability combined with strong economic growth presents means that there is now an opportunity for children being born now to fully realize their full potential. One generation of children has lost out. A second generation should not have to. Moreover, it is not clear that the country can afford to have two successive generations with unrealized human capital. Investing in today’s children is essential if the country is to have healthy and productive workers and consumers in the future. Recent policy developments, including the National Commission on Child Protection 2005–2009 Country Programme Action Plan and the National Development Strategy for the Period 2007 to 2015 give some cause for optimism. There is a growing recognition among policy makers of the importance of human development as well as economic development. Improving access to, and the quality of, basic education and health are integral to the national development strategy. Such investment is seen as being of value in its own right as well as contributing to economic growth. There are also some positive signs of improvements in human rights. Issues such as violence against children and child labor, which were once taboo, are now being openly discussed and the NCCP Expert Groups are generating policy recommendations that if enshrined in legislation will form an important step towards greater inclusion and social justice. However, there remain very real challenges on the ground. Child poverty remains high and child nutritional status is poor in comparison with other countries in the region. Increasing out of pocket payments for both health and education have resulted in greater barriers to access. Children continue to be abused both at home and in institutions. Thus, there is a gap between the rhetoric and reality, which must be closed. Today’s children cannot wait another fifteen years for their voices to be heard. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Asian Development Bank. 2006. Tajikistan Country Gender Assessment. Manila: ADB. http://209.225.62.100/Documents/Reports/Country-Gender-Assessments/ taj.asp. This document reviews recent development within Tajikistan from a gender perspective and outlines a set of proposals to narrow gender gaps and enable women to participate in and benefit from poverty reduction programs. Government of Tajikistan. 2006. National Development Strategy for the Period 2007 to 2015. Dushanbe. http://www.undp.tj/files/reports/nds.pdf. This is Tajikistan’s principal strategic document. It outlines proposals for the long-term development of Tajikistan throughout 2007–2015 in order to achieve the MDG targets by 2015.
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Government of Tajikistan. 2006. The Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP-2). Dushanbe. This document is the Government of Tajikistan’s 2nd mediumterm plan (2007–2009) towards economic growth and improved service delivery to the poorest. It is based on the objectives set out in the long term National Development Strategy 2007–2015 and highlights policy development in the areas of health and education as well as economic development. Ministry of Education. 2005. National Strategy for the Education Development of the Republic of Tajikistan 2006-2015. Dushanbe. http://www.untj.org/files/reports/ Education_strategy.pdf. The document outlines the medium and long-term policy direction and initiatives to reach the ‘Education for All’ targets by 2015. Save the Children UK Tajikistan. 2000. Alternate NGO Report on the Implementation of the Principal Provisions of the Convention on the Rights of the Child in the Republic of Tajikistan. http://www.crin.org/docs/resources/treaties/ crc.25/tajikistanNGOreport.doc. This Alternative Report was submitted by Save the Children Tajikistan to the 25th Session of the Committee on the Rights of the Child. UNDP. 2005. Millennium Development Goals Need Assessment. Dushanbe: UNDP. http://www.undp.tj/files/reports/mdg_eng.pdf. This report provides information on reforms and financial policy resources to meet key required quantitative human development targets in Tajikistan within the framework of the eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
Nonprint Resources To advocate and support the process of de-institutionalization in Tajikistan, the following supplementary films and TV spots have been produced and are available in Russian language through UNICEF Tajikistan at http://www.unicef.org/tajikistan/ index.html. They can be forwarded upon request from UNICEF Tajikistan. Email:
[email protected]. Child Rights Department. 20 minutes. A documentary about the new establishment under the government structure that deals with the matters of vulnerable children. Family Environment. Social television spot, 2 minutes. Institutionalized Children’s Claim. Social television spot, 2 minutes. Street Children. 20 minutes. A documentary with scenes of children on street and those in conflict with law who are referred to closed type institutions. We Are the Same as Others. 25 minutes. Documentary on the life of children with disabilities in the country and steps undertaken by the government for amelioration. World of Kindness. 20 minutes. A documentary describing the situation of children in boarding schools, infant homes, and special residential care establishments for CWD of the Republic. There are also several one-minute films made by the young people of Tajikistan on ‘‘theoneminutesJr’’ at http://www.theoneminutesjr.org. See especially ‘‘Boomerang’’ by Aslishoh Akimbekov: http://www.theoneminutesjr.org/index.php?thissection_ id¼10&movie_id¼102.
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Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Committee on Science, Education, Culture and Youth Policy 42 Rudaki Ave., Dushanbe, Tajikistan Phone: 00 992 372 21-24-66 Committee on Social Issues, Family, Healthcare and Ecology 42 Rudaki Ave., Dushanbe, Tajikistan Phone: 00 992 372 21-76-95 Department on Science and Education 80 Rudaki Ave., Dushanbe, Tajikistan Phone: 00 992 372 21-55-68, 21-62-59 Department on Youth Policy 80 Rudaki Ave., Dushanbe, Tajikistan Phone: 00 992 372 21-38-45, 21-67-62 Ministry of Education 13 a Chekhov Str., Dushanbe, Tajikistan Phone: 00 992 372 21-46-05, 27-43-74 Ministry of Health 69 Shevchenko Str., Dushanbe, Tajikistan Phone: 00 992 372 21-30-64, 21-12-48 Ministry of Justice 25 Rudaki Ave., Dushanbe, Tajikistan Phone: 00 992 372 21-44-05, 21-87-98 Ministry of Labor and Social Security 5/2 A. Navoi Str. 35/1, Dushanbe, Tajikistan Phone: 00 992 372 21-14-95 21-30-03 Nongovernmental Organizations Association Women scientists of Tajikistan 32 Rudaki Ave., Dushanbe, Tajikistan Phone: 00 992 372 215619 Phone/Fax: 00 992 372 211918 Email:
[email protected],
[email protected] CANHELP Tajikistan 42 Lenina Str., Office 403 735700 Khujand Tajikistan Phone: (þ992) 3422 67 140 International Association for the Exchange of Students for Technical Experience (IAESTE) Tajikistan Visiting address: Navoi 11/6 apt. 8, Dushanbe 734026, Tajikistan
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Mailing address: P.O. Box 165, Central Post Office 734025, Dushanbe, Tajikistan Email:
[email protected] Phone: 00 992 372 370543 Fax: 00 992 372 361907 Web site: http://iaeste.freenet.tj/ National Coalition of NGOs for the Convention on the Rights of the Child in Tajikistan St. Tehron 12, 734002 Dushanbe, Tajikistan Phone: 00 109 92137 / 244220 Fax: 11 109 92137 / 216582 Email:
[email protected] Save the Children UK - Tajikistan Fazliddin Shahobov Street 18, Dushanbe, Tajikistan Phone: 00 992 372 24 10 70 Fax: 00 992 372 51 00 75 Email:
[email protected] UNICEF Office Dushanbe 110/1 Shevchenko Str., Dushanbe, Tajikistan Phone: 00 992 372 21 82 61 Fax: 00 992 372 51 00 81 Email:
[email protected]
Selected Bibliography Akiner, S. 1997. Between Tradition and Modernity: The Dilemma Facing Contemporary Central Asian Women. In M. Buckley, ed. Post Soviet Women: From Baltic to Central Asia. Cambridge University Press. Asian Development Bank. 1998. A Generation at Risk: Children in the Central Asian Republics of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. Manila. http://www.adb.org/ Documents/Books/Generation_at_Risk/default.asp Baschieri, A., and J. Falkingham. 2007. Child Poverty in Tajikistan. UNICEF: Dushanbe. Belenitsky, A. 1968. Central Asia. Translated by James Hogarth. Geneva: Nagel Publishers. Blua, A. 2003. Central Asia: Efforts Under Way to Bring Region Up to Speed With the Internet. Eurasianet.org. http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/ insight/articles/pp041303.shtml Central Asia-Caucasus Institute Silk Road Studies Program. 2004. Country factsheets, Tajikistan. http://www.silkroadstudies.org/docs/FactSheet/2004/ Tajikistan.pdf. D’ Hellencourt, N. Y. 2004. Qualitative Survey on Issues in Girls’ Education in Tajikistan: An In-Depth Analysis of the Reasons Girls Drop Out of School. Dushanbe, UNICEF Tajikistan Country Office. Falkingham, J. 2004. Poverty, out of pocket payments and access to health care: evidence from Tajikistan. Social Science and Medicine 58(2):247–58.
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Falkingham, J. 2005. The End of the Rollercoaster? Growth, Inequality and poverty in Central Asia and the Caucasus. Social Policy & Administration 39(4): 340–60. Falkingham, J., and A. Baschieri. 2004. Gender differentials in Tajikistan: a gendered analysis of the 2003 Tajikistan Living Standards Measurement Survey. Southampton, UK, Southampton Statistical Sciences Research Institute. (S3RI Applications and Policy Working Papers, A04/20). http://eprints.soton.ac. uk/12666/ Falkingham, J., and I. Klytchnikova. 2006. The Profile of Poverty in Tajikistan: An Update 1999 to 2003. Southampton, UK, Southampton Statistical Sciences Research Institute. (S3RI Methodology Working Papers, A06/02) http:// eprints.soton.ac.uk/28967/. Falkingham, J., and A. Baschieri, A. 2005. Gender and Poverty: How We Can Be Misled by the Unitary Model of Household Resources–The Case of Tajikistan. Southampton, UK, Southampton Statistical Sciences Research Institute. (S3RI Applications and Policy Working Papers, A04/21). http://eprints.soton.ac. uk/13984/. Haarr, R. 2005. Violence and exploitation of children in Tajikistan. Central Asian Survey 24(2):131–149. International Organization for Migration (IOM). 2001. Deceived Migrants from Tajikistan: A Study of Trafficking in Women and Children. Dushanbe: International Organization for Migration. International Organization of Migration. 2004. Children in the Cotton Fields. Dushanbe: IOM. Ministry of Health. 2004. Nutritional Status of Mothers and Children in Tajikistan. Dushanbe: MoH/ UNICEF Tajikistan. Tabyshalieva, A. 2000. Revival of Traditions in Post-Soviet Central Asia: Making the Transition Work for Women in Europe and Central Asia. World Bank Discussion Paper No. 411, Europe and Central Asia Gender and Development Series. World Bank, Washington, DC. UNAIDS (Joint UN Programme on HIV/AIDS). 2004. The Changing HIV/AIDS epidemic in Europe and Central Asia. Geneva. UNDP. 2005. Central Asia Human Development Report. UNDP: Bratislava. UNDP. 2006. Human Development Report 2006. UNDP: New York. UNESCO. 2006. Tajikistan Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) Programmes. Country Profile commissioned for the EFA Global Monitoring Report 2007, Strong foundations: early childhood care and education. Geneva. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0014/001472/147248e.pdf. UNICEF. 2006. Innocenti Social Monitor: CEE/CIS/Baltic States. Florence: Innocenti Research Centre. UNICEF. 2006. Monitoring the Situation of Children and Women: findings from the Tajikistan Multiple Indicator Cluster survey 2005. Dushanbe: UNICEF. US Department of State. 2006. International Religious Freedom Report 2005. Washington D.C. World Bank. 2005. Tajikistan Poverty Assessment Update. Washington, DC. http:// www.untj.org/files/reports/Tajikistan%20Poverty%20Assessment%20Update. pdf Zouev, A., and P. Ustinov. 1999. Generation in Jeopardy: Children in Central Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union. New York: M.E. Sharpe Inc/UNICEF.
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THAILAND Wirot Sanrattana and Merrill M. Oaks NATIONAL PROFILE Thailand is a rich tapestry of traditional and modern culture, located in southeastern Asia, bordering the Andaman Sea and the Gulf of Thailand, southeast of Myanmar (Burma). ‘‘Siam’’ is the name by which the country was known to the world until 1939 when the name was changed to ‘‘Thailand.’’ At the end of World War II, the name reverted back to Siam, and then on May 11, 1949, an official proclamation formally changed the name to ‘‘Prathet Thai’’ or ‘‘Thailand.’’ The word ‘‘Thai’’ means ‘‘free,’’ therefore ‘‘Thailand’’ means ‘‘Land of the Free.’’ Thailand is currently referred to as the ‘‘Land of Smiles’’ for the friendliness of its people. A unified Thai kingdom was established in the mid-fourteenth century. Thailand is the only southeast Asian country never to have been taken over by a European or other world power. A bloodless revolution in 1932 led to a constitutional monarchy. The provisions relating in the constitutional government and monarchy laid down in the 1932 Constitution specified three basic concepts regarding the governmental structure. First, the Monarch is regarded as Head of State, Head of the Armed Forces, and Upholder of the Buddhist Religion and all other religions. Second, a bicameral National Assembly, which is comprised of members of Parliament and members of Senate, administers the legislative branch. Third, the Prime Minister as head of the government and chief executive, oversees the executive branch covering the Council of Ministers, which is responsible for the administration of nineteen ministries and the Office of the Prime Minister. Buddhism is the predominant religion, with a minority of other world religions represented throughout the nation. Thai is the predominant language, with English a second language of choice. Locally distinct languages, such as Khmer and Malay, are not Thai dialects but distinct languages. A combination of Thai dialects and distinct languages predominate along Thai borders with neighboring countries of Myanmar, (Burma), Malaysia, Laos, and Cambodia.
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The ethnic composition of Thailand is 75 percent Thai, 14 percent Chinese, and 11 percent other. A Mahidol University report in January 2006 indicated that Thailand’s population was 62.5 million, with a relative equal balance of males and females represented. Data from a report of the Central International Agency in the World Factbook 2006 indicated that there is a total in-country workforce of 35,711,300, with approximately half (49 percent) working in agriculturerelated careers. The service sector represents 37 percent of employment, followed by 13 percent in the industrial sector. Life expectancy is 71.41 years, with women outliving men by about two years. Literacy rate for Thai children and youth is 92.6 percent. Data from the Office of the Prime Minister’s Report on the National Youth Policy and the Long-term Trends of Children and Youth 2002–2011: Situation and Trend of Children and Youth stated that the population of children and youth (birth to fourteen years old) is 24.33 million or 37.91 percent of the national population. This number has declined from 61.12 percent of the total population in 1980 and is consistent with the national population rate that has fallen over the past twenty years from 2.0 percent to 1.1 percent growth. It is expected that in 2014, the population of children and youth will continue to fall to 24.06 million or 34.76 percent of the total population. Three chronological age groupings are used to consider children and youth needs and services: (1) five years of age and younger, (2) six to fourteen years, and (3) fifteen to twenty-five years.
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For children five years of age and younger, the government focuses on physical and mental wellness including immunization, nutrition, early childhood education, and family stability. According to the report of the Central International Agency in the World Factbook 2007, the infant mortality rate is approximately 18 deaths per 1,000 births for newborns within this group. The infant and young child group consisted of 5.9 million in 1999 or 22.07 percent of the total child and youth population. This number is predicted to fall to 5.2 million or 21.34 percent in 2011 and is expected to be 5.0 million or 20.90 percent in 2014. Children age six to fourteen years old are in the process of educational and social development, therefore, the Thai government places priority on quality educational and family support to optimize mental, physical, and social development. Data from the Office of the Prime Minister’s 2005 report on the situation and trend of children and youth noted that children in this group totaled 5.67 million (32.44 percent) in 1999. The report went on to indicate that these numbers are predicted to increase to 8.67 million or (35.52 percent) in 2011 and then reduce to 8.10 million (34.18 percent) in 2016. Youth and young adults aged fifteen to twenty-five years who continued education and entered mainstream work represented 12.2 million (45.0 percent) of the total child and youth population in 1999. That number is predicted to reduce to 10.5 million in 2011 and 10.7 million in 2014. There are two categories of children of migrants who are in an especially vulnerable situation. They are the children of displaced persons residing in camps along the border with Myanmar and the children of KEY FACTS – THAILAND registered and unregistered miInfant mortality rate: 18 deaths/1,000 live births (2005 est.) grant workers from neighboring Life expectancy at birth: 71 years (2005 est.) countries. The two groups toLiteracy rate: 93 percent (2000–2004 est.) gether comprise more than Internet users: 8.42 million (2005) 150,000 children. It has been People living with HIV/AIDS: 580,000 (2005 est.) recommended that the governHuman Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 19 (2006 est.) ment of Thailand strengthen polSources: United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human icies pertaining to children of Development Report 2006: Thailand. http://hdr.undp.org/ migrants within a framework that hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_THA.html. April 26, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Thailand–Statistics. http:// integrates migration policies with www.unicef.org/infobycountry/Thailand_statistics.html. April its broader strategies for social 25, 2007. and economic development. OVERVIEW Thailand has an active history of policy support for child advocacy, education, and social development since 1911. King Rama VI initiated a national policy at that time to establish Thailand’s first Boy Scout Group, which set in motion a growing number of related child-centered policies
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focused on the welfare of the kingdom’s children and youth. The king had a deep interest and concern for the kingdom’s children and youth, considering them to be the nation’s most important asset. Acting as their advocate, he enforced a policy to educate and support all children to become productive citizens through self-development of social and career skills, including awareness and practice of social welfare toward others. Thailand adopted its first National Economic and Social Development Plan for 1961–1966, and the second for 1967–1971. During this period, results of child and youth issues were analyzed, leading to increased government policy support for child and youth development and management. The National Youth Commission, governed by the National Youth Council of Thailand, was subsequently established to develop plans and to cooperate with governmental and private organizations in order to reinforce the idea that youth be recognized as Thailand’s most valuable resource. The National Youth Commission is a formal part of the Office of the Prime Minister. The Fifth National Economic and Social Development Plan (1982–86) and the Eighth (1997–2001) lead to the long-term Child and Youth Development Plan 1981–2001 and 2002–11, respectively. These benchmark plans established a long-standing national commitment to initiate and enforce child policy and youth empowerment, which is scheduled well into the twenty-first century. The history of the National Youth Policy has been shaped from governmental policy, changing social and cultural environments, and national political leaders. International initiatives historically have included the Rights of Children project and more recently participation in the World Trade Organization (WTO). These initiatives emphasize contemporary child and youth development as an enterprise by organizing related functions of family and community development. In addition to national organizations responsible for child and youth development, there are private organizations, the most prominent being the National Council for Child and Youth Development (NCYD) under the patronage of Her Royal Highness Princess Chakri Sirindhon. Founded in June 1984, the council serves as the coordination center for organizations responsible for promoting child and youth development in Thailand. The council includes state and private sectors, as well as foreign and international organizations. The NCYD includes thirtythree common foundations members. One example of an NGO that has made significant improvement in the lives and education of slum children is the Duang Prateep Foundation (DPF). Prateep Ungrsongtham was a slum child who, through persistence, intelligence, and commitment to slum children and families, worked endlessly from the age of twelve to give slum children and their families hope and improved education in inner city Bangkok. Now with a staff of more than 100 (from a humble beginning of a staff of five), the DPF is dedicated to
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improving education and living conditions in both Bangkok and rural Thai slums. Prateep has been acknowledged for her work with the Magsaysay and Rockefeller awards, enabling her to establish the Foundation, which now represents slum neighborhoods and the poor people of Thailand. Other examples include the Foundation for Child Development (FCD), Foundation for Children, Foundation for Children with Disabilities (FCD), Foundation for the Blind in Thailand, Thai Youth Hostels Association (TYHA), The Center for the Protection of Children’s Right Foundation, The Rural Development Foundation, Young Muslim Association of Thailand, and Young People Development Centers (UPDC). EDUCATION At present, the framework of education in Thailand is based on the 1999 National Education Act, revised in 2002. The act ensures that all people will have both the right and duty to receive education and training, as well as academic freedom. It also includes the right to receive care and education for children, youth, women, the elderly, the underprivileged, and the handicapped. Those provisions will protect the right to education of all Thai people. For basic education, the 1999 National Education Act, revised in 2002, also provided for the first time that all Thai people would have an equal right to receive basic education for at least twelve years, free of charge. Section 10 of the 1999 National Education Act specifies that education is for everyone with equal rights and equal opportunity to receive a basic education of at least twelve years and that the state must provide to all without any expenditure from students. Additionally, the law states that compulsory education is for nine years, covering six years of primary education and three years of lower secondary education. This requires that children who are seven enter basic education school until they are sixteen years of age. Schools, both metropolitan and rural, are funded for basic educational needs for administration and instruction for all children in their assigned areas. In addition to basic education, the government also provides basic food, health care, and clean drinking water. Preprimary education or early childhood education is also included in basic education. The enrollment rates at preprimary level have increased gradually since 1999 (90 percent). In order to facilitate higher access for education in this age group, government subsidies have been granted to public and private schools that provide pre-primary education since academic year 2004. Parents have the option of a free government delivered program or private education for preschool age children. The number of primary students has been high for several years as a result of increasing numbers of six to eleven-year-old children
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participating in school education as well as the underage and overage population of students. In 2003, the retention rates at all levels of education, except for general upper secondary, were higher than in 1999. The retention rates in primary education, in particular, gradually increased while those in other levels of education faced a decline when compared to the year 2000. This may have been caused by higher dropouts as a result of the impact of the economic crisis. Lifelong learning has long been one of the ultimate goals of the Thai educational system, since it is believed that it will eventually lead to a knowledge-based society. Children who have finished their compulsory education can further their studies in either formal or special educational institutes. Special education, particularly ‘‘inclusion’’ for special needs students, is beginning to be practiced in more public schools, primarily with partially sighted and partially hearing students. Increasing numbers of universities are developing special education teacher preparation programs. For those who choose not to study formally beyond the compulsory age requirement, the government provides short, intensive training sessions for specific employable tasks so all individuals can earn a living. According to the Office of the Basic Education Commission, disadvantaged children are divided into ten types: children forced to enter the labor market, children who are sex workers, deserted children, children in the Observation and Protection Centers, street children, children affected by HIV/AIDS, children of the minorities (for example, hill tribe people), physically abused children, impoverished children, and children affected by narcotic drugs. In 2003, more of these groups of disadvantaged children (1,377,966 cases) had access to basic education than in 2002 (1,146,987 cases), according to the report on Education in Thailand 2004 from the Office of the Education Council. Currently, many youth decide not to continue their education beyond the minimum level due to lack of money or the need to support themselves and families. These youth currently lack the opportunity for further higher education. To resolve this situation, the government initiated policy to reform the nation’s basic education formula to ensure that all Thai children and youth attain not less than nine years of formal education as part of the National Education Act of 1999. The policy includes upgrading the education of the Thai labor force to reach a minimum of the secondary level. Since the passage of the 1999 National Education Act (revised 2002), the government has developed policies recognizing the importance of an appropriate education for all Thai children. Those that lack educational opportunity, children with disabilities, and those children and youth who lack basic skills are ensured of services to assist their development into productive citizens. The policy states that the education for those who are deficient in intellectual, social, and communication skills or those
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who are incapacitated by mental or physical handicapping conditions have the right to access facilities, services, and support personnel according to the Ministry of Education rules, policies, and procedures. Thailand currently has a cost-free education policy for all children, including those who are disabled or lack opportunity from financial hardship or other issues that preclude them from accessing regular schools. Primary, lower secondary, and higher secondary level schools are currently free for these students. Parents also pay nothing for special schools for at-risk children, schools and programs for children with disabilities, and other facilities specifically designed for special populations. PLAY AND RECREATION Data from the National Statistical Office (2003) indicated the percentage breakdown of children and youth six to twenty-four years old who participate in sports (athletics) was 41.5 percent for the six- to elevenyear old group, 28.3 percent for the twelve- to fourteen-year age group, and 67.9 percent for the twenty to twenty-four age group. Primary recreational activities for the six- to eleven-year group were meeting with friends, playing sports, and exercise. Children in the twelve- to fourteenyear age group used free time for radio, computer games and technology, exercise, meeting with friends, videotape listening, and reading including newspapers, comic books, and books. Technology has a significant impact on the patterns of leisure time activities for Thai children and youth of all ages. Telecommunications has revolutionized the way Thai youth see the world and respond to other cultures. Public and personal media including television, radio, cartoon images, print media, co-communication using digital technology, satellite, and fiber optics have increased recreational and leisure possibilities for all Thai citizens, especially children. One- and two-way media reception is fast, cheap, and readily accessible to all. The computer and mobile phone are the primary communication tools used by Thai children in play, recreation, and educational pursuit of knowledge, friendship, communication, and social interaction. Thailand is now facing the issue of how to effectively deal with the rapid onset of telecommunications with its youth population. Children and youth can now build communication networks that can both benefit and detract from cultural, social, ethical, traditional, and cultural mores. The challenge is to build, within youth, the ability to use the new window on the world educationally, recreationally, and wisely to improve their quality of life. Thai society has the ability to listen to the needs of children and youth officially through the Office of National Commission of Youth Support and Coordination, and the NCYD under the patronage of Her Royal Highness Princess Chakri Sirindhon. These organizations work for the
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stable, responsible lives of all Thai children and youth, including wholesome, meaningful recreation and leisure time activities.
CHILD LABOR The following acts govern the laws and policies concerning child and youth welfare in Thailand: .
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Nationality Act 1992 gives Thai citizenship to children born of Thai mothers and foreign fathers. This law also provides free educational rights for all children. Prostitution Prevention and Suppression Act 1996 reduces the penalty for convicted prostitutes while increasing punishment for customers of minor prostitutes. It also imposes penalties on parents, guardians, and others who recruit minors into prostitution. Measures in Prevention and Suppression of Trafficking in Women and Children Act of 1997 extends the definition of child trafficking to both genders and provides authorities more protection for Thai and foreign children. Penal Code Amendment Act (No. 14) 1997 offers more protection to minors and covers extra-territorial jurisdiction over an offense. Labor Protection Act 1999 raises the minimum employee age from thirteen to fifteen and includes special provision for protection of minors. Criminal Procedure Amendment Act (No. 20) 1999 reduces hardship for child victims and witnesses by introducing child-friendly court procedures. Money Laundering Control Act 1999 includes trafficking in children and women as one of the punishable offenses for money laundering. Compulsory Education Act 2002 raises compulsory education from six to nine years of schooling and free education to twelve years of schooling while supporting nonformal education. The Child Protection Act 2003 identifies a child as a person below the age of 18 years of age who is eligible for child protection and welfare assistance in accordance with the best interest of the child.
In Thailand, the minimum employment age for child labor is fifteen years. For employment of any youth under the age of eighteen years, the employer must notify the local labor inspector within fifteen days from the date employment started. There are stringent rules regarding employment of youth. For example, employers must provide a minimum of one hour of rest for every four hours of work. A child employee under the age of eighteen cannot work after 6 P.M. and before 6 A.M. except with written permission of the Director-General or designee. Anyone under
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the age of eighteen cannot work overtime or on holidays. Employers also cannot place a youth under the age of eighteen years in hazardous work such as smelting, blowing, casting, or rolling or stamping metal, work involving conditions of heat, cold, vibration, sound, and abnormal lighting, which may be dangerous as prescribed by Ministerial Regulations. Work involving hazardous chemicals, work involving poisonous microorganisms, which include virus, bacteria, fungus, or other microorganisms as prescribed by Ministerial Regulations is also prohibited by law. An employer cannot ask an employee aged eighteen or younger to perform work in slaughterhouses, gambling houses, dance halls, establishments where food, liquor, tea, or other beverages are served, and where the services of prostitutes, sleeping facilities, or massage are offered. An employer is prohibited from paying remuneration of a child employee to a person other than the employee, demanding or receiving a guarantee of money for any reason from the child or youth employee. A 2005 report on the quality of child and youth of the Office of the Prime Minister indicated that in the thirteen- to twenty-four-year age group, there were 6.3 million youth, or 84.2 percent of the age group who work and no longer attend school. In the twenty- to twenty-fouryear age group, 67.7 percent were actively employed. Most jobs were on a family farm assisting with agricultural tasks. This group constitutes 42.7 percent of youth who worked as employees. Additional agriculture jobs included technicians or production process work, which included 30.5 percent of all working youth. The remaining jobs were in merchandising and helping family, which included 10.9 percent of all working youth. A 2003 National Statistical Office study found high unemployment in the fifteen- to twenty-five-year-old group. For youth who finished either vocational programs or higher education, data indicated that males had a higher unemployment rate than females. There was also evidence that the trend was to prepare youth for government or private employee-employer work rather than training for entrepreneurship. The Labor Protection Act monitors the pattern of employment between employer and employee in entrepreneurial work. The act provides advantages to child labor in licensed, private business enterprise known as ‘‘child labor within the system.’’ This advantage is not covered in other kinds of child labor laws, such as child labor in the agricultural sector and child labor waged in home (family), which is known as ‘‘child labor outside the system.’’ FAMILY The typical Thai family unit is comprised of biological parents and children with close extended family ties. Demographics for the family unit are changing to reflect the changing role of women and men in Thai society.
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A 2005 national survey on family happiness from the Office of the Prime Minister found that 4.8 million families from the 7.6 million family survey participants (63.12 percent) were living together as intact family units. Survey results also indicated there were 370,000 neglected children, 470,000 orphans and 880,000 children who do not live with parents. These children were either living with relatives or living alone as runaways. There are several reasons for increased family issues. Divorce has steadily increased over the past twenty-five years. Data from 1983 to present indicate an increase of almost three times the divorce rate over the past twenty years. By 2000, females as head of household were 20 percent and increasing steadily. Changing family values are increasingly impacting the role and function of family, especially childcare. Increasing reliance on childcare facilities, due to more women entering the work force, means that Thai children are not receiving the traditional culture-centered, parent–family child rearing experienced in the past. This lack of family influence, parent modeling, and overall responsibility compounds the issues facing Thai families. These conditions reflect the low economic status of many Thai families leading to problems including higher rate of divorce, prostitution, immigration, females seeking work outside the home, child neglect, and couples living together outside of marriage. A recent positive effect is that Thailand’s economy has improved significantly since the 1997 economic collapse. This improvement is having a positive impact on families and the children. Middle-class families are benefiting more than lower socioeconomic groups, but during 2005 and 2006, data indicated that children’s issues were being addressed more aggressively and that the overall welfare of children and youth in Thailand had improved significantly. The role of the Thai government is critical in addressing issues of Thai children and families in the future. Six strategies have been identified to accomplish that goal: (1) support/enhance the importance of being a good parent role model by demonstrating leadership in proposing new ideas for children and youth of all ages, (2) build understanding of child nutrition and wellness at each stage of development starting with prenatal care, (3) integrate content of family study as a part of the curriculum in all school levels, (4) champion family study and build understanding through mass media and social and political leaders, (5) develop family consultant and guidance services, and (6) support family-centered community activities. HEALTH A 2005 report on quality of child and youth of the Office of the Prime Minister indicated that this group had an improved survival rate due to
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progress of Thailand’s emphasis on public health. This renewed emphasis on public health issues has reduced the death rate of children from 7.2 per thousand to 5.18. Disease prevention and protection has also improved. For example, in one study, infant mortality was reduced from 212 cases to 27 simply because mothers gave birth at a hospital. A survey of primary-school-age children ages six to fourteen conducted by the National Education Commission Office found that of 6.3 million children, 3.7 million (58.7 percent) were classified as ‘‘hungry.’’ Over the next four years, that figure was reduced to only 3.3 percent for that age group, indicating that child nutrition had improved. Youth aged fifteen to twenty-five years old typically exhibit improved health from a nutritional perspective, but recent increased drug use has complicated the issue. The trend in Thailand is a reduction of numbers of children and youth who smoke. Few women smoke or drink in Thai society. The lower socioeconomic group is where a majority of smoking and drinking occurs. Many Thai smokers are employed in agriculture, labor, and transportation. Statistics indicate that most alcohol consumption is found in the fifteen- to twenty-four-year age group. Significant deaths among the fifteen- to twenty-five-year age group are caused by traffic-related accidents. Motorcycles are a primary mode of transportation in Thailand and are the cause of numerous motor vehicle accidents for this age group. In cities, many youth injuries and deaths come from traffic-related accidents, and in rural areas, agricultural-related injuries are the primary accident cause. Pregnancy among Thai youth is high among some age groups. For example, a 2005 report on quality of child and youth of the Office of the Prime Minister indicated that 21.4 percent became unintentionally pregnant. Fortunately, HIV and AIDS statistics are trending downward from early 2000 data. Safe sex, particularly the use of condoms, has had some effect on reduction of HIV. One research study found that some Thai youth begin having sex at about age twelve years; however, the period that most have first sex is fourteen to seventeen years. LAW AND LEGAL STATUS Thailand has adopted laws, policies, and guidelines to ensure the rights and protection of those eighteen years and younger. The primary goal is to ensure that all children have the right and support to develop physically, emotionally, socially, and psychologically. Laws and legal statutes for Thai children and youth were initially developed by the government during the 1931–1957 period. Initial laws were mostly focused on punishment, behaviors, and ‘‘wrong doing’’ of minors. The second period, 1958–1977, dealt with laws of students’ behavior, control, assistance, and protection of basic rights. The third period, 1998
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to present, focused on abolishing old laws and adoption of new ones to fit emerging social-cultural environments including economic structure, social, and democratic policy governing children and youth. Within the last ten years, these new polices and laws have created more awareness of issues and problem solving of minors’ basic human rights. The evolution of welfare and social assurance and of enhanced child and youth support provide opportunity for enhanced regional and global rights. This effort has emerged as a major campaign to ensure youth are fully aware of their rights under the law and have keen perception of how to use them proactively. Most contemporary laws of this period were about education, welfare, and protection of needy and at-risk children including issues of prostitution, drugs, and trafficking. Policy for improvement of children and youth focus on a five-step process: (1) development of rules, policies, and laws to address minors’ problems and to make them congruent with international law; (2) improvement of the equity process regarding children’s rights; (3) advocating for full implementation of the law; (4) creating awareness and compliance of laws by understanding issues and developing co-responsibility among public institutions representing the welfare of minors; and (5) adapting current laws and policy to fit current situations. Agencies responsible for compliance of policies are the Office of the Prime Minister, Ministry of Public Health, Ministry of Education, Ministry of Culture, Ministry of Labor, Ministry of Interior, Ministry of Justice, The Research Institution, The Private Development Organization, Local Administration Organization, and local government organizations including private supporting agencies, mass media, family, and private business organizations. RELIGIOUS LIFE Thailand’s religious community is comprised of an eclectic grouping of faiths, with Theravada Buddhism being the predominant member. Of the world’s three largest religions, Buddhism, Christianity, and Islam, Buddhism is the oldest. Buddhism was founded in India more than 2,500 years ago by Lord Buddha, the son of an Indian king who dedicated his life to the search for truth and wisdom. From India, Buddhism has spread around the world with large populations in Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, and China. Thailand has the largest total population of Buddhists in the world, as shown by a myriad of temples and Buddhas across the country. In Thailand, it is difficult to separate Thai culture-society from Buddhism. Approximately 95 percent of a total Thai population of more than 64,000,000 embrace the faith as their preferred religion, with other minority faiths including animist, Confucian, Muslim, Hindu, Jewish, Sikh, Taoist, and Christian faiths collectively representing less than 5 percent of the total population (2006). In the new millennium, there are
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changes taking place in Thai society, namely in the larger cities where the more traditional Buddhist lifestyle of people is being challenged; however, Thai people throughout the country still hold strongly to the fundamental Buddhist philosophy of simplicity of life and outward calmness in all situations. Buddhist philosophy does not support the belief in a supreme creator, focusing instead on living a wholesome existing life based on a number of precepts. These clearly identified precepts form the essence of Thai Buddhist life and are roughly parallel to the Christian ten commandments. Thai Buddhism does not include going to church on Sunday but instead promotes frequent worshiping in temples located throughout the rural countryside and cities. Buddhist temples are where children and families pray, meditate, make merit offerings of food, light incense sticks, dedicate lotus flowers, and in turn receive blessings of good fortune and health. Since approximately 95 percent of Thai citizens are Buddhists, their national religion has a continued positive influence on Thai people from small children to the elderly. Education in the philosophy and practice of Buddhism starts with teaching that life does not start with birth and end with death, but rather is a closely linked series of interconnected lives linked by acts of ‘‘karma’’ that were all carried out in previous lives. Karma is essentially the concept of cause and effect, suggesting that selfindulgence and self-centeredness result in personal suffering. On the other hand, when a person is generous, kind, and compassionate, that person will experience a sense of joy and well-being. Freedom and peace come when strong emotional wants and needs are overcome and purged from the mind. The ultimate goal of Buddhism is the state of Nirvana, where an individual is in complete peace and in complete harmony with oneself and one’s surroundings. Children begin practicing Buddhist teachings at a young age and typically practice them throughout a lifetime. For Thai children, the emphasis is on peaceful coexistence and a sense of inner freedom from anger, strife, and negative emotion. Thai children are taught that there must be true tolerance in their lives to reach true inner liberation and freedom. Beginning as small children, Thai youth are taught that they are responsible for their own life which, when lived according to Buddhist teachings, will result in flexibility, sound moral and ethical conduct, and ultimately Nirvana, or complete inner peace. One predominant feature that characterizes Buddhism and Thai children is that the faith continues to provide a positive and supportive environment in an increasingly complex and tumultuous world. A comprehensive educational reform movement initiated in 1999, and recently revised (2002), requires religious training for all school age children. The Ministry of Education developed a course entitled ‘‘Social, Religion, and Culture Studies,’’ which all students are required to take for
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one to two hours each week in all Thai schools. If more intense religion education is preferred, students may also enroll in private, religionoriented schools where full religious curricula are offered. The religion education requirement includes the study of major and minor Thai religions and does not discriminate in coverage or emphasis. Recently, there has been a concerted effort to include the teachings of Islam. The Islamic community has developed after-school programs for primary children offered through its Religious and Moral Education Centers. The Ministry of Education also authorizes separate religious curricula for private Islamic secondary schools. Thai people are committed believers and dedicated to practicing their faith on a daily basis as part of everyday life. Religious orientation starts early in a Thai child’s life, with informal teachings and practice at home. It is common in many Thai communities for young boys to become novice monks or temple boys, who live in temples learning religious practice and spiritual enlightenment. While boys typically choose to serve as novice monks or temple boys, both girls and boys practice ‘‘merit making,’’ which includes good deeds including the preparation and distribution of daily food offerings to monks. There are also many festive ceremonies, rituals, and holidays associated with Buddhism in which children participate from preschool, primary, and secondary school in both schools and the community. There are five religious tenets, which are a combination of traditional and changing Thai culture that have positive effect on children. Each is flexible and based on changing mores and societal evolution. Each characterizes the teachings of Buddhism and Thai society from the past and present. These concepts, (1) merit making, (2) strength and individualism, (3) generosity and kindness, (4) cool heart, and (5) respect and dignity, are taught from an early age and remain strong foundations of Buddhist teachings for young children. For Thai children, these important teachings assist in establishing the foundation for lifelong teachings and practice. Thai children are generally nurtured with a supportive combination of religious culture that forms the tapestry of Thai society. This combination has the potential to bring wholesome, well-adjusted children into adulthood as positive and productive members of the country. In a perfect world this would be reality, however, there are still many vexing issues of child gender equity, child trafficking and prostitution, drugs, abuse, and neglect that need to be addressed in a dedicated way in order to improve the status of all Thailand’s children. It will take the combined attention and resources of the religious community, families and schools, and the Thai government to effectively reduce the impact of these issues and further advance the well-being of all of Thailand’s children. Without a strong religious base this task would be much a more difficult task.
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CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Child abuse and neglect takes many forms and is prevalent throughout Thai society. It is reported that the total number of child workers in Thailand is more than 5 million as reported by the Human Resources Institute in Bangkok. Of that number, more than 600,000 are reported to be under the age of fourteen. This group of children works in the garment, gem, leather, shrimp, and seafood industries, and in wood and rattan furniture plants. The recently improved economy has increased the problem by hiring greater numbers of child and youth workers. Over the past ten years, Thailand has developed services to support children who are continuously abused and neglected. The emphasis has been on developing academic knowledge by inviting specialists from foreign countries, conducting seminars, involving both government and private organizations, and creating new protective laws. Abuse is pervasive and continues to expand at an ever-increasing rate. The complexity of the issue makes it difficult to find quick solutions. In some cases, issues are localized and do not involve the entire country, so issues-data are only relevant for certain regions and populations. Child prostitution and trafficking continues as a difficult issue to resolve. The issue is widespread and includes children being sold or coerced into prostitution, orphaned children being used for sexual purposes, children sold to other countries by families or sex ‘‘brokers,’’ and abandoned children being used for sexual purposes. Victimized children identified during the 1998–2000 period were assisted by the Department of Social and Welfare Development and Police Hospital. Records indicate that more than 6,000 children were reported as sexually abused during that period, which was likely a small fraction of those who were actually abused. A Department of Contagious Disease Control poll found that during the 2000 year approximately 70,000 children were reported to be involved in prostitution. Most were girls (65,992), but boys are increasingly being inducted into prostitution. Children who emigrate from other countries, often illegally, also bring demeaning methods of earning a living to Thailand. Sex trade and begging are two of the most prevalent of these methods. Minors from Myanmar (Burma), Laos and China (Yunan), and Vietnam were represented in 435 cases for 2002. A countrywide poll conducted in 1999 and reported in 2005 by the Ministry of Social Development and Human Security found that of 7.6 million families, only approximately 63 percent had an intact family consisting of father, mother, and offspring. Poll results also indicated there were 470,000 orphans and 880,000 children under age fifteen who did not live with one or more parents. The Research Institute of Population and Society located at Mahidol University estimated that there is an increase of orphaned children
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between the ages of four to thirteen years who were victims of deceased parents due to AIDS. These orphaned children increased from 5,598 in 1996 to 115,471 in 1997, to 235,155 in 1998, to 268,512 in 1999. Orphans due to AIDS were 30,745 cases. Data on neglected children from the Office of Health Status Care Centers for Government Hospitals found that the population of children five years old and younger who were abused and neglected increased during the 1993–1998 period. For the period of 1996–1998, the number of neglected babies cared for in government hospitals rose 34 percent for the two-year period. Assistance for abused children in 1997–1999 included provision of foster and substitute families, return to biological families, assistance to homeless and beggar families, and support for child prostitutes. Data varies, but generally the numbers of these children increased substantially over the period. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY A rapidly changing world will affect Thai children and youth both in attitude and behavior as they continue to adapt to a changing global society in multiple ways: .
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Societal-cultural conflict will increase between Thai children and more traditional-conservative parents as children adopt more global values, ethics, and customs. The movement away from a home-centered child care environment to a childcare and school-centered socialized democratic environment will be cause for increased home adjustment. Thailand’s school restructuring and reform policy of 1999 to present encourages children and youth to develop personal and group knowledge and skill building using democratic and socially conscious teaching and learning. Unlimited knowledge and information will force schools to adjust the teaching and learning process for children and youth so they can be free to access unlimited knowledge and information in their quest for success. The labor market is changing and will increasingly require an information-literate workforce. Work will change from labor intensive (today) to knowledge-and information-based, with the need to occupy newly emerging jobs but also to create them as entrepreneurship grows and matures. Thai society will become less bureaucratic and more democratic, requiring that children and youth earn respect as opposed to claiming their ‘‘rights.’’ This process will come when young persons aggressively pursue education and work in a values-oriented society.
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Families will adjust to proactive child and youth support by teaching their children to build community support networks and enhance the concept of community. Thailand will continue its commitments and agreements with the international community to build strong coalitions for the support and advancement of children and youth in human rights on the world stage.
The management and quality of child support and services will be monitored (audited) on the world stage alongside other countries that are also committed to changing a child’s world to make it a better place to live and become productive. The Thai government has the responsibility to move the process forward, but the effort will be stronger with better results when the world joins in their efforts. Involved organizations at all levels must review and adjust international criteria for attainment of a ‘‘world blueprint’’ in support of children and youth. Only when children around the world are fed, nurtured, supported, educated, loved, physically and mentally healthy, self reliant, and happy will the world realize the full potential of the human spirit and dedication to building a better place for all human beings. In summary, continuing globalization will continue to have a major impact on the welfare of children and youth in Thailand. It is commonly understood that the world is increasingly becoming more transparent, because we are all connected more closely in time and function to issues including child welfare, economics, education, medicine, politics, and so on. As collaboration increases across the world, Thai children will reap the benefits of best practices in childcare, education, medical, and dental care, and mental health care. The real effect will have maximum impact when increased Thai attention and support is directed squarely on children and youth issues. Government and private support is essential with a core of positive change starting at home with quality parenting and family support. A supportive home environment is the pivotal issue needed to move the Kingdom’s children forward into a brighter new millennium.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Charoenwongsak Kriengsak. 2003. Scenario and Desirable Characteristics of Thai People: A Research Report. Bangkok: V.T.C. Communication. The focus of this research report was to survey the desirable characteristics of Thai people in the future while establishing congruence with the new economy and knowledgebased society. Office of the Education Council. 2005. Educational Policy for Disadvantaged Child. Bangkok: Prix Whan Ltd. The document clarifies the significance of policy,
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definition and types of disadvantaged children, vision, objective, target, policy, strategy, and conditions for goal attainment. Office of the Education Council. 2005. Strategies for Development of Gifted and Talented Child and Youth 2006-2016. Bangkok: Prim Dee Ltd. Provides an overview of various factors involving educational management for gifted and talented child and youth from past to present. Office of the National Education Commission. Education in Thailand. 2004. Bangkok: Amarin Printing and Publishing. Establishes an interesting overview of government administrative structure, society and economy, and the framework of education and the educational system. Office of the National Education Commission. 2001. Educational Policy and Plan for Early Childhood (0-5 years) 2002-2006. Bangkok: Prix Whan Ltd. This document specifies the background, rationale, and significance of childhood development, current situations and problems, vision, objectives, policy, target, strategies, and conditions for goal attainment. Office of the National Education Commission. 2002. National Education Plan 2002-2016. Bangkok: Prix Whan Ltd. This plan documents goals to develop humanity to be productive, strong, and balanced within a vibrant society. Yodmani, Suvit, Chair. 2000. Thailand into the 2000’s. The National Identity Board, Office of the Prime Minister, Bangkok: Amarin Printing and Publishing. Provides an in-depth overview of religion, education, arts, economy, government and politics, health, sports, and the near future.
Nonprint Resources Families of Thailand. Arden Films, 1997. Master Communications. Cincinnati, OH. http://www.master.comm.com. A national depository of research reports and theses collected from local universities and research organizations. The National Statistical Office. NSO Thailand Official Statistics Provider, and Statistical Yearbook Thailand 2004. The National Statistical Office, Ministry of Information and Communication Technology Web site. http://www.nso.go.th. This office collects, compiles, and disseminates basic statistical data, and serves as the statistical data bank of the country. Virginia, J.S. Thailand Reference Sources. University of California, Berkeley Web site. http://www.lib.berkeley.edu/SSEAL/SoutheastAsia/refthailand.html. This resource includes an extensive reference collection of bibliographies, indexes, dictionaries, atlases, directories, statistical annuals and core works, as well as current issues of high-use periodicals.
Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Ministry of Culture Somdej Phra Pinko Road, Bangkok Noi Bangkok, Thailand, 10700 Phone: 66-0-2883-5355 Fax: 66-0-2883-4574
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Web site: http://www.culture.go.th The Religions Affairs Department, and the Office of the National Culture Commission are charged with religious, cultural, and historical issues. Ministry of Education Ratchadamnoen Nok Road, Dusit Bangkok, Thailand, 10300, Phone: 66-0-2280-4272, 2281-6350 Fax: 66-0-2628-5608 Web site: http://www.moe.go.th The Office of the Council of Education, Office of Fundamental Education Commission, Office of Higher Education Commission, and Office of Vocational Education Commission are commissioned with support and operation of the nation’s educational enterprise. Ministry of Information and Communication Technology Charoen Krung Road, Bangrak Bangkok, Thailand, 10500 Phone: 66-0-2238-5421-6 Fax: 66-0-2238-5423 Web site: http://www.mict.go.th The National Statistical Office compiles data and information on a variety of publicrelated issues and forums. Ministry of Interior Atsadang Road, Phranakorn Bangkok, Thailand 10200 Phone: 66-0-2222-1141-55 Fax: 66-0-2226-1966, ext. 50204 Web site: http://www.moi.go.th The Community Development Department, Public Disaster Prevention and Relief Department, and the Local Administration Department comprise this Ministry. It is responsible to support citizens in issues of public domain throughout Thailand. Ministry of Justice Chaeng Wattana Road, Pakkred Nonthaburi, Thailand, 11120 Phone: 66-0-2502-6500 Fax: 66-0-2502-6884 Web site: http://www.moj.go.th The Ministry of Justice is centered around the Department of Rights, Protection and Liberties; the Department of Immigration; and the Department of Youth Observation and Protection. All issues of human justice are in the domain of this agency. Ministry of Labour Mitmaitri Road, Dindaeng Bangkok, Thailand, 10400 Phone: 66-0-2245-5801, 0-2246-1520, 0-2232-1002-4 Fax: 66-0-2643-4457 Web site: http://www.mol.go.th
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The Ministry of Labour is comprised of the Departments of Employment, Skill Development, Labour, Protection and Welfare, and the Social Security Office. Each office assists citizens with employment related issues. Ministry of Public Health Tiwanond Road, Meuang Nonthaburi, Thailand, 11000 Phone: 66-0-2590-1000, 0-2591-8300-9 Fax: 66-0-2590-1230 Web site: http://www.moph.go.th The Public Health Ministry is composed of the Departments of Medical Services, Disease Control, Mental Health, and Health. The Ministry is charged with supporting families and children for general wellness and for specific health issues. Ministry of Science and Technology Rama VI Road, Ratchadhevi Bangkok, Thailand, 10400 Phone: 66-0-2246-0064 Fax: 66-0-2246-8106 Web site: http://www.most.go.th The Department of Science and Technology is designed to support new and emerging science and technology developments. Ministry of Social Development and Human Security Viphavadi Rangsit Road, Chatuchak Bangkok, Thailand 10900 Phone: 66-0-2612-8888 Fax: 66-0-2617-8335 Web site: http://www.m-society.go.th The Department of Social Development and Welfare, the Office of Women and Families, and the Office of the Protection of Children, the Elderly and the Disadvantaged all are charged with advocacy and support to those they serve. Ministry of Tourism and Sports Rama 1 Wangmai Road, Pratumwan Bangkok, Thailand, 10330, Phone: 66-0-2214-1020 Fax: 66-0-2215-5942 Web site: http://www.mots.go.th Thailand’s Sports and Recreation Department and the Office of Tourism Development are responsible for promotion of the myriad opportunities in sports and recreation within the Kingdom. Office of the Prime Minister Pissanulok Road, Dusit Bangkok, Thailand, 10300 Phone: 66-0-2280-3000 Fax: 66-0-2629-9262 Web site: http://www.thaigov.go.th
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Office of the National Economic and Social Development Board is responsible for the overall policy in all areas of national development. Nongovernmental Organizations Child Institute 2/1 Phayathai Road, Ratchadhevi Bangkok, Thailand, 10400 Phone: 66-0-2247-2566, ext. 3605 Fax: 66-0-2247-4135 Web site: http://www.childthai.org/eng.htm Child Institute is one of the three institutions under Foundation for Children. The institute commits itself to provide family support for infants and children from newborn to six years. Duang Prateep Foundation (DPF) 34 Block 6, Art Narong Road, Phrakanong Bangkok, Thailand, 10110 Phone: 66-0-2249-4880, 0-2249-3553, 0-2671-4045-8 Fax: 66-0-2249-5254, 0-2249-9500 Web site: http://www.dpf.or.th The foundation works closely with Klong Toey and other economically depressed communities and area committees. The foundation is also increasingly active in rural areas of Thailand. Foundation for Child Development (FCD) 143/109-111 Borom-Rachachonnani Road, Bangkok Noi Bangkok, Thailand, 10700 Phone: 66-0-2433-6292, 0-2884-6603 Fax: 66-0-2435-5281 Web site: http://www.iamchild.org The foundation aims to support child development in body, mind, and spirit, and focuses on identifying and applying positive solutions to the challenges facing Thai children and youth. Foundation for Children 95/24 Phutta Monthon Road 4 Nakornprathom, Thailand, 73220 Phone: 66-0-2814-1481-7 Fax: 66-0-2814-0369 Web site: http://www.childthai.org The foundation strives to create positive and healthy child wellness for the children of Thailand. Foundation for Children with Disabilities (FCD) 546 Lad Praw 47, Bangkapi Bangkok, Thailand, 10310 Phone: 66-0-2539-9706, 0-2539-2916 Fax: 66-0-2539-9958
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Web site: http://www.hoytakpoolom.org The foundation commits itself to work with children with disabilities and their families. National Council for Child and Youth Development (NCYD) 618/1 Makkasan Road, Ratchadhevi Bangkok, Thailand, 10400 Phone: 66-0-2255-9922, 0-2651-7033 Fax: 66-0-2254-7219 Web site: http://www.dordek.org The council serves as the coordination center for organizations responsible for promoting child and youth development. The Rural Development Foundation C.P. Building Tower, 22nd floor 313 Silom Road, Bangrak Bangkok, Thailand, 10500 Phone: 66-0-2638-2727-9, 0-2638-2000, ext. 4167 Fax: 66-0-2638-2716 Web site: http://www.ikaset.com/Rural_html/Thai/index_thai.htm The foundation aims to honor H.M. King Bhumipol’s governing strategies through support of public interest activities that promote careers, ethics and good citizenship
Selected Bibliography Brown, Earl V., Jr. Thailand: Labour and the Law 2003. Asian Labour Update web site. http://www.amrc.org.hk/4601.htm. Central International Agency: CIA. The World FactBook 2006. http://www.cia.gov/ cia/publications/factbook/geos/th.html. Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. 2000. Youth in Thailand: A Review of the Youth Situation and National Politics and Programmes. New York: United Nations. Economics and Social Statistical Bureau. 2003. A Need Assessment of Development Capacity of Population 2003. Bangkok: Ministry of Information Technology. Foundation for Children Web site. http://www.childthai.org/cic/ca332.htm. GEsource World Guide. Demographics 2005. http://www.gesource.ac.uk/worldguide/ html/1039_people.html. Helplinelaw.com. Labour Law in Thailand 2003–2005. http://www.helplinelaw. com/law/Thailand/labour.php. Jerrold, W. H., and S. Punpuing. 2005. Child Migrants and Children of Migrants in Thailand. United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific web site. http://www.unescap.org/ESID/psis/population/journal/ 2005/No3/vol120n3cov. Lamduan Chatchaidi. 2003. Thailand in My Youth. Bangkok: Thanapol: Vittanykarn Company. Mahidol University. 2006. Population of Thailand 2006. Mahidol Population Gazette 15:1.
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Maier, Joe, and Jerry Hopkins. 2005. Welcome to the Bangkok Slaughterhouse: The Battle for Human Dignity in Bangkok’s Bleakest Slums. North Clarendon, Vermont: Tuttle. Ministry of Social Development and Human Security. Child Situation 2003. http:// www.opp.go.th Montgomery, Helen. 2001. Modern Babylon: Prostituting Children in Thailand. New York: Berghahn Books. Office of the Education Council. 2004. Education in Thailand 2004. Bangkok: Amarin Printing and Publishing Public Company Limited. Office of the National Education Commission. Religious Statistics of Thailand 1999. http://www.thaiwisdom.org/p_religion/index_stat_re.htm. Office of the Prime Minister. National Youth Policy, and the Long-term Child and Youth Development Plan for 2002-2011. Foundation for Children web site. http://www.childthai.org. Office of the Prime Minister. 2000. Thailand into the 2000’s. Bangkok: Amarin Printing and Publishing Public Company Limited. Office of the Prime Minister. National Youth Policy, and the Long-term Child and Youth Development Plan for 2002-2011: Situation and Trend of Children and Youth. Foundation for Children web site. http://www.childthai.org/cic/ ca329.htm. Office of the Prime Minister. National Youth Policy, and the Long-term Child and Youth Development Plan for 2002-2011: Quality of Child and Youth. Foundation for Children Web site. http://www.childthai.org/cic/ca330.htm. Office of the Prime Minister. National Youth Policy, and the Long-term Child and Youth Development Plan for 2002-2011: Family Situation. Office of the Prime Minister. National Youth Policy, and the Long-term Child and Youth Development Plan for 2002-2011: Strategies for Developing Family and Community. Foundation for Children web site. http://www.childthai. org/cic/ca336.htm. Office of the Prime Minister. 2003. Child Labor. Bangkok: National Statistical Office. Office of Welfare Promotion, Protection and Empowerment of Vulnerable Groups. Child Situation 2003. http://www.opp.go.th. Reilly, Charles B., and Nippapon W. Reilly. 2005. The Rise of Lotus Flowers: Self-Education by Deaf Children in Thai Boarding Schools. Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press. Saisuree Chutikul, Natalie Chutikul, Chariya Khanthavit, and Rataya Kobsirikarn. 1998. Thailand Country Study: Towards a Best Practice Guide on Sustainable Action Against Child Labor. Bangkok: Amarin (produced by ILO). Sinnathambu, Ambihadevy. Education for All: Towards Equality and Accessibility in Thailand. Google Web Site http://scholar.google.com/scholar?hl¼en&lr¼&q¼cache: TifBVCvfqroJ:dpu2002.dpu.ac.th/ises/working%2520paper2.pdfþpreprimary þeducationþenrollmentþinþThailand. UNICEF Office for Thailand. 2000. Children in Thailand 1990–2000: Country Report on the Follow Up to the World Summit for children. Bangkok: National Youth Bureau, Office of the Prime Minister, UNICEF Office for Thailand. U.S. Department of State. 2006. International Religious Freedom Report 2006. Bureau of Democracy, Human Right, and Labor. Vejjajiva, Jane. 2006. The Happiness of Kati. New York: Antheum Books of Young Learners.
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TURKMENISTAN Oguljamal Yazliyeva NATIONAL PROFILE Turkmenistan has an area of 488,100 square kilometers, which is slightly larger than California. Situated in Central Asia, it borders Kazakhstan on the north for 379 kilometers, Uzbekistan on the east for 1,621 kilometers, Afghanistan on the southeast for 744 kilometers, Iran on the south for 92 kilometers, and the Caspian Sea on the west for 1,768 kilometers. Over 80 percent of the territory of Turkmenistan is occupied by Garagum desert, flat-to-sandy desert with dunes rising to the Kopet Dag Mountains in the south (2006 CIA Fact Book). Mountains lie along the border with Iran, and the eastern part is plateau. The climate of Turkmenistan is subtropical desert, and the Amu Derya River, through a manmade Garagum canal, irrigates the land. The overall irrigated land in the country is 17,500 square kilometers. One-half of this irrigated land is planted with cotton. During the Soviet period, the country was the world’s tenth highest cotton producer, but in recent years, poor harvests have led to a nearly 46 percent decline in cotton exports (World Countries Information Portal, http://www.countryseek. com/fields/2116.html). The main natural resources of the country are natural gas, petroleum, sulfur, and salt. According to official statistics, the population of Turkmenistan is more than 6 million. However, the government’s official statistics
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are considered inaccurate, and the statistics provided by the World Fact Book are different from those of the government. According to the estimates in the World Fact Book, Turkmenistan has a population of approximately 5 million people: 35.7 percent are between birth and fourteen years of age (male 909,113/female 860,128), 60.2 percent between fifteen and sixty-four years of age (male 1,462,128/female 1,516,836), and 4.1 percent are sixty-five years old or older (male 78,119/female 125,687). More than half of the population lives in rural areas. Population growth is estimated as 1.81 percent. Estimation for birth rate is 27.68 births per 1,000 population, and for death rate it is 8.78 deaths per 1,000 population. Life expectancy at birth is 61.39 years of the total population; 58.02 years for males and 64.93 years for females. Total fertility rate is 3.41 children born per woman. The main ethnic groups are Turkmen (85 percent), Uzbeks (5 percent), Russians (4 percent), and others (6 percent). Turkmen are predominantly Sunni Muslims. However, as a result of communist control of power for seventy years, Islam did not play a dominant role in the society. In the 1860s, Turkmenistan was annexed by Russia. In 1922, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) was founded and in 1924, Turkmen Soviet Socialist Republic (TSSR) became a full member of the USSR. Turkmenistan declared its independence in October 27, 1991, upon the collapse of the Soviet Union. A new constitution was adopted in 1992, which established Turkmenistan as a secular independent state. It recognizes the principle of separation of powers (legislative, executive, and judiciary). There are five administrative provinces in Turkmenistan known as welayats, which consist of districts, etraps. The country’s dominant political figure of the Soviet time, Saparmurat Niyazov, ruled independent Turkmenistan until December 21, 2006, when he died of a sudden cardiac arrest. In June 1992, he was elected as the first president of Turkmenistan and later in December 1999, his term in office was extended and approved as president for life by the Assembly of People’s Council (Halk Maslahaty). The ruling Democratic Party of Turkmenistan is the only formal political party in the country, as opposition parties are outlawed. However, unofficial small opposition groups exist underground or in foreign countries. Dissidents are treated as traitors and may be imprisoned by the authorities. Turkmenistan is one of the most isolated countries of the former Soviet Republics. Its foreign policy is based on ‘‘positive neutrality,’’ which was recognized on December 12, 1995, by the United Nations General Assembly resolution. Ruled by an ex-communist authoritarian regime, Turkmenistan has continued to keep planned economy rather than adopting market-oriented economic reforms. Privatization is very limited. The state tries to sustain its economy by exporting its natural resources, mainly gas. In spite of its rich natural resources, poverty is widespread in Turkmenistan. Unemployment is growing in the country, and it has
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reportedly affected 75 percent of the labor force in rural areas (Alternative Report, International league for Human Rights 2006). Based on the Human Development Index compiled on the basis of 2004 data by United Nations Development Programme’s Human Development Report 2006, Turkmenistan is ranked among medium human development countries with the index 0, 724. According to the World Bank review, 58 percent of the population lives below the national poverty level. Turkmenistan’s economic statistics are state secrets, and usually official figures are subject to error. For example, the official statistics of the rate of GDP growth in 2005 was more than 20 percent, but the growth rate estimated by International Monetary Fund was 7.5 percent. According to the law of Turkmenistan on state social subsidies, families, including single parent families, are granted government support. In January 2000, the president of Turkmenistan signed a decree on compulsory state social insurance for the citizens of Turkmenistan. The Ministry of Economics and Finance, Ministry of Welfare, and the General State Tax Agency of Turkmenistan control the use and distribution of social support funds. Government agencies, such as the Ministry of Education, Ministry of Health and Medical Industry, National Institute of Human Rights and Democracy, Inspectorate of Juvenile Affairs at the Ministry of Interior, and Ministry of Welfare, deal with the conditions of children and families including health, rights, and protection. There are some nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) that work on children’s and family issues; however, they are under the strict control of the government. Child rights and protection issues are part of the mission of the pro-governmental Women’s Union (Gurbansoltanedje) and its local representatives. However, the main function of the Women’s Union is to create an image of the civil society rather than to fulfill its mission. UNICEF has been involved in Turkmenistan since 1992. This international organization remains committed to working with the government to help it to fulfill its national priorities and international obligations covering children’s rights. Youth Union, named after Magtymguly, is another social organization that focuses on life skills education. This organization is a pro-governmental group that works to ensure implementation of government policies for children and youth. It is reported that some eighty-nine NGOs, including some organizations dealing with children’s issues, are officially registered under the law on Public Associations adopted in November 2003. Most of them are run by the state. The role of religious organizations supporting families is very poor. All religious groups must undergo official registration. Independent religious groups continue to face persecution. A law passed in October 2003 on religious freedom and religious organizations formalized the ban on unregistered religious activities. The government has officially accepted two religions, Sunni Islam and Russian Orthodox Christianity. However,
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under the pressure of international human rights groups, some other religious groups in Population: 4,833,000 (2005 est.) Infant mortality rate: 81 deaths/1,000 live births (2005 est.) Turkmenistan have been regisLiteracy rate: 99 percent (2000–2004) tered within the last two years. Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 76 percent Turkmenistan has ratified con(2000–2005) vention on the rights of the Internet users: 36,000 (2005) child in 2002. The Law of TurkPeople living with HIV/AIDS: <500 (2005 est.) menistan on the guarantees of Source: UNICEF. At a Glance: Turkmenistan–Statistics. http:// the rights of the child defines a www.unicef.org/infobycountry/Turkmenistan_statistics.html. April 25, 2007. child to be a person younger than eighteen years old. This law is based on the Constitution of Turkmenistan, legal acts and norms of Turkmenistan, international agreements of Turkmenistan, and the corresponding norms of international law. The age definition is not consistent across various aspects; for example, the legal age to work in Turkmenistan is sixteen, and this age definition for work is also supported by the law of Turkmenistan on guarantees of child’s rights. However, this law also allows a child the right to work at the age of fifteen upon the written agreement of one of the parents or guardians. Terms and conditions of using a child’s labor are established by the legislation of Turkmenistan. Legal age to vote and to be tried as an adult is eighteen. There are some efforts to move toward UNICEF’s definition in every governmental and legal aspect. UNICEF’s commitment in this matter can be judged by the fact that it has extended its collaboration with government agencies; for example, workshops and seminars on the international instruments of children and women’s rights held for members of Parliament, as well as for representatives from Ministry of Justice and the Institute of Democracy and Human Rights. The law of Turkmenistan on Guarantees of the Rights of the Child states that Turkmenistan accepts all norms of international law in the field of protection of rights and interests of a child. Responsibility for violation of rights and interests of a child is regulated by the legislation of Turkmenistan. KEY FACTS – TURKMENISTAN
OVERVIEW In October 1993, Turkmenistan signed the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), which establishes that all children have fundamental freedoms and inherent rights. Later in December of the same year, Turkmenistan signed the world declaration on ensuring survival, protection, and development of children. In July 2002, the president of Turkmenistan signed a decree on adopting the law of Turkmenistan on guarantees of child’s rights. The country faces many challenges in fulfilling the needs and aspirations of a large younger
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generation. Although Turkmenistan has enough income from the export of natural gas, its investment for children demands significant increase. Turkmenistan’s constitution guarantees free public education for all children. According to the report of UNICEF in Turkmenistan, the overall enrollment at the secondary public schools is around 95 percent. The education system of Turkmenistan consists of preschool education, general secondary (basic) education, vocational education, higher education, professional development, and out-schools education. In February 2007, the newly elected president of Turkmenistan, G. Berdimuhammedov, introduced a major education reform in the country and signed the decree on ‘‘Improvement of Education System in Turkmenistan.’’ Based on this decree, ten years of education term at secondary schools, and five or six years term at universities were introduced in the academic year 2007–2008 (started in September 1, 2007). The ten years of compulsory general basic education will provide children with basics of science, development of creative skills, cultural education, and physical training. According to the reports of international communities and human rights groups, Turkmenistan does not meet international standards of quality education. The curriculum is unique to Turkmenistan and omits or gives short shrift to basic core subjects. This is one of the main challenges for Turkmenistan’s educational system. Rukhama, a 400-page book with a blend of history, myth, and philosophy written by the late President Saparmyrat Niyazov, is viewed as a quasi-spiritual guide and is a required part of school and college curricula throughout Turkmenistan. Based on 2005 data compiled by UNICEF, total infant mortality rate in Turkmenistan is 81 deaths per 1,000 live births. Around 100,000 babies are born every year, and the first three years of life are crucial. Immunization was a problem decades ago; however, with the support of special programs of UNICEF, it became a success story in public health. It is reported that Turkmenistan has the highest infant immunization coverage in Central Asia and was certified polio-free in 2002. Legal protections against exploitation of children continue to be violated despite the ban on the use of child labor, especially in rural areas. Schoolchildren are forced to work in agriculture, primarily for cotton picking, and lose up to one-third of their education. Despite official statements suggesting that the practice would be discontinued, pupils are still taken out of school for two to three months each year to pick cotton for ten to fourteen hours a day, for which they are paid almost nothing. According to the Law of Turkmenistan, all children living in Turkmenistan have equal rights despite their, or their parents/guardians’, nationality, race, sex, language, religion, social position, education, and residency. Generally, a child who is not a citizen of Turkmenistan but residing in its territory legally enjoys equal rights and obligations as that of a child-citizen of Turkmenistan if there are no other norms stated in the legislation of Turkmenistan and international agreements of
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Turkmenistan. Between 1992 and 1996, Turkmenistan hosted refugees from Afghanistan, Tajikistan, and Azerbaijan. It is reported that refugees were provided with land and other commodities for their children. The official report says that the refugee children had enjoyed all rights, including educational opportunities and health care. However, because of the emphasis on mainstreaming Turkmenistan nationalism, there is a tendency to assimilate minority children rather than integrate them, which is detrimental to their identities. According to the May 19, 2006, Report of the International League for Human Rights to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child in Turkmenistan, ‘‘minority language education opportunities have been almost completely eliminated since independence. . . . Primary and secondary school students belonging to the Uzbek minority in the border region of eastern Turkmenistan are forced to wear Turkmen national dress, speak the Turkmen language, and stage Turkmen-themed performances during state-sponsored celebrations’’ (pp. 8–9). Schools with the Russian, Uzbek, and Kazak language of instruction are often closed. It is officially reported that 13,245 refugees from Tajikistan were granted Turkmen citizenship, and 3,053 Tajik citizens were granted refugee status in Turkmenistan in August 2005 (http://www.turkmenistan.ru, August 2005). They are mostly families from Turkmen, Tajik, and Uzbek ethnicity groups who immigrated to Turkmenistan in the early 1990s during war conflicts in Tajikistan. It is reported that harassment and persecution of children-relatives of political prisoners is another example of the violation of the child’s rights by Turkmen authorities. EDUCATION The law ‘‘On Education in Turkmenistan’’ adopted in October 1993 provides and protects constitutional rights to education for all its citizens. Girls and boys have equal access to education. Primary and secondary education is free and compulsory. According to the World Factbook, the literacy level of the population is 98.8 percent in Turkmenistan, 99.3 percent for males and 98.3 percent for females. The average number of students in classrooms is growing. Children from age seven to seventeen attend primary and secondary schools. A total of 1.3 percent of children of school age do not attend schools. The number of schoolgirls is 49.1 percent of all school children. Primary and secondary education is free and compulsory for all. By the beginning of the 2001–02 academic year, there were 1,055 preschool establishments, 1,702 secondary schools, 108 professional educational institutions, 16 secondary professional educational institutions, and 271 centers or educational establishments for study of foreign languages and computer skills. Turkmenistan inherited a relatively comprehensive education system as a part of the USSR before the 1990s. However, failure to make adequate
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reforms in the education system brought high-level stagnation in the system after 1990s. In May 1993, an educational reform movement was introduced into the educational system though launching of an extremely rigid program, called Bilim in Turkmen. Curriculum development policy under Bilim was intended to encourage political loyalty to president Niyazov’s regime over independent inquiry in the liberal arts and sciences and knowledge of the outside world. The so-called cultural and moral code Rukhnama has become the main textbook in all educational institutions at primary, secondary, and tertiary levels. Even the new textbooks must meet the regime’s ideological requirements. Under this new educational reform, the process of converting the Turkmen alphabet from the Cyrillic to the Latin script has begun. Sources maintain that most Turkmen libraries do not have books printed in the new Turkmen alphabet. Teaching about any religion at state-supported educational institutions is banned in Turkmenistan. The law of Turkmenistan on freedom of conscience and religious organizations in Turkmenistan guarantees the access to different types of education despite their attitudes to religion. Without adequate money for facilities, many schools lack modern high-tech teaching equipment. Students and teachers have very limited access to internet services. Under the educational policy of the late president, the duration of secondary-school education was decreased from ten to nine years, number of hours allocated to various disciplines was drastically reduced, and schools have discontinued subjects deemed unnecessary, including foreign languages, art, and physical education. Such measures have resulted in the mass dismissal of teachers. This situation sharpened the problem of overcrowding of the nation’s classrooms. State financial support for schools has weakened. Salaries for teachers and school administrators in some regions were delayed for two to three months. Many qualified teachers left teaching careers and joined other fields or private businesses or left the country in search of salaries higher than the state’s $30-$50 monthly salaries. Thus, the child/teacher ratio in classrooms has increased. And all this has affected the quality of education as well. There are fourteen Turkmen-Turkish private schools that provide high-quality instruction and training compared with government schools in Turkmenistan. However, only a limited number of children can afford such schools. Classes in all secondary schools in the country, except for the Turkmen-Turkish and the Turkmen-Russian schools and a few other schools in the capital city of Ashgabat, are held in morning and afternoon shifts. According to the official state statistics of Turkmenistan, more than 1 million school children went to secondary schools in 2005, the first year for about 100,000 of them. In 1990s, due to shifting kindergartens to self-support and renting of kindergartens to private individuals, most of the preschool establishments, especially in rural areas, were closed down. Only city preschool establishments survived. Preschool establishments still operate in regional
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centers; however, the high monthly tuition fees have reduced kindergarten enrollment. In some places, employees in kindergarten programs give a portion of their salary to support families to enroll their children. Critics maintain that child-centered and activity-based curriculum including physical training lessons have been replaced by learning of state symbols, songs about Turkmenbashi, the Motherland, and the Rukhnama. Preschool establishments are also required to teach the Rukhnama’s postulates to the unemployed population and gather a monthly meeting of housewives to conduct discussions on the Rukhnama. However, there have been attempts to revive preschool education. The decree issued in July, 2003, by the president of Turkmenistan rules that only those who have completed two years of work experience after leaving secondary schools are allowed to enroll in higher education institutions. The classroom hours at Turkmenistan’s universities have been decreased under the late President Niyazov’s decree, and higher education has been transformed to a ‘‘two plus two’’ pattern that means after two years of study at the universities, students have to work for two years at the field of national economy. Access to universities is limited. There are concerns that fewer young people are entering universities. The number of students at the universities decreased by about ten times from that in the Soviet era. Only 3–4 percent of graduates of secondary schools can go on to study at the universities, and university admissions are greatly facilitated by bribes. In addition, universities now teach almost exclusively in Turkmen. In May 1996, Turkmenistan signed two Conventions. One is on recognition of educational courses, diplomas of higher education, and degrees obtained in the states of Europe. Another document is a Regional Convention on recognition of educational courses, diplomas of higher education, and degrees obtained in the states of Asia and Pacific. Yet, Decree No. 126, adopted on June 1, 2004, by Turkmenistan’s Ministry of Education under the order of President Saparmyrat Niyazov, invalidates all higher education degrees received outside the country since 1993. Therefore, those who get higher education degrees from outside the country are facing problems in being employed at state institutions. The organization, Turkmenistan Helsinki Initiative, reports that while 40,000 students were educated ten years ago before the onset of reform in the educational system, current annual enrollment in higher education is fewer than 3,500 students annually. Special boarding schools are established for talented children. Children with disability are trained in special schools where the state shoulders the financial responsibilities for maintenance and training of children. According to the Constitution of Turkmenistan, organizations and citizens have the right to establish educational institutions providing courses for fee on the legal basis. Usually, such schools or centers provide foreign language and computer literacy courses. There is a growing demand for such
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schools because of cancellation of foreign language instruction in the secondary school curricula. The National Program of the late President Saparmyrat Niyazov, ‘‘The Strategy of Socio-Economic Developments in Turkmenistan for the period up to 2010,’’ defines the main goals in the sphere of education. It comprises accessibility to education for all groups of society, improvement of teaching quality, and achievement of the world standards on all levels of education and development of paid educational services and private structures of education. But all these goals remain only on paper. The law of Turkmenistan on language adopted in May 1990 guarantees to all citizens the right to get preschool, secondary, and higher education in the state language that is Turkmen, as well as in Russian, the language of international communication. But classes and schools with teaching in Russian often close. The departments with the Russian teaching language at the universities are closed. UNICEF is working jointly with Turkmen authorities on a number of initiatives, including an education program. It is comprised of two projects: inclusive basic education and promoting a child-friendly learning environment. It focuses on preparing three- to seven-year-old children for primary school and eight- to twelve-year-old children for basic compulsory schools. Life skills education is promoted in both formal and informal settings. Education of girls is highly encouraged in the country. In the early 1990s, a special school for girls was opened in the capital, Ashgabat. Generally, girls and boys study in coeducational schools. Turkmenistan participates in the global framework of Education for All. The government of Turkmenistan, UNICEF, and UNESCO hold joint projects on this initiative involving various governmental institutions, NGOs, and bilateral agencies working in education. In summary, the following roadblocks stifle the development of the education system in Turkmenistan: lack of strategic vision on the part of top national policy-makers to link the role of education to economic growth and overall human development; a highly centralized policy-making framework and chain of command; funding cuts that directly affect student enrollment in the higher education sector, infrastructure, teaching, and academic standards; lack of autonomy for institutional and curriculum development; and isolation from international cooperation and exposure. PLAY AND RECREATION The law of Turkmenistan on the ‘‘Guarantees of the Rights of the Child’’ adopted in July 2002 ensures the right for recreation and leisure in accordance with the child’s age and health condition. There are recreation centers and sports schools under state sponsorship where children can develop their skills and interests. Sports such as football, basketball, volleyball, wrestling, athletics, horseracing, and chess are the most popular among children and
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youth. Youth sports groups are functioning in the cities, districts, and provincial centers. However, physical training as a subject was removed from the schools’ curricula until 2007. This subject has been recently reintroduced (starting September 1, 2007) with the adoption of the new decree on ‘‘Improvement of the Education System in Turkmenistan.’’ Children’s art and cultural centers sponsored by the government developed rapidly in the years of independence. Folk dance and music groups of children are becoming popular in the country. They are part of almost all ceremonies of state leadership. However, the deficit of the state budget reduced the number of art and music schools in the districts. In spring 2005, President Niyazov ordered of the closure of libraries in the rural areas of the country. There are no independent media channels in the country. All media in Turkmenistan are run by the state. There is a special television show for young children in the Turkmen language that tells fairy tales. In addition, there are television programs on arts, culture, and sports shows. The children’s contest, Emerald Grains of Independence, is one of the most popular shows in the country. There are only four television and two radio native channels. The Russian ORT television channel is aired daily but on limited hours and filtered under state censure. Western television is available only through satellite dishes, which are very popular in urban areas and also among children. There are some concerns raised regarding the negative influences of media on children and youth, but this issue is not discussed widely in public. The law of Turkmenistan on ‘‘Guarantees of the Rights of the Child’’ bans any show, sale, presentations of a gift, or production of toys, films, audio or video materials, books, newspapers, and magazines that promote wars, hostility, violence, racial, religious, and sexual discrimination that damage spiritual and moral development of a child. In summer 2006, the first international festival of children’s art and culture, The Gold Generation of the Golden Century, started in Ashgabat and Turkmenbashi (the former city of Krasnovodsk). It hosted children from thirteen countries. A total of 348 boys and girls from all five provinces of Turkmenistan participated and presented music, dances, poems, and paintings at the festival. A special children’s award named after Gulbaba Akyev (a well-known national singer and musician who became very famous at four years of age) was created for children’s art and cultural achievements. Internet access is very limited and under the state’s strict control and supervision. There are courses on computer skills provided by private and state educational centers that charge fees. There is a Turkmen state puppet theater and a theater for youth in Ashgabat. Film production has been decreased since the disintegration of USSR. Turkmen cinematographers produced children’s films mostly before independence and for a short period afterwards. Now there are unmet needs and challenges in the development of the cultural life of children. It is reported that the government has recently sponsored the construction of Turkmen Disney
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Land ‘‘World of Turkmen Fairy Tales,’’ the Olympic water sports complex with aqua park for children, and the National Youth Theater named after Alp Arslan. These complexes started functioning on the eve of the fifteenyear anniversary of Independence Day in October 2006. The Ice Palace with winter sports facilities opened recently in Ashgabat. Some ministries or enterprises provide summer camps or recreational centers for children at the foot of the Kopet Dag Mountains and on the shore of the Caspian Sea, as it is very hot in summer. Only some parents can acquire place for their children in the recreational centers, as their fees are not reasonable for many parents. The construction of a children’s health and recreational center in Gokdere near Ashgabat has been planned under the special decree of the president. The center can host about 5,000 children, and the overall cost of the construction of the new children’s center is about $100 million. This center hosted the first group of children in summer 2006. Aqua parks, swimming pools, sports fields, libraries, cinemas, and video halls are among some of the facilities included in the center. Parks for outdoor play for children are constructed mostly in urban communities. Much attention needs to be paid toward creating recreational facilities for children in rural communities. CHILD LABOR Child labor is a problem in the country, especially in rural areas. In the Soviet era, school children and students were forced to work in the cotton fields for several weeks instead of attending schools. Breaking the academic year with forceful labor in the fields was a normal practice. This practice still continues. According to the law of Turkmenistan on the Guarantees of the Rights of the Child, the state must ensure the protection of a child from all forms of exploitation at work through legal, economic, social, medical, and educational means. Article 27 of this law bans child labor at agricultural and other sectors during the academic year. However, violation of this law continues, and there is no adequate mechanism to ensure enforcement of the law. No one has yet been punished for violating this law. Article 34 of the law of Turkmenistan on the Guarantees of the Rights of the Child ensures the protection from child kidnapping, trafficking, and indentured servitude. At the end of 2005, the president of Turkmenistan, in his speech at the Third Congress of Youth Union, announced the ban of children’s labor in cotton fields. In January 2005, Turkmenistan’s parliament adopted a new law banning child labor and guaranteeing the rights of children to be free from economic exploitation. This move of the parliament resulted from UNICEF’s close cooperation and ongoing dialogue with the government on the rights of children. This law received wide recognition from international communities and coverage by media.
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Despite the ban on child labor in Turkmenistan, there are some regions where this law is still being violated by the district and provincial administrators. Children in rural areas are forced to work for twelve to fourteen hours a day and are paid much less than adults, violating the Code of Laws of Turkmenistan on Labor. In addition, after two to three months of rigorous fieldwork, children have to study seven to eight hours a day in order to fulfill the educational gap. It is clear that the quality of such education is not satisfactory. In rural areas, children are forced to do hard agricultural work, and in the cities to sell goods and lift heavy luggage in the markets. This issue has been covered mostly by NGOs in exile, including Turkmen Helsinki Foundation on Human Rights, Turkmen Initiative for Human Rights, and some other international communities. Local communities cannot raise the problem openly, as the authorities do not welcome any criticism. National media covers only success stories. The legal age to work in Turkmenistan is sixteen. However, as mentioned earlier, the law of Turkmenistan on the Guarantees of the Rights of the Child allows the child to work at the age of fifteen upon the written consent of one of the parents or guardians. Employers and officials who employ underage children or violate the law on labor protection are charged according to the administrative and criminal law established by the legislation of Turkmenistan. Employees under the age of eighteen have privileged labor protection, working hours, leaves, and other labor conditions established by the Code of Laws on labor and other legislative acts on labor. It is illegal in Turkmenistan to use child labor for hard and harmful work, for work under dangerous conditions of labor, as well as for lifting weight over established norms. The list of such work and norms of prescribed weight for lifting are defined by the Cabinet of Ministers of Turkmenistan. It is also illegal to use child labor for night shift, work over the prescribed duration, and during off days and holidays. According to the law all children are obliged to attend formal schools. Therefore, the children who are eligible to work can only work after school hours. In addition, upon the introduction of nine years of compulsory general education system under the late President S. Niyazov’s regime, children complete school at the age of sixteen. To continue their education at higher education institutions, they are obliged to obtain two years of work experience. (Note: This obligation has been removed since the adoption of the new decree ‘‘On Improvement of the Education System of Turkmenistan’’ in February 2007.) FAMILY The law of Turkmenistan guarantees equal rights for men and women for marriage and inheritance. However, traditionally men play a ruling role within the family, especially in rural areas. In a traditional family, a woman is primarily a housekeeper and mother. Family pressures often limit women’s
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opportunities to advance their education and enter professional careers. However, this tradition is changing through women’s efforts. Nowadays, women are well represented in a variety of professions and are mostly concentrated in health care, education, and other service professions. It is a custom in the country that sons are obligated to care for elderly parents. Traditionally, after marriage girls leave their parents’ home and live with the family of their husbands. In the past, marriages were arranged by parents, and this practice still continues in some conservative families. However, more educated young people in the country are choosing their own life partners. Religious marriage ceremonies are performed in almost all Muslim families. Legally, the age of marriage is seventeen, which is not compatible with the provisions of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. Respect for elderly people is one of the main family traditions. Usually older siblings take care of the younger sisters and brothers. Various family traditions and customs are also observed by different groups, such as Ogul Toy celebration; the birth of a boy in the Turkmen family is a special event that is celebrated with relatives and friends. The birth of a boy is announced officially, which is called Bushluk. Another tradition is Galpak Toy, which means the celebration of cutting the first hair of a girl or a boy at the age of one year. Friends and relatives bring presents to the child and traditional food including sweets is served to the guests. Protection of mother and child is ensured by laws and regulations directed to provide financial support to families, mothers, and children. Among them there is a Code of Law on Labor, Code on Marriage and Family, Law on Leaves, Law on Labor Protection, and Law on State Subsidies. Legal guarantees to keep mother and child together are ensured and protected via a host of measures such as maternity leave before and after giving birth, child care leave, bans and restrictions for hard work by mothers, possibilities to stay with a sick child at home or hospital, and additional breaks at work for feeding a newborn child. Breastfeeding is a traditional practice in the country. UNICEF carries out special programs together with government agencies to create a conducive environment for allowing all mothers to breastfeed their children up to the age of two years. National Breastfeeding Week is conducted annually, which is another positive outcome of the collaboration between Turkmen Government and the UNICEF. However, cases of violation of the family supporting laws by government agencies have been reported. In addition, the state subsidies for childcare are inadequate to maintain decent living standards. Traditionally, divorce was not welcomed in the society, especially in rural areas. However, the number of divorced families is growing because of widespread drug abuse among men. According to the Ministry of Social Welfare, the number of children deprived of parental care was 2,400 in 2003. Only about 3 percent of children without parental care are reared by nonrelative guardians, another 95 percent live with relatives, and only
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1.5 percent are in residential care institutions. The average number of children aged up to sixteen years old who lived in orphanages between 2000– 04, fluctuated between 700 and 800 annually. According to the 2004 National Institute of Statistics, around 1,600 children aged three to eighteen pass through Children’s Remand Centers every year. Boys from single-parent families or families with three or more children face the greatest risk of being put into residential care institutions. It is reported that in March 2006, the President initiated the establishment of the Orphan Children Fund. The main objective of the establishment of this fund is to support orphan children in the period after their graduation from schools at the country’s orphanages before starting independent life. In recent years, changes in family structures can be noticed mostly in urban communities. There is a shift from the traditional extended family system to a nuclear family structure with one or two children. It can be explained by the socioeconomic difficulties in the country, which have had extreme adverse effects on children. Official reports on the demographic indicator, including population size, are considered inaccurate. There are no statistics available regarding the number of single-parent families as well. There is a growing trend of women entering the full-time workforce. The law guarantees three years of unpaid leave for women after the birth of a child. However, because of the low family budget, women have to work full-time, which affects the quality of care of very young children. HEALTH Poverty and an inadequate health system in Turkmenistan has led to high rates of infant and child mortality. The government is opening new medical centers and facilities throughout the country. Special diagnostic centers with modern equipment have been built but training and financing medical personnel and doctors continued to be a problem. In February to July 2004, the government dismissed approximately 15,000 nurses, replacing them with military conscripts untrained in administering medical treatment. Under the Soviet era, health care was provided to all free of charge. Now many health care centers have been transformed to a self-financing system, and medical treatment is not free. The health care system in Turkmenistan includes the state and private health care sectors. Turkmenistan law protects motherhood, and the right to health care for pregnant women and mothers is ensured by provision for preventive measures and treatment of female diseases, carrying out the work on effective and useful contraceptives, prevention of abortions, free medical treatment of women during and after pregnancy in specialized medical centers, and also social and legal assistance in accordance with the law of Turkmenistan. According to the law, every woman during pregnancy, in the moment of giving birth and after the birth of her child during the first year, and also children until the age of one year have the
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right to free specialized medical care and other assistance at the medicalpreventive institutions of the state health care system. However, corruption in the health system has prevented fair implementation of these rights. Protection from childhood diseases via vaccinations and medical care is carried out jointly by UNICEF, the Ministry of Health, and the medical industry. The UNICEF Turkmenistan health and nutrition program mainly focuses on maternal and child health care and balanced nutrition. It covers immunization; integrated management of childhood illnesses, such as diarrhea, acute respiratory infections, and detection of childhood disabilities; early childhood care; prevention of mother-to-child transmission of HIV/AIDS; safe motherhood initiatives; and food fortification. Every year around 100,000 babies are born in Turkmenistan, and children face numerous challenges on the road to adulthood. Convincing parents about the importance of immunization was a problem for doctors a decade ago. However, today immunization represents a public health success story, and Turkmenistan has the highest infant immunization coverage in Central Asia and was certified polio-free in 2002. However, the International League for Human Rights states in its latest report on the ‘‘Rights of a Child in Turkmenistan’’ that disease prevention and vaccination programs are jeopardized by the government’s ban on mentioning communicable diseases such as HIV/AIDS, cholera, tuberculosis, dysentery, or the plague. There are no statistics available on children below eighteen affected by AIDS or orphaned because of AIDS. The knowledge of protective sexual practices among youth is provided at schools or counseling centers, but there is much work to be done in this field. Local media does not raise this issue. Experts from international communities frequently express concerns that not enough information is received from the government. They demand that medical protection should be extended to all children without distinction. The counseling services available for youth regarding pregnancy or AIDS are not enough, especially in rural areas. Sexual relations before the age of sixteen are banned by the law. The legal penalties for its violation may be up to three years of imprisonment. Discussion surrounding lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) youth issues is a taboo in the society. The legal penalty for a man who has sexual relations with another man is up to two years of imprisonment. Sexuality education is given at schools, but much work needs to be done counseling youth on how to avoid undesired pregnancy, venereal diseases, and AIDS. Fifteen- to seventeen-year olds do not have enough knowledge about effective contraceptives. Undergoing abortion for unwanted pregnancy is not an affordable option for most women. This situation causes problems of abandoned newborn babies. The law provides maternity rights. A woman has the right to make decision about her pregnancy, including abortion until the twelfth week of pregnancy. Unlawful abortion is treated as criminal, the consequences for which are established in the law of Turkmenistan. The law requires
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parental consent for abortion for girls younger than eighteen. The practice of prostitution of underage girls is an issue tied closely with poverty, low educational level, and degradation of moral values in the society. International organizations such as UNICEF, International Organization for Migration, British Embassy in Turkmenistan, and United Nations AIDS program in collaboration with Turkmenistan’s Youth Union carry out training programs that focus on life skills education and HIV/AIDS prevention throughout the country. Turkmenistan achieved universal salt iodization in 2004, which is the most effective way to protect children from iodine deficiency—the world’s leading cause of preventable mental retardation and brain damage. In recognition of this achievement, Turkmenistan received an award on behalf of UNICEF, the World Health Organization (WHO), and the International Council for Control of Iodine Deficiency Disorders (ICCIDD) in November 2004. Extensive work is carried out by the government agencies in collaboration with UNICEF to strengthen monitoring and quality assurance systems for flour fortification that includes folic acid and other micronutrients. Iron fortified flour prevents iron deficiency anemia, iodine deficiency disorders, and other mineral and vitamin deficiencies that are among main challenges to children’s health in the country. However, children in low-income urban communities and in rural areas are less protected than their counterparts in higher-income urban communities. Clean drinking water is a problem mostly in the Dashoguz province, a northern province. This problem is under the government’s control, but more effort is needed to improve the situation. Ecological security is part of the government’s activity. There are special norms and regulations for protecting ecological security and community health. Therefore, these regulations must be followed while launching industrial, agricultural, or scientific projects. Violators may be sentenced up to five years of imprisonment. The law of Turkmenistan on health care ensures children with physical and mental disabilities the right to receive medical and social assistance at the specialized children’s institutions. Children with physical and mental disabilities can stay at specialized institutions that are financially supported by local and state agencies, and donations from different sources as well as from parents. Many citizens engage in activities to assist persons with disabilities, including the Special Olympics and Paralympics groups. However, more attention needs to be devoted to support children with disabilities. Members of families can use the medical services of family doctors territorially appointed to the regions. In case of hospitalized medical care for a child (until the age of seven), and children in critical situations who need additional care, one of the parents or other members of the family can use sick leave to attend to the child in the hospital. Professional associations, the National Society of Red Crescent of Turkmenistan, and other non-governmental organizations and groups (in accordance with
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their charters and law of Turkmenistan) are involved in health care issues of citizens. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Turkmenistan joined the Convention on the Rights of the Child on October 20, 1993. The government signed the Universal Declaration on Ensuring Child Survival, Development and Protection on December 7, 1993. In December 1996, the parliament of Turkmenistan signed a resolution on joining the UN Convention on Slavery and UN Protocol on Amendments to this Convention. Later in November 1997, Turkmenistan joined the Hague Convention on civil aspects of international kidnapping of children. The Parliament of Turkmenistan and other government agencies work together with UNICEF and other international organizations to protect children’s rights and welfare. UNICEF conducts seminars and training courses for national consultants that focus on the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. However, violence against women and child labor continue to pose problems. The conditions of prisons and juvenile correction institutions in Turkmenistan are abysmal. According to the National Institute of Statistics of 2004, the average number of offenders aged fourteen to eighteen years in the juvenile correction institution fell from 186 in 2000 to 123 in 2004. The government practices annual amnesty of prisoners. In 2006 amnesty, around 10,000 prisoners got freedom; among them there were children less than seventeen years old. The Constitution of Turkmenistan provides for equal rights and freedoms for all, independent of origin, gender, ethnicity, race, and language. However, there are reports of discrimination against minority communities. The law protects children from sexual exploitation. Penalties for rape are imprisonment for three to twenty-five years based on the violence associated with the rape. Prostitution is prohibited by the Penal Code. The law against prostitution needs to be enforced by authorities, as it is a growing problem in the country, especially among young girls in the capital city. Violators of this law can be punished by two years of imprisonment or hard work. The penalty for involving a child in prostitution or using force, threat, or blackmail to involve someone in prostitution is three to eight years’ imprisonment. There are reports on women from the country traveling to Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, and other Asian or European countries to work as prostitutes. Some of them may have been trafficked. The main reason for underage prostitution is poverty, especially in rural areas where economic opportunities are extremely limited. The government cooperates with international organizations to promote public awareness on trafficking issues. Some registered NGO groups work to address the needs of trafficked victims. In addition,
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the government works with neighboring governments and international communities to strengthen its borders and help prevent trafficking. RELIGIOUS LIFE The Constitution, the Law on Freedom of Conscience, and religious organizations provide for freedom of religion. The majority (approximately 89 percent) of the population in Turkmenistan is Sunni Muslim. About 9 percent of the population is Eastern Orthodox, and 2 percent is from other religions (The World Factbook). Groups such as Hare Krishna and Shia Muslims are defined by the state as religious minorities. The legal framework guarantees the right to religious identification for each member of the society. Religious tolerance is practiced in the country. However, the government restricts the right in practice. Under the Soviet era, practice of religion was banned. People practiced religious traditions secretly. Now, people can practice religious traditions openly, including traditions connected with the birth of a child. Such religious tradition as fasting during the month of Ramadan (observed by Muslims) is becoming more popular among young people, especially in rural areas. Another religious event (observed by Muslims) called Kurban Bairam (the feast of sacrifice) became a public holiday that is observed in schools for three days every year. State schools are secular. However, religious schools are becoming popular throughout the country, particularly in rural areas. Turkish high schools with religious content in the curriculum appeared in Turkmenistan after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Almost every town has a Turkish school of some kind, either privately run or sponsored by the Turkish government. Private Turkish schools emphasize Islamic studies. In such schools, students are forced to pray, and some students are taken to private apartments to read religious books. Cultural differences are obvious for students enrolling at Turkish schools, such as separate classes for girls and boys or being punished for offenses by being forced to pray and asking forgiveness from God. There are concerns regarding possible expansion of aggressive Islam in Turkmenistan. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT There are no official statistics on child abuse or neglect. Human rights groups report that the number of children living and working on the streets has increased in recent years. Some children run away from abusive homes and put themselves in a more abusive environment. Others work or are forced to work on the streets, exposing themselves to disease, malnutrition, and physical and sexual abuse. Adults who mistreat or murder children are punished according to the Penal Code of Turkmenistan. The type of penalties depends on the character of the particular crime. For
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example, a mother who murders her child during or just after birth is sentenced up to five years of imprisonment. The death penalty was abolished in Turkmenistan by a presidential decree signed in December 1999. There are no reports on forced military services in Turkmenistan. According to the law, every male citizen who is eighteen years of age must serve in the state’s military forces, and at the age of seventeen a boy can voluntarily serve in the army as well. The person with dependents can be excused from the mandatory military service if there is no other family member to take care of the family. However, implementation of this rule is not usually practiced. Girls have no responsibilities to serve in the army. However, there are special military schools for girls, which are becoming popular in the country. Corporal punishment in schools, other institutions, and families is banned in the country. There are provisions in the law forbidding the infliction of corporal punishment. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Despite the fact that Turkmenistan government proclaimed the twenty-first century ‘‘The Golden Age of Turkmens,’’ changes in all sectors of life is highly desirable. The knowledge about human rights and freedoms should be disseminated among the population, particularly young people. The iron fist of the current political regime in Turkmenistan blocks the progressive changes in the country. The government needs to open up avenues for reform, particularly in the educational system in terms of overall effectiveness, academic standards, and provisions for social equity in education. Careful attention must be paid to align secondary school and higher education standards with the international standards, to increase accessibility to higher education, to develop more a liberal legal and regulatory base that would provide for emergence of alternative higher education sectors including private ones, and to improve the quality of professional training at schools in order to facilitate participation of youth in the labor market. There is an urgent need to review and revise the current national curriculum adopted by the country’s educational institutions, with a goal to prepare the future generation for a global and modern world. It is expected that the influence and involvement of international communities will open the ways to future changes and progress. Despite the deplorable conditions of the education system and unreasonable restrictions on educational opportunities for children and youth in Turkmenistan, international exchange programs will play important roles in educating the future generation. UNICEF’s commitment to work with Turkmenistan’s government both in the spheres of education and health systems will bring positive changes in the future. The international community, including UNICEF, UNAIDS, and WHO also need to influence the government to
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discontinue misrepresenting the country’s vital health statistics; including life expectancy; infant, child, and maternal mortality; and infectious diseases, particularly HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis. Otherwise, it is anticipated that Turkmenistan’s health care and education system will increasingly become a global concern. The growing problem of child sexual exploitation and drug usage among youth will create tremendous barriers to the development of the Turkmen society. Therefore, the government needs to adopt national action plans to address this problem. Decentralization of the government and removal of tight government control over mass media and means of electronic communication will bring increasing access to knowledge in a global era to Turkmenistan’s citizens. Public policy areas need to be addressed in a more coherent manner so as to bring broader societal transformations. Education policies need to link the content and process of education to national economic growth. If utilized properly, there are enough natural and manpower resources in the country for its citizens to maintain a prosperous life in the twenty-first century. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Alternative Report on the Rights of the Child in Turkmenistan by the International League for Human Rights. May 19, 2006. This report is made by the League to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. The report uncovers numerous violations of children’s social, cultural and civil rights in Turkmenistan. Report of Turkmenistan on the Rights of the Child in Turkmenistan. May 24, 2006. This is the report made by the government of Turkmenistan to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. It outlines how the country is implementing the provisions of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Repression and Regression in Turkmenistan: A New International Strategy, International Crisis Group, Asia Report 85, Osh/Brussels. November 4, 2004. This report discusses Turkmenistan’s political, economic and social situation. Brussels, Belgium: International Crisis Group. Turkmenistan: Country Reports on Human Rights Practices released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State. February 28, 2005. This is the annual report about Human Rights records of countries including Turkmenistan. Turkmenistan: Focus on Education, UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. 2003. This publication reveals the decline of the education system of Independent Turkmenistan. Paknaeda Mapak. «:eyobys b lenb: ujcylapcndeyyse uapaynbb paobns b[ gpad b parjyys[bynepecjd d Nyprveybcnaye», [Electronic newspaper ‘‘Turkmenistan: The golden age,’’ under the informational support of Neutral Turkmenistan and the State News Agency of Turkmenistan TDH, Ashgabat.] March 25, 2004 (Paltayeva Maral. ‘‘Women and children: state guarantee of their
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rights and legal interests in Turkmenistan’’). This article, published in Turkmenistan, gives Turkmenistan’s official viewpoint on the legal rights of women and children.
Nonprint Resources These films center around the lives of Turkmen children: Turkmen film production, ‘‘Adventures on Small Islands,’’ produced by Saparov Osman. Turkmen film production, ‘‘Sakhat’s Summer,’’ produced by Bekmiev Ilmyrat.
Web Sites Central Asian Information site, http://www.centrasia.ru. This site publishes articles about the life in Central Asia including Turkmenistan. Institute for War and Peace Report, http://www.iwpr.net. This site publishes articles about Turkmenistan, including children’s issues. Institute of Open Society, Turkmenistan Project, http://www.turkmenistan.project. com. This is the site of the Turkmen Project that is part of the Open Society Institute’s programs. It publishes weekly analytical reports on events taking place in Turkmenistan. Internet-Newspaper, http://www.turkmenistan.ru. This is the site of the statecontrolled internet newspaper that publishes official news and articles about Turkmenistan. ‘‘Tacis’’ project in Turkmenistan, http://www.tacistm.org/tempus/ministry.htm. This is the site of the European project that provides educational and business programs for Turkmenistan. Turkmen Helsinki Foundation on Human Rights, http://www.tmhelsinki.org. This site is maintained by a non-profit organization, Turkmenistan Helsinki Foundation, with a goal to bring world attention to the human rights situation in Turkmenistan. Turkmen Initiative for Human Rights, http://www.eurasianet.org/turkmenistan. project/index.php?page¼resource/hrights/tuhi&lang¼eng. On this site, independent human rights groups and NGOs publish their reports and articles. UNICEF in Turkmenistan, http://www.unicef.org/turkmenistan/overview.html. This is the site of the Ashgabat center of UNICEF.
Organizations and NGOs ‘‘Aladja’’ Initiative Group Ashgabat, Turkmenistan Sector: Children/Youth Sector: Disabled Phone: þ(99312) 314097
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Web site: http://www.tacistm.org This is an NGO that deals with child and youth issues in Turkmenistan and is supported by the TACIS Program. The TACIS program is a European Union initiative for the New Independent States and Mongolia to facilitate political freedoms and economic prosperity. ‘‘Altair’’ Ecological Club Ashgabat, Turkmenistan Sector: Children/Youth Web site: http://www.tacistm.org This is a children’s group that deals with protecting the environment. It is supported by the TACIS project. ‘‘Anna’’ Women’s Club Ashgabat, Turkmenistan Sector: Women Phone: þ(99312) 473310 Web site: http://www.tacistm.org This is a women’s rights group under TACIS project. Children and Parents Center Ashgabat, Turkmenistan Phone: þ(99312) 355547 Web site: http://www.tacistm.org This is an educational center that works with children and parents and is supported by TACIS project. Turkmen Helsinki Foundation on Human Rights Sophia, Bulgaria Phone: þ(359) 52617158 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.tmhelsinki.org This is a human rights group established in Bulgaria. Turkmen Initiative for Human Rights Vienna, Austria Phone: þ(43) 19441327 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.chrono-tm.org/ This is a human rights group established in Vienna. Turkmenistan Project Central Eurasia Project Open Society Institute New York, USA Phone: þ1 212 548 0627 Fax: þ1 212 548 4651 Email:
[email protected] Web site: http://www.eurasianet.org/turkmenistan.project
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This is a special program of the Open Society Institute providing information about Turkmenistan and some grants for students. UNICEF in Turkmenistan Ashgabat, Turkmenistan Phone: þ(99312) 425681/82/86 Fax: þ(99312) 420830 Email:
[email protected] This organization deals with children’s issues in Turkmenistan and undertakes educational and health programs with the government. Unicum Club Ashgabat, Turkmenistan Education/Science Phone: þ(99312) 477601 Web site: http://www.tacistm.org This is an educational and science center that works with children and is supported by TACIS project. Women’s Union Gurbansoltanedje Turkmenistan Ashgabat, Turkmenistan Phone: þ(99312) 356882 Web site: http://www.nt-ene.gov.tm This organization is named after the Turkmenistan president’s mother. This is a progovernmental organization.
Selected Bibliography English Babajanian, B., S. Freizer, and D. Stevens. 2005. Introduction: Civil Society in Central Asia and the Caucuses. Central Asian Survey 24(3):209—224. Blua, Antoine. November 15, 2003. Ashgabat takes Further Steps to Suppress Religious Faiths. http://www.eurasianet.org. Central Eurasian Project of the Institute of Open Society. February 9, 2004. ‘‘Harayyye[kjnrjdju cmpals d Nyprveyucmaye cmadumcz djnpjc j, ucnjkmpjdayuu lemcrjuj mpyla’’ (‘‘On the eve of cotton harvest campaign the issue of child labor is raised’’). http://www.eurasianet.org/russian/ departments/insight/articles/eav090204ru.shtml. Central Eurasian Project of the Institute of Open Society. May 5, 2004. Turkmenistan’s Education System in Downward Spiral. Corley, F. Turkmenistan: Secret Police Interrogate and Threatened Baptist Children, Forum 18 News Service, Oslo, Norway, http://jmm.aaa.net.au/articles/ 10832.htm. Institute for War and Peace Reports. July 11, 2005. Turkmenistan: Learning the Turkish Way. IWPR staff in Turkmenistan, RCA No. 395. International Crisis Group. November 4, 2004. Asia Report 85, Repression and Regression in Turkmenistan, A New International Strategy. Osh/Brussels.
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International Helsinki Foundation, IHF Annual Report on Human Rights Violations, Extract on Turkmenistan, Report 2005, Events of 2004. Hortacsu, N., Sh. Bashtug, and O. Muhammetberdiev. 2001. Desire for Children in Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan: Son Preference and Perceived Instrumentality for Value Satisfaction. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology. 32, 3: 309—321. Hydyrova, M. July 2005. Finally Summer. http://www.ifrc.org/youth/activities/ news/0507Turkmenistan/index.asp. Turkmen Initiative for Human Rights. January 30, 2006. Abandoned Children. http://www.eurasianet.org/turkmenistan.project/index.php?page¼resource/ hrights/tuhi&lang¼eng. Turkmen Initiatives. Kindergartens in Turkmenistan. Turkment Initiatives’ Live Journal http://turkmen-init.livejournal.com/. Turkmenistan’s education system in downward spiral. http://www.eurasianet.org/ departments/rights/articles/eav050504.shtml. UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. Sixty Seventh Session. August 2–19, 2005. Consideration of Reports Submitted by States Parties under Article 9 of the Convention, Turkmenistan: Concluding Observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. http:// www.eurasianet.org/departments/rights/articles/eav050504.shtml. UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. 2003. Turkmenistan: Focus on Education. New York: Integrated Regional Information Networks, IRIN. U.S. Department of State. February 8, 2005. Turkmenistan: Country Reports on Human Rights Practices–2004. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2004/41714.htm. Russian
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VIETNAM Gerald W. Fry and Pham Lan Huong An ignorant nation is a weak one . . . Whether the Vietnamese mountains and rivers will attain glory and whether the Vietnamese land will gloriously stand on an equal footing with the powers of the five continents, this depends to a great extent on your studies. Ho Chi Minh, September 3, 1945, the day after the Declaration of Vietnam’s Independence
NATIONAL PROFILE Vietnam is the second largest country in Southeast Asia with a population of 85,262,356 (July 2007 estimate). During the past decade, it has had the fastest growing economy in the region, reaching a rate of 8.2 percent in 2006. Gross domestic product (GDP) per capita in 2006 was $3,100 (Purchasing Power Parity measure). Vietnam is one of the most densely populated countries in Asia, with a density of 258.7 persons per square kilometer. With such a large and growing population, family planning and birth control have been major issues. The total fertility rate decreased significantly to 2.3 in 2003, down from 6.9 in 1960 and 3.7 in 1990. In 2007, it is estimated that the fertility rate dropped to 1.89, slightly below replacement level. These current figures represent a huge difference from traditional Vietnam. Despite this drop, Vietnam’s population will continue to grow significantly because of its relatively young population (27.9 percent is fourteen years old or younger). Vietnam has also had an open attitude and policy toward contraception and abortion. For example, the contraceptive prevalence rate in 2004 was 75.7 percent, and it is common to see public billboards with condom advertisements. According to a report by the Alan Guttmacher Institute, Vietnam has the highest rate of abortion in the world.
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Vietnam is highlighted as a success story in recent United Nations Human Development Reports. It reduced its poverty rate from 60 percent in 1990 to 32 percent in the year 2000. Life expectancy increased six years during the same period. Vietnam has a relatively low Gini coefficient of thirty-seven, which indicates its overall level of inequality. Eva Chang describes Vietnam’s social progress as exceptional and its economic growth as broadbased and inclusive. Unlike the United States, singleparent families are rare, though divorce is increasing, particularly in urban areas. The current official divorce rate is 0.4 percent for men and 1.3 percent for women between the age of fifteen and forty-nine. However, the number of divorces doubled between 1991 and 1998. Divorce is extremely rare in rural areas where traditional values remain strong. During the early period of war (1960–1975) and its aftermath, single parents were more common because of the mortality of males during the war. Approximately 3.4 million Vietnamese died during the war. Given Vietnam’s strong extended family system, homelessness is not the serious issue it is in the United States or Japan, and it is rare to see homeless individuals in Vietnam, though the Japanese writer, Toyoma (2000, p. 17) states that there were roughly 50,000 homeless children, mostly in Ho Chi Minh City and Hanoi. Women are extremely active in Vietnam’s labor market and have an impressively high labor force participation rate. They are active in all sectors, including a large informal economy. Vietnam does not have a large nongovernmental organization (NGO) community, though there are several NGOs active on children’s issues
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such as Save the Children KEY FACTS – VIETNAM (United Kingdom) and Terres de Hommes (TDH) (France). Population: 85,262,356 (2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 17 deaths/1,000 live births (2004 est.) Government agencies are priLife expectancy at birth: 71 years (2005 est.) marily involved in providing Literacy rate: 90 percent (2000–2004) support for human resource deNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 94 percent velopment, including formal (2000–2005) education, diverse kinds of pracInternet users: 13.1 million (2006) People living with HIV/AIDS: 260,000 (2005 est.) tical training, and health care of Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 33 (2006 est.) relatively good quality. With respect to the definition Sources: United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006: Vietnam. http://hdr.undp.org/ of what is a child, Vietnam’s law hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_VNM.html. April on children defines a child as a 26, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Vietnam–Statistics. http:// person younger than sixteen www.unicef.org/infobycountry/vietnam_statistics.html. April 25, 2007. years of age, which differs from UNICEF’s Convention on the Rights of the Child, which defines a child to be a person eighteen years or younger. However, in Vietnam the legal age to work, to vote, and to be considered an adult is eighteen or older. At this point in time there is no movement to change Vietnam’s legal framework defining the age of a child. OVERVIEW Despite the tragedy of the U.S. war in Vietnam, which had so many adverse effects on the Vietnamese economy and society, Vietnam has developed a solid basic public education system for its elementary and secondary school students. Education is free or costs are minimal. A rapidly expanding higher education system is also relatively inexpensive. Vietnam’s infant mortality rate is currently 24.4, relatively low for a country at its level of economic development. In 1960, that rate was 70. Also a Vietnamese child born today can expect to live to be slightly over seventy. The latter part of World War II had horrific effects on Vietnamese children because of the tragic famine of 1944. The U.S. war in Vietnam likewise had a devastating effect on children, both during the war and in subsequent years. The deaths and birth defects (resulting from chemicals used during the war, such as Agent Orange) were horrific. It is estimated that about a million Vietnamese have been exposed to elevated levels of Agent Orange, containing the most dangerous form of dioxin, a known human carcinogen, which can also contribute to lower IQ and emotional problems for children, as well as spontaneous abortions and birth defects. The Vietnamese government established a number of special education and health facilities to provide care for such victims of the war. The war also affected children in other tragic ways, including combatrelated injuries or deaths. There were many child soldiers, and many children
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were separated from their parents. Approximately 20 percent of these children were orphans of mixed parentage. The major refugee and immigration issue in Vietnam relates to the large exodus of Vietnamese both before and after Vietnam became communist. These individuals left for neighboring refugee camps in places such as Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, and Hong Kong. All the refugees qualified for location to third countries and are now settled in countries such as the United States, Cambodia/Laos, France, Canada, and Australia. A total of about 300,000 individuals left Vietnam before 1975. There are now approximately three million overseas Vietnamese with the largest number, 1.223 million, in the United States. Many children suffered as part of this process. Many of these individuals are now contributing significantly to the current Vietnamese economy and are helping Vietnam to develop more advanced technologies. A group of particular concern were Amerasian children of soldiers and local women, left behind when the United States withdrew from Vietnam. As children of the ‘‘enemy,’’ many of them, especially black Amerasians, suffered discrimination or persecution. The formal policy of the new Vietnamese government did not call for the persecution of such individuals. In 1987, the U.S. Congress passed the Amerasian Homecoming Act, allowing more than 70,000 Amerasians and their relatives to migrate to the United States. With respect to legal protection for children and women against exploitation, Vietnam has extremely progressive and tough laws. Though wealthier families, particularly in the south, may employ household servants, there is no slavery or indentured servitude in Vietnam. In terms of the changing nature of childhood, the two major influences on children are the media and related growing materialism. Also the presence of the internet is dramatically increasing and, thus, children, particularly in urban areas, are more exposed to computers and computer games. EDUCATION Having had nearly 1,000 years under Chinese rule before its independence in 1938, Vietnam was significantly influenced by Confucian thought, which left an enduring cultural and educational impact on Vietnam, that persists to this day. A passion for learning and an emphasis on moral education have been significant traditional Vietnamese values, which have shaped Vietnamese culture, history, and its people and children. Present-day Vietnam, unsurprisingly, has high literacy rates. The adult male literacy rate is 90.3 percent (2002), and the rate for females is 86.9 percent. The educational system of Vietnam is a 5þ4þ3 system. There are five years of elementary school, followed by four years for middle school and then three years for secondary school. Vietnam has high enrollment rates at both the primary and secondary school levels. The net primary school enrollment rate for males is 98 percent and for females is 92 percent. The net secondary school enrollment rate for males is
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72 percent and 67 percent for females. These are excellent achievements for a country at Vietnam’s level of economic development. Also 48.8 percent of children aged three to five years of age are enrolled in kindergartens. Vietnam is committed to Education for All and is far ahead of many other countries at a comparable level of economic development. What concerns Vietnam the most is quality education for all and that is its major challenge in the years ahead. The majority of students served by Vietnam’s educational system are the Vietnamese ethnic group (Viet or Kinh) followed by the SinoVietnamese (Hoa), Vietnam’s second largest ethnic group. There are also fifty-four diverse ethnic communities served by the educational system defined as ethnic nationalities, not minorities. Enrollment rates for these groups, particularly those in remote mountainous areas, are significantly less than for Kinh and Hoa. This is a major concern of the government, which is supporting the provision of boarding schools to facilitate providing quality education to such groups. In Section 3 of Chapter 1 of the law for children’s protection and care, no distinction is made among ethnic groups. However, in Section 6, Point 2, of chapter 2 of this law, there is an explicit statement that the children of all ethnic groups should be protected, cared for, and provided good conditions by the state. The official national language policy has a complex dual meaning. Officially, the government recognizes ethnic groups and languages and refers proudly to its fifty-four ethnic nationalities (Do 1998), yet it emphasizes that everyone is Vietnamese for purposes of national unity. There are programs in place to teach the ethnic (non-Kinh) languages in some areas (for example, Khmer, Ba-na); at the same time there is an expectation that students of non-Kinh ethnic groups learn Vietnamese from day one and some emphasis is put on improving Vietnamese instruction for nonnative speakers. The policy actually would allow for two-way or bilingual immersion, but it isn’t implemented in practice due to lack of teachers of ethnic languages and related materials, for example. UNICEF is currently working with the Ministry of Education (MOE) to implement and expand bilingual education more thoroughly. Special schools have been established for children with special needs, such as those with disabilities related to the war and unexploded ordnance, as well as those that are blind and deaf. The Vietnamese do not use an integrated approach to special education. In 2000, there were a total of 1.2 million Vietnamese children with disabilities. Seventy-two special schools exist to serve such children, indicating that the number of such schools is clearly inadequate to meet current needs. Since the opening of the Vietnamese economy in 1986 to market mechanisms, there has been a significant growth in private schools, primarily at the preschool and kindergarten levels as well as higher education (see Table 24.1). Approximately 20 percent of Vietnamese students at the P-12 level are in private schools. There has also been a significant growth
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Table 24.1. Number of Private Schools Compared to Public Schools at Different Levels of Education Over Time Schools
1996–97
1997–98
1998–99
1999– 2000
2000–01
2001–02
Kindergarten -Public -Private -Rate of private (%) Preschool education -Public -Private -Rate of private (%) Primary -Public -Private -Rate of private (%) Middle school -Public -Private -Rate of private (%)
4,735 1,138 3,597 76.0 5,405 2,675 2,730 50.5 12,060 12,005 55 0.5 6,321 6,245 76 1.2
1,971 733 1,238 62.8 4,725 2,186 2,539 53.7 12,606 12,538 68 0.5 6,727 6,625 102 1.5
1,121 560 561 50.0 4,124 2,173 1,951 47.3 13,076 13,000 76 0.6 7,066 6,970 96 1.4
833 384 449 53.9 3,909 2,029 1,880 48.1 13,387 13,311 76 0.6 7,381 7,295 86 1.2
735 256 479 65.2 3,512 1,843 1,669 47.5 13,738 13,664 74 0.5 7,733 7,635 98 1.3
251 165 86 34.3 3,167 1,577 1,590 50.2 13,897 13,820 77 0.6 8,092 7,997 95 1.2
Source: Information Center of Vietnam, Ministry of Education and Training.
in international schools offering instruction in English. There are now over 30 such schools located primarily in Ho Chi Minh City but also in Hanoi. These include the United Nations International School, the Hanoi International School, and the British International School, Vietnam. Given this cultural and educational context, it should not be surprising that Vietnamese youth have excelled in the International Scientific Olympiad competitions, doing particularly well in mathematics and physics (see Table 24.2). In the current 2007 International Scientific Olympiad Table 24.2. Prizes for Vietnamese Students in the International Scientific Olympiad Competitions Subject Mathematics Physics Chemistry Biology Information Science Russian Total
Initial Year
# of Students # Winning Competing Prizes
Gold Medal
Silver Medal
Bronze Medal
Special Reward
1974 1981 1996 1996
151 86 24 24
136 65 23 12
26 3 1 1
64 15 10 2
45 32 9 9
1 15 3 -
1989 1981
47 51 383
40 51 327
6 35 72
16 7 114
18 9 122
19
Note: Data are cumulative since the year of the initiation of awards in that field.
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competition in mathematics, out of 95 delegations, the Vietnamese ranked 3rd, with three gold and three silver medals. Related to NGO activity in education, Save the Children (United Kingdom) has two major programs. One aims to ensure that children receive improved nutrition, education, and health care while in early childhood. A second program is a reading for children initiative designed to encourage parents and caregivers to read to their children under five and supports the training of kindergarten teachers to this end. PLAY AND RECREATION Play and recreation for children in Vietnam is largely informal and flexible. In terms of organized play and recreation, there are two major types of opportunities, formal and informal. The Worker’s Club in Ho Chi Minh City, for example, is a facility open to the public with modest user fees. It has an Olympic swimming pool, clay tennis courts, and volleyball courts, and is heavily utilized by both upper class and ordinary Vietnamese. Urban Vietnam also has many public parks providing shaded space for play and recreation. In Hanoi there are large and broad sidewalk areas. Children can play badminton and other games safely on such sidewalks. Vietnam is also a country with much natural beauty and enchanting physical landscapes, and children from all walks of life can enjoy such nature. Vietnamese children enjoy informal play (such as hide and seek) with siblings and relatives, reflecting the influence of the extended family system in Vietnam. In colonial Vietnam the French encouraged the Vietnamese to play football, swim, bicycle, and do weight lifting. They saw this as a way to divert interest of young people away from politics. Under the communist system children were able to avoid falling under bad influences (Elliott 1999). With the introduction of doi moi (economic renovation) in 1986 and related private market mechanisms, private recreational facilities have also grown in number. The Saigon Superbowl, near the international airport, is extremely popular among young people. There is also the Australianbuilt Saigon Water Park, which includes wave pools, on the banks of the Saigon River. There is also a new ice skating rink. The government and schools also organize various sports competitions. The most popular sports in Vietnam are football (soccer) and badminton. Other Vietnamese recreational activities include games such as playing marbles, chucking coins, flying kites, kicking shuttle cocks, and the playing of musical instruments. Vietnam has an important music culture. Also with the dramatic expansion in the availability of computers, computer games are now increasingly popular. In addition, watching television is an increasingly common activity among children. Local programs are particularly popular. One of the most popular programs for children at the kindergarten level is Smart Prism. For juveniles one of the popular programs is Green Tamarind
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Table 24.3. Time Spent Watching Television by Age Group Compared With Other Activities
Age 12 (Group 1) 12 (Group 2) 15 (Group 1) 15 (Group 2) 16 (Group 1) 16 (Group 2) 17
Learning/doing homework 2 hours 3 5 4 2 4 3
House work or other work at home
Playing outside
Watching television
1 hour 1 1 1 1 No
All evening 3 hours 2 All evening All evening 3
No
3
5 hours 4 1 3 4 Depends on parents Depends on parents
Source: Mai Quynh Nam (2004) The Children in Family and Society, National Politics Press.
Tress. Table 24.3 indicates how much time Vietnamese children at different ages spend watching television. Research by Mai Quynh Nam (2004) indicates that in more educated households, watching of television is much more strictly controlled. Major concerns about television watching by children relate to too much time wasted and exposure to sex or violence. CHILD LABOR There are heated debates internationally about the complex issue of child labor. The International Labour Organization (ILO) estimated that approximately 5.2 percent of the age group ten to fourteen years were economically active in Vietnam. Traditionally, both during the war years and up to the current time, the most visible evidences of child labor are the street children, particularly prominent in Ho Chi Minh City (formerly Saigon), but also present to a lesser degree in Hanoi. The formal definition of street children is those under eighteen years of age who regularly earn money through casual street-based activities. It was estimated that around 1990 there were 50,000 street children in the Ho Chi Minh City area (HCMC). They are part of a large informal economy. As the result of many factors, the number of street children in HCMC has now dropped to approximately 9,000. It is estimated that there are approximately 1,500 such children in Hanoi. There are three major causes leading children to work on the streets. First, the children may be from broken families and/or are orphans. Second, the children are from families, who perhaps because of the growing impact of materialism or because of poverty, send their children out to earn additional funds for the family. The third primary cause relates to migration from the countryside. In such cases, the parents do not really want their
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children to take to the streets, but they do so out of economic necessity. Among these children, the most favorable situation is that of the children from two-parent families who do their street work after school or on weekends. Thus, they are learning both in school and in the informal economy. However, such children have little time for normal play and recreation with such little discretionary time. Research done by the Vietnam Development Forum provides empirical data on the background of street children. The major activities were found to be street vending, shining shoes, selling lottery tickets, scavenging, pickpocketing, begging, and pilfering. Of the street children in Ho Chi Minh City, about 38 percent are from rural provinces, 25 percent are from the Mekong Delta, and 17 percent from Ho Chi Minh City itself. The Ministry of Labour, Invalids and Social Affairs has compiled data on the total number of children in extremely difficult circumstances. These total 316,515. Of this total number, 46.1 percent are orphans, 52.8 percent are disabled, 6.2 percent are street children, and .005 percent are drug-abusers. Approximately 55.3 percent of orphans, 51.9 percent of disabled children, and 66.6 percent of street children are receiving official care. Young Vietnamese girls are unfortunately vulnerable to prostitution, particularly in Ho Chi Minh City and neighboring Cambodia. For example, it is estimated that approximately one-third of the 55,000 prostitutes in Cambodia are under eighteen and that most of these are from Vietnam. They are there primarily as the result of sex trafficking. Hard data on their backgrounds do not exist, but it is likely that they are orphans, children from broken families, or from impoverished families from HCMC or the rural areas of southern and central Vietnam. With the liberalization of the Vietnamese economy in 1986, the introduction of private market mechanisms, the influx of individuals from rural areas, and the reduction in state owned enterprises, prostitution has returned and grown in the past twenty years, despite efforts by the government and party to eliminate this social evil. Of the prostitutes in Ho Chi Minh City, a certain number are fifteen to seventeen in age. The Social Evil Prevention Department of the Ministry of Labor, Invalids and Social Affairs estimates that from 5,000 to 7,000 children were involved in commercial sex exploitation in 1998. Most of these operate in the large informal economy, primarily in the HCMCA area. Because of its inherently covert nature, there had been no extant literature with empirical data on child prostitution. As a result, the International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC) of the ILO commissioned an in-depth empirical study of child prostitution in Vietnam. Child prostitutes in four major areas of Vietnam (Hanoi, Hai Phong, Ho Chi Minh City, and Can Tho) were interviewed. Their major findings can be summarized as follows: .
The problem is growing. In 1989, approximately 2.5 percent of prostitutes were children, while in 1995 that number had grown to 11.4
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.
.
. .
. .
.
.
percent. Depending on the area, it is estimated that 5–20 percent of prostitutes are children, primarily aged fifteen to seventeen. All prostitutes interviewed were school dropouts and generally had low levels of education. The commercial sex industry is much more prominent in the south than in the north. This is not surprising, since the south was under strict socialism for only eleven years (1975–86), while socialism in the north has been there since 1945. The major cause of the problem is family poverty and indebtedness. A positive finding is that almost no individuals from Vietnam’s diverse ethnic nationalities are involved. Most involved are originally from rural areas. Of those involved, 84 percent had decided themselves to pursue this activity. Results related to the earnings of these girls explains the growth in the phenomenon. A teenage prostitute working in an inner city establishment in Ho Chi Minh City earns approximately $428 to $1,243 a month, while the average per capita annual income of a poor family in the Ho Chi Minh City area is $107. If the data were adjusted for purchasing power parity, the monthly earnings of these girls would be roughly $4,428 to $12,245 a month. People can easily violate laws without realizing that conduct is illegal.
Within Party policy circles, there have been intense debates and discussions about this ‘‘social evil.’’ Despite such discussions, policies generally remain lax, though Vietnamese authorities are strict about not allowing male guests to bring girls to their hotel rooms. Perhaps not surprisingly in a free market economy, this has spawned the growth of short-time ‘‘love hotels’’ for use by prostitutes and their clients. Vietnam has considerable ethnic diversity. The country is comprised of fifty-four ethnic groups and approximately 14 percent are non-Viet. Child labor is a common phenomenon among the diverse ethnic nationalities who primarily live in remote mountainous areas. As the result of both child labor, primarily to assist in family agricultural activity, and early marriage, educational attainment among these groups suffers. On a positive note, recent research suggests that increasingly young people in these groups are becoming more aware that early marriage limits their life chances. They are also critical of school curricula for not being more relevant to their daily lives and rural occupational activities. FAMILY Vietnam has an extremely strong family tradition. Children play an important role in helping their parents in both work and household
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activities. In terms of household chores, the girls have the greatest obligations. Girls in rural areas also help their mothers in the fields, for example, in the growing and transplanting of rice. Vietnam has a strong extended family system. There are no homes for the elderly in Vietnam and it is common to see small children actively interacting with the elderly. Vietnam simply does not have the age segregation common in the West. Le Ly Hayslip comments on this key element of the Vietnamese family system when she states that ‘‘everything we did for our children was aimed at preparing them to help us in our old age.’’ Parents and children share a strong bond with the expectation that children will care for their parents in old age. It is common, for example, for children to sleep in the same room with their parents until they become adults. They believe this protects them from ‘‘evil spirits that stalk the night’’ (Hayslip 1993). Even after becoming adults, it is common for unmarried children to continue living with their parents. With divorce becoming more common, particularly in urban areas, there is concern about its impact on children and their proper care. Children in such families may have less confidence and face crises of conscience and identity, in terms of their loyalties and love. Also, it is increasingly common to have dual working parents. In such cases, the extended family plays an important role in caring for the children in such families. Also, children of school age can spend almost the entire day at school. Thus, the school provides important childcare services. Vietnam, as noted earlier, has experienced a dramatic decrease in its fertility resulting in smaller families and reducing the burden of childcare, particularly on women active in the labor force. The extended family, however, remains strong in Vietnam. HEALTH For a country of its economic status, health conditions in Vietnam are relatively good. The death rate is 6.2 deaths per 1,000 population, the infant mortality rate 24.4 deaths per l,000 live births, and life expectancy is 70.6 years and for women it is 73.6. Among adults, the prevalence rate for HIV/AIDS is 0.4 percent. During the period prior to 1991, when Vietnam received considerable assistance from the Eastern Bloc countries such as the Soviet Union, East Germany, and Czechoslovakia, many Vietnamese received high-quality medical training in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, which may partially explain Vietnam’s overall success in the health area. Save the Children (United Kingdom) is one of the most active NGOs in Vietnam working on children’s issues. In 1990, Save the Children began developing a highly successful nutrition program model based on the positive deviance approach, which was replicated in more than twenty provinces of Vietnam and in many countries around the world.
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Save the Children has also initiated programs in Maternal and Child Health and Reproductive Health for Youth. The latter program has served to increase consciousness about the dangers and risks associated with HIV and AIDS. The socialist government also actively uses large billboards to publicize positive health and the dangers of risky behavior. Among other NGOs active in Vietnam in the health area are: .
.
.
.
.
TDH, a major Swiss NGO founded in Lausanne, Switzerland, in 1960 to provide assistance to children in urgent need of help. Their major target group is street children. The Population Council, focusing on maternal and child health and reproductive health. Vietnam’s success in lowering its total fertility rate to below 2.0 is a major success story. Their major target groups are sexually abused children, institutionalized children, and children in rural and urban areas. The Support of Viet Nam Children Association (SVCA), a Japanese NGO that focuses on assisting children with disabilities. Their major target groups are children in both rural and urban areas. World Concern International (WCI), a Christian humanitarian agency focused on eliminating poverty through integrated development and relief programs. Their major target groups are caregivers and displaced children. World Vision International—Viet Nam (WVI-V), a Christian humanitarian organization focusing on improving the quality of life of poor and marginalized people, especially children. Their target groups are displaced and street children.
All children age six or younger have access to free healthcare services from the government. Those from needy families may receive reduced health service and hospital fees. They may also receive special support if they are facing particularly difficult health problems. There is strong legal support for the provision of health care services to children (1992 Constitution, Articles 35, 36, 40, 59, 63, 64, 65, 67; Civil Law of 1998; National Law of June 28, 1988; Marriage and Families Law of December 29, 1986; and the new Education Law of 2005). Though Vietnam has experienced rapid urbanization, its major cities of Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City have limited environmental pollution, because Vietnam’s heavy industrialization is still limited and motorcycles and bicycles are still the dominant mode of urban transportation. Thus, Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City have far less pollution than places such as Bangkok, Mexico City, Santiago, or Los Angeles. Thus, this is not a serious issue for Vietnamese children. Primarily because of its natural low fat diet, Vietnam does not face the problem of childhood obesity that exists in the United States. Vietnam’s major issue with respect to the health of children is that of health
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conditions for children in remote rural areas related to growing regional inequality. During the 1990s, the level of child malnutrition (measured by the height for age) has remained stable, with about a third of children stunted in their growth. There is significant and growing regional inequality and many communities have not fully benefited from the development seen in the past twenty years. Evidence shows that the living standards of the poorest 30 percent of the population have not increased substantially during the 1990s and those children from poor households have not received the same level of investment as their peers. Access to critical prenatal care, facilities for attended births, and health care for infants is often limited or inaccessible to poor women, particularly in mountainous, remote areas, and difficult-to-access areas. Children from poor and vulnerable households often have little access to daycare, preschool, and kindergarten, while home-based caregivers often lack knowledge of early childhood care, which puts them at a disadvantage compared to other children when they enter primary school (ADB TA 2003). The Program for Action for Children, 2001–2010 (23/2001/QDTTg, dated February 26, 2001), is an omnibus program that establishes quantitative targets and goals for children, covering both health and education. In addition, the Population Strategy of Vietnam, 2001–2010; the National Strategy for Reproductive Health Care, 2001–2010; the Education Strategy, 2001-2010; and the National Strategy for Nutrition, 2001–2010, all specifically promote early child development as key to sustainable and long-term poverty reduction. Youth primarily gain their information about teen pregnancy and AIDS from widespread public displays of socialist style billboards warning them of the serious dangers, for example, of engaging in unprotected sex. In Vietnam there are no taboos or cultural obstacles associated with condom use. There is also no open discussion in either schools or society of issues surrounding lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) youth, though there are inevitably youth in these categories. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Vietnam has an extremely progressive labor law and a strict law related to the sexual abuse of children. Related to children’s issues, there are four important laws: the Law on the Protection of People’s Health (1989), the Law on Marriage and Family (2000), the Labour Code (1994), and the Criminal Code (2000). Key elements from several of these laws are summarized below: .
Labor Code (1994): Article 116 stipulates that organizations employing large numbers of women laborers are responsible for providing nursery schools or kindergartens, or providing financial support for such women to send their children to nursery schools or kindergarten.
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Table 24.4. Number of Children Committing Crimes, 1996–2000 Year
1996
1999
2000
Number of children offenders
4,460
6,599
5,999
Source: Committee for the Care and Protection of Children (2002).
.
.
Law of Marriage and Family (2000): This law focuses on relationships between parents and children, including adoptive children. Child marriage (under eighteen) is illegal. Point 2 of Article 21 deals with violence within the family to protect women and children. Article 105 prohibits child adoption for purposes of labor exploitation, sexual abuse, or trafficking in children. Criminal Code (2000): A number of articles deal with crimes against children, including the rape of children, sexual intercourse with children, lewdness with children, and child or early marriage. Article 148 addresses early marriage traditions of many of Vietnam’s diverse ethnic nationalities. For the nation as a whole, 2.71 percent of marriages were under age (1989 Census). For the Hmong ethnic nationality, this rate was a much higher 21.33 percent. These data illustrate the problem that such progressive laws described above may not always be enforced or implemented.
Table 24.4 shows the number of children criminal offenders, and Table 24.5 shows the number of children having used drugs. The number of children using drugs over a six period shows a significant decline. Table 24.6 shows the number of rapes of children over time. Since there is an obvious underreporting of rape by victims, this is clearly an underestimate of the true number of cases. With respect to the complex issue of the trafficking in women and children, the Prime Minister of Vietnam approved a National Plan of Action against the crime of trafficking in women and children from 2004 to Table 24.5. Children Who Have Used Drugs Year Total number of people using drugs Number of children using drugs % of children in comparison with the total number
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
69,185
71,013
86,293
91,056
90,914
100,178
4,317
2,668
2,755
3,383
3,300
2,806
0.062
0.037
0.031
0.037
0.036
0.028
Source: Committee for the Care and Protection of Children (2002)
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Table 24.6. Number of Children Raped, 1993–2000 Year
Total number of cases considered in a court of law
1993 1994 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000
500 520 564 624 735
Source: Tran Thi Thanh Thanh, Protection, Care and Education of Children in the New Period, Committee for the Care and Protection of Children, 2002.
2010. A key component of the plan is the development and finalization of a legal framework for preventing and combating trafficking in children and women. Perhaps most importantly there is provision for budget funds to be allocated in support of the plan. Currently, there are no specific immigration laws that influence families and children. RELIGIOUS LIFE Religiously, Vietnam is extremely diverse. Vietnam has five major religions: Buddhism (10.8 percent), Catholicism (6.4 percent), Protestant (1.2 percent), Cao Dai (2.7 percent), and Hoa Hao (1.5 percent), with approximately 20 percent of the population adhering to one of these religions. There are a total of 21,294 churches, pagodas, and temples. Through both education and social charity, these religions have contributed to the well-being of children. The Catholics have been particularly active in pre-school education. Those strongly influenced by the Communist Party may be agnostic or atheist. In the 1999 census, 80.8 percent of the population indicated that they had no religion. Many, for example, consider Confucianism and Buddhism to be philosophies more than religions. With the liberalization of the Vietnamese society and economy, there has been a dramatic growth and restoration of religious structures, both Buddhist and Catholic, often facilitated by remittances from overseas Vietnamese. With respect to religious rights and freedoms, important changes have recently taken place in Vietnam. In 2005, the United States and Vietnam finalized a Religious Freedom Agreement. A new Ordinance on Religion took effect on November 15, 2004. As a result of these new laws and policies there is increased openness and protection for diverse religious
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beliefs and practices. The state does not define any particular religions as minorities. Religious communities such as the Cao Dai sponsor a variety of events and festivals. Every year, for example, Cao Dai villagers hold a festival commemorating General Tran Quang Khai and Princess Phung Duong. The Hoa Hao had a major festival celebrating the 60th anniversary of the founding of their sect. The only formal ‘‘religious’’ holidays would be the break for Tet, Vietnamese New Year celebrations, but these are largely secular in nature. The major formal impact of religion on youth is parochial pre-schools. Ancestor worship is an extremely important part of Vietnamese culture and folk religion. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Overall, child abuse and neglect are rare in Vietnam. Its primary occurrence is reflected in a certain segment of street children mentioned above and sex trafficking. There are some indirect data related to the extent of child abuse and neglect. The Xuan An School (belonging to the Ministry of Police) provides care to approximately 1,500 abused children from twenty-two provinces and cities in southern Vietnam. Research done by Pham Dinh Chi in January 2001 indicates that 78 percent of such formerly abused children are boys, 51 percent are sixteen or under, 65 percent are of urban background, about 10 percent are from families with a divorce, and 65 percent are former drug abusers (Pham Dinh Chi 2004). There are many legal mandates (1960, 1961, 1962, 1994, 1998, 2000) requiring childcare programs to report abuse and neglect, if suspected. These generally have been issued by the Political Bureau of Vietnam. Corporal punishment in schools is forbidden. However, though only rarely, teachers may punish pupils by asking them to run around the classroom many times or asking them to stand under hot sunlight, for example. More commonly, students with behavioral problems are asked to write critical reviews of themselves and present them to groups. Then teachers and other students may give suggestions for improving behavior. With respect to military service in Vietnam, the age for entry is eighteen to twenty-seven. Vietnam has a relatively large military force. Apparently seventeen-year-old trainees in military schools are considered to be part of the armed forces. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The children of Vietnam face a bright future in ascending Vietnam. Anthropologist Thomas Rohlen (1983) in reference to Japan states that ‘‘this nation is distinctive in its devotion to the idea that self-cultivation through the disciplined pursuit of knowledge is the path to human perfection.’’ The same mindset exists among many Vietnamese with their high motivation to learn and to study. Some argue that Vietnam has the
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highest quality of labor related to cost in the world, and thus is becoming particularly attractive to high tech industry. As an increasingly successful ‘‘new Tiger’’ in the dynamic Asia-Pacific region, the children of Vietnam will have steadily improving educational and occupational opportunities and perhaps most importantly have increasing choices. The major future challenge is to ensure that all Vietnamese, including those in remote areas and of diverse ethnic backgrounds, have such opportunities. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Burr, Rachel. 2006. Vietnam’s Children in a Changing World. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press. This volume provides a valuable overview of some key contemporary issues such as working children and children on the streets. It also examines children’s issue in the context of international aid and globalization. Edmonds, Eric V., and Carrie Turk. 2004. Child Labor in Transition in Vietnam. In Paul Glewwe, et al. eds. Economic Growth, Poverty, and Household Welfare in Vietnam. Washington, DC: The World Bank. This study provides detailed empirical data on the child labor situation in Vietnam. The editor of the volume is an applied economist who has a good understanding of the Vietnamese cultural context. Ferguson, Barbara. 2006. Rain in My Heart: Memories of Children and War in South Vietnam. South Melbourne: Lothian Books. A moving memoir by an Australian woman who taught in Vietnam from 1967–1975, working with children experiencing the trauma of war. The book contains the stories of many of these children. Hayslip, Le Ly, with Jay Wurts. 1989. When Heaven and Earth Changed Places: A Vietnamese woman’s journey from war to peace. New York: Doubleday. The memoir of a Vietnamese woman who was twelve when U.S. soldiers reached her village in central Vietnam. This is the story of a girl growing up during the tragic U.S. war in Vietnam. Lorbiecki, Marybeth. 1997. Children of Vietnam. Minneapolis: Carolrhoda. [photographs by Paul P. Rome]. This volume provides rich visual images of diverse children in Vietnam. This is a book accessible to children with an attractive format and highly readable text. McKelvey, Robert S. 1999. The Dust of Life: America’s Children Abandoned in Vietnam. Seattle: University of Washington Press. A thorough presentation of the complex challenges facing children left behind by U.S. military personnel in Vietnam. Noble, Christina. 1994. Nobody’s Child: A Woman’s Abusive Past and the Inspiring Dream That Led Her to Rescue the Street Children of Vietnam. New York: Grove Press, 1994. This book is the moving autobiography of a woman who herself was abused in Ireland as a child, who later comes to Vietnam and dedicates herself to improving the lot of street children in Vietnam. Taylor, Rosemary, with Wende Grant. 1998. Orphans of War: Work with the Abandoned Children of Vietnam 1967–1975. London: Collins. This book shares reflections on working with orphans during the war period.
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Toyama, Koichiro. 2001. Young Vietnam: Doi Moi’s Children. Singapore: THINK Centre. Written by a Japanese based in Singapore, this volume presents an excellent overview of the impact of the new Vietnamese market-oriented economy on its children and their relations with their elders. It contains extensive empirical data and a marvelous collection of photographs. Yarborough, Train. 2005. Surviving Twice: Amerasian Children of the Vietnam War. Washington, DC: Potomac Books. Reviews the dual challenges of Amerasian children first in Vietnam and then later after immigrating to the United States.
Nonprint Resources Families of Vietnam. 2005. Cincinnati: Master Communication (Arden Films). Provides an overview of the nature of the family in Vietnam and how it has evolved. Keitel, Harvey, Don Duong, Nguyen Ngoc Hiep, and Tony Bui. 1999. Three Seasons. New York: USA Home Entertainment. This Vietnamese feature film presents a naturalistic portrait of poverty in Saigon showing many contrasts and disparities. One focus is an eight-year-old street child. Moland, H. P. (Director). 2005. The Beautiful Country. Hollywood: Sony Picture Classics. Directed by a Norwegian, this feature film presents the moving story of a Vietnamese child escaping Vietnam as a boat person and then seeking to find his father in the United States. Morris, Errol, Michael Williams, Julie Bilson Ahlbert, Robert S. McNamara, and Philip Glass. 2004. The Fog of War: Eleven Lessons from the Life of Robert S. McNamara. Culver City, CA: Columbia TriStar Home Entertainment. A candid and critical account of how the United States became involved in Vietnam through an examination of the life of former Secretary of Defense, Robert S. McNamara, and one of David Halberstam’s ‘‘best and brightest.’’ Poras, Marlo. 2002. Mai’s America. New York: Women Make Movies. The story of a young student from Hanoi who comes to study in New Orleans in the U.S. Shows the complexity of cultural differences and the challenges of intercultural contact. Stone, Oliver, Tommy Lee Jones, Joan Chen, Haing Ngor, Thi Hiep Le, Le Ly Hayslip, Jay Wurts, and James Hayslip. 2000. Heaven & Earth. Burbank, CA.: Warner Home Video. Based on the book by Le Ly Hayslip, a visual interpretation of her moving memoir about growing up during the war in Vietnam. Tran Anh Hung, and Tran Nu Yen-Khe. 1994. The Scent of Green Papaya. London: Artificial Eye. One of the best local Vietnamese films with powerful visual images. The story of an innocent ten-year-old village girl who becomes a servant in a bourgeois home in Saigon in the 1950s.
Web Sites A.Y.C. Liu. Children’s Participation Behavior in Vietnam: Combined Activities, http://eprints.anu.edu.au/archive/00000171/00/sea99-2.pdf. In this electronic 1999 working paper of the Asia Pacific School of Economics and Management in Australia, Amy Y.C. Liu provides an empirical analysis of the Vietnam Living Standards Survey of 1992–1993. Her research shows the economic contributions of children in Vietnam and how they combine schooling and work. Center for Reproductive Rights. Statistical Profile: Vietnam, http://www.crlp.org/ ww_asia_vietnam.html. Provides extensive data on demographic and population trends in Vietnam.
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Duong, Kim Hong and Kenichi Ohno. 2005. Street Children in Vietnam: Interactions of Old and New Causes in a Growing Economy, http://www.grips.ac.jp/ teacher/oono/hp/docu02/streetkid.pdf. An electronic version of a 2005 research study by Duong Kim Hung and Kenichi Ohno of the Vietnam Development Forum on the changing conditions of street children in Ho Chi Minh City and Hanoi. Duong and Ohno come up with a new typology of street children reflecting the important heterogeneity of this population. Global March Against Child Labour, http://www.globalmarch.org/resourcecentre/ world/vietnam.pdf. Provides quantitative empirical data on conditions of child labor, child trafficking, child prostitution, child servants, and other hazardous child labor in Vietnam. International Mission of Hope, http://www.imh-vn.org. Describes the humanitarian projects of the International Mission of Hope in Vietnam during the period of its existence, 1999–2003. Its president is Cherie Clark, author of After Sorrow Comes Joy. Prevalence, Abuse & Exploitation of Street Children. Socialist Republic of Vietnam, http://gvnet.com/streetchildren/Vietnam.htm. Data from the Vietnamese government itself on problems associated with street children. Save the Children Vietnam, http://www.savethechildren.org/countries/asia/vietnam. asp. This Web site describes the work of Save the Children in Vietnam, summarizing its various programs in the areas of early childhood education, micro finance, maternal and child care, reproductive health for you, disaster preparedness and response, and reading for children initiative. Street Children in Vietnam, Vietnam Development Forum, http://www.vdf.org.vn/ StreetChildren/StreetChildren.html. Provides an in-depth policy discussion of street children issues. The World Factbook: Vietnam, http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/ geos/vm.html. Provides extensive data on various aspects of Vietnamese society such as history, demography, economy, politics, and infrastructure. Data are extremely current.
Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations Ministry of Education and Training Boˆ. Giao du.c va Ðao ta.o Trung t^am Tin hc Soˆ´ 49 Ða.i Coˆ` Vie.ˆ t - Ha Noˆ. i Phone: 84-4-869-5712 Fax: 84-4-869-3712 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.moet.gov.vn
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This Ministry is responsible for the provision of education (formal and nonformal) at all levels. It also handles educational policy and planning at all levels. Ministry of Labour, Invalids and Social Affairs Web site: http://www.bldtbxh.gov.vn This Ministry is responsible for labor regulations and laws, as well as human resource development in Vietnam. It also helps Vietnamese (including youth and those with disabilities) to be productive members of society. Ministry of Public Health 138A Giang Vo Road Hanoi, Vietnam Phone: 84-4-824-3463 Fax: 84-4-826-4051 Email [email protected] This Ministry is responsible for the provision of health care in Vietnam. It is also responsible for planning and policies related to health care and provision. The health of children fall under its mandate. Vietnamese Commission for Population Family and Children (VCPFC) Phone: 84-4-8439735 Fax: 84-4-7331951 Email [email protected], [email protected] Web site: http://www.vcpfc.gov.vn The Vietnam Commission for Population Family and Children serves as an advisory body for the government in formulating strategies, plans, programs, projects on population family and children. Being a coordinating agency, VCPFC works closely with line ministries and mass organizations to carry out these programs. Nongovernmental Organizations Children’s Medical and Social Center Web site: http://sos-medical-centres.org/vietnam.htm The SOS Medical Centre in Vietnam, Da Lat, helps orphaned and vulnerable children and their families in the local community. It provides general health care, including dentistry, to the local community. Christina Noble Children’s Foundation P.O. Box 386, Saigon Post Office Centre Ho Chi Minh, Vietnam Phone: 84-8-932-0960, 84-8-932-6484 Fax. 84-8-932 7276 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.cncf.org The Christina Noble Children’s Foundation is an international partnership of people dedicated to serving children in need of emergency and long-term medical care, nutritional rehabilitation, educational opportunities, vocational training, job placemen, and the protection of children at risk of economic and sexual exploitation.
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The House of Street Children Gonin, 8 2014 Milan, Italy Phone: 39-02-412-1011 Fax: 39-02-48302707 Email: [email protected] Web site: web.peacelink.it/koinonia_eng.html The organization works for street children. One of the aims is to offer the children a place where, aside from learning how to read and write, they can have hot meals, wash themselves and wash their clothes, play and practice sports. International Mission of Hope (IMH) Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.imh-vn.org IMH built and supported orphanages and medical clinics, as well as other projects including support for the elderly and handicapped, disaster relief, and tree planting in Vietnam. The Population Council Vietnam 2 Dang Dung Street Ba Dinh District Hanoi, Vietnam Phone: 84-4-716-1716 Fax: 84-4-716-1707 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.popcouncil.org/asia/vietnam.html The Population Council’s mission in Vietnam is to conduct research on reproductive health and contraceptive choice to provide a greater understanding and awareness of the needs and concerns of Vietnamese women and men. Save the Children – Vietnam C/o La Thanh Hotel, 218 Doi Can Ba Dinh District Hanoi, Vietnam Phone: 84-4-832-5319 Fax: 84-4-832-5073 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.savethechildren.net/vietnam All Save the Children organizations in Vietnam have had activities based on their Common Framework of Operation (CFO) since 2001 in Emergency Preparedness and Response, HIV/AIDS, Child Participation, and Early Childhood Development. The Support of Vietnam Children Association (SVCA) 33-25 Takeya-cho, Takano, Sakyo-ku Kyoto 606-8104, Japan Phone: 81-7-5701-2095 Fax: 81-7-5701-2095
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Email: [email protected] This Japanese non-for-profit organization provides financial assistance to improve the quality of lives of disadvantaged children in Vietnam. Terre Des Hommes (TDH) Vietnam International Secretariat 31 chemin Franck Thomas,CH-1223 Cologne/Geneva Switzerland Phone: 41-22-736-3372 Fax: 41-22-736-1510 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.terredeshommes.org/index.php?lang¼en The International Federation Terre des Hommes is a network of eleven national organizations working for the rights of children and to promote equitable development without racial, religious, political, cultural or gender-based discrimination. UNICEF-Vietnam Ho Chi Minh Office Unit 1406, Suh Wah Tower 115 Nguyen Hue Bolevard, District 1 Ho Chi Minh, Vietnam Phone: 84-8-821-9413 Fax: 84-8-821-9415 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.unicef.org/vietnam UNICEF-Vietnam Hanoi Office 81A Tran Quoc Toan Hoan Kiem District Ha Noi, Viet Nam Phone: 84-4-942-5706 11 Fax. 84-4-942-5705 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.unicef.org/vietnam UNICEF Vietnam focuses on the natural disaster, HIV/AIDS, infant and mother mortality rates, and economic problems. It works with the Vietnamese government to advance the rights of women and children. World Vision International Vietnam 4th Floor, HEAC Building 14-16 Ham Long Street Hanoi, Vietnam Phone: 84-4-943-9920 Fax: 84-4-943-9921 Web site: http://www.worldvision.org.vn World Vision Vietnam’s work focuses on children, ensuring they are protected and their basic needs are met. It provides activities that are tailored specifically to the community’s needs, encouraging community participation and ownership, so they become agents of their own development.
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Selected Bibliography Ahn, T. S., J. Knodel, D. Lam and J. Friedman. 1998. Family size and children’s education in Vietnam. Demography 35(1): 57–70. Bartlett, Therese. 2001. When You Were Born in Vietnam: A Memory Book for Children Adopted from Vietnam. Photos by William Bartlett. St. Paul, Minnesota: Yeong & Yeong Book Company. Bloom, E. 2003. Technical Assistance (Financed by the Poverty Reduction Cooperation Fund) to the Socialist Republic of Vietnam for Early Childhood Development for the Poor. Manila; Asian Development Bank. Chong, Denise. 2000. The Girl in the Picture: The Story of Kim Phuc, the Photograph, and the Vietnam War. New York: Viking. Clark, Cherie. 2000. After Sorrow Comes Joy: One Woman’s Struggle to Bring Hope to Thousands of Children in Vietnam and India. Westminster, CO: Lawrence & Thomas Publishing House. Cuc, N. K., and M. Flamm. 1996. Children of the Dust: Street Children in Vietnam and Children in Extremely Difficult Circumstances. Bangkok: World Vision. Dien, Khong. 2002. Population and Ethno-Demography in Vietnam. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books. Do Phuong, ed. 1998. Vietnam: Image of the Community of 54 Ethnic Groups. Hanoi: The Ethnic Cultures Publishing House. Elliott, Duong Van Mai. 1999. The Sacred Willow: Four Generations in the Life of a Vietnamese Family. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Freeman, J. M., and N. D. Huu. 2003. Voices from the Camps: Vietnamese Children Seeking Asylum. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Glewwe, P., S. Koch, and B. L. Nguyen. Child Nutrition, Economic Growth, and the Provision of Health Care Services in Vietnam in the 1990s. Washington, DC: World Bank, Development Research Group, Macroeconomics and Growth. Ha, D. N., and B. Franklin. 1999. Possibilities of Reuniting Street Working Children with their Families. Hanoi: National Political Publishing House. Harpham, T., N. T. Huong, T. T. Long, and T. Tuan. 2005. Participatory child poverty assessment in rural Vietnam. Children & Society 19(1): 27–41. Hayslip, Le Ly with James Hayslip. 1993. Child of War, Woman of Peace. New York: Doubleday. Hoa, D. P., B. Hojer, and L. A. Persson. Are there Social Inequities in Child Morbidity and Mortality in Rural Vietnam? Journal of Tropical Pediatrics 43(4): 226–31. Huong, Giong. June 27, 1999. Tackling Child Abuse in Vietnam. Sunday Vietnam News. Lifton, Betty J., and Thomas C. Fox. 1972. Children of Vietnam. New York: Atheneum. Marr, David, and S. Rosen. 1998. Chinese and Vietnamese Youth in the 1990s: Transforming Asian Socialism. China and Vietnam Compared. The China Journal 40:145–72. National Plan of Action Against the Crime of Trafficking in Children and Women During 2004–2010. Hanoi: Office of the Prime Minister, July 17, 2004. Nguyen, Kien. 2001. The Unwanted: A Memoir. Boston: Little, Brown and Company. Penn, Helen. 2005. Unequal Childhoods: Young Children’s Lives in Poor Countries. London: Routledge. Rohlen, Thomas. 1983. Cited in D.L. McConnell, Importing Diversity: Inside Japan’s JET Program. Berkeley: University of California Press.
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Rystrm, Helle. 2003. Embodying Morality Growing Up in Rural Northern Vietnam. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Save the Children and Youth Research Institute. 1998. Child Labour in Ho Chi Minh City. Hanoi: Save the Children. Teekens, Hanneke. 2002. Thi’s story: Growing up in the Mekong Delta and Studying Abroad. In Walter Gr€ unzweig and Nana Rinehart, eds. Rockin’ in Red Square: Critical Approaches to International Education in the Age of Cyberculture. M€ unster, Germany: Lit Verlag. Tuyet, Le Thi Nham, ed. 2002. Images of the Vietnamese Woman in the New Millennium. Hanoi: The Gioi Publishers.
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Akaha, Tsuneo and Anna Vassilieva, eds. Crossing National Borders: International Migration Issues in Northeast Asia. Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 2006. Bechard, Raymond. Unspeakable: The Hidden Truth Behind the World’s Fastest Growing Crime. Compel Publishing, 2006. Belli, Paolo C., Flavia Bustreo, and Alexander Preker. Investing in Children’s Health: What Are the Economic Benefits? Bulletin of the World Health Organization, 83, No.10 (2005): 777–784. Campbell, Jack, Nick Baikaloff, and Colin Power, eds. Towards a Global Community: Educating for Tomorrow’s World (Education in the Asia-Pacific Region: Issues, Concerns, and Prospects). New York: Springer, 2006. Chen, Yin C., King W. Chow, and Magdalena M.C. Mok, eds. Reform of Teacher Education in the Asia-Pacific in the New Millennium: Trends and Challenges (Education in the Asia-Pacific Region: Issues, Concerns, and Prospects). New York: Springer, 2005. Chesterman, John, and Brian Galligan. Citizens without Rights: Aborigines and Australian Citizenship. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Croll, Elizabeth. Endangered Daughters: Discrimination and Development in Asia. London: Routledge, 2001. Delang, Claudio O. Karen Human Rights Group, and Kevin Heppner, eds. Suffering in Silence: The Human Rights Nightmare of the Karen People of Burma. Parkland, FL: Universal Publishers, 2001. Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. Sexually Abused and Sexually Exploited Children and Youth in South Asia: A Qualitative Assessment of their Health Needs and Available Services. New York: United Nations Publications, 2001. Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. A Future Within Reach: Reshaping Institutions in a Region of Disparities to Meet the Millennium Development Goals in Asia And the Pacific. New York: United Nations Publications, 2005. Farr, Kathryn. Sex Trafficking: The Global Market in Women and Children. New York: Worth Publishers, 2004. Freedman, Lynn, Ron Waldman, Mushtaque Chowdhury, and Allan Rosenfield, eds. Who’s Got the Power? Transforming Health Systems for Women and Children (UN Millennium Project). London: Earthscan Publications, 2005.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Gillespie, Stuart and Lawrence Haddad. The Double Burden of Malnutrition in Asia: Causes, Consequences, and Solutions (Interventions for Effective Action). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 2003. Gooneseker, Savitri. Children, Law and Justice: A South Asian Perspective. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1998. Gordon, Bruce, Richard Mackay, and Eva Rehfuess. Inheriting the World: The Atlas of Children’s Health and the Environment. Geneva: World Health Organization, 2004. Green, Ross Gordo, and Kearney F. Healy. Tough on Kids: Rethinking Approaches to Youth Justice. Saskatoon, Canada: Purich Publishing, 2006. Gupta, Amita, ed. Going to School in South Asia. Westport: Greenwood Press, 2007. Harriss-White, Barbara, S. Janakarajan, and E.S. Janakarajan. Rural India Facing the 21st Century (Anthem South Asian Studies). Anthem Press, 2004. Health and the Millennium Development Goals. World Health Organization. Geneva: World Health Organization (June 2005). Herath, Gamini and Kisore Sharma, eds. Child Labour in South Asia. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate Publishing, 2007. Herz, Barbara and Sperling, Gene B. What Works in Girls’ Education: Evidence and Policies from the Developing World. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2005. Heyneman, Stephen P. and Alan J. De Young, eds. The Challenges of Education in Central Asia (International Perspectives on Educational Policy). Greenwich, CT: Information Age Publishing. Holtzman, Steven B. and Nezam, Taies. Living in Limbo: Conflict-Induced Displacement in Europe and Central Asia. Washington, DC: World Bank, 2004. Human Rights Watch. My Gun Was as Tall as Me. New York: Human Rights Watch, 2002. Hunter, Susan. AIDS in Asia: A Continent in Peril. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. International Labor Organization, ILO. Combating Child Labour in Asia and the Pacific: Progress and Challenges. Washington DC, International Labor Organization, 2005. Kabeer, Naila, Geetha Nambissan, and Ramya Subrahmanian, eds. Child Labor and the Right to Education in South Asia: Needs versus Rights? Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 2003. Law, Lisa. Sex Work in Southeast Asia: The Place of Desire in a Time of HIV/AIDS. London: Routledge, 2000. Lin Lean Lim, ed. The Sex Sector: The Economic and Social Bases of Prostitution in Southeast Asia. Geneva: International Labour Office, 1998. Manderson, Lenore, and Margaret Jolly, eds. Sites of Desire/Economies of Pleasure: Sexualities in Asia and the Pacific. University of Chicago Press, 1997. Maslak, Mary Ann. Daughters of the Tharu: Gender, Ethnicity, Religion, and the Education of Nepali Girls. London: Routledge, 2003. McKee, Martin, Judith Healy, and Jane Falkingham, eds. Health Care in Central Asia. Berkshire, UK: Open University Press, 2002. Minou, Tabatabai. The Possible Models of Creative Therapies for the Child Victims of War and Armed Conflicts. Asia Pacific Education Review, 7, No. 2 (2006): 229–35. Nube, M. Relationships between Undernutrition Prevalence among Children and Adult Women at National and Subnational Level. European Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 59, No. 10 (2005): 1112–20. Pardeck, John T. 2002. Children’s Rights: Policy and Practice. New York: The Haworth Social Work Practice Press.
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Pattnaik, Jyotsna, ed. Childhood in South Asia. Greenwich, CT: Information Age Publishing, 2005. Penn, Helen. Unequal Childhoods: Children’s Lives in Developing Countries (Contesting Early Childhood Series). London: Routledge, 2005. Postiglione, Gerard A., and Tan, Jason. Going to School in East Asia. Westport: Greenwood Press, 2007. Roberts-Davis, Tanya. We Need to Go to School: Voices of the Rugmark Children. Toronto: Groundwood Books, 2001. Schoenberger, Karl. Levi’s Children: Coming to Terms with Human Rights in the Global Marketplace. New York: Grove Press/Atlantic, 2001. Sen, Satadru. Colonial Childhoods: London: Wimbledon Publishing Company, 2005. Shekar, Meera, Richard Heaver, Yi-kyoung Lee, eds. Repositioning Nutrition as Central to Development: A Strategy for Large Scale Action (Directions in Development). Washington, DC: World Bank Publications, 2005. Sorajjakoo, Siroj. Child Prostitution in Thailand: Listening to Rahab. New York: Haworth Press, 2002. UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre. Changing Minds, Policies, and Lives: Improving Protection of Children in Eastern and Europe and Central Asia-Gatekeeping Service for Vulnerable Children and Families. United Nations Publications, 2005. United Nations. Combating Human Trafficking in Asia: A Resource Guide to International and Regional Legal Instruments, Political Commitments and Recommended Practices. New York: United Nations, 2004. United Nations. Emerging Issues of Health and Mortality in the Asian and Pacific Region. New York: United Nations, 2005. Vandewiele, Tiny. Optional Protocol: The Involvement of Children in Armed Conflicts (Commentary on the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, 46). Boston: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2005. Wessells, Michael. Child Soldiers: From Violence to Protection. Boston: Harvard University Press, 2007. White, Howard. Maintaining Momentum Towards the MDGs: An Impact Evaluation of Interventions to Improve Maternal and Child Health and Nutrition Outcomes in Bangladesh. Washington, DC: World Bank Publications, 2005. Wilds, Mary C. Indigenous Peoples of the World – Southeast Asia. Chicago: Lucent Books, 2002. World Bank. Health Policy Research in South Asia: Building Capacity for Reform (Health, Nutrition and Population Series). Washington D.C: World Bank Publications, 2003. World Bank. India’s Undernourished Children: A Call for Reform and Action (Health, Nutrition and Population Series). Washington, DC: World Bank Publications, 2006. World Health Organization. World Health Statistics 2006. Geneva: World Health Organization, 2006.
NONPRINT RESOURCES Born into Brothels. 2005. Think Film. Directors. Zana Briski and Ross Kauffman. 85 minutes. The documentary presents everyday life of children of prostitutes in Sonagachi, Calcutta’s (India) red light district. Conquering the Darkness—The Fight Against Memories of Abuse. 2006. Kansai Telecasting Corporation. Producer: Shinichi Sugimoto. Made in Japan, the
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
documentary portrays the cycle of parental abuse of children that is passed from one generation to another. Fragile Promise. 2001. Asian Developmental Bank. Video and CD-ROM Productions. 11 minutes, 6 seconds. This documentary is based on a child worker’s union in Southern India where children are fighting for their rights and working toward changing their lives for a better future. Heda Hoda (Blind camel). 2006. Kriti. Producer: Vinod Ganatra. 83 minutes. The documentary presents a child’s perspective on peace across borders of India and Pakistan. Highway to Hell: Trafficking of Girls from Nepal to India. 2000. Southview Productions. Directed by Meera Dewan Camera, Roshan Shrestha and others. 38 minutes. VHS. Based on interviews, the documentary presents how false promises of marriage and legitimate employment leads Napalese girls to Indian brothels. India: Working to End Child Labor. 2004. Films Media Group. 26 min. DVD. Made in India, this documentary portrays life of working children in India. Lost Souls: Street children in Karachi. 2007. Azad Foundation. First part (18 minutes, 29 seconds), second part (17 minutes, 11 seconds). This is a 2-part documentary on street children’ s lives in Karachi, Pakistan. The Orphans, Childless, and Predators (Singapore). 2004. MediaCorp News Ptd Ltd. Producer: Ong Hee Yah. 48 minutes. The documentary examines how orphaned children cope with the devastating experiences of the tsunami. Pakistan 7.6’. 2006. Jazeera Children’s Channel. Directed by Elyes Bacca. 26-minute. A documentary film about children living in the aftermath of last October’s devastating earthquake in South Asia. School of the Highlands (Philippines). Asian Council for People’s Culture (ACPC) and Schools of Indigenous Knowledge and Traditions (SIKAT). Produced by ACPC Sikat. The documentary looks at the challenges faced by indigenous families in Philippines in schooling their children. Stolen Childhoods. 2004. Galen Films. Producer/Director Len Morris. 1 hour, 26 min. DVD and VHS. A documentary on child labor in seven countries: Brazil, India, the United States, Mexico, Indonesia, Kenya and Nepal, stolen childhoods analyzes factors that contribute to child labor, examines the cost of child labor to the global community, and suggests ideas for eliminating child labor. Stop the Traffick. 2001. Television Trust for the Environment. Directed by Emily Marlow. 28 minutes. VHS and DVD. Based on the issue of child trafficking of children in Cambodia, the documentary examines the socio-economic factors that lead to child trafficking and by the International Labor Organization and local groups to rescue the children and stop the traffic.
WEB SITES Aga Khan Development Network. Home page: http://www.akdn.org/ Amnesty International. Home page: http://www.amnesty.org Asian Development Bank, ADB. Home page: http://www.adb.org The Bernard van Leer Foundation. Home page: http://www.bernardvanleer.org/
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Caritas Internationalis. Home page: http://www.caritas.org Center for Global development. Home page: http://www.cgdev.org/ Child Rights Information Network. Home page: http://www.crin.org ECPAT NZ. Internet safety. http://www.ecpat.org.nz/projects-safety.html Ford Foundation. Home page: http://www.fordfound.org Forum-Asia (2006). Towards Dignity and Equality in Rights for Asia’s Indigenous Peoples. http://www.forum-asia.org/index.php?option¼com_content&task¼view& id¼97&Itemid¼49 Global Policy Forum. NGOs in Central Asia. Home page: http://www.globalpolicy. org/ngos/role/globalact/state/2002/0302asia.htm Human Rights Watch. Home page: http://www.hrw.org/ International Bureau for Children’s Rights (IBCR). 2006. Country Profiles on CRC Implementation: Making Children’s Rights Work in Asia. http://www.ibcr.org/ PAGE_EN/E_CP_3.htm International Reading Association. Home page: http://www.reading.org International Save the Children Alliance. Home page: http://www.savethechildren. net/alliance/index.html The Internet Center for Corruption Research. Transparency International (TI) 2006 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI). 2006. http://www.icgg.org/corruption. cpi_2006.html Internet World Stats: Usage and Population Statistics. 2007 http://www. internetworldstats.com/stats3.htm MacArthur Foundation. Home page: http://www.macfound.org Millennium Project. About MDGs: What they are. http://www.unmillenniumproject. org/goals/index.htm Oxfam International. Home page: http://www.oxfam.org/eng Pacific Island Forums Secretariat. 2002. Issues in basic education for children and youth with disabilities. http://www.usp.ac.fj/fileadmin/files/Institutes/pride/ Resource_centre/Forum/forum02/Disability_issues_paper.pdf PACT. Home page: http://www.pactworld.org
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Peace Corps. Home page: http://www.peacecorps.gov/indexnf.cfm Plan International. Home page: http://www.plan-international.org Pratham. Home page: http://www.pratham.org/ Refugees International. Home page: http://www.refugeesinternational.org/cgi-bin/ ri/index Relief International. Home page: http:///www.ri.org South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation. Home page: http://www.saarc-sec. org/main.php Transparency International. Home page: http://www.transparency.org UNAIDS. AIDS Epidemic Update: December 2006. http://www.unaids.org/en/ HIV_data/epi2006/default.asp UNESCO. 2007. EFA global monitoring report: Regional Overview: Pacific region. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0014/001489/148984E.pdf UNESCO. 2007. EFA global monitoring report: Regional Overview: Pacific region. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0014/001489/148984E.pdf UNICEF. Home page: http://www.unicef.org/ United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Statistics Division. 2005. Progress towards the Millennium Development Goals, 1990–2005 http:// unstats.un.org/unsd/mi/goals_2005/goal_3.pdf The United Nations Development Fund for Women, UNIFEM. Home page: http://www.unifem.org.in/ United Nations Development Programme, UNDP (2006). Home page: http:// hdr.undp.org United Nations hdr.undp.org
Development
Programme,
UNDP.
Home
page:
http://
United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, UNESCAP. Economic and social survey for Asia and the Pacific. http://www.unescap.org/ survey2007/ United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. Home page: http://www.unescap.org/
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
United Nations Economic and Social Council. 2007. Fundamental rights of Asia’s native people increasingly violated. http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2007/ hr4922.doc.htm Women Aid International. Home page: http://www.womenaid.org World Bank. 2007. Growth, poverty reduction and environmental sustainability. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTGLOMONREP2007/Resources/ 3413191-1176390231604/039-066_GMRch1.pdf The World Bank. South Asia: Global Monitoring Report 2007: Confronting the Challenges of Gender Equality and Fragile States. http://web.worldbank.org/ WBSITE/EXTERNAL/EXTDEC/EXTGLOBALMONITOR/EXTGLOMONREP2007/ 0,,contentMDK:21256833menuPK:3558128pagePK:64218950piPK:64218883the SitePK:3413261,00.html World Economic Forum. The Global Gender Gap Report. 2006. http://www.weforum. org/en/initiatives/gcp/Gender%20Gap/GenderGap World Education. Home page: http://www.worlded.org
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INDEX
Age of criminal responsibility: Australia, 14–15; Indonesia, 224; New Zealand, 313–14; Pakistan, 336; Philippines, 359; Singapore, 381; South Korea, 406; Tajikistan, 478 Age of majority: Australia, 9; Bangladesh, 29, 37; Bhutan, 60; Cambodia, 80; China, 108, 111; Hong Kong, 181; India, 198–200; Malaysia, 257; New Zealand, 303, 314; Pakistan, 336; Singapore, 372, 381; Tajikistan, 477 Alcohol consumption: New Zealand, 312; Sri Lanka, 426 Armed forces recruitment age: Australia, 14, 18; Indonesia, 224; Sri Lanka, 424 Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW), reports of child maltreatment, 17 Australian Institute of Sport, 6 Australian Law Reform Commission (ALRC), 12 Australia’s National Framework for Human Rights: National Action Plan (NAP), 11 Bali-Hinduism, Indonesia, 225 Bangladesh Children’s Act of 1974, 29 Bangladesh Demographic Health Survey (BDHS), 35 Bangladesh Majority Act of 1875, 29
Bangladesh Shishu Academy (Bangladesh Children’s Academy) Ordinance, 1976, 29, 31 Bangladesh Shishu Adhikar Forum (Bangladesh Child Rights Forum), 38 Bonded labor, Pakistan, 333, 337 Buddhism: Bhutan, 68–69; Cambodia, 90–91; China, 113; Hong Kong, 182; Indonesia, 225; Japan, 248; Malaysia, 268; Mongolia, 293–94; Singapore, 384–85; South Korea, 407–8; Sri Lanka, 431; Taiwan, 454; Thailand, 487, 498–500 Building a Healthy, Active Australia, 2004, 5 Bullying, Japan, 241, 247 Bureau of Human Right Protection, Japan, 247 Cambodian Ministry of Social Affairs, Labor, Vocational Training, and Youth Rehabilitation (MOSALVY), 84–85 Care for Girls Campaign, China, 109, 115 Care of Children Act of 2004, New Zealand, 312–13 Catholicism, Philippines, 357, 360–61 Center for Study and Child Protection, Indonesia, 213
Child abuse and neglect: Australia, 17–18; Bangladesh, 39–41; Bhutan, 70; Cambodia, 91–92; China, 113–15; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 136; Fiji, 159, 161–63; Hong Kong, 182–83; India, 202–3; Indonesia, 226–27; Japan, 239, 249–50; Malaysia, 269–71; Mongolia, 294–95; New Zealand, 313, 315–16; Pakistan, 340–42; Philippines, 349, 361–63; Singapore, 385– 86; South Korea, 408–9; Sri Lanka, 432; Taiwan, 455–56; Tajikistan, 480–81; Thailand, 501–2; Turkmenistan, 528–29 Child Abuse Prevention Law, Japan, 250 Child Act 2001, Malaysia, 266 Child Advocacy Network, Indonesia, 213 Child Death Review Committee, Australia, 18 Child labor: Australia, 6–7, 14; Bangladesh, 32–34; Bhutan, 65; Cambodia, 83–86; China, 108; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 132; Fiji, 153–54; Hong Kong, 176–77; India, 194–95; Indonesia, 220–22; Japan, 243; Malaysia, 261–62; Mongolia, 284–85; New Zealand, 308–9; Pakistan, 332–33, 336–37; Philippines, 353–55; Singapore, 376;
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Child labor (Continued) South Korea, 401–3; Sri Lanka, 423–25; Taiwan, 448; Tajikistan, 473–74; Thailand, 494–95; Turkmenistan, 521– 22 CHILDLINE India Foundation (CIF), 203 Child Marriage Restraint Act 1929, Pakistan, 334 Child mortality: Bangladesh, 28, 35–36; Cambodia, 87–88; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 133; Fiji, 155; Hong Kong, 171, 178; Mongolia, 281, 288–89; New Zealand, 302–303, 311; Singapore, 380; South Korea, 405; Tajikistan, 476 Child protection services: Australia, 18; Bangladesh, 29–30 Children and Young Persons Act, Singapore, 385 Children and Young Persons (Employment) Act, Malaysia, 261–62 Children’s Bureau Ministry of the Interior (CBI), Taiwan, 441–42 Child Rights and You, India, 191 Childsafe Cambodia, 86 Child soldiers, Sri Lanka, 424 Child trafficking: Australia, 14; Bangladesh, 40; Bhutan, 70; China, 108; Hong Kong, 177; India, 203; Indonesia, 216, 220–21; Malaysia, 266; Pakistan, 327–28, 333, 338, 340–41; Philippines, 349, 353; Sri Lanka, 425, 430, 432–34; Taiwan, 448; Tajikistan, 481; Thailand, 501; Turkmenistan, 527 China Youth and Children Research Center, 107 Chinese Communist Party (CCP), 100 Christianity: China, 113; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 135–36; Fiji, 144, 160–61; Hong Kong, 182; Indonesia, 225; New Zealand,
314–15; Singapore, 384–85; South Korea, 408; Taiwan, 454; Tajikistan, 479 Collectivistic orientation, Taiwan, 449 College. See Higher education Compulsory Education Law: China, 112; Fiji, 145, 148–52; Hong Kong, 171; New Zealand, 304; Pakistan, 331; Singapore, 373; Tajikistan, 470; Thailand, 493 Confucianism: South Korea, 407–8; Taiwan, 443–44, 449, 454–55 Counseling services, Australia, 11 Crime: Australia, 12–13; China, 111 Criminal Code Amendment (Slavery and Sexual Servitude) Act of 1999, Australia, 6–7, 14 Criminal Code Amendment (Trafficking in Persons Offenses) Act of 2005, Australia, 14 Cultural diversity, Australia, 1–2 Definition of a child: Australia, 9; Bangladesh, 29, 37; Bhutan, 60; Cambodia, 80; China, 108; Malaysia, 257; New Zealand, 303; Pakistan, 336; Philippines, 359; Taiwan, 442; Turkmenistan, 514 Department of Families, Community Services, and Indigenous Affairs, Australia, 7 Department of Social Affairs, Indonesia, 213 Department of Youth, Culture and Sports (DYCS), Bhutan, 64 Disability: children in Mongolia, 283; Chinese children, 105–6; Fijian children, 150–51, 157; Hong Kong children, 174–75, 181; Indian children, 193; Indonesian children, 217–18; Malaysian children, 260; New Zealand, 312; Philippines, 352; Singapore children, 373; Sri Lanka, 422; Taiwan, 446; Thailand, 492; Turkmenistan, 518, 526
[ 568 ]
Dissolution of Muslim Marriage Act 1939, Pakistan, 334 Divorce rates: Hong Kong, 177– 78; Taiwan, 450; Turkmenistan, 523 Domestic violence: Australia, 3, 10; Cambodia, 91–92; Mongolia, 292; New Zealand, 313; Philippines, 350; Singapore, 385; Taiwan, 453; Tajikistan, 480 Drug use, Tajikistan, 479 Early childhood education. See Preschool education Economics: Australia, 2; New Zealand, 310; Singapore, 369; Sri Lanka, 419–20; Thailand, 496 Education: Australia, 3–4; Bangladesh, 30–31; Bhutan, 61–64; rural and urban indicators, 57; Cambodia, 81– 82; China, 100, 101–6; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 127–29; Fiji, 148–52; Hong Kong, 171, 173–75; India, 190–91, 192–94; Indonesia, 216, 217–18; Japan, 239–41; Malaysia, 258–60; Mongolia, 282–83; New Zealand, 304–6; Pakistan, 328– 31; Philippines, 351–52; Singapore, 372–74; South Korea, 398–400; Sri Lanka, 420–23; Taiwan, 444–47; Tajikistan, 469–72; Thailand, 491–93; Turkmenistan, 516– 19 Education Act, Malaysia, 258 Education for All (EFA), Bhutan, 62 Employment Ordinance, Hong Kong, 176–77 Environmental issues: Philippines, 350; South Korea, 405–6; Taiwan, 451. See also Pollution Ethnicity: Australia, 1–2; Bangladesh, 28–29; Bhutan, 56; China, 104–5; Fiji education system, 150; Indonesia, 211; Malaysia, 256, 259; Mongolia, 279, 283; New
INDEX
Zealand, 302, 311; Pakistan, 326; Philippines, 347; Singapore, 370; Sri Lanka, 418, 423; Taiwan, 440–41; Tajikistan, 466–67; Thailand, 488; Turkmenistan, 512 Examination-oriented education, in China, 102 Family Assistance Scheme, Fiji, 155 Family Law, Mongolia, 294–95 Family Law Act of 1975, Australia, 11 Family structure, 86–87; Australia, 7–10; Bangladesh, 28–29, 34–35; Bhutan, 65–67; China, 108–9; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 132–33; Fiji, 154–55; Hong Kong, 177–78; India, 195–97; Indonesia, 222; Japan, 243–45; Malaysia, 262–63; Mongolia, 285–88; New Zealand, 309– 10; Pakistan, 333–35; Philippines, 355–56; Singapore, 376–79; South Korea, 403–4; Sri Lanka, 425– 27; Taiwan, 449–51; Tajikistan, 474–76; Thailand, 495–96; Turkmenistan, 522–24 Family Violence Committee, Australia, 10 Family Welfare Movement, Indonesia, 213 Federation of Family Planning Associations, Malaysia, 264 Female genital mutilation (FMG or FGC), Indonesia, 223 Fertility rate, Singapore, 386–87 Fiji Employers Federation, views on child labor, 154 Fiji Trade Union Congress, views on child labor, 154 Foster care, Australia, 17 Four-two-one syndrome (filiarchy), China, 106 Gender Development Index, Bangladesh, 28 Gender differences: Bangladesh education, 31, 34; Bhutan female inheritance, 66; Chinese
education, 104; Fiji, 150, 159; Indian education, 192–93; Mongolia, 286; Pakistan ranking, 329; Singapore, 371; Sri Lanka, 420; Taiwan, 449; Tajikistan, 471, 474; Turkmenistan, 522 Government payments to families, Australia, 10 Government support, children’s health in Hong Kong, 179 Guardians and Wards Act 1890, Pakistan, 334 Health: Australia, 10–11; Bangladesh, 35–37; Bhutan, 67–68; statistics, 59; Cambodia, 87–88; China, 109– 11; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 133–35; Fiji, 155–58; Hong Kong, 178–80; India, 197–98; Indonesia, 222–23; Japan, 245–47; Malaysia, 263–65; Mongolia, 288–91; New Zealand, 310–12; Pakistan, 335–36; Philippines, 356–57; Singapore, 379–81; South Korea, 404–6; Sri Lanka, 427– 29; Taiwan, 451–53; Tajikistan, 476–77; Thailand, 496–97; Turkmenistan, 524–27 Higher education: China, 104; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 128; Hong Kong, 174; Malaysia, 258; New Zealand, 305–6; Philippines, 351–52; Turkmenistan, 518 Highly Active Antiretroviral Therapy (HAART), use in Malaysia, 263–64 Hilton Perkins International Program, Indonesian children, 218 Hinduism: Bangladesh, 35; Fiji, 161; India, 189, 201–2; Malaysia, 268; Singapore, 384– 85; Sri Lanka, 431 HIV/AIDS: Australia, 11; Bangladesh, 42; Bhutan, 67– 68; Cambodia, 83, 88; China, 110; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 134, 137;
[ 569
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Fiji, 158; Hong Kong, 180; India, 197–98; Japan, 246; Malaysia, 263–64; Mongolia, 289; Pakistan, 335–36; Singapore, 381; Sri Lanka, 428; Taiwan, 452–53; Tajikistan, 477; Thailand, 497; Turkmenistan, 525 Homelessness: Australia, 3, 8; Bangladesh street children, 41; Cambodia, 80; China, 105, 113–14; Fiji, 144; India, 202– 3; Indonesia, 214; Mongolia, 280; Pakistan, 327; Philippines, 348; South Korea, 396–97; Tajikistan, 481 Homosexuality: illegality in Fiji, 158; South Korea, 405. See also Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) youth Hong Kong Committee on Children’s Rights (2005), 170 Households, Australia, 8 Human Poverty Index, Bangladesh, 28 Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, Australia, 12 Immigration detention centers, Australia, 13–14 Immunization: Bangladesh, 35; Bhutan, 67; Cambodia, 88; China, 110; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 134; Fiji, 156; Hong Kong, 179; Mongolia, 291; Philippines, 357; Singapore, 380; South Korea, 405; Sri Lanka, 427; Turkmenistan, 515, 525 Indian Council for Child Welfare (ICCW), 191 Indigenous population, Australia, 2, 8–9, 12–13 Indonesian Child Welfare Foundation (YKAI), 213, 215 Indonesian Committee for the Creative Education for Child Labor Foundation, 213 Infant mortality: Australia, 10; Bangladesh, 28; Cambodia, 87–88; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 133; Fiji,
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Infant mortality (Continued) 146, 155; Hong Kong, 171, 178; Indonesia, 213; Mongolia, 281, 288; New Zealand, 302, 311; Pakistan, 335; Philippines, 356; Singapore, 380; South Korea, 405; Taiwan, 452; Tajikistan, 476; Turkmenistan, 515 Integrated Child Development Services Scheme, India, 197 International Labour Organization (ILO): Australian labor laws, 6–7; Bangladesh, 34, 38; Cambodia, 34, 38; Fiji, 147, 153; Indonesia, 220–21; Mongolia, 285, 292; New Zealand, 308; Philippines, 353; Singapore, 376; Sri Lanka, 429 International Management of Childhood Illnesses (IMCI), Bangladesh, 36 International Program on the Elimination of Child Labor (ILO-IPEC), Bangladesh, 33 International Program on the Elimination of Child Labor in Mongolia, ILO, 285 Internet. See Television/mass media/internet Islam (Muslim): Bangladesh, 35; China, 113; Indonesia, 214, 224–26; Malaysia, 256, 267– 68; Pakistan, 330, 338–40; Singapore, 384–85; Tajikistan, 466, 479–80; Turkmenistan, 528 Juvenile crime/justice: Australia, 13; Cambodia, 89–90; China, 111–12; Fiji, 159; Hong Kong, 181–82; India, 200; Indonesia, 224; Malaysia, 266; Mongolia, 292; New Zealand, 313; Pakistan, 336, 337–38; Philippines, 350; Singapore, 378, 381–82; South Korea, 406–7; Taiwan, 454; Tajikistan, 478; Thailand, 497–98 Khelaghor (playhouse), Bangladesh, 31–32 Khmer Rouge, 79–81
Kochi Kachar Ashar (children’s party), Bangladesh, 31–32 Korea Educational Development Institute (KEDI), 400 Labor Standard Law, South Korea, 401 Languages: Australia, 2; Bangladesh, 28; Bhutan, 56; Cambodia, 80; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 127–28; Fiji, 151; India, 190; Malaysia, 256; New Zealand, 303; Philippines, 352; Sri Lanka, 423; Taiwan, 440–41, 446; Tajikistan, 470; Thailand, 487 Law for the Welfare of Fatherless Families and Widows, Japan, 244 Law of Population and Family Planning, 2001, China, 109 Law on Combating Domestic Violence, Mongolia, 294–95 Law on Preventing Juvenile Delinquency, China, 112 Law on Suppression of the Kidnapping, Trafficking, and Exploitation of Human Beings, Cambodia, 86 Law on the Protection of Disabled Persons, China, 112 Law on the Protection of Minors, China, 112 Laws and legal status: Australia, 11–15; Bangladesh, 37–39; Bhutan, 68; Cambodia, 88–90; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 135; Fiji, 158–60; Hong Kong, 180–82; India, 198–201; Indonesia, 224; Japan, 247–48; Malaysia, 265– 67; Mongolia, 291–93; New Zealand, 312–14; Pakistan, 336–38; Philippines, 358–60; Singapore, 381–84; South Korea, 406–7; Sri Lanka, 429– 31; Taiwan, 453–54; Tajikistan, 477–79; Thailand, 497–98; Turkmenistan, 527–28 Lead exposure, Malaysia, 265 Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) youth: Australia, 11; Hong Kong,
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180; New Zealand, 311; Taiwan, 453; Turkmenistan, 525. See also Homosexuality Literacy: China, 101–2; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 128; Hong Kong, 171; India, 192–93; Indonesia, 218; Japan, 239; Pakistan ranking, 329; Philippines, 351–52; South Korea, 399; Sri Lanka, 421; Tajikistan, 467 Living conditions, children in Hong Kong, 178 Malaysian Amateur Athletic Union, 261 Malaysian School Sports Council (MSSM), 261 Marriage: Australia, 9; Bhutan, 66; intercultural, Taiwan, 443– 44; Mongolia, 287; Philippines, 355; Singapore, 386–87 Mental health problems: children in China, 110–11; children in Fiji, 157; children in Malaysia, 264; children in Pakistan, 336; children in Taiwan, 452 Migration: Chinese children, 105, 114, 115; to Malaysia, 257; Thai children, 489 Millennium Development Goals (MDG), Mongolia, 295 Ministry of Education, Youth, and Sport, Kingdom of Cambodia, 82 Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (MOHFW), Bangladesh, 36 Ministry of National Education (MONE), Indonesia, 217–18 Ministry of Social Welfare (MSW), Bangladesh, 29–30 Minorities. See Ethnicity Muslim Family Laws Ordinance (MFLO), Pakistan, 334 National Child Labor Policy, India, 199 National Agenda for Early Childhood, Australia, 20 National Association for Sport and Physical Education (NASPE), Australia, 5
INDEX
National Authority for Children, Mongolia, 283–84 National Authority for the Elimination of Child Labor (NAECL), India, 199 National Child Protection Authority (NCPA), Sri Lanka, 423 National Children’s and Youth Law Centre (NCYLC), Australia, 12 National Commission for the Protection of Children’s Rights (KOMNAS ANAK), 221 National Commission on Child Protectin (NCCP), Tajikistan, 468–69 National Commission on Child Protection, Indonesia, 213 National Coordinating Committee on Children, Fiji, 144 National Council for Child and Youth Development (NCYD), Thailand, 490 National Education for All Plan, Fiji, 148–52 National Goals for School in the 21st Century, Australia, 3 National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS), South Korea, 404 National Institute of Traditional Medicine, Bhutan, 67 National Literacy Mission (NLM), India, 192 National Policy on Education, India, 190–91 National profile: Australia, 1–2; Bangladesh, 27–29; Bhutan, 55–60; Cambodia, 79–80; China, 99–100; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 123–26; Fiji, 143–45; Hong Kong, 169–71; India, 189–91; Indonesia, 211–13; Japan, 237–39; Malaysia, 255–56; Mongolia, 279–80; New Zealand, 301–2; Pakistan, 325– 27; Philippines, 347–49; Singapore, 369–71; South Korea, 395–97; Sri Lanka, 417–18; Taiwan, 439–42;
Tajikistan, 465–68; Thailand, 487–89; Turkmenistan, 511– 14 National Sample Survey of Child Labor in Bangladesh (Bureau of Statistics): 1996, 32; 2002– 2003, 33 National Strategy for the Education Development of the Republic of Tajikistan 20062015, 471–72 New Approach to Primary Education (NAPE), Bhutan, 62–63 Newly Arrived Children (NAC), Hong Kong, 171–72 New Zealand’s Agenda for Children, 316 Obesity: children’s health in China, 110; children’s health in Hong Kong, 179–80; Japan, 246; Malaysia, 264–65 Office of Indigenous Policy Coordination (OIPC), Australia, 7 Opportunities for Vulnerable Children (OVC), Indonesia, 218 Oral tradition, Bhutan, 64 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD): Australia, 2; South Korea, 395 Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs), 349, 356 Overview: Australia, 2–3; Bangladesh, 29–30; Bhutan, 60; Cambodia, 81; China, 100–101; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 126–27; Fiji, 145–48; Hong Kong, 171–72; India, 191–92; Indonesia, 213–16; Japan, 239; Malaysia, 256–58; Mongolia, 281; New Zealand, 302–4; Pakistan, 327–28; Philippines, 349–51; Singapore, 371–72; South Korea, 397–98; Sri Lanka, 418–20; Taiwan, 441– 42; Tajikistan, 468–69; Thailand, 489–90; Turkmenistan, 514–16
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People’s Republic of Kampuchea (PRK), 81–82 Play and recreation: Australia, 4– 6; Bhutan, 64–65; Cambodia, 82–83; China, 106–7; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 129–31; Fiji, 152–53; Hong Kong, 175–76; India, 194; Indonesia, 219–20; Japan, 241–43; Malaysia, 260–61; Mongolia, 283–84; New Zealand, 306–8; Pakistan, 331– 32; Philippines, 352–53; Singapore, 375–76; South Korea, 400–401; Taiwan, 447– 48; Tajikistan, 472–73; Thailand, 493–94; Turkmenistan, 519–21 Pneumonia, infant death in the Philippines, 357 Pollution: children’s health in China, 110; children’s health in Hong Kong, 180. See also Environmental issues Pol Pot era, 79 Poverty: Cambodia, 80–81; China, 105; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 125; Fiji, 144; India, 194–95, 197, 202; Malaysia, 262; Mongolia, 280; New Zealand, 310; Pakistan, 326; Philippines, 349, 353; Tajikistan, 467, 475–76; Thailand, 496; Turkmenistan, 524 Pregnancy counseling, Australia, 11 Preschool education: Australia, 3–4; Bangladesh, 31; Bhutan, 63; China, 101–3; Fiji, 151–52; Hong Kong, 173; Malaysia, 258–59; New Zealand, 305; Philippines, 352; Singapore, 373–74; Sri Lanka, 422–23; Taiwan, 446; Tajikistan, 469; Thailand, 491; Turkmenistan, 517 Primary Education Act of 1992, Bangladesh, 31 Private Higher Education Institutions Act, Malaysia, 258 Program for the Development of Children, China, 113–14
INDEX
Project H.E.A.V.E.N Inc., Fiji, 157 Prostitution. See Sex Industry Protect Act, U. S. government, 86 Protection orders, domestic violence in Singapore, 385 Provincial Education Department of DKI Jakarta (PDOE), 218 Reform and opening policies, China, 99–100 Religious life: Australia, 15–17; Bangladesh, 39; Bhutan, 68– 69; Cambodia, 90–91; China, 112–13; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 135–36; Fiji, 160–61; Hong Kong, 182; India, 201–2; Indonesia, 224– 26; Japan, 248–49; Malaysia, 267–68; Mongolia, 293–94; New Zealand, 314–15; Pakistan, 338–40; Philippines, 360–61; Singapore, 384; South Korea, 407–8; Sri Lanka, 431; Taiwan, 454–55; Tajikistan, 479–80; Thailand, 498–500; Turkmenistan, 528 Residential care, Australia, 17 Royal University of Bhutan (RUB), 63 School Health Service, Singapore, 380 Schooling system: Australia, 3–4; Bangladesh, 30–31; Cambodia, 81–82; China, 100, 101–6; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 127–29; Fiji, 145; Hong Kong, 173–75; India, 192–94; Japan, 239–41; Malaysia, 258–60; Mongolia, 282–83; New Zealand, 304–6; Pakistan, 328–31; Philippines, 351–52; Singapore, 372–74; South Korea, 398–400; Sri Lanka, 420–23; Taiwan, 445– 47; Tajikistan, 469–72; Thailand, 491–93; Turkmenistan, 516–19 School Report Card, Pakistan ranking, 328 School violence: Cambodia, 92; Japan, 241
Sex education: China, 111; Taiwan, 452 Sex industry: Bangladesh, 40–41; Cambodia, 85–86; Fiji, 159; India, 203; Indonesia, 216, 220–21; Japan, 247; Pakistan, 327, 333, 340; Philippines, 353; South Korea, 402–3; Sri Lanka, 423–24; Taiwan, 448; Tajikistan, 481; Thailand, 501; Turkmenistan, 527 Sexuality counseling, Australia, 11 Shintoism, Japan, 248 Simulated births, Philippines, 363 Social inequalities, Australia, 19 Social Welfare Department, Fiji, 155, 161 South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC), 70 Special education. See Disability Sports/physical education: Australia, 5; Bangladesh, 32; Indonesia, 220; Pakistan, 331– 32; Singapore, 375–76; Taiwan, 447; Tajikistan, 472 Statistical Information and Monitoring Program on Child Labor (SIMPOC) of ILOIPEC, Bangladesh, 33 Street children. See Homelessness Streetwise Program, Singapore, 382 Sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS), Australia, 10 Survey of Children’s Participation in Culture and Leisure Activities, 2003, Australia, 4 Taoism: China, 113; Hong Kong, 182; Singapore, 384–85; Taiwan, 454 Task Force on Child Development, Health and Wellbeing, Australia, 20 Teachers: in Cambodia, 81–82; in China, 101–2 Technology, Australia, 4–5 Television/mass media/internet: Australia, 4; Bangladesh, 32; Bhutan, 64–65; Cambodia, 83; China, 107; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 130; Hong
[ 572 ]
Kong, 175; India, 194; Indonesia, 215; Malaysia, 261; Mongolia, 284; New Zealand, 307–8; Pakistan, 332; Philippines, 353; Singapore, 375; South Korea, 400; Taiwan, 447–48; Tajikistan, 473; Thailand, 493–94; Turkmenistan, 520 Tertiary education. See Higher education Traffic-related accidents, Thailand, 497 Treaty of Waitangi, New Zealand, 301, 314 Tsunamis: effects on Indonesian children, 216; effects on Sri Lanka children, 428–29 Tuberculosis, Indonesia, 223 Twenty-first century: Australia, 19–20; Bangladesh, 41–42; Bhutan, 70–72; Cambodia, 92– 93; China, 115–16; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 137; Fiji, 163; Hong Kong, 183–84; India, 203–4; Indonesia, 227; Japan, 250–51; Malaysia, 271; Mongolia, 295– 96; New Zealand, 316–17; Pakistan, 342; Philippines, 363–64; Singapore, 386–87; South Korea, 409–10; Sri Lanka, 432–34; Taiwan, 456– 57; Tajikistan, 481–82; Thailand, 502–3; Turkmenistan, 529–30 UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), Bhutan, 68 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child: Australia, 5, 11–15; Bangladesh, 33–34, 38; Bhutan, 64, 65, 68, 70; Cambodia, 80, 88–89; Fiji, 146–47, 160; India, 191; Japan, 247; Malaysia, 266; Mongolia, 284, 291; New Zealand, 303, 314; Pakistan, 327; Philippines, 358; Singapore, 372, 374; South Korea, 406; Sri Lanka, 429;
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Taiwan, 442; Tajikistan, 468, 480; Turkmenistan, 514, 527 United States Agency for International Development (USAID), aid for Indonesian children, 218
Universal Primary Education (UPE), Mongolia, 295 Universities and University Colleges (Amendment) Act, Malaysia, 258
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Victorian Equal Opportunity Act (1995), Australia, 12 Vietnamese children, Hong Kong, 172 Vocational education and training (VET), Bhutan, 63–64
ABOUT THE EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
EDITORS IRVING EPSTEIN, Professor of Educational Studies at Illinois Wesleyan University has published two edited volumes, Chinese Education: Problems, Policies, and Prospects (1991), Recapturing the Personal: Essays on Education and Embodied Knowledge in Comparative Perspective (2007), and served as an associate editor of the Comparative Education Review from 1988–1998. His interests include Asian education, educational policies involving street children, and issues of social theory. JYOTSNA PATTNAIK is a Professor and director of the Master’s program in Early Childhood Education at California State University, Long Beach. She has written extensively on the topics of multicultural education, and children’s issues in South Asia, and is the editor of the book, Childhood in South Asia: A Critical Look at Issues, Policies, and Programs.
CONTRIBUTORS MOTOKO AKIBA is Assistant Professor at the Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Analysis at the University of MissouriColumbia. She has published comparative studies on school violence, educational inequality, and teacher quality based on secondary analyses of international databases. NICOLA ATWOOL is Principal Advisor in the Office of the Children’s Commissioner in New Zealand. Prior to taking up this position at the beginning of 2006 she was a Senior Lecturer in social work at the University of Otago and worked with the Children’s Issues Centre. Her research interests include the social construction of childhood, attachment theory, the impact of trauma on children, and the experience of children in care.
ABOUT THE EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
ANGELA BASCHIERI is a Lecturer in Demography at the Centre for Population Studies of the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine. She is an expert on poverty issues in Central Asia and she has recently contributed to compilation of the first Socio-Economic Atlas of Tajikistan. She is currently working on the Child Poverty report for the UNICEF in Tajikistan. DARIKHAND BAYAR is a national officer on child protection for UNICEF Mongolia Office. She has been involved in research on juvenile justice, child violence, trafficking issues. Her area of research and focus is child protection and particular on the policy development for child protection. DEEPAK KUMAR BEHERA is professor and the head of the Department of Anthropology, Sambalpur University, India. He obtained his Master’s degree (Gold Medalist) and Ph.D. from Sambalpur University, where he has been teaching anthropology since 1985. He has more than 70 research publications in reputed journals and edited volumes. Most of his publications are in the fields of tribal studies and children and childhood. Professor Behera has authored/edited sixteen volumes, including Contemporary Society: Tribal Studies (2002), Contemporary Society: Childhood and Complex Order (1996), Children and Childhood in Contemporary Societies (1998), and Childhoods in South Asia (2007). He is a member of the Executive Board of International Union of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences (IUAES) and serves as Chairperson of the IUAES Commission on Children, Youth and Childhood. His current interests in research are: tribal studies, children and youth. SHARON BESSELL is a senior lecturer in the Crawford School of Economics and Government at The Australian National University. Her research focuses on social policy and the human rights of children, with a particular focus on children’s participation and citizenship, child labor, and children without parental care. JOANN BURKHARDT is an Associate Professor of Education and a McMaster School Fellow to Cambodia. Most recently, she has been working in Cambodia training under-trained teachers in both Phnom Penh and the village school in Ba Prey. She and Professor Jeffrey S. Weaner are frequent presenters on the topic of academic assessment. YUHAO CEN is a doctoral student of Education Leadership and Policy Studies at Indiana University, Bloomington. She came into the program after achieving two bachelor degrees in Peking University and was awarded the Faculty Doctoral Fellowship. Her interest is in Chinese higher education and student engagement.
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ABOUT THE EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
WEI-WEN CHEN is a Ph.D. student at the Gevirtz Graduate School of Education at University of California, Santa Barbara. Her current research interest is in developmental psychology and education with specializations on cultural differences. WING-CHEONG CHAN is Associate Professor at the Faculty of Law, National University of Singapore. He specializes in criminal law, family law and child law, and he regularly publishes in these areas. He is also actively engaged in social policy through his involvement in several Government committees. He was awarded the Ministry of Community Development’s Outstanding Volunteer Award in 1999 for his public service. MERLYNE CRUZ is an academic researcher at the Centre for Equity and Innovation in Early Childhood, The University of Melbourne. Merlyne is an international educational consultant and an experienced primary/early years educator. She is currently completing her PhD dissertation on Worldviews and Respect for Cultural Diversity. WILLIE ELLIOTT is Associate Professor of Social Work at Northern Kentucky University. He has written on such areas of teaching social work utilizing various forms of media. He is presently working on a chapter entitled: ‘‘An Educational Frame of Reference.’’ He was voted to Who’s Who Among American Teachers in 2000. JANE C. FALKINGHAM is Professor of Demography and International Social Policy in the School of Social Sciences at the University of Southampton, where she is also currently Associate Dean of the Faculty of Law, Arts and Social Sciences. She has published widely in the field of poverty and child well-being in Central Asia and regularly provides expert advice in this area for the UK Department for International Development, the World Bank and other international agencies. In 2006, she co-authored a report for UNICEF on child poverty in Tajikistan. GERALD W. FRY is a Professor of International/Intercultural Education at the University of Minnesota. He has written extensively on education and development in Southeast Asia, and is the author of Thailand and Its Neighbors (2005). In 2005, he won the Distinguished Teaching Award of the College of Education and Human Development. MICHAEL GAFFNEY is the deputy director of the Children’s Issues Centre at the University of Otago in New Zealand. His research interests include early childhood education and compulsory schooling, social services for families, children and the media, and disability studies. He teaches in a postgraduate distance program in child advocacy.
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ABOUT THE EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
FAZILA GULREZ is National Manager Communication SPARC (Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child). She started her career as a journalist and worked for the leading newspapers of Pakistan. She has contributed articles on international politics and social issues, including women and children. She has also written an update on women’s participation in politics, edited two reports on the trafficking of women and children and one report on domestic violence against women. SABEEN HAFEEZ received her Masters in Business Administration in 2003. She successfully completed the Aga Khan Foundation’s Young Development Professionals Fellowship Program. From there, she embarked on her career in the development sector and joined SPARC (Society for the Protection of the Rights of the Child) in Pakistan in 2004. Currently, she is working as Coordinator of Planning, Monitoring, and Research in SPARC. She has also worked as a consultant, contributed to SPARC publications, and written articles on human rights, child rights, and general issues for newspapers and other publications. HSIU-ZU HO is Full Professor of Education and Psychology at the Gevirtz Graduate School of Education at the University of California, Santa Barbara. Her current research interests are in cross-cultural psychology and education and she is currently president of the International Studies Special Interest Group of the American Educational Research Association. KHONDAKER MOHAMMOD SHARIFUL HUDA is an Associate Professor in the Department of Geography and Environment of Jahangirnagar University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh. He has nearly 15 years experience in the fields of human and physical geography. PHAM LAN HUONG is Director of the International Educational Research Center AD in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam, where she is an Associate Professor. Dr. Huong has published extensively on education in Vietnam. Among her recent publications is ‘‘Universities in Vietnam: Legacies, Challenges, and Prospects’’ in Asian Universities: Historical Perspectives and Contemporary Challenges (2004). JOHN A. HUSS is Assistant Professor of Education at Northern Kentucky University. He teaches foundations of education at the undergraduate level and applied research at the graduate level. Dr. Huss has written and presented on topics such as critical thinking, cooperative learning, student diversity, and web-based teacher preparation programs. ELAINE JARCHOW, PhD, is Dean of the College of Education at Northern Kentucky University. She holds degrees from Ohio University
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and Kent State University. Prior to her arrival at Northern Kentucky, she served as Dean of the College of Education at Zayed University, United Arab Emirates, as Dean of Academic Affairs, Dar Al Hekma Private College, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, and as Dean of the College of Education at Texas Tech University. Her major research area is international education, specifically curriculum decision making in emerging democracies and cultural awareness in international student teaching and faculty exchange settings. She is the author of more than 50 manuscripts, more than 70 conference presentations, and 18 funded grants. YOUNGJOO KIM is Assistant Professor at Oakland University, Michigan. Her research interests include curriculum theorizing, cultural studies, international education, and teacher education. She is an invited writer for Education Development, a professional educational journal that is published in Korea. HSIN-YI KUNG is Assistant Professor of Education at the Graduate Institute of Education at the National Changhua University of Education, Taiwan. Her current research interests are in developmental psychology and education. She has served as one of the directors of the board of the Taiwanese Association of Statistical Methodology (2004– 2006). GERALD K. LETENDRE is Professor and Chair of the Educational Theory and Policy Program at Pennsylvania State University. He has written extensively about Japanese education and is the author of Learning to be Adolescent: Growing up in U.S. and Japanese Middle Schools (2000). JINGJING LOU is a Ph.D. candidate in Educational Policy Studies at Indiana University, Bloomington. She has done extensive research and has published or contributed to the publications of several papers and book chapters on Chinese education, focusing on literacy education, rural education, peace education, and higher education. GLENDA MACNAUGHTON is Professor in Early Childhood Studies in the Faculty of Education at the University of Melbourne where she established and now directs the Centre for Equity and Innovation in Early Childhood. She has published widely internationally on equity and social justice issues in early childhood. T. W. MAXWELL is Associate Professor of Education at the University of New England, Australia. Tom has been involved in educational projects in Bhutan for over a decade, particularly the Ministry of Education, and more recently, the Royal University of Bhutan. Tom is also known for his work in Professional Doctorates.
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ABOUT THE EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
SEE CHING MEY is a professor at the School of Educational Studies, University Science Malaysia, Malaysia. Her areas of specialization are educational psychology, counseling psychology, counselor education, special education with emphasis on autism, psychological testing, and mental health. She has published four books, nearly 80 national and international articles, and more than 190 national and international articles and papers. NIBEDITA NATH is a guest faculty in the Department of Anthropology and Social Work, Sambalpur University, India. She was an ICSSR research fellow in the above department during 2004–2006. She has published more than a dozen articles in different journals and books. Dr. Nath is the associate editor of the sixth and seventh volume of Contemporary Society: Tribal Studies, edited by D.K. Behera and George Pfeffer. She went to Norway in June-July, 2005 and presented the findings of her doctoral research. MERRILL M. OAKS is Professor Emeritus at Washington State University. He has extensive publications and research experience in technology education, curriculum and instruction, challenged children and families, distance learning program development, and international partnerships Dr. Oaks is currently working in Thailand on cross national doctoral programs in educational leadership. LYNETTE PETUELI works on children rights issues, with a strong focus on research and advocacy in addressing violence against children. Her most recent research focused on the physical and emotional punishment of children in Fiji. BIANCA PRATHER-JONES is an Assistant Professor of Special Education at Northern Kentucky University where she teaches both under graduate and graduate courses. Her current research interests include the retention and attrition of special education teachers, alternative licensure programs, and international practices regarding the education of students with disabilities. She most recently presented the paper, The Meaning of Support: Teachers of Students with Emotional and Behavioral Disorders Reflect on Factors that Keep them in the Job at the 2007 Annual Meeting of the American Education Research Association. SHARNE ROLFE is a Developmental and Educational Psychologist and Senior Lecturer in Early Childhood Studies in the Faculty of Education, The University of Melbourne. She is the author of Rethinking Attachment for Early Childhood Practice (2004) and has published widely in the areas of early childhood development, attachment, and child protection. HEIDI A. ROSS is Professor of Educational Policy Studies and Director of the East Asian Studies Center at Indiana University, Bloomington. She
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has written extensively on the topics of schooling, gender, language and literacy, and social transformation in China and has served as president of the Comparative and International Education Society. MESBAH-US-SALEHEEN is a professor in the Department of Geography and Environment of Jahangirnagar University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh. He has nearly 40 years worth of research experience in the field of human geography. JOAN DYMPHNA G. SANIEL is the Executive Director of Children’s Legal Bureau (CLB), Inc. and a law professor teaching Human Rights of the Child among others at the University of San Carlos. She has written manuals on behalf of CLB such as The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and its Monitoring, Paralegal Manual on Child Abuse Cases and also the Philippine Alternative Report on the Implementation of the UNCRC by the Children’s NGO Network. WIROT SANRATTANA is Associate Professor of educational administration at Khon Kaen University, Thailand. He has extensive publications and research experience in educational policy, administration, leadership, and development education. Currently, he is director of Ph.D. program in educational administration, and co-coordinator of a collaborative doctoral program in educational administration between Khon Kaen University and Washington State University. UPALI M. SEDERE is a Fulbright Scholar who has served many national and international agencies including University of Sri Lanka, United Nations, the World Bank, Asian Development Bank, NORAD, SDC, Sida, CIDA, DGIS, Gtz, EDC/USAID. Dr. Sedere is the author of Reforming Education—the Crisis of Vision (2000) and Security Based Approach to Development (2005). He currently serves as Senior Policy Adviser to many governments in Africa and Asia. ROBERT W. SPEGAL, a long time resident of Pohnpei State, Federated States of Micronesia, is presently Head of the Micronesia Human Resource Development Center, a non-government organization addressing regional health concerns, including HIV/AIDS. His former positions include: teacher, medical school administrator, State Director of Health Services, and National Health Planner. ENKHTUYA SUKHBAATAR is a lecturer at the Social Work Department of the Mongolian Education University. Her research interests are in school social work, child labor and community development. In 2006 she received honored education section award from Ministry of Education, Culture and Science of Mongolia.
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NICOLA TAYLOR is Senior Research Fellow at the Children’s Issues Centre and Faculty of Law at the University of Otago in New Zealand. Dr. Taylor has qualifications in social work and law, and a particular interest in socio-legal research concerning children and parents’ perspectives on family transitions. LEI WANG is a doctoral student in the Department of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies at Indiana University at Bloomington. Her interest is gender and rural education in China. She has presented and published on these topics and is currently engaged in a large survey project focusing on rural female students’ educational aspirations and expectations in an educational access project in China’s West. AARON WEANER, M.A. earned his degree at the University of South Carolina and currently lives and teaches in Seoul, South Korea. JEFFREY S. WEANER is a Professor of Sociology and Social Work at Defiance College and a McMaster School Fellow to Cambodia. He trains for capacity building among the staff at the Cambodian Women’s Crisis Center and provides consultation for program evaluation. He and Dr. Joann Burkhardt are frequent presenters on the topic of academic assessment. OGULJAMAL YAZLIYEVA is a Director of RFE/RL Turkmen Service. She has extensively produced radio features on the social issues of Turkmenistan including children and women’s issues. Some of her many accomplishments include published textbooks and articles on Turkmenistan, a Hubert Humphrey Fellowship (US State Department), and a listing in Who’s Who in the World for achievements in business education. RAN ZHANG is a Ph.D. candidate in Educational Policy Studies and Educational Psychology at Indiana University, Bloomington. She has written book chapters on the legal rights of Chinese students and teachers and co-edited two issues of Chinese Education and Society on new trends in educational litigation and legislation in China.
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THE GREENWOOD ENCYCLOPEDIA
Children’s Issues WORLDWIDE
OF
THE GREENWOOD ENCYCLOPEDIA
Children’s Issues WORLDWIDE
CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICA General Editor
Irving Epstein Volume Editor
Eleonora Villegas-Reimers
GREENWOOD PRESS Westport, Connecticut x London
OF
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Greenwood encyclopedia of children’s issues worldwide / Irving Epstein, general editor. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-313-33614-0 (set : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33620-1 (v. 1 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33618-8 (v. 2 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33619-5 (v. 3 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33617-1 (v. 4 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33616-4 (v. 5 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33878-6 (v. 6 : alk. paper) 1. Children—Encyclopedias. I. Epstein, Irving, 1951. II. Villegas-Reimers, Eleonora. HQ767.84.G74 2008 305.2303—dc22 2007031312 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available. Copyright C 2008 by Irving Epstein All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2007031312 ISBN-13: 978-0-313-33614-0 (set) 978-0-313-33620-1 (Asia and Oceania) 978-0-313-33618-8 (Central and South America) 978-0-313-33619-5 (Europe) 978-0-313-33617-1 (North America and the Caribbean) 978-0-313-33616-4 (Sub-Saharan Africa) 978-0-313-33878-6 (North Africa and the Middle East) First published in 2008 Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881 An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc. www.greenwood.com Printed in the United States of America
The paper used in this book complies with the Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National Information Standards Organization (Z39.48–1984). 10
9 8
7 6 5 4 3 2 1
CONTENTS
Preface
Irving Epstein
User’s Guide Introduction
vii xv
Eleonora Villegas-Reimers
xix
1.
Argentina
2.
Brazil
Linda Banks-Santilli and Joeritta de Almeida
29
3.
Chile
Ernesto Schiefelbein
49
4.
Colombia
5.
Costa Rica
6.
Ecuador
Milagros Nores
Catherine Hill Manuel Barahona Montero, Silvia Frean, Alberto Mora Roman, Cristian Munduate Garcia, Rodolfo Osorio Ponce, and Renata Villers Margarita Velasco Abad and Alexandra Escobar Garcia
1
69
83
107
7.
El Salvador
Kristin Rosekrans and Cathy Coddington
123
8.
Guatemala
Ellie Friedland and Eva Sazo de Mendez
153
9.
Guyana
Felicity A. Crawford
177
10.
Honduras
Patricia Cede~ no-Zamor
197
11.
Nicaragua
Caroline E. Parker
215
CONTENTS
12.
Paraguay
13.
Peru
14.
Uruguay
15.
Venezuela
Cynthia Hobbs and Ramon Balestino
241 273
I~ nes Kudo Claudia Peralta Nash and Ariela Peralta Distefano
327
Eleonora Villegas-Reimers
341
Bibliography
359
Index
363
About the Editors and Contributors
367
The Six-Volume Comprehensive Index begins on page 379 of the final volume, North Africa and the Middle East
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PREFACE Irving Epstein
The decision to publish The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide involved a number of considerations, but was primarily influenced by an understanding that children were deserving of an encyclopedia solely dedicated to a discussion of the quality of their lives. Although there are many sources that compile statistical information and data about the state of children around the world, we believed that, by summarizing much of that information in one format, it would be easier for the general public as well as students, teachers, and policy-makers to gain a foundational understanding of the challenges the world’s children currently confront. However, the difficulties inherent in completing a project of this size and complexity raise larger questions about the ways in which we think about children and childhood in an era of globalization, and it is these questions that I intend to address in the following paragraphs. To begin with, it should be acknowledged that the Encyclopedia is both selective and comprehensive. It is selective in the sense that we have not been able to adequately cover children’s lives in every country or nationstate throughout the world. Because of the prevalence of political, social, and economic conflict and dislocation, it proved impossible to locate experts who had access to the requisite information and had the time to write about children in certain countries and affected geographical areas. However, the Encyclopedia is comprehensive insofar as all major aspects of children’s lives, including educational provision, legal status, family life, health, abuse and neglect, play and recreation, and religious affiliation, are covered within each chapter. Together, the chapters give us a clear picture as to how children are treated and cared for within specific countries and geographical areas, as well as their general quality of life in the twenty-first century. The fact that so many of the chapters within these volumes are co-authored speaks to the penchant for disciplinary specialization that characterizes contemporary academic discourse within the social sciences, a tendency that makes it difficult for a single person to master the many facets of childhood that are covered in the Encyclopedia.
PREFACE
It also reaffirms, however, the usefulness of collaboration, in order to better facilitate the framing of a holistic representation of children’s lives. One can certainly raise the issue as to why we need an encyclopedia that is country- and region-specific in a globalized age. From an organizational and aesthetic perspective, it is reasonable to ask whether this project includes basic redundancies that could be eliminated by adopting a broader, thematic approach. From a conceptual standpoint, it is reasonable to ask whether privileging the nation-state and/or geographic region as a basic unit of analysis makes sense, given the challenges to the longterm viability of the nation-state that globalization tendencies seem to create. My response to both questions is strongly negative, for I believe that issues involving the characteristics of globalization and the nature of childhood can best be understood if they are contextualized. I would therefore reject contentions that an understanding of childhood can be essentialized or that any authentic view of globalization can be formulated through adhering to assumptions that dichotomize the global and the local. By embracing the importance of context, one may indeed at times sacrifice conceptual elegance, and as one reads the various chapters of this volume, no doubt one will find that similar stories are being told in different ways. Certainly, the current legitimacy and long-term viability of certain nation-states and political institutions is implicitly questioned, as the reader learns of their inability to protect children and their complicity in endangering children’s lives. Nonetheless, it is doubtful that within our lifetimes, in spite of the growing prominence of transnational influences we associate with globalization, that the nation-state will dissolve as a basic unit of governance, or that our sense of geographical place will no longer have an impact upon our expressions of personal and cultural identity. Therefore, while the importance of globalization influences upon the twenty-first century lives of children must be acknowledged, and while it is clear that our understandings of childhood are informed through cross-cultural comparison and generalization, the Encyclopedia’s authors reaffirm the importance of focusing upon the lives of children as they are understood within the regional, area, and nation-state framework. This being said, there are a number of issues involving the nature of globalization and childhood that can be noted from the outset. First, globalization has been defined according to radically different terms. For some scholars, it has signified the permanent and inevitable ascendancy of empire, be it Western (Fukayama 1992; Huntington 1996), or in reaction to the self-serving nature of that analysis, Asian (Frank 1998). For others, it has signified both the triumph of neo-liberal liberalism and the decline of the nation-state as a fundamental organizational unit. Proponents of neo-liberalism, with its embrace of a de-regulated capitalism thriving within an environment of privatization, have associated globalization with these policies; critics point to the resulting the decline and elimination of
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PREFACE
social services traditionally provided by the state that such policies have promoted. Widespread international institutional neglect and indifference to the needs of children can certainly be viewed in part, as a result of these policies. Regardless of one’s political views regarding globalization, its economic dimensions have been characterized by the increasing power of consumption rather than production as a driving economic force. Global consumption patterns are, by their nature, more difficult to chart and are less subject to hierarchical control, than are traditional patterns of industrial production. The fluid nature of global trade created a sense of decentering that has been observed in other realms too, including the use of technology to create an information age society (Castells 2000), the fluidity with which cultural interactions are transmitted (Appadurai 1996), and the existence of general patterns of flux, mobility, change, complexity, randomness, and contingency (Bauman 2004). The impact of these forces upon the world’s children is graphically portrayed within the pages of this Encyclopedia. Whether it be through the use of child soldiering, an over-reliance upon child labor and its subsequence denial of basic educational provision, engagement in child trafficking and prostitution, or the promotion of child pornography, often through use of the Internet, children in the twenty-first century are increasingly being defined in global terms as consumable and perishable items, to be used, abused, and then discarded by those who are more powerful. Globalization theorists disagree as to whether the effects of these trends are irrevocable or whether the trends themselves need be viewed as rigidly deterministic. What is clear though, is that populations in the developing world are becoming increasingly young; 1.5 billion people throughout the world are aged twelve to twenty-four; 1.3 billion live in the developing world (World Bank, 2007). Demographically, a ‘‘youth bulge’’ is predicted, as fertility rates decline. As a result, there will be new pressures for developing countries to integrate their youth into the workforce, encourage more civic engagement, and discourage risk-taking behavior on their part. Most importantly, because of their increasing numbers, youth will have greater opportunities to articulate their own needs within public spaces, to become public self-advocates. The work of UNICEF and other NGOs, in promoting greater child and youth participation in their own affairs, over the past fifteen years, is noteworthy in this regard. The tensions we have noted, between the casual disregard of children’s basic needs and the cynical use of children for personal interest and gain, on the one hand, and the increasing recognition of the potential for child and youth advocacy on the other hand, raise even larger questions as to how basic understandings of childhood are being defined and contested in the twenty-first century. One of the main conclusions one can deduce from a reading of the various chapters of the Encyclopedia is that our understandings of childhood
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PREFACE
express a significant variation as to how childhood is defined, how children develop, and how their interests are protected. Changing biological characteristics associated with childhood and adulthood have had an influence in expanding what it means to be a child in the twenty-first century. In addition, it is clear that notions of childhood are largely social constructions, influenced by such cultural, economic, political, and social factors as the nature of labor markets, demographic trends, the creation and growth of mass education, and the changing notions of patriarchy and family roles and their relationship to the state. No longer can childhood be simplistically expressed as simply a transient state of dependency, defined by the child’s relationship to an adult world that she will eventually enter. Instead, it is important to acknowledge the complexity, ambiguity, and malleability that characterize the category we define as childhood. Archaeologists nonetheless point to the materiality of childhood as being an essential factor in understanding how children have lived their lives, and their emphasis upon the materiality of the child’s body (Derevenski 2000, 3–16) has resonance within the pages of this Encyclopedia as well. Throughout these volumes, one gains an appreciation as to how children’s bodies are abused, violated, harmed, or are in fewer cases protected and nourished. One can find a considerable degree of controversy, associated with how the chronological age of the child is defined, or what constitutes child abuse and neglect, when basic educational provision is satisfactory, or when certain forms of child labor can be considered productive and useful. But, as the chapter authors also emphasize the material nature of childhood, including how children play and negotiate social space, and how they adapt to the conditions around them, they reaffirm the view that it makes sense to examine childhood materiality while acknowledging its ambiguity. Governments, activists, scholars, and experts have been aided in their efforts to document how children live through their use of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and as the Convention has indirectly played a significant role in the construct of the categories of analysis within each Encyclopedia chapter, it is useful to make a few comments about its utility and the process through which it has been implemented. The Convention itself was adopted by the General Assembly on November 20, 1989 and entered into force on September 2, 1990. Two subsequent protocols have been passed that deal with the sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography, and child soldiering. Since its inception, the Convention has become one of the most successful international human rights instruments that have ever been created. Ratified by 192 countries (the United States and Somalia are the only two countries belonging to the U.N. that have failed to do so), it sets standards as to how children’s needs and interests should be defined and articulated. Countries are required to regularly report to the
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PREFACE
Committee on the Rights of the Child, a body charged with implementing the Convention, and NGOs are also encouraged to raise questions of concern with the Committee. As a result of this reporting process, member states have improved their data collection mechanisms for assessing the conditions under which their children live; some states have created ombudspersons and national governmental units specifically designed to protect and address the needs of children; others have made a good faith effort to give older children and youth a formal means of articulating their interests through the establishment of youth parliaments and related institutional structures. Indeed, national constitutions now include specific provisions regarding the protection of children. It is undeniable that the nearly universal ratification of the Convention has been accompanied by increased world attention to the plight of children and in that process, children’s lives have been saved as their interests and needs are being more clearly articulated (Epstein 2005). It is not surprising therefore, that many of the Encyclopedia authors have used information within country reports submitted to the Committee, documenting specific progress in complying with the articles of the Convention, as a basis for assessing the quality of children’s lives within the specific country. The Convention of course is not a perfect document. Scholars have pointed to its contradictory perspectives, with regard to its ambiguous definitions of the chronological age of childhood, contradictory perspectives involving the degree of autonomy that should be afforded the child, the gendered nature of document language (emphasis on child soldiering but not arranged early child marriage, and the lack of attention to the specific challenges girls confront, for example), and its privileging of the protection of children’s political rights over economic, social, and cultural rights as major deficiencies. Nonetheless, its importance and influence as an international instrument is beyond dispute, its significance enhanced through the reporting process to which states voluntarily commit themselves and the responses to state reports offered by the Committee on the Rights of the Child. Although many of the rights enumerated within the Convention replicate those that appear in other international instruments, until the Convention was ratified, the rights of children in particular were merely assumed to fall within larger frameworks that were created for adults. It is perhaps the Convention’s greatest strength that it recognizes the fact that children are deserving of rights due their inherent status. This being the case, the rather progressive sections of the document that argue in favor of children themselves exercising their rights to the best of their capabilities makes logical sense. When examining country reports, the Committee operates from a fundamental assumption that the implementation of children’s rights cannot be viewed as a voluntary or charitable exercise. Bestowing rights to children is not an act of kindness or generosity; it is a
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PREFACE
state responsibility to secure, protect, and promote such rights insofar as they are inherently guaranteed to children on the basis of their humanity. Although the Convention was adopted at a time when the nature of globalization forces was just beginning to be appreciated, its wisdom has stood the test of time at least in one respect. The increasingly harsh circumstances with which many of the world’s children must contend, brought about to some degree by the globalization tendencies we have previously described, reinforce the truism that it is becoming increasingly perilous to their own health, safety, and well-being for children to be forced into relying upon adults to defend and protect their basic interests. They are too often the first casualties of poverty, internal conflict and displacement, and illness; the first victims when widespread social suffering occurs. Thus, the need for children to play an increasingly assertive role in defending and articulating their own interests through public advocacy, given the frequent abdication of adult responsibility in this area, is a theme that is strongly expressed within the Convention and is one that has become more salient through the passage of time. It is our hope that this Encyclopedia will serve a useful purpose by enhancing understanding about children’s lives, the challenges they confront, and the courage they and their advocates express, as they struggle to create a better future during the first decade of the twenty-first century. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide could not have been published without the collective efforts of hundreds of international scholars, a dedicated group of volume editors, and the hard work of the Greenwood Publishing Group editorial staff. Marie Ellen Larcada, who has since left Greenwood, was instrumental in conceiving of the project more than two years ago. But it is acquisitions editor Mariah Gumpert, who through her unlimited patience, laserlike focus, and generous encouragement, is most responsible for the Encyclopedia’s completion. My personal gratitude for her efforts is enormous. The task of generating substantive essays about the lives of children in so many countries and regions was extremely complex but was made easier through the hard work of volume editors Laura Arntson, Leslie J. Limage, Sheryl L. Lutjens, Jyotsna Pattnaik, Ghada Hashem Talhami, and Eleonora Villegas-Reimers. Each volume editor contacted numerous experts and convinced them of the importance of the project, worked assiduously with their authors in editing and revising manuscripts, and framed each volume in ways that have insured that the entire Encyclopedia is accessible and reader friendly. For their efforts and for the efforts of the chapter contributors, I wish to convey my deepest appreciation.
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REFERENCES Appadurai, Arjun. 1996. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Bauman, Zygmunt. 2004. ‘‘A Sociological Theory of Post-modernity.’’ In: Contemporary Sociological Theory, Craig Calhoun, James Moody, Steven Pfaff, Joseph Gerteis, and Indermohan Virk, eds. Oxford: Blackwell, 429–440. Castells, Manuel. 2000. The Rise of the Network Society, 2nd ed. Oxford: Blackwell. Derevenski, Joanna Sofner. 2000. ‘‘Material Culture Shock: Confronting Expectations in the Material Culture of Children.’’ In: Children and Material Culture, Joanna Derevenski, ed. London: Routledge, 3–16. Epstein, Irving. 2005. ‘‘The Convention on the Rights of the Child: The Promise and Limitations of Multilateralism as a Means of Protecting Children.’’ UNICEF–China, International Forum on Children’s Development, October 29– 31. http://www.unicef.org/china/P3_EPSTEIN_paper.pdf. Frank, Andre Gunder. 1998. Reorient: Global Economy in the Asian Age. Berkeley: University of California. Fukayama, Francis. 1992. The End of History and the Last Man. New York: Free Press. Huntington, Samuel P. 1996. The Clash of Civilizations and the Making of the New Order. New York: Simon and Schuster. World Bank. 2007. World Bank Report: Development and the Next Generation. Washington, DC: World Bank.
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USER’S GUIDE
The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide is a six-volume set covering the world’s most populous regions. . . . . . .
Asia and Oceania Central and South America Europe North America and the Caribbean Sub-Saharan Africa North Africa and the Middle East
All of the volumes contain an introduction to the set from the general editor and a more specific introduction to the volume, written by the volume editor. A copy of the Convention on the Rights of the Child is also printed as an appendix in the North Africa and the Middle East volume. The volumes are divided into chapters organized alphabetically by country or in a few instances by regional name (where countries are grouped together on a regional basis). The following outline includes the sub-sections for each chapter. In a few instances, particularly when information is unavailable or irrelevant to a specific country or region, the sub-section has been eliminated. NATIONAL PROFILE The information gathered for this sub-section may include general demographic information, a summary of recent historical and political change within the country or region, a summation of the general challenges that confront the population, and how they might affect children.
USER’S GUIDE
OVERVIEW A discussion of the issues that affect children within the population, highlighting the general state of their welfare and the changing nature of their circumstances. EDUCATION A discussion of issues of access, literacy levels, drop-out, opportunities for educational advancement, equity and fairness with regard to socioeconomic status, gender, ethnic and religious affiliation, and disability. PLAY AND RECREATION A discussion of popular forms of play, children’s use of toys and the media, their use of technology, sports, games, and other types of recreation. CHILD LABOR A discussion of relevant legislation to protect children, efforts to enforce such legislation, cultural norms, social values, and economic pressures involving the use of child labor, the type of work children are expected to complete, the effects of globalization tendencies upon child labor abuses. FAMILY A discussion of relevant family structures, gender roles within the families, demographic trends regarding family size, effects of divorce, intergenerational relationships, effects of poverty and general socio-economic status upon family organization and behavior, rites of passage. HEALTH A discussion of issues related to infant and child mortality, vaccination and childhood disease, the general quality of medical care provided to children, access to clean water, exposure to air and other forms of pollution, and relevant sex education programming. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS A discussion of how the country’s legal system affects children—what protections they are given under the law, and how legal safeguards are guaranteed. The nature of the juvenile justice system, if one exists, how
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USER’S GUIDE
gang activity is handled, conditions for children and youth who are incarcerated. RELIGIOUS LIFE A discussion of prevailing religious practices and their meanings for children, forms of religious training, the role of religious organizations in children’s lives. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT A discussion including statistics that illustrates the scope of child abuse and neglect within the country or region, types of abuse and neglect and the reasons for their occurrence, and preventative measures that have been taken; how specific issues such as child soldiering, child trafficking, and child pornography are addressed. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY A discussion summarizing findings from other sub-sections of the chapter while offering assessments as to future prospects as well as what further measures will have to be taken in order to significantly improve children’s lives in the immediate and near future. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested readings, relevant video, film and media sources, web sites, and relevant NGOs and other organizations are listed in this section. Whenever possible, sources are annotated. MAPS AND INDEXES A regional map accompanies each volume, and each chapter has its own country or regional map. Each volume includes an index consisting of subject and person entries; a comprehensive index for the entire set is included at the end of the North Africa and the Middle East volume.
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INTRODUCTION Eleonora Villegas-Reimers Children in Central and South America live in a land of great and, at times, difficult contrasts. Most children live in cities or urban centers, and most live in poverty, yet they get to witness great socioeconomic contrasts on a daily basis (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean [ECLAC] 2006). Most children in the region speak Spanish or Portuguese, yet there is also a significant number who speak at least one of the many indigenous languages spoken in their communities (CIA World Factbook 2006). Most attend school but drop out before completing the secondary level of education (Schady 2007). Most have access to vaccines and health services, but many do not receive these very basic services (UNICEF 2007). The lives of children in Central and South America have been studied in depth; many nongovernmental organizations have been created to offer services and education, and small improvements in the quality of their lives have been observed in the last few decades. At the same time, political fights and social unrest are beginning to be a regular happening in many countries of the region, and children witness and at times participate in acts of great violence. Contrasts are everywhere, from the social and cultural factors that affect children’s lives to the various human and geographical landscapes that are typical of this area of the world. The geography of the region includes high snow-covered mountains and long tropical beaches, small deserts and very large tropical jungles, a few countries with four seasons and most with warm weather all yearround. As a result of these differences, children’s lives are different. For some, playing outside and going to the beach is a frequent experience; for others, working in the fields to gather enough produce for the winter months is common. The racial and ethnic composition of the area population includes most people with mixed heritages of two or more groups and also homogeneous racial and ethnic groups that have never mixed; thus, even within the same family, members may have different skin color,
INTRODUCTION
eye color, and body type. Children grow up used to seeing a heterogeneous population in most communities, although an increasing number of reports of discrimination based on ethnic or racial heritage are changing the landscape. The level of formal education in the region varies from complete illiteracy and nonschooled individuals to professionals with doctoral degrees (UNICEF 2007). The political organization of the countries in the region includes long and well-established democracies, emerging democracies after decade-long dictatorships, and countries moving in the direction of a new socialism and less democratic policies. Finally, the largest contrast, not only in the region but also within each individual country, is the socioeconomic status of families and communities, which goes from those who live in extreme poverty to those who are among the wealthiest in the world, shanty towns next to big mansions, children who are hungry and those who are obese, children who work in the city dumps searching for leftover foods and those who eat imported goodies (ECLAC 2006). Despite these contrasts, there are many common characteristics in the countries known as Central and South America, even though each country is unique in its history, stage of development, cultural influences, politics, government structure, and traditions. As a result, Central and South American children today experience day-to-day life differently, not only across countries, but also within their own homeland. A careful reading of the chapters in this volume shows both the commonalities and the differences across the countries in the region. In addition, this collection of studies shows that, as a region, the quality of life for many children and families has improved in the last decades (New York Times 2007). The nineteen countries included in this region are identified as Central and South America because of geographic location; all are contiguous countries south of North America, which includes Canada, the United States, and Mexico. Although Central America—located between North and South America—includes seven countries, South America includes twelve. The islands in the region are usually not counted as part of this region but as part of the Caribbean area. Contrary to popular knowledge, Central and South America as a region is not the same as Latin America, although many sources usually use these two names interchangeably, given how much the composition of both regions overlap. In fact, some of the sources used in this volume include data from publications that focus on Latin America rather than on Central and South America. Latin America includes all countries located to the south of the United States of America where romance languages (Spanish, Portuguese, and French) are spoken; thus it includes Mexico and many island countries in the Caribbean that are not counted as part of Central or South America, and it does not include Belize and Guyana, as these are not countries where a romance language is spoken.
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The many variables that affect the lives of the children who live in Central and South America are described in detail in the chapters of this volume. Because the information in each chapter is presented in a similar format, the reader will be easily able to learn the many contrasts that children in the region experience regularly. The general overview of the region that is presented in this introduction will help the reader put the information about each country in larger social and cultural contexts within this historical time. The Population Reference Bureau (2006) reports that the population of Central America in mid-2006 was 149 million, whereas the population of South America was 378 million. Despite this difference, Central America had a higher density per square mile (156) than South America (55). The population in both areas is quite young. In Central America, 34 percent are younger than fifteen years, and in South America the same age group is 29 percent of the population. Only 5 percent in Central America and 6 percent in South America are older than sixty-five years. Overall, Central and South America as a region is growing and showing many signs that life conditions are improving on average. For example ECLAC reports a growth rate of 5.3 percent for 2006, which is equivalent to a per capita increase of 3.8 percent (ECLAC 2007). The economy has been growing steadily for the past four years, which means that more children are able to attend school, access the healthcare system, and spend less time working than in the past, yet the numbers for children living in poverty are still too high. According to the World Bank (2007), nearly 25 percent of the population lives in less than US$2 a day, and ECLAC (2007) reports that Latin America is the most unequal region of the world. It is these and other major contrasts that are so typical of this region what make it a challenging area of the world to study, to understand, and to describe. A LAND OF MANY LANGUAGES In addition to their geographical location, a common characteristic among the countries of the region is the fact that all countries have populations that speak indigenous languages, in addition to the language of the peoples who colonized them beginning in the fifteenth century. The region of Central and South America includes one Portuguese-speaking country (Brazil), two English-speaking countries (Guyana and Belize, and a small part of Nicaragua), several Spanish-speaking countries (Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, Venezuela in South America; and Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Panama in Central America), and one Dutchspeaking country (Suriname). All of them also have populations who speak different indigenous languages, and in some cases, those languages
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share official status with Spanish. Such is the case for Miskito, Sumo, and Rama spoken in Nicaragua; Quechua, spoken in Peru; Guarani, Quechua, and Aymara, spoken in Bolivia; and Guarani spoken by the majority of the population in Paraguay. One of the tendencies found in the region at this historical time is a growing interest in preserving and respecting the lives of the many indigenous nations that share their territories. Thus, in many countries, such as Venezuela, Colombia, and Brazil, specialized curricula have been developed for schools located in the areas with the most indigenous populations as a way of encouraging children to use their home languages and learn more about the history and cultural characteristics of their own people. Finally, because all countries have received a significant number of recent immigrants in the twentieth century, other languages have been introduced in the countries. Japanese, Mandarin, Korean, German, Italian, English, and French are common among immigrant groups today, and although children easily integrate into the local culture many of their traditions are preserved and respected. Despite all these influences, children of Central and South America are in the majority Spanish- and Portuguese-speaking children and monolingual. The percentage of the population that is bilingual or monolingual in another language is very small. A COMMON HISTORY: SIMILAR RACIAL AND ETHNIC ROOTS All of the countries in this region were European colonies at some point, but they experienced colonization differently, partly because of the state of development of the nations living in the territory of each country and partly because of the historical times when the colonization began and how long it lasted. For example, when Europeans first arrived with Columbus, the Spanish and the Portuguese divided the territory so that Spain would take the west side of the continent, and Portugal the east side (which is Brazil today). That meant that Spain took the territory with the most developed nations at that time (Aztecs, Incas, and Mayas). Also, many of the Spanish conquerors were as interested in the conquest of ‘‘souls’’ for Christianity (as Spain was coming out of 500 years of Arab occupation) as they were in the rich resources of this land. Thus, the Spanish and the members of the many indigenous nations who lived in the land mixed in a way that the English did not when they came to the United States and Canada. In addition, the Portuguese and the Spanish brought many slaves from Africa to work the land, but many of them stayed only in the northern part of South America (the closest to Africa in terms of miles). They, too, mixed, creating new ‘‘racial groups.’’
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Central and South Americans today as a whole are the result of the mix of these three racial groups; however, each area is different. The southern part of South America includes mostly a mix of European and indigenous people (Argentina, Chile, Paraguay, etc.). The northern and northeastern parts of South America (together with the Caribbean countries) have the largest mix of African, indigenous, and European heritages, with fewer people representing only one group (such is the case of Venezuela, Colombia, Panama, and Brazil); and the Andes region (southwestern area of South America) and all of Central America have the largest population that is either a mix of European and indigenous or nonmixed indigenous heritage. Even though the data presented by the CIA Factbook (2006) refers to the racial composition of the population of Latin America (which does include Mexico and other nations in the Caribbean), the averages presented are a good indication of the Central and South American countries. This approximate racial distribution is 33 percent white (which in many countries is actually reported as ‘‘White/ Mestizo’’); 25 percent Mestizo (mix of Amerindians and Whites), 17 percent Mulato (mix of Whites and Blacks); 12 percent Amerindian, 25 percent black, and the rest are ‘‘other.’’ In a few countries—Guatemala, Bolivia, and Peru—Amerindians are the majority of the population (with a little over 50%). In most other countries, the largest proportion is Mestizo. A LAND OF GREAT INEQUALITIES AND LIMITED ACCESS TO EDUCATION, HEALTH, AND OTHER SOCIAL SERVICES One of the defining characteristics of this region is the significant financial inequalities that exist in most countries. Even though some countries are poorer than others, all show high levels of inequality. Data from the United Nations Development Program shows that each country included in South and Central America have a Gini1 index over 43, with Bolivia showing the highest at 60.1, and Nicaragua showing the lowest at 43.1. Even though, in the last three years, the region has seen a decrease in poverty index and a move toward a healthier economy, a great majority of children in the region are still living in poverty. According to UNICEF (2007), 44 percent of the population in Latin America (which includes this region) lives in poverty. In the same region, 60 percent of children between birth and twelve years of age and 50 percent of adolescents between thirteen and nineteen years of age live in very poor conditions. In real numbers, approximately 118 million children and adolescents are poor
1. The Gini index is a calculation of income inequality. The closer the score is to zero, the more equality there is. The closer it is to 100, the less equal the income.
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and have no access to clean water or other health conditions. As a result of these very poor conditions, UNICEF (2007) reports that in Latin America 20 percent of children younger than the age of five years suffers from malnutrition, and about 370,000 die every year of illnesses that are preventable. According to the Population Reference Bureau (2006) rural populations in the region have less access to adequate sanitation; in 2002, 44 percent of rural and 84 percent of urban populations had access to improved sanitation. The Central and South American region has also been affected by HIV/AIDS. UNICEF (2007) estimates that by 2010 there will be about one million orphan children as the result of AIDS. Data from 2006 by the Population Reference Bureau (2006) shows that among the top fifteen countries outside of Africa that have populations infected with HIV, four are in this region (in order from more to fewer: Belize, Guyana, Suriname, and Honduras). And the Population Reference Bureau (2006) reports that 0.5 percent of the population in Central America and South America between the ages of fifteen and forty-nine years are infected with HIV/AIDS. In terms of access to education, 93 percent of the school-age population attends elementary school on average (even though there are countries where that rate is only 85 percent). Most of the children who do not attend school regularly are either members of an indigenous nation where there is no formal education or schools, children who live in rural and isolated areas, or children with special needs. UNICEF (2007) also reports that a unique characteristic of this region—as compared with other regions in the world—is the fact that, among younger adults, women tend to show higher rates of literacy than men, which means that girls stay longer in formal education than boys do. UNESCO (2006) also reports that only about 50 percent of children register for secondary school, although no data exist to confirm that registered children attend classes. Despite all these difficult statistics, the region has seen an increase in the level of education in the last few decades, a growth in the number of schools and institutions of higher education, and a growing interest in the professionalization of their workforce. Innovations in education, such as Escuela Nueva (New School) in Colombia, have been so successful in educating children in the most isolated areas in effective ways that other countries both in the region and in Africa and Asia have tried to implement the same model. In addition, laws exist in most countries to prevent children from being the sole bread winners of their homes, and encouraging them to attend school and get a formal level of education. All countries of this region signed in the 1990s the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which is monitored by the United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child (UNESCO 2006). As a result, many countries have developed their own laws, councils, and other organizations that protect children’s rights and work to improve the quality of their lives. Yet, the contrasts are still evident.
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A LAND OF GREAT VIOLENCE, ABUSE, AND MISTREATMENT OF CHILDREN Many authors agree that the existing poverty of the region is the main cause of the increase in the levels of violence, abuse, and mistreatment of children. For example, UNICEF (2007) estimates that approximately 30 percent of the victims of homicides in the region are children between the ages of ten and nineteen; that about six million children under age eighteen years are victims of physical aggression; and that about 85,000 children a year die as a consequence of domestic violence. There are also reports of sexual violence and abuse, in particular against girls, and it is estimated that in about 75 percent of the cases the perpetrators are adults who live with the children. It is also estimated by UNICEF (2007) that most cases of sexual violence are not reported. About 25,000 children have been abandoned by their parents and either live in the streets or in institutions. More than thirty million of children under age eighteen years work, some in the informal sector in urban areas, others in rural areas especially in agriculture, and many, especially girls, as servants and maids. Finally, UNICEF (2007) also reports that about 7,000 children serve in the military, particularly in Colombia, and that many are forced to serve as soldiers, cooks, messengers, and even as sexual workers in exchange for shelter and food. A LAND OF GREAT PROMISES, OPPORTUNITIES, AND POSSIBILITIES Despite all of these very difficult challenges, South and Central America is a region that is changing rapidly. Many are the grassroots and nongovernmental organizations that are emerging and improving the lives of children in specific countries. International organizations such as UNICEF, Save the Children, and the World Bank are bringing health programs, increasing educational programming and opportunities, and working for peace in the region. Many religious organizations are helping as well, and the Catholic church and other Christian churches and organizations continue to serve the poor who have the least access to social and human services. The resource guides in each of the chapters in this volume list a number of nongovernmental organizations in the region that are working to improve the condition of lives of the younger and future generations. These organizations are working with the local professionals, social and community agencies, and governments to ensure that all children in the region continue to have access to healthy entertainment, developmentally appropriate media messages, safe homes and neighborhoods, and access to health services, educational opportunities, and a promising future. The biggest challenges the region faces today are a weakening of democratic policies and governments, a poverty level that does not seem to change
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from year to year, and the great contrasts that make the most disadvantaged almost invisible at first sight. This volume offers an opportunity to learn more about all. SELECTED BIBIOGRAPHY CIA World Factbook. 2006. http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). May 2006. Social Panorama of Latin America 2005. Santiago, Chile. http://www.eclac. org. The New York Times. July 5, 2007. http://query.nytimes.com. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. (n.d.) Convention on the Rights of the Child. http://www.unhchr.ch.html.menu3/b/k2crc.htm. Population Reference Bureau. 2006. World Population Data Sheet. http:// www.prb.org. Save the Children. 2007. Where We Work: Latin American/Caribbean. http:// www.savethechildren.org/countries/latin-america-caribbean. Schady, Norbert. 2007. Early childhood development in Latin America and the Caribbean. World Bank Policy Research Working Paper No. 3869. United National International Children Emergency Fund (UNICEF). 2007. Information by country. http://www.unicef.org.
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ARGENTINA Milagros Nores NATIONAL PROFILE Argentina currently has slightly more than 40 million inhabitants, up from 36 million in 2001. Ten percent live in rural areas. Its annual population growth has slowed down significantly. In the previous decade, the population grew at an average of 15 percent per year, whereas in the last decade, it grew at an average 10 percent per year. Of the total population, 28 percent are younger than the age of fourteen, 62 percent are aged between fifteen and sixty-four years, and 10 percent are older than sixtyfive years of age. Among the immigrant group (4% of the total population), 5 percent are younger than fourteen, 70 percent are aged fifteen to sixty-four, and 26 percent are older than sixty-five years of age. Life expectancy has increased systematically in the last century, from seventy-two years in 1991 to seventy-four years in 2001. Likewise, overall fertility rates have decreased from 2.9 in 1991 to 2.4 in 2001 (INDEC 2001). In the early 1990s, Argentina experienced a period of stabilization, low inflation rates, and economic growth that strongly reduced poverty and improved welfare. Poverty rates decreased from 40 percent in 1990 to 22 percent by 1994. However, this trend was slowly reversed in the following years. Since 1995, poverty rates started to grow slightly and the income distribution deteriorated. By 1998, the poverty rate in urban areas had reached 28 percent. Although overall and per capita income growth was positive during the late 1990s, gains concentrated on the more skilled and educated sectors of the labor force, widening the income distribution. Poor families are largely characterized by low levels of education; a larger number of dependents (greater fertility rates); as lacking water and sanitation services, roads, and other pubic amenities; as living in overcrowded conditions; as lacking titles to the land they inhabit; and lacking other capital goods (World Bank, 2000a). Recently, Argentina has undergone an acute economic and financial crisis. At the end of 2002, and after three years of continued recession,
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the economic plan of the latter decade was abandoned at the same time that the president in office (De la Rua) resigned. Compared with countries that have experienced similar economic crises, the experience of Argentina was far more severe in terms of poverty, unemployment, reduction in social spending and foreign investments, and wage reductions (World Bank, 2003a). Between 1998 and 2001, poverty in urban areas—only 11 percent of the population was rural (INDEC, 2001)—increased from 28 percent to 37 percent, and unemployment increased from 13 percent to 18 percent (INDEC, 2001). By 2002, poverty rates peaked at 58 percent and unemployment peaked at 22 percent, decreasing afterwards. The Gini coefficient rose from 0.504 in 1998 to 0.532 by 2002, moving Argentina from the top to the middle among the Latin American countries, ranked by their income distribution. By 2005, poverty rates had decreased to 38.5 percent (INDEC, 2005). Poverty is largely explained by unemployment, types of jobs, and employment in the informal sector. The World Bank reports that in 2003 approximately 39 percent of the poor were employed in the informal sector versus 33 percent of the nonpoor, and unemployment rates amongst the poor reach 35 percent for the absolute poor and 21 percent for the moderate poor in contrast to 10 percent for the nonpoor (World Bank 2003a). The poor are also less likely to be employed in full-time jobs. Before the crisis, the census reported in 2001 diverging unemployment rates for women and men even after comparing education levels. Unemployment rates for men and women were 26 and 17 percent, respectively, for individuals that did not complete primary education, 21 and 22 percent for individuals with complete primary education, and 14 and 16 percent for individuals having completed secondary education or more. Underemployment rates evidence a much larger participation of women in this sector of the economy (22% of women versus 13% of men), and the inequality increases with education levels (20% versus 31% for incomplete primary education, 15% versus 27% for complete primary education, and 9% versus 17% for education levels above secondary). Family size complicates this picture, as the average family size for the poor (4.4) is almost double the size for the nonpoor (2.7). Poverty is
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therefore more acute among children and youth than among older groups. Between 1998 and 2002 the poverty rate for children aged birth to fourteen rose from 45 percent to 70 percent. Argentina started recovering from the last crisis and in 2005, 55 percent of children under thirteen years and 48 percent of youth between fourteen and twenty-two years were poor (INDEC 2005). In contrast, poverty rates among the twenty-three- to sixty-four-year-old age group were 32 percent and among those older than sixty-five years of age it was 17 percent. Geographical inequalities are stark. In the northeast, 71 percent of the children are poor, whereas in the Patagonia region this rate amounts to 32 percent. Per capita public spending in Argentina is among the highest in Latin America, yet substantial poverty persists over time (World Bank 2002). In the last decade, increased social spending has been directed to the social sectors (education, health, and public assistance) rather than social insurance. The 1990s were characterized by the decentralization of the health and education sectors, increasing provincial expenditure. National spending has focused on infrastructure and social assistance. The response to the crisis in the early 2000 diverted funds from investment in infrastructure to a ‘‘Social Emergency Program,’’ a social-assistance program targeting the poor with actions in health, education, nutrition, temporary work, income transfers, and community mobilization. This increased social spending targeted directly to the poor within existing programs such as Jefes y Jefas de Hogar (workfare program), school lunch programs, prenatal controls, and the Program for Child Maternity and Nutrition (PROMIN). Indigenous populations are among the poorest of the most disadvantaged populations as the result of accumulated years of exclusion and discrimination (World Bank 2005a). Indigenous populations are estimated at between 1.5 and 2.7 percent of the total population (World Bank 2005b) and about 25 percent of the rural population (World Bank 2005b). They are overrepresented among the rural poor. There are twenty different groups and 867 indigenous communities registered, which speak twelve live indigenous languages. No language has an official grammar or dictionary, and the education system has generally imposed the Spanish language. The Catholic Church is a strong institution in Argentina. It has a complex relationship with the state and has been able to deter legislations related to the use of contraceptives, family planning methods, and abortion. As an institution, it provides schooling to a large amount of students and its charity institutions, such as Caritas, play a fundamental role in issues of health, child nutrition, preschooling, drug prevention, and family violence, among others. In addition to the Catholic Church, there are more than 2,500 officially recognized religions and denominations coexisting harmoniously. Many of these also run schools to a lesser degree. Since the reestablishment of democracy in the 1980s, children and women’s rights have slowly been introduced in the legislation. The most
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KEY FACTS – ARGENTINA Population: 40,301,927 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 14.29 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 76.32 years (2007 est.) Literacy rate (age 15 and over): 97.1 percent (2003 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance 2000–2005: 99 percent Internet users: 10 million (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 130,000 (2005 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) rank: 3 (2006 est.) Sources: CIA World Factbook: Argentina. https://www.cia.gov/ library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ar.html. April 17, 2007; UNICEF: Argentina: At a Glance–Statistics. http:// www.unicef.org/infobycountry/argentina_statistics.html. May 1, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Argentina. http://hdr.undp.org/ hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_ARG.html. April 26, 2007; World Health Organization (WHO) UNAIDS/WHO Global HIV/AIDS Online Database. Epidemiological Fact Sheet on HIV/AIDS and Sexually Transmitted Diseases: Argentina. http://www.who.int/GlobalAtlas/predefinedReports/EFS2006/ EFS_PDFs/EFS2006_AR.pdf. December 2006.
significant achievement on the nature of childhood is the recent law that eliminates the role of the state (and more specifically the judicial system) as a guardian over children, and recognizes the rights of children as citizens. OVERVIEW
The education system of Argentina is based on four founding principles: universal, equal, mandatory, and free (Etchart, Trapaglia, and Bohorquez 1998). That is, there is access to free public education. The majority of the population self-identifies him/ herself as Catholic (90 percent), whereas 1.5 percent does as Jewish. The Constitution establishes a somewhat autonomous relationship between Church and state, yet subsidies to Catholic or other religiously affiliated schools are quite widespread. In the 1994 reform of the Constitution, Argentina gave constitutional hierarchy to the following international treaties and conventions: the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; the American Declaration on the Rights and Duties of Men; the American Convention on Human Rights; the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights; the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide; the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination; the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women; the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhumane or Degrading Treatment or Punishment; and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Child mortality and educational attainment are among the highest in the region. Children are legally protected from all forms of exploitation, yet child prostitution and child labor as well as street children are enduring problems. The experiences of children today vary significantly depending on the social strata into which the child is born. Differences between the poor, the middle, and the upper classes are vast in terms of educational attainment, nutrition, risks, health, labor, and overall development and opportunities.
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EDUCATION The education system is currently governed by four fundamental national laws, and the corresponding laws at the provincial levels. At the national level, the constitution establishes the right to teaching and learning (art. 14) (Etchart, Trapaglia, and Bohorquez 1998). The constitution itself does not mention that education should be free, yet the 1994 reform ratified a series of international conventions and covenants such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child (United Nations 1989) that includes the right of access to free schooling. Also, the constitution requires that provinces provide primary education (art. 5). The National Education Law (Law 24.195) of 1993 was the first general education law of Argentina. It established a new education structure,1 extended the number of compulsory years (from eight to ten), and was intended as a framework for redistributing responsibilities between the national and the provincial governments (and the corresponding Ministries of Education). Likewise, the transfer of all national schools to the provinces was completed through the Decentralization Law of 1992 (Law 24.049).2 In 2006, two fundamental laws were passed: a new National Education Law (Law 26.206 from 2006) and the Education Funding Law (Law 26.075 from 2006). The latter differs from the National Education Law in terms of the structure of the education system (it allows for variability in structure across provinces, which had happened de facto because not all provinces implemented the structure mandated in the previous law), it incorporates bilingual education, defines the structure of early childhood education, it gives more power to the Federal Education Council (composed of all provincial ministers of education and the national minister), and it includes a larger quality and equity component. The Education Funding Law replicates the goals on funding established in the 1993 Law but provides sources and mechanisms for funding to increase in the forthcoming years, depending on revenue growth, to be distributed according to equity and quality indicators. Education is therefore the responsibility of the provinces and the City of Buenos Aires. The National Ministry of Education currently takes on a compensatory and evaluation role, together with defining national guidelines for content and pedagogy and negotiating and administering a large fraction of the projects funded by international funding agencies (the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank). In 2004, 10,683,661 students were enrolled in primary (EGB cycles 1 and 2) and secondary education (EGB cycle 3 and polimodal education). Private enrollment share is high at 20 percent for primary education and 25 percent for secondary education. Despite its poverty indicators, Argentina has among the best education indicators in the region and the highest average level of education in the
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region (World Bank 2005c). Literacy rates for adults (defined as older than age fifteen years) are 97.1 percent for both males and females (CIA World Factbook 2007). Gross enrollment rates are 60 percent for preprimary education, 119 percent for primary education, and 100 percent for secondary education. Primary education is universal and secondary education is not, with a net enrollment rate of 81 percent. Repetition rates are 5.9 percent for primary education and 8.3 percent for secondary education. There is substantial gender parity across educational indicators (CEDLAS/UNLP 2005). However, there is significant regional difference in net enrollment rates. The permanent house survey of 2001 shows that although 4.1 percent of children ages five to seventeen do not attend school in the Patagonia region, 8.1 percent are out of school in the northwestern region. Likewise, 19 percent of five-year-olds do not attend preschool in the Patagonia region or in the Metropolitan area around Buenos Aires, whereas 36 percent are out of school in the northeastern region. Across provinces, and for children or youth between the ages of five to seventeen, out-of-school rates vary between 5 percent (Santa Cruz) and 23 percent (Chaco). Although inequalities in access persist, the educational gap across income quintiles has been reduced significantly. Enrollment rates have increased consistently across the last decades and even through the last crisis (CEDLAS/UNLP 2005). Between 1998 and 2003, attendance rates increased mostly for children ages three to five in large part as the result of the reform that made schooling at age five mandatory and increased kindergarten supply (Berlinski, Galiani, and Gertler 2006). Increased attendance has been similar across household income quintiles for children ages three to five and higher for the lowest quintiles for children ages six to seventeen (CEDLAS/UNLP 2005). Likewise, the ratio in years of education between the rich and the poor and the educational Gini has dropped significantly between 1998 and 2003. The educational Gini increased in the early 1990s and has decreased systematically since 1996, from 0.236 in 1996 to 0.222 in 2003 (CEDLAS/UNLP 2005). Overall, trends in educational disparities in terms of access appeared to have decreased. The poor benefit more from public education spending than the nonpoor partly because of the high percentage of private enrollments (World Bank 2000a). The poorest quintile benefit with 25 percent and the highest quintile receives approximately 12 percent of the public education resources. However, because approximately 25 percent of the students belong to the lowest quintile and 15 percent to the highest quintile, spending is not progressive. Argentina evidences significant problems of educational quality, with high repetition rates, high drop-out rates, and low student achievement (World Bank 2000a). Secondary graduation rate is 52 percent. Results are differentiated by income groups, with dropout rates for the poor increasing sharply after the seven years of mandatory education. In 2000,
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76 percent of students in the upper quintile where completing secondary education versus 24 percent of students in the lowest quintile. Moreover, repetition rates were approximately 25 percent for the poorest quintile and only 4 percent for the richest. Rates of return to education are also lower for individuals with poor parents (Savanti and Patrinos 2005). Disabilities are encompassed under the special education services. The education law defines special education as separate from basic education. It also defines the integration of children with disabilities into the basic education system through periodic assessments of each child’s case. In 2003, approximately 75,000 students were enrolled in special education, most of them at the primary level (83 percent). Of those enrolled in primary education, 18 percent evidence a physical disability and 63 percent a mental disability (40 percent exhibit a low-level mental disability). In practice, children with disabilities do not enjoy a right to formal education and integration is the result of a lengthy process of evaluations. The absence of teacher and educator training programs, together with a generalized policy of exclusion, marginalizes these students (Colectivo de ONGs de Infancia y Adolescencia 2002). The last cycle of secondary education or the Polimodal has a general track, a sports and recreation track, an agrarian track, and a teaching track. Schools apply for certification on one or more of these tracks. As a complement, professional and technical education tracks (TTPs) have been developed (Law 26.058 from 2005). These tracks are meant to encompass and regulate the different types of institutions and programs that offer job training within the education system. In 2003, about 185,000 students were enrolled in TTPs; 90 percent were enrolled in public institutions. Rural education in Argentina faces pockets of limited access to mandatory education, particularly for preschool (kindergarten) and the third cycle of basic education (grades seven through nine). It is estimated that approximately 140,000 children in rural areas do not have access to these grades, and that 70 percent of these are in the northeast and northwest region (Roman 2003). Of the approximately 714,000 children in rural areas enrolled in grades one through six, 38 percent are overage (compared with 28% in urban areas). The northeast and northwest regions account for 60 percent of total rural enrollment, although only 20 percent of the total population lives here. Dropout rates in grades one through six are very high (12%), and in grades six through nine they are extremely high (28%). Aboriginal schools, or schools mostly attended by children of indigenous origin, do not possess targeted curricula, and most teachers in these schools do not speak the indigenous language. Homogenization, rather than bilingualism, prevails. However, the National Education Law of 2006 has put bilingualism into the agenda by defining bilingual and intercultural education, confirming its constitutional basis, and defining
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the general guidelines for indigenous participation in its construction, for teacher training and certification, and for research and development in this area. An analysis of the behavioral changes of families regarding education induced by the last economic crisis evidenced a significant level of commitment of families with education (World Bank 2003b). A very low percentage of families changed their children from a private to a public or more economical school. Households adjusted to the crisis by reducing expenditure on learning materials. Dropout rates remained stable all through the years that poverty increased significantly (between 1998 and 2002). On the supply side, the impact of the crisis was much stronger. Large class discontinuities were experienced in all provinces because of conflicts with teacher unions triggered by wage delays. The number of school days lost went from 25 percent to 50 percent. The response to the crisis in schools was focused on assistance, with a displacement of its learning responsibility: financing of school lunches, expansion of scholarships (reducing the amount of them) and automatic promotion encouraged this trend. PLAY AND RECREATION There are no federal mandates on play or recreation nor comprehensive programs or policies. By ratifying the Convention on Children’s Rights, Argentina recognized the right to child play and recreation. The Ministry of Education partially incorporates concepts of play into the curricula, especially in early childhood education and emphasized more in practice and through policy programs, especially in early childhood education. A journal of the National Ministry of Education, El Monitor de la Educaci on, periodically includes articles related to the role of games in education. The Ministry of Culture has provided some scarce programs involving schools or adolescents and related to the arts. Although only about one hundred per thousand million people have personal computers, in 2005, almost 10 million people were active Internet users in Argentina (Argentinean Chamber of Commerce 2007). Schools and cybercafes have extended technological access across all regions, cities, and towns in Argentina. Technology has provided new means for policies in education as well as policies in media literacy and access. Educ.Ar is a government internet society funded initially with a donation in 2001. Although initially not a successful endeavor, it has grown extensively since 2003. Currently, it promotes the use of technology in schools, access to technology by schools, literacy in the use of technology, the development of multimedia educational content, recycling equipment to distribute to schools, and providing training. In terms of television and radio media, the Law on Broadcasting (Law 22.285 of 1980) protects minors in terms of content during restricted
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broadcasting hours (defined by regulation and known as ‘‘hours for the protection of minors’’). It also maintains that programs intended for children or youth should be related to their development (Art. 17). The Federal Committee on Broadcasting is responsible of enforcing this law and overseeing contents. There have been complaint about inadequate programming in terms of morality, language, and violence within the restricted broadcast hours. CHILD LABOR The Law on Labor Contracts (Law 20.744) from 1974 is the framework for intervention in child labor issues (art. 187–195) (Macri et al. 2005). This law, together with the ratification of the International Convention on the Rights of the Child,3 which defines a child from conception to the age of eighteen years, takes an abolitionist stance on child labor. The Law on Labor Contracts defines child and youth labor and under what conditions these are allowed. Child labor is defined as the labor of children younger the age of fourteen years, and this is generally forbidden, with the exception of businesses authorized because only family members work there and are considered safe, and when the child’s labor is judged indispensable for the child’s own subsistence or that of his immediate kin. Youth labor is defined as labor of youth between the ages of fourteen and seventeen, and this is allowed under regulated conditions. For this age group, labor contracts are regulated under the apprenticeship system (Decree 14.538 of 1944) and can only be of thirty-six weekly hours, six hours a day, nights excluded, and with two-week vacations. Child labor markets are characterized for being within the commerce and service sectors, for example, domestic service (especially females between the ages of sixteen and seventeen), construction (males), and street child-related activities (Ciudad Aut onoma de Buenos Aires 2002). Child labor is highly exposed to greater risks and violence (concentrated in the informal sector) and has its counterpart consequences on school participation and results (Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 2001). Macri et al. (2005) find that about three-quarters of youths employed receive wages, yet almost 100 percent work in the informal sector and the wages are low (a third of the average wage). Moreover, Macri et al. state that 95 percent of young workers have no benefits (social security, medical insurance, or paid vacations); in contrast to 35 percent of the overall population. In urban areas 0.4 percent of children between the ages of ten and fourteen are active in the labor market, but only three-fourths of these are actually employed. Estimates on child labor in rural areas are poor. On the basis of the agricultural census, there are about 25,000 children under the age of fourteen working in the rural services (Macri et al. 2005). These reports are thought to be biased as surveys are answered by
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agricultural producers and not by families. The Ministry of Labor asserts that the percentage rises to about a fourth of rural children in the northeastern region and in the province of Mendoza for children between the ages of five and thirteen (Ministerio de Trabajo y Seguridad Social 2005). This is three times higher than the percentage for urban children. Although educational attainment varies from child to child, children that work tend to fail in school due to the household environment that promotes their work in the first place, hyperactivity, attention deficit disorders, and limits in their mental development (Macri et al. 2005). However, in Argentina, in many cases child labor becomes a complement and the condition by which schooling can be achieved (Macri et al. 2005, 259). Most of the children that work or work and study simultaneously are from the lowest two quintiles. In 1997, while about 30 percent of the boys in these two quintiles worked without attending schooling, 5.6 percent of the children of the upper quintile did so. For girls, 24 percent of those in the first quintile and 17 percent in the second quintile worked and did not attend school, in contrast to 5.5 percent in the upper quintile (SIEMPRO 1997). The ‘‘street’’ becomes a space for many forms of child labor, whether they are street children or live at home. Children working in the street tend to be male and not necessarily out of school (Ciudad Aut onoma de Buenos Aires 2002).* It is reported that child abuse and child prostitution are serious problems (Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 2001). Argentina is in Latin America important in child and adult trafficking, especially in the region known as the triple frontier (Brazil, Paraguay, and Argentina) (US Department of State 2004). The great majority of the trafficking victims are women and children brought from Paraguay, Bolivia, Brazil, and the Dominican Republic. Similarly, internal trafficking from rural to urban areas is widespread. To the recent crisis, approximately 13 percent of households had an active response by sending a new member to the labor force (Becerra et al. 2000). Among low-income households, this amounted to 28 percent for the first quintile and 17 percent for the second quintile, in contrast to less than 2 percent for the upper quintile. In 50 percent of the cases, this new worker is the son or daughter, and in 25 percent of the cases a spouse. However, a little over 13 percent of new entrants to the labor force succeeded in finding a new job. This coping strategy, that is, divergence toward increased child labor, did not appear to be particularly successful (Fiszbein, Giovagnoli, and Aduriz 2002).
*A study for the City of Buenos Aires (Ciudad Aut onoma de Buenos Aires 2002) interviewed street children, who in general stated economic deprivations as the cause of their work: 37 percent worked to help their parents financially, 18 percent due to recent unemployment of a relative, and 14 percent to buy food.
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FAMILY In terms of filiations, the Law on Filiations and Parental Power (Law 23.364 of 1985) equalized rights across parents and for children born outside a marriage. Likewise, Law 23.515 states equality within the marriage with the place of residence being agreed by the couple instead of being that of the husband, and it modifies the minimum age for marriage as sixteen for females and eighteen for males (Torrado 2003, 138–140). Family structure in Argentina is mostly nuclear families, that is, a couple and children (e.g., 42% of households in the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires) (Saravi 2002). Remaining households are distributed proportionally between single-headed households, couples without children, extended families, and single individuals. In comparison with other Latin American countries, Argentina has a low percentage of extended and nuclear families. There are significant differences in the distributions of types of households across income levels. The proportion of extended families increases for lower-income quintiles. Consensual unions tend to be more common among lower-income strata and in rural areas (De Vos 2001). In the three upper quintiles (1999), 87 percent of children live in a family in which both parents are present. In contrast, in the lower two quintiles, this percentage is 76.5 percent. Likewise, among the former, eight of ten couples are legally married, and among the latter, six of ten. Yet 21.6 percent of the children in the lower quintiles live in single-headed households versus 11.3 percent of those in the upper quintiles (Torrado 2003). Poorer households are larger, more frequently single-headed, and have high, birth rates. In contrast, the upper three quintiles evidence smaller households and birth rates, with a demographic transition similar to that of developed economies. On average, a trend is observed in family structure toward an increase in single-headed households, the percentage of consensual unions over marriage, the average marriage age, and the dissolution of marriages. Such characteristics are similar to those in developed countries (Aguirre 2004). Since the 1960s, there has been a sharp increase in the number of children born outside marriage (mostly in cohabitation); nowadays half of the children born in Argentina are born out of wedlock (Torrado 2003). The influence of family composition on women’s labor careers is mediated by the socioeconomic level of the household. Middle-class women have smaller families, and postpone their maternity, a less traditional view regarding gender roles, greater levels of education that gives them access to more rewarding jobs, and are also more likely to afford domestic and childcare services (Aguirre 2004). Family transfers make part of the social assistance programs in Argentina since the 1970s. Since 1996, passive beneficiaries (not contributing to the social fund) receive contributions for their spouse, children, and for children with disabilities. Active beneficiaries (contributing to the
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fund) do not receive contributions for their spouses, and they receive benefits for children younger than the age of fourteen. Also, benefits are now conditioned by the wage levels of the employee, with a maximum wage established to receive them (Torrado 2003). In Argentina, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) created the first services for family violence victims (1980s). Since then, significant progress has been made in the legislative arena with a law on domestic violence passed in 1994 (Law 24.417 of 1994). About half of the provincial governments have adopted this law. The law includes the obligation of denouncing acts of violence against children to social workers, schools, health professionals, and public officials. There are no national policies on violence prevention (PNUD 1999). However, this law does not distinguish among members in the family unit but define the family homogeneously. This was corrected by a later law on the prevention and eradication of violence against women (Law 24.632 of 1996), which explicitly defines violence against women as gender violence.4 HEALTH Argentina is advanced in its epidemiological transition, with high health spending levels, extensive service supply, and high technological provider levels. However, it faces important regional inequities in resources and health status and regulatory weaknesses (Uribe and Schwab 2002). Child mortality for children less than one year old is 16.3 per thousand children; 17.8 for males and 14.5 for females (INDEC and UNICEF 2003). These rates strongly decrease after the age of one. For children between the ages of one and four years old, child mortality amounts to 0.6 per thousand, and for children aged five to fourteen, it amounts to 0.3 per thousand. Although infant mortality rates have declined significantly over time (from 24.7 in 1991), they remain high relative to countries with lower per capita spending and less healthcare spending, for instance, infant mortality remains about 75 percent higher than that in Chile and more than 20 percent higher than that in Uruguay (Rucci 2004). Regional variation is widespread. Child mortality rates for children younger than the age of one vary from 9.6 per thousand (City of Buenos Aires) to 28.9 per thousand (Formosa) (INDEC and UNICEF 2003). The northeast and the northwest regions, which are the poorest, also evidence the highest mortality rates, suggesting some degree of underprovision. Regional inequalities have defined healthcare interventions in the last two decades. There has been a large increase in the number of medical facilities in the 1980s and 1990s (Rucci 2004). A decentralized program for child maternity initially, PROMIN was initiated in 1994 (Acu~ na and Chudnovsky 2002; Rucci 2004). Adopting provinces have higher infant birth rates, less average education of mothers, lower mortality rates, and higher birth weights than nonadopting
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provinces (Acu~ na and Chudnovsky 2002). Such programs effectively targeted vulnerable groups within provinces but not necessarily the most vulnerable provinces. Today, the poorest regions (northwest and northeast) concentrate a third of neonatal deaths and a third of postneonatal deaths, with 26 percent of the births. Neonatal deaths amount to 11.3 per thousand births (Ministry of Health 2006). Approximately six of ten neonatal deaths could be avoided with preventive prenatal and birth care (Ministry of Health 2004). Children die as the result of pregnancy complications, malnutrition, diarrhea, newborn respiratory problems, and congenital heart problems. Prenatal transmission of syphilis has increased in the last few years, and diarrhea persists among children younger than the age of five. Likewise, 95 percent of HIV-positive children younger than the age of thirteen in Argentina have been infected through perinatal transmission and 2 percent through blood transfusions (Valente 2002). Maternal death rates amount to 4.3 per ten thousand living births, varying from 0.9 (City of Buenos Aires) to 19.7 deaths (Jujuy). The Ministry of Health reports that a third of maternal deaths occur because of abortions due to unwanted pregnancies (Ministry of Health 2004). The Penal Code (Art. 85–88) establishes that abortions are a ‘‘misdemeanor against life,’’ with one to four years of incarceration for the person practicing abortion, as well as for the mother causing her own abortion or contracting for someone else to do it. The Penal Code states that an abortion can be considered legal only when the mother’s life is in danger or if the pregnancy is the consequence of a rape or similar act, and only with the consent of a legal representative. In practice, these exceptions are ineffective, as very few cases are presented for judicial permission, which has also sometimes been denied (Weller 2000). As a consequence, conditions under which abortions occur are highly endangering, and estimations on maternal deaths caused by abortions of unwanted pregnancies are thought to be conservative, with abortions amounting to half a million a year or twice the number of live annual births (Mercer et al. 2001). The rate of hospital admittance caused by complications with abortions increased 46 percent between 1995 and 2000. The large impact of abortions is closely related to a high rate of adolescent unwanted pregnancies. About a sixth of all women having children are between ten and nineteen years of age (Ministry of Health 2004). Children born to adolescent mothers have twice the probability of dying than children born to mothers older than the age of twenty because of higher poverty rates, nutrition deficiencies, lower educational levels, and lack of health controls, among other factors. In terms of living conditions, 90 percent of dwellings in urban areas (76 percent in low-income areas) have access to water services (Ministry of Health 2004). The supply of sanitary services is even lower, because 60 percent of households have drainage to the public sewage system (41
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percent in low-income areas). A study on the impact of the privatization of water services by local governments on child mortality in Argentina evidences a decrease on child mortality especially in low income areas (Galiani, Gertler, and Shargrodsky 2005).5 The latest economic crisis had its impact on the health sector by (1) strongly increasing the costs of imported medications and biomedical inputs because of the currency devaluation, (2) increasing the demand for public hospital services, and (3) inverting epidemiological risk trends (Uribe and Schwab 2002). The reduction of average household income affected household behavior. Families reported resorting to public centers more often than to private ones (38 percent), taking their children to preventive medical checkups less often (38 percent), and dropping private health insurance (13 percent). Among the main access constraints to health services is the lack of money for fees, physicians, medication, and transportation; in the lowest quintile, 71 percent report lack of resources and 28 percent report lack of a health fund, whereas in the upper quintile 60 percent report problems of access because of resources and 4 percent report the lack of a health fund (Uribe and Schwab 2002). Overall, the impact on preventive care has been large and regressive, with 57 percent of households with children under twelve reporting less preventive controls in the lowest quintiles, and 19 percent in the upper quintile. On the supply side, in 2001 PROMIN detected a 43 percent decrease in pregnancy care prevention, a 23 percent decrease in preventing training for pregnant women, a deterioration in the quality of prenatal control, and a 20 percent decrease in the percentage of children attending an adequate number of health centers in their first year of life. Likewise, it is estimated that 30 percent of the infant population did not have access to one of the vaccines provided by the National Immunization Plan, for example, coverage for the measles-mumps vaccine in children younger than one year of age decreased from 91 percent to 89 percent between 2000 and 2001 (Uribe and Schwab 2002, 22–23). Coverage rates for most vaccines are high in Argentina (97% for BCG, 95% for measles, and 94% for the quadruple); however, coverage (e.g., in the City of Buenos Aires) is strongly related to risk factors such as the educational level of the primary caregiver and lack of insurance (Dayan et al. 2004). Although PROMIN targets prenatal and postnatal care, the National Plan for Integrated Health Care for Adolescents (1993) contains broad guidelines for provincial programming on adolescent health protection. Although it neglects sexual and reproductive health issues, it has legitimized the work developed in a few public hospitals without adding needed resources (Mercer et al. 2001). In 2002, the bill on Sexual Health and Responsible Procreation was passed (Law 25.673 of 2002), which creates a national program with the same name. This program is meant to improve sexual health, reduce maternal and child morbidity and mortality, prevent unwanted pregnancies, promote adolescent sexual health,
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contribute to the early detection and prevention of sexually transmitted diseases, guarantee universal access to information, and promote women empowerment in decisions concerning their sexual health. The law represents a turning point because the area of sexual health and reproductive behavior is one of conflict due to the complex historical relationship between the Catholic Church and the state (Mercer et al. 2001). Regardless of the conflicts in the national arena, eleven of the twenty-four provinces have passed reproductive health laws since 1995 guaranteeing family planning methods, sexual education, STD care, and reproductive healthcare services for adolescents in public hospitals, among other things.6 A survey among high school students in the City of Buenos Aires found that 33 percent of young women and 16 percent of young men did not use any type of protection in their sexual initiation, young women were less likely to report condom use, and adolescent couples abandoned the method early (Mercer et al. 2001). Moreover, adolescent girls in Argentina appeared more concerned with preventing pregnancy than STDs, and hospital clinics have been more focused on this as well (Mercer et al. 2001). Similar issues are reported by Weller (2000). Educational achievement is strongly related to adolescent risk behavior. Youth with at least ten years of education have lower proclivity to start their sexual activity before the age of twenty, are more like to be better informed on contraceptive use, evidence lower child mortality rates, consume less addictive drugs, and evidence less delinquency behavior (Vuegen 2003). A recent survey on smoking and adolescence in schools in five of the largest cities found that five of ten adolescents have tried smoking at least once and that two of ten smoke daily (Ministry of Health 2004). Alcohol is much more predominant than drug use. A study on youth in Argentina of 1998 surveyed 1,000 adolescents. In terms of access to drugs, 37 percent of them reported being offered drugs in night clubs, 29 percent in the streets, 21 percent in parties, 12 percent in the soccer stadiums, 10 percent in schools, and 6 percent in a working place (Vuegen 2003). Sexual initiation occurs early in Argentina. Five out of ten boys and four of ten girls between the ages of thirteen and nineteen have been sexually initiated, and the average age for initiation is fourteen and a half for boys and fifteen for girls (Weller 2000). Answering open-ended questions about the motives for sexual initiation, an important percentage of female adolescents in the Buenos Aires metropolitan area reported some type of coercion or pressure, ranging from 5.5 percent (upper middle class) to 17.3 percent (lower class) (Geldstein and Pantelides 1999). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS In terms of children and adolescents, besides the reform of the constitution in 1994, which gave the Convention on the Rights of the Child
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constitutional status, Law 10.903, known as ‘‘Ley de Patronato,’’7 prevails in practice. This law was intended to protect abandoned children or those exposed to their parents, giving tutelary power to the judicial system. In parallel, Law 22.278 defines the penal system for minors (Regimen Penal de Minoridad), the Civil Code defines most aspects that require judicial intervention, and the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction serves as the main reference on issues of child trafficking and child abduction.8 Recently, the Law on the Fundamental Protection of the Rights of Children and Adolescents (Law 26.061)9 has formally derogated the Ley de Patronato. This law, in agreement with the Convention on the Rights of the Child (unlike the former law), situates public policies over the tutelary power of the judicial system, recognizing their rights and public policies as the means through which governments should ensure those rights. The progressive implementation of this law will imply closing the institutions that have been separating children from their families and finding ways to ensure the permanence of children with their families, extended families, or community. The Ley de Patronato deprived thousands of children of their liberty as a means of assisting them. Quite the contrary, the new law emphasizes not separating the child from families and communities (Naddeo 2005). It defines that if a child needs to reside at a social assistance center; he/she should not be deprived of his/her liberty (open doors) and should attend his/her community school. The latter was ratified in the National Education Law of 2006. RELIGIOUS LIFE The constitution establishes the freedom of religion (Art. 14). The Roman Catholic Church is the official religion recognized in the constitution and is the only religion for which there are national holidays (Good Friday, Immaculate Conception of Virgin Mary, Christmas, and New Years Day). Moreover, most popular regional festivities are related to saints or the Virgin Mary. National holidays impact curricula and schools, as they are usually celebrated by schools and communities. However, more recently, nonworking days have been recognized and established by law for Judaism and Islamism.10 From children’s and youth’s perspectives, parents provide the most important role models. Although teenagers disagree on issues involving school performance, timetables for outings, and over-control, they agree on moral, religious, and political values (Facio and Batistuta 1998). The National Secretariat of Worship acts as the link between the national government and religious organizations (which employ more than 70,000 people). Besides the Catholic Church, there are more than 2,500 officially recognized denominations and religions coexisting harmoniously, such as Judaism, Pentecostalism, Protestantism, and Islamism, among others. All religions and religious institutions or organizations are
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registered in a National Worship Registry instituted in 1973 (Law 21.745 of 1973). Religious diversity is respected because of the legacy of immigration from diverse origins that arrived in the first half of the 1900s. Government policy and practice contribute to the free practice of religion; however, the government provides the Catholic Church with subsidies (estimated at $4 million per year) not available to other religious groups, in compensation for expropriation of properties that belonged to Catholic institutions in the colonial era (Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 2005). The federal government does not collect information on religious affiliation, which makes accurate information on religion by denomination difficult. Estimates (which do not imply active religious practice) are: Catholics, 70 percent of the population; Protestants, 9 percent; Muslims, 1.5 percent; Jews, 0.8 percent; other religious groups, 2.5 percent; and the remainder, no declared religious affiliation (Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 2005). Notwithstanding the harmonious relationship among religions, discrimination, including anti-Semitic and antiMuslim acts, continues to occur (at less than 200 incidents per year). There have been governmental and nongovernmental efforts to reduce discrimination and promote interfaith tolerance (Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 2005). The Catholic Church is a strong institution in Argentina. It has a convoluted relationship with the state. Through the years it has effectively been able to deter legislations related to the use of contraceptives, family planning methods, and abortion. However, it provides schooling to large numbers of children and its charity institutions, such as Caritas, play a fundamental role at the national and regional level in issues of health, child nutrition, preschooling, drug prevention, and family violence, among others. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT According to the 2001 Census, there were 17,217 institutionalized children and adolescents between the ages of birth and eighteen, with the institutionalization occurring because they need to be cared for and because of conflicts with the law (UNICEF 2006). Studies for the City of Buenos Aires estimate that about eight thousand children and youths are institutionalized, 82 percent for need motives and 18 percent for penal reasons (however, statistics vary according to the source). The law does not distinguish between children institutionalized due to penal reasons or for assistance. Penal and nonpenal institutions are large buildings that can house approximately eighty-five children (Colectivo de ONGs de Infancia y Adolescencia 2002). Penal institutions, for example, in the City of Buenos Aires, are by and large public institutions (611) and community
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organizations (1,007), whereas nonpenal institutions are NGOs (4,081), public (846), and municipal (577). Children in these types of institutions attend schools within the institutions. The number of children institutionalized for nonpenal reasons under the National Council for Children, Adolescence, and Family (CONAF) has decreased, whereas the number of children institutionalized for penal reasons has increased. In 2001, the monthly average of children in the penal circuit reached 711. Institutionalization is predominantly due to orphanages to ensure the child’s security, education, and morality; yet, institutionalized children are often exposed to abuse and mistreatment (Guemureman 2002). Similarly, illegal detention in police stations and the conditions under which they are institutionalized are appalling. In the City of Buenos Aires, for 2001, the number of children held in police states averaged 100 a day (Colectivo de ONGs de Infancia y Adolescencia 2002). These numbers are as high as children in juvenile prisons (in contrast to institutionalized children). Also, because of the escalation in social conflict during the recent crisis, the system has become even tougher, with ten sentences to life in prison for youth younger than eighteen since 1998. In 1999 and 2000, sentences for children younger than the age of twenty-one represented 20 percent of all total sentences (Guemureman 2002).11 Likewise, the number of institutionalized children victims of violence increased systematically through the 1990s. Street children are among the most exposed to violence, sexual exploitation, and high risks. Some of them work informally, either asking for money or doing petty jobs, exploited by adults that take advantage of their needs. Prostitution and abduction of minors is regulated by the Penal Code (Art. 118–133). It is reported that child abuse and child prostitution continue to be serious problems (Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 2001). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Child experiences in Argentina vary wildly depending on the socioeconomic status of the child, the region in which the child grows up, whether the child lives in an urban or rural area, and the interaction of all these. A child in the northeast or northwest region is much more likely to be poor, have less access to health services, have lower educational quality and quantity services, and have to work in the fields. A child in the metropolitan areas has much higher access to health and education services, but unemployment and economic hardship imply that lower income children in the city are also subject to child labor, street work, violence, abuse, adolescent parenthood, higher rates of abortion, and lower access to basic services like sewage. In contrast, children born to middlehigh and higher income classes have health, education quality, and
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education accumulation advantages. The gaps between the latter and the former have increased in the last ten years. Although improvements in basic health provision have been strong and systematic, the same cannot be said for education, deterioration of labor market conditions, and the slow progress that has been made in terms of child labor and the protection of children’s rights. Likewise, the issues of family planning, contraceptive use, and illegal abortions have strong consequences on adolescent females from the lowest quintiles. Overall, fundamental pockets for policy intervention and regions where public supply of services are insufficient persist. Strengthening public sector services in maternity and prevention, reducing regional disparities, strengthening laws and their actual implementation for the protection children’s rights, as well as promoting the full eradication of institutions within the Ley de Patronato, are essential to improve the conditions of children in Argentina, especially the most disadvantaged (including immigrant children). NOTES 1. The prevailing system in Argentina was primary education (seven years) and secondary education (five years). The new system established the general basic education level (nine years divided into cycles of three years) and the polimodal (three years). 2. Primary schools had been transferred to the provinces during the military dictatorship (Laws 21.809 and 21.810 of 1978). 3. Ratified by Law 23.849 in 1990 and then given constitutional hierarchy in 1994 (art. 75, inc. 2). Besides the International Convention on Human Rights, Argentina has ratified the majority of the international declarations and agreements related to child labor (Macri et al. 2005, 152). 4. Also, Argentina has ratified the Interamerican Convention for the Prevention, Erradication, and Punishment of Violence Against Women (1996), known as the Convencion do Bel e m do Par a. 5. Privatization was found to be associated with significant reductions in deaths from infectious and parasitic diseases, and uncorrelated with deaths from causes unrelated to water conditions. 6. Provincial laws were passed after complex negotiation between political parties on the requirement of parental authorization of contraception on religious or moral grounds, and the inclusion of statements authorizing the use of nonabortifacient birth control methods only. Some of these laws face appeals on its constitutionality (Mercer et al. 2001). 7. Law 10.903 of 1919. This law was the first law on childhood in Latin America and consolidated the role of the state as interventionist in the lives of poor children a role that the state has carried out until today (Torrado, 2003, 598). 8. Besides the Hague Convention (Act. 23.857), Argentina abides by the following: the United Nations Convention on the Recovery Abroad of Maintenance (Act.17.156); the Inter-American Convention on the International Return of Children; the Inter-American Convention on International Traffic in Minors; and the Inter-American Convention on Support Obligations Approved by Law 25.593.
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9. Passed on September 2005, promulgated on October 2005, and regulated since January 2006. 10. Law 26.089 of 2006 for Judaism (modifies Law 24.571 of 1995) and Law 24.757 of 1996 for Islam. 11. Children are relatively imputable at the age of 16 and fully imputable at the age of 18.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Aguerrondo, I. ‘‘Can Education Measure up to Poverty in Argentina?’’ In Unequal Schools, Unequal Chances, edited by F. Reimer. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University, David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies, 2000. Etcheverry, J. G. La tragedia educativa. Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Econ omica, 1999. Llach, J. J., S. Montoya, and F. Roldan. Educaci on para Todos. Buenos Aires: IERAL, 1999. Macri, M., M. Ford, C. Berliner, and M. Molteni. El Trabajo Infantil no es un Juego. Buenos Aires: Editorial Stella and Ediciones La Crujıa, 2005. Narodowski, M. El Desorden de la Educaci on. Ordenado Alfab e ticamente. Buenos Aires: Prometeo libros, 2004. Narodowski, M., M. Nores, and M. Andrada. Desde los Operativos Nacionales hasta los Boletines Escolares. La Evaluaci on Educativa en la Argentina: 1992–2001. Buenos Aires: Editorial Prometeo, 2002. Puiggros, A., ed. La Educaci on en las Provincias y Territorios Nacionales (1885–1945) (Vol. IV). Buenos Aires: Editorial Galerna, 2001. Sautu, R., A. Eguıa, and S. Ortale, eds. Las Mujeres Hablan. Consecuencias del Ajuste Econ omico en Familias de Sectores Pobres y Medios en la Argentina. La Plata: Ediciones Al Margen, 2000. Torrado, S. Historia de la Familia en la Argentina Moderna (1870–2000). Buenos Aires: Ediciones de la Flor S.R.L., 2003. World Bank. Argentina: Crisis and Poverty 2003. A Poverty Assessment (in two volumes), Volume I: Main Report, World Bank Report No. 26127-AR, July 24, 2003. Washington, DC: World Bank, 2003.
Nonprint Resources Afroargentinos. 2002. Written by J. Fortes and D. Ceballos, produced by L. M. P. Filmagen Producciones. Argentina: Diego Ceballos and Jorge Fortes. Bolivia. 2001. Written by I. A. Caetano, produced by S. Matias Mosteirin. Argentina: New Yorker Films. Buenos Aires Viceversa. 1996. Written by A. Agresti, produced by F.-M. Falso. Argentina. Desocupados y Cortes de Ruta en el Noroeste Argentino. 2002. Written by A. Ogando, produced by W. C. Popular. Argentina. El Polaquito. 2003. Written and produced by J. C. Desanzo. Argentina: Maverick. La Ciudad Oculta. 1989. Written by O. Andechaga, produced by I. E. L. Prod. Argentina.
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La Historia Oficial. 1985. Written by L. Puenzo, produced by M. Pi~ neyro. Argentina: Koch International. Night of Pencils. 1986. Written by H. Olivera, produced by F. Ayala and A. Sessa. Argentina: Aries Cinematografica Argentina. Parapalos. 2004. Written and produced by A. Poliak. Argentina: Asociaci on Argentina de Distribuidores Cinematograficos. Valentin. 2004. Written by A. Agresti, produced by J. L. Iborra. Argentina: Wanda Vision/Nirvana Films. Yepeto. 2000. Written and produced by E. Calcagno. Argentina: Primer Plano Film Group S.A. Yocavil, los pueblos olvidados. 2001. Written by E. A. Sahar, produced by E. Cinematografica. Argentina.
Web Sites Bridging Research and Policy. Directory of Policy Research Institutes in Developing Countries, http://www.researchandpolicy.org. Chicos de la Calle (Street Children), The portal on street children in Argentina, http://www.chicosdelacalle.org. Ecopibes.com, http://www.ecopibes.com. For the education and participation of children and youth in an environmental network. Educ.Ar. National education web site (government), http://www.educ.ar/educar/ institucional. Educared, http://www.fundacion.telefonica.com.ar/educared. Program to facilitate the educational uses of internet in schools. INDEC. Instituto Nacional de Estadısticas y Censos (Census Office), http:// www.indec.mecon.gov.ar/default.htm. Infancia en Red (Childhood Network), http://www.infanciaenred.org.ar. Virtual community that brings together people interested in early childhood education. A space for debate and knowledge exchange within a Latin-American perspective. INFOLEG, Informaci on Legislativa (Legislative Inforemation), Ministry of Finance, http://infoleg.mecon.gov.ar. Instituto de Derechos del Ni~ no (Children’s Rights Institute), http://www.jursoc .unlp.edu.ar/infancia/contenido.htm. International Child Protection. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International Trade and Worship, http://www.menores.gov.ar/ingles/index1.htm. Ministry of Education, http://www.me.gov.ar/index1.html.
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Ministry of Health, http://www.msal.gov.ar/htm/default.asp. Ministry of Social Development, http://www.desarrollosocial.gov.ar. Organizaci on de los Estados Iberoamericanos para la Educaci on, la Ciencia y la Cultura (OEI) (Organization of Iberoamerican Status for Education, Science and Culture), Oficina Regional en Buenos Aires, http://www.oei.org.ar/index.html. Patronato de la Infancia (Childhood Patronage), http://www.patronato-infancia.org.ar. Portal de la Sociedad de Pediatrıa (Portal of the Argentina Pediatrics Society), http://www.sap.org.ar. SAIJ. Sistema de Informaci on Jurıdica de la Rep ublica Argentina (Online Legal Information System). Ministry of Justice and Human Rights, http://www.saij.jus.gov.ar. SIEMPRO. Sistema de Monitoreo y Evaluaci on de Programas Sociales (Evaluation and Assessment System for Welfare Programs), http://www.siempro.gov.ar. UNICEF Argentina, http://www.unicef.org/argentina/spanish.
Organizations and NGOs Asociaci on Conciencia Web site: http://www.conciencia.org Informs and educates, but it is a nonpartisan association. It presently has 36 chapters spread all over the country and has established a Pan-American institutional network in 16 countries and shares with its members similar aims and objectives. Caritas Argentina Web site: http://www.caritas.org.ar/home1.htm Works assisting communities, promoting human development with values of justice, solidarity, and human dignity. Centro de Estudios de Estado y Sociedad (CEDES) Web site: http://www.cedes.org Research center in the social sciences in Argentina and Latin America promoting the dissemination and application of findings. Centro de Estudios de Poblaci on (CENEO) Web site: http://www.cenep.org.ar Research on social issues and demography, sociodemographics, immigration, education and work, social security and aging, gender, families and households, job markets, and local development. Centro de Estudios Sociales y Legales (CELS) Web site: http://www.cels.org.ar Promotes and protects human rights and strives to strengthen democracy in Argentina.
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Centro de Implementaci on de Polıticas P ublicas para la Equidad y el Crecimiento (CIPPEC) Web site: http://www.cippec.org Research and implementation on public policy areas for improving the quality of life for all Argentine citizens. Consejo Nacional de la Ni~ nez, Adolescencia y Familia (CONAF) Web site: http://www.conaf.gov.ar Promotes policies for disadvantaged, at-risk and disabled children and youth. Cruz Roja Argentina Web site: http://www.cruzroja.org.ar Addresses problems related to sicknesses prevalent in poverty areas, nutrition, VIH/ SIDA, and disasters. Fundaci on Compromiso Web site: http://www.compromiso.org Strengthens the work of social organizations. Fundaci on de Investigaciones Econ omicas Latinoamericanas (FIEL) Web site: http://www.fiel.org Private, independent, nonpartisan, and nonprofit institution devoted to economic and social research on Argentina and Latin America. Fundaci on Grupo Sophia Web site: http://www.gruposophia.org.ar Research with the purpose of analyzing, generating and disseminating ideas that contribute to innovative solutions for the subjects that concern society. Fundaci on Mediterranea Web site: http://www.ieral.org Studies and debates the public policy issues in Argentina and Latin America. Fundaci on Novum Millenium Web site: http://www.fnm.org.ar Projects concerning different government areas; promotion of civil society’s strengthening through public participation and debate. Fundaci on Telef onica Web site: http://www.fundacion.telefonica.com.ar A channel for social and cultural action, it includes a program for the promotion of internet in schools, a program for the eradication of child labor, and a program for the inclusion of at risk youth, among others. Fundaci on YPF Web site: http://www.fundacionypf.org.ar Works in education, with contributions to basic, secondary, and higher education. Help Argentina Web site: http://www.helpargentina.org
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Promotes Argentine development, creating a competitive, reliable, and globally financed social sector. Instituto Internacional de Planeamiento de la Educaci on (IIPE) Web site: http://www.iipe-buenosaires.org.ar Created by UNESCO, this is a teaching and research institution. Junior Achievement Web site: http://www.junior.org.ar Provides educational programs in public and private schools to promote youth entrepreneurship. Puentes Web site: http://www.puentes.org.ar Serves as a bridge between donors and schooling institutions attended by lowincome children. Red Solidaria Web site: http://www.redsolidaria.presencia.net Contribute mechanisms capable of providing simple and effective responses to situations of urgent need in our community. Facilitates a link between those in need and those willing and capable of helping.
Selected Bibliography Acu~ na, C. H., and M. Chudnovsky Salud. 2002. Analisis de la dinamica polıticoinstitucional y organizacional del area Materno Infantil (con enfasis en el Programa Materno Infantil y Nutrici on (PROMIN). Documento de Trabajo No. 61. Buenos Aires: CEDI. Aguirre, R. 2004. Familias Urbanas del Cono Sur: Transformaciones Recientes, Argentina, Chile y Uruguay. Paper presented at the Reunion. Cambio de las Familias en el Marco de las Transformaciones Globales: Necesidad de Politicas Publicas Eficaces, Santiago de Chile. Argentinean Chamber of Commerce. Datos Estadısticos Argentina. Buenos Aires: Argentinean Chamber of Commerce. http://www.cace.org.ar Becerra, S., G. Burgardt, D. David, M. C. Poj, and L. Ya~ nez. 2000. Mujeres de Sectores Medios y Vida Cotidiana: Los Efectos de la Crisis en Mendoza. In Las Mujeres Hablan. Consecuencias del Ajuste Econ omico en Familias de Sectores Pobres y Medios en la Argentina, edited by R. Sautu, A. Eguıa, and S. Ortale. La Plata: Ediciones Al Margen. Berlinski, S., S. Galiani, and P. Gertler. 2006. The Effect of Pre-Primary on Primary School Performance. London: University College London. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. 2001. Argentina. In Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. Washington, D.C.: US Department of State. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. 2005. International Religious Freedom Report. Washington, D.C.: US Department of State. CEDLAS/UNLP. 2005. Monitoring Socio-Economic Conditions in Argentina, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay: Argentina. WP 32949. Argentina: CEDLAS.
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Cerruti, M. 2001. Intermittent Employment among Married Women: A Comparative Study of Buenos Aires and Mexico. Journal of Comparative Family Studies 31 (2001): 19–43. CIA World Factbook: Argentina. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/theworld-factbook/geos/ar.html. ~ Ciudad Aut onoma de Buenos Aires. 2002. Condiciones de vida y laborales de los ninos y adolescentes que transitan la Ciudad Aut onoma de Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires: Gobierno de la Ciudad Aut onoma de Buenos Aires. Colectivo de ONGs de Infancia y Adolescencia. 2002. Report on the Implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child Prepared by the Argentine Non-governmental Organizations. In The Implementation of the Rights of Children and Adolescents in Argentina. Current Scenario, Challenges and Recommendations. Buenos Aires: Colectivo de ONGs de Infancia y Adolescencia. Dayan, H. G., L. C. Orellana, R. Forlenza, A. Ellis, J. Chaui, S. Kaplan, et al. 2004. Vaccination coverage among children aged 13 to 59 months in Buenos Aires, Argentina, 2002. Panamerican Journal of Public Health 16 (2004): 158–167. De Vos, S. 2001. Family structure and school attendance among children 13–16 in Argentina and Panama. Journal of Comparative Family Studies 32 (2001): 99–115. Espa~ na, S., S. D. Parandekar, and M. P. Savanti. 2003. The Impact of the Crisis on the Argentine Educational Process. Background Paper No.7. In Argentina: Crisis and Poverty 2003. A Poverty Assessment (In Two Volumes) Volume II: Background Papers. Report No. 26127-AR, July 24, 2003. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. Etchart, M., C. Trapaglia, and P. Bohorquez. 1998. Argentina. Sistema Educativo. In Educaci on para el Siglo XXI. El caso argentino y otras experiencias internacionales. Buenos Aires: Fundaci on de Investigaciones Econ omicas Latinoamericanas (FIEL/CEP). Facio, A., and M. Batistuta. 1998. Latins, Catholics and from the far south: Argentinean adolescents and their parents. Journal of Adolescence 21 (1998): 49–67. Fiszbein, A., P. I. Giovagnoli, and I. Aduriz. 2002. Argentina—Crisis and Poverty 2003. A Poverty Assessment. Argentina’s Crisis and Its Impact on Household Welfare. Background Paper No.1. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. Galiani, S., P. Gertler, and E. Schargrodsky. 2005. Water for life: the impact of the privatization of water services on child mortality. The Journal of Political Economy 113 (2005): 83–120. Geldstein, R. N., and E. A. Pantelides. 1999. I Didn’t Want to But . . . Sexual Initiation Under Coercion in the Buenos Aires Metropolitan Area. Buenos Aires: CONICET and CENEP. Guemureman, S. 2002. La Contracara de la Violencia Adolescente-Juvenil: La Violencia P ublica Institucional de la Agencia de Control Social Judicial. In Violencias, Delitos y Justicias. edited by Gayol and G. Kessler, 169–189. Buenos Aires: Ediciones Manantial SRL, 2002. INDEC. 2001. Census: Ministry of Finance. INDEC. 2005. Permanent House Survey (urban areas). Ministry of Finance. INDEC and UNICEF. 2003. Situaci on y Evoluci on de las Mujeres en Argentina– Indicadores Seleccionados. INDEC and UNICEF. Macri, M., M. Ford, C. Berliner, and M. J. Molteni. 2005. El Trabajo Infantil no es un Juego. Buenos Aires: Editorial Stella and Ediciones La Crujıa.
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Mercer, R., S. Ramos, D. Szulik, and N. Zamberlin. 2001. The need for youthoriented policies and programmes on responsible sexuality in Argentina. Reproductive Health Matters 9 (2001): 184–193. Ministerio de Trabajo y Seguridad Social. 2005. Trabajo Infantil en la Argentina: Avances en su Medici on. Buenos Aires: Ministry of Employment and Social Security. Ministry of Health. 2004. Situaci on de Salud en Argentina, 2003. Buenos Aires: Ministry of Health. Ministry of Health. 2006. Secretary of Regulation and Sanitary Policies. Directorate of Statistics and Health Information. Buenos Aires: Ministry of Health. Naddeo, M. E. 2005. La Urgencia de Una Ley. Boletin UNICEF Argentina, Miercoles 12 de Septiembre. PNUD. 1999. Informe Nacional Argentina. Argentina: PNUD. Roman, M. 2003. Los Jovenes Rurales en Argentina. Elementos para una Estrategia de Desarrollo Rural. Serie Estudios e Investigaciones, No. 4. Buenos Aires: PROINDER. Rucci, G. 2004. The effects of macroeconomic shocks on the well-being of people in developing countries. Los Angeles: University of California. Saravi, G. A. 2002. Youth and social vulnerability: becoming adults in contemporary Argentina. Texas: University of Texas at Austin. Sautu, R., C. Couso, L. Griselli, and A. Perez. 2000. Condiciones de Vida y Roles Familiares en el Area Metropolitana de Buenos Aires. In Las Mujeres Hablan. Consecuencias del Ajuste Econ omico en Familias de Sectores Pobres y Medios en la Argentina, edited by R. Sautu, A. Eguıa, and S. Ortale. La Plata: Ediciones Al Margen. Savanti, M. P., and H. A. Patrinos. 2005. Rising returns to schooling in Argentina, 1992–2002. Productivity or credentialism? World Bank Policy Research Paper 3714. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. SIEMPRO. 1997. Encuesta de Desarrollo Social. Informe No. 5. Buenos Aires: SIEMPRO. Torrado, S. 2003. Historia de la Familia en la Argentina Moderna (1870–2000). Buenos Aires: Ediciones de la Flor S.R.L. UNICEF. 2006. La Infancia en Argentina. Adolescencia. Buenos Aires: UNICEF. United Nations. 1989. Convention on the Rights of the Child. New York: United Nations. Uribe, J. P., and N. Schwab. 2002. The Argentina Health Sector in the Context of the Crisis. Argentina–Crisis and Poverty 2003. A Poverty Assessment. Background Paper No. 6. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. U.S. Department of State. 2004. Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act of 2000: Trafficking in Persons Report. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of State. Valente, M. 2002. Argentina: Prevention Cuts Perinatal HIV/AIDS Transmission. Global Information Network. Vuegen, S. 2003. Salud de la Poblaci on Adolescente en Argentina. Archivos Argentinos de Pediatria 101 (2003): 491–494. Weller, S. 2000. Salud Reproductiva de los/las Adolescentes. Argentina 1990–1998. Campinas: CEDES. World Bank. 2000a. Poor people in a rich country: a poverty report for Argentina. World Bank report No. 199962-AR, March 25, 2000. Washington, D.C.: World Bank.
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———. 2000b. Project Appraisal Document on a Proposed Learning and Innovation Loan in the Amount of US$5.00 Million to the Government of Argentina for and Indigenous Community Development Learning and Innovation Loan. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. ———. 2002. Government Services for the Poor. Argentina: Crisis and Poverty 2003. A Poverty Assessment. Background Paper No. 5. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. ———. 2003a. Argentina: Crisis and Poverty 2003. A Poverty Assessment (in two volumes) Volume I: Main Report. Report No. 26127-AR, July 24, 2003. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. ———. 2003b. Argentina: Crisis and Poverty 2003. A Poverty Assessment (in two volumes) Volume II: Background Papers. Report No. 26127-AR, July 24, 2003. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. ———. 2003c. EdStats: World Bank. ———. 2005a. Indigenous people development plan. Education for a more productive and equitable Argentina project. P070963. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. ———. 2005b. Project Appraisal Document on a Proposed Loan in the Amount of US$150.00 Million to the Argentine Republic for Rural Education Improvement. Project Promer. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. ———. 2005c. Sources of Growth. Washington, D.C.: World Bank.
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2
BRAZIL Linda Banks-Santilli and Joeritta de Almeida NATIONAL PROFILE Geography Brazil, named after the Portuguese word ‘‘brasa’’ used to describe the red color of the brazilwood tree, is the fifth largest country in the world. It is also the largest and most populous country in Latin America. It consumes 3.3 million square miles, or half of the entire continent. It consists of twenty-six states and one federal republic. They are divided into the following five regions: 1. The North: An underdeveloped region with the lowest population of people; it contains the world’s largest rainforest, the Amazon, and is home to many indigenous tribes. 2. The Northeast: A culturally diverse region where a third of Brazil’s population lives; it is known for its dry climate and beautiful coast and is one of the poorest regions of Brazil. 3. Central-West: This is where the capital of
CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICA
Brazil (Brasılia) is located; it is the second largest region of Brazil, but has a low demographic density; it is home to the world’s largest wetland area. 4. Southeast: The richest and most populated region of Brazil; it is home to two of the largest cities in the world, S~ao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. 5. South: The wealthiest per capita region of Brazil; this region was settled by European immigrants, mostly Germans and Italians, and shows influences from both cultures. It is the coldest region of Brazil (MSN Encarta).
Brazil’s geographical landscape is characterized by its topographical extremes, including the Amazon Rainforest in the north, open terrain and low mountains in the south, and the highest peaks along the Atlantic seacoast. Brazil’s physical beauty and tropical climate is captivating to many people. DEMOGRAPHICS Economy According to 2007 estimates, 190,010,647 people live in Brazil. Brazil is a young country, with a median age of 28.6 years (CIA World Factbook). In 2004, the largest percentage of people (65.9 percent) was between the ages of 15 and 64 years, and the smallest percentage of people (6 percent) was 65 years or older (United Nations Development Programme 2006). Brazil also produces 30 percent to 35 percent of the world’s coffee (http://www.brasilbar.com/coffeebrasil.htm). Brazil is the world’s fourteenth-largest economy. The relatively high per-capita income (US$3,090 in 2005) conceals a severe and persistent distribution of wealth problem. Although the Brazilian economy grew in 2004 by 4.9 percent, ‘‘the poorest one-fifth of Brazil’s population accounted for only a 2.4 percent share of the national income’’ (World Bank 2007). An estimated onethird of the population lives in favelas (shantytowns) in the urban cities of Rio de Janeiro and S~ao Paulo, where poor families have no access to the public services provided to middle- and upper-class neighborhoods, such as clean water, sewerage, and electricity, and where children and families witness daily violence associated with drug trade (BBC News). One-fifth of Brazil’s population lives on less than US$2 a day (World Bank). Those living in rural areas in the northeast region also suffer from the effects of poverty. Of the 20 million children younger than seventeen years of age who are poor, more than half live in the northeast. In Brazil, a small percentage of wealthy families own and control the best parcels of land for building and farming. Nongovernmental organizations such as the Movement of Landless Rural Workers have organized protests and land occupations to support a federal redistribution plan (BBC News).
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Social Class Brazil’s class structure often feels like two competing groups: the wealthy land-owners and the poor, but a middle class does exist in Brazil, although it seems unattainable for many Brazilians. The middle class constitutes the technical work force and includes teachers, salespersons, clerks, and highly skilled workers (U.S. Library of Congress). A lowerclass of blue collar workers with less-advanced skills also exists as well as self-employed persons and workers that contribute to the informal economy in jobs with little or no legal protection or public benefits (see Floridabrasil.com, http://www.floridabrasil.com/brazil/guide-aboutbrazil-population-social-classes.htm). Race/Ethnicity Brazil is the only country in South America to declare Portuguese its official language. Many other indigenous languages are spoken in Brazil, including Tupi, Caribe, and several others. Spanish is understood by many Brazilians because it is spoken in the border communities of Brazil. English is required in the high school curriculum, although most Brazilians do not learn how to speak it fluently. Census data from 2000 reveals Brazil’s ethnic diversity: 53.7 percent white, 38.5 percent mixed race, 6.2 percent black, 0.9 percent other (includes Japanese, Arab, and Amerindian), and 0.7 percent unspecified. Other sources reveal that 50 percent to 60 percent of the population in Brazil consider themselves black. Contradictory data are related to how one defines race. It is important to note that while Brazil is described in national documents as ‘‘a successful melting pot,’’ black organizations in Brazil have challenged this perspective. They describe a hierarchy of racial and ethnic categories in Brazil with white being the ideal. Some Brazilians view the racial democracy described in many articles written about Brazil as a myth (De Almeida 2003). Brazilians of Italian ancestry live predominantly in the southern and southeastern regions of Brazil, whereas Brazilians of German descent are concentrated in the south of Brazil. There is also a large Japanese population in Brazil, with an estimated 1.5 million people. Brazilians of mixed-ancestry live throughout Brazil. Mixed-race Brazilians include mulatto (mixed white and black), caboclo (mixed white and Amerindian), and cafuzo (mixed black and Amerindian). It is noted that black Brazilians often classify themselves as mixed-race in Brazil, and many Brazilians are tri-racial. Colonization/Slavery Brazil has the largest population of people of African descent after Nigeria. In the mid-1500s, Portuguese settlers imported and enslaved
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approximately 4 million Africans to work on sugar plantations and in mines in the interior of the land. Most were men who remained isolated from the general population in Brazil (Kuznesof 1991). It was not until the mid-1700s, when the free African population increased, that the African culture began to permeate Brazilian society. While the Portuguese held political power, the women of the indigenous and African cultures were the primary socializing agents of children because they nurtured and cared for children of all backgrounds. Three cultures, the indigenous Peoples, the Africans, and the Portuguese helped shape the development of the Brazilian childhood (Kuznesof 1991). Researchers find it virtually impossible to evaluate the impact the African culture had and continues to have on Brazilian society due to the large number and variety of African subcultures each with its own languages, traditions, and cultures. Brazil’s socioeconomic stratification was inherited from its colonial past rooted in three generations of slavery, and although slavery was abolished by the end of the nineteenth century, traces of it exist today. It is common, for example, for lower-income persons in Brazil to seek employment as domestic servants in higher-income households, creating a class-based system of employment (Floridabrasil). Brazilian women seek these types of positions because they can earn more money as domestic servants than they would if they worked in the services sector. Women’s Rights In the past few decades, both census and survey data reveal a steady increase in female-headed households, from 13 percent in 1970 to 25 percent in 1999. Researchers point out that the percentages of femaleheaded households vary among regions in Brazil and exist for different reasons. In Brazil’s earlier history, men were automatically considered heads of households and women were subordinate to their husbands, but in 1977 divorce was made legal in Brazil. For the higher-income sectors, female-headed households result from higher divorce rates and the natural process of aging. For poorer sectors of the population, female-headed households result when a woman has never married, is divorced, is separated, or is widowed. According to census data, the trend toward cohabitation without marriage, known as consensual union, is growing in Brazil from 18 percent in 1991 to 28.3 percent in 2000 (Jelin and Diaz-Munoz 2003). Brazil has also introduced legislation to recognize civil unions of same-sex couples by offering them similar rights and protections as heterosexual couples. Brazil’s 1988 constitution declared women equal to men for all legal purposes. The constitution created a more unified and centralized health system, but abortion continues to be a major health issue. In Brazil, abortion is legal only if the pregnancy threatens the woman’s life or in cases of rape or incest (International Women’s Health Coalition). It is widely
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BRAZIL
practiced despite the legal restrictions, and young women who live in poverty remain the most at-risk. One in four pregnancy-related deaths is caused by complications from unsafe abortions. The feminist movement in Brazil is working with many nongovernmental organizations to reform this restrictive law. In 2004, a group of feminist organizations formed the Brazilian Initiative for the Right to Legal and Safe Abortion (BIRSLA) to advocate for reform of Brazil’s strict abortion laws. BIRSLA is committed to representing the perspectives of all women, especially those whose voices are silenced or frequently left out of the conversation (women living in rural areas, Afro-Brazilian women, and indigenous women). Brazil’s strong feminist movement continues to work to decrease notable disparities in healthcare access and quality among the rich and the poor (International Women’s Health Coalition). Another feminist organization, known as Communication, Education, and Information on Gender (CEMINA) and founded in 1988 by a group of women in Rio de Janeiro uses radio to educate women about health issues, rights, sexuality, and violence against women (International Women’s Health Coalition). CEMINA trains low-income women to use radio for advocacy and activism. CEMINA has a network of more than 400 programs that reaches every Brazilian state; it is recognized as the center for feminist radio. Domestic violence has continued to receive attention and visibility in Brazil, but it is only legally recognized when a crime is committed against legally married spouses or relatives; it is not recognized when unmarried partners are victims (Jelin and Diaz-Munoz 2003). Female participation in the labor force in Brazil has been growing steadily since the 1970s. By 1997, 40.4 percent of women participated in the workforce in Brazil (Lumpkin and Aranha 2003). More than 70 percent were employed in the services sector. Women are most commonly employed as domestic servants and are underrepresented in the agricultural and industrial sectors. Although there is a considerable wage gap that reflects discriminatory practices between men and women in Brazil, it is smaller in urban areas. Women earn on average 77.8 percent of men’s wages in Rio de Janeiro and 73.6 percent in S~ao Paulo, but in the northeast women earn only 63.5 percent of men’s wages for the same type of employment (Floridabrasil). Despite these inequalities, the status of women in Brazil seems to be improving. There are as many women as men in schools at the highest levels, and professions that were traditionally dominated by men, such as law, medicine, and engineering, are becoming more balanced in terms of gender (Floridabrasil). Although there are few women in positions of power, women are represented at the state and municipal levels of government. In 1994, two women were candidates for vice president, and, as a result of the 1995 quota law that requires at least 20 percent of the candidates of each political party to be women, a greater percentage of women are running for mayoral and city council positions (Floridabrasil).
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Homelessness Although living in substandard homes differs from being homeless, we begin this section with a broad definition of homelessness that includes the urban and rural poor. Many poor people in Brazil are forced to build their own houses, commonly called favelas, on the hills of Rio de Janeiro, but, in other parts of Brazil entire shantytowns are built on stilts over water (alagados) or in marshy areas (baixadas) (U.S. Library of Congress). These serve as substandard homes for hundreds of thousands of poor people. In addition, the rural population receives far fewer water and sanitation services than those living in urban areas. The lack of basic sanitation for rural families also leads to severe and longstanding health issues. A large population of children is considered homeless in Brazil. Exact estimates vary significantly because they often include both children who live on the streets permanently and those who work on the streets to generate income to support their families; this latter group of children returns home for periods of time.1 Approximately ten thousand children live on the streets of Brazil. Children turn to the streets for many different reasons. Some return to the streets after school or in place of school to search for food, money, or clothing. Others consider it a responsibility to assist their families who may be unemployed or living in poverty. Some children return home to share what they earn every night and others return less frequently. The transition from living at home to living on the streets permanently is gradual and affected by macrolevel forces such as unemployment, poverty, migration from rural to urban areas, violence, and the lack of an effective social welfare system that serves the poor. Authorities, including the police and the juvenile court system, have a long history of punishing street children harshly rather than KEY FACTS – BRAZIL finding more proactive ways to Population: 190,010,647 (July 2007 est.) re-integrate them into school Infant mortality rate: 27.62 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) and society. In the mid-1990s, Life expectancy at birth: 72.24 years (2007 est.) when crack cocaine became an Literacy rate (age 15 and over): 86.4 percent (2003 est.) epidemic, many of the street Net primary school enrollment/attendance 2000–2005: 96 percent children used crack and inhalants Internet users: 25.9 million (2005 est.) such as glue and nail polish to People living with HIV/AIDS: 660,000 (2003 est.) fight hunger and to disguise fear Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) rank: 22 (2006 est.) associated with street survival. Sources: CIA World Factbook: Brazil. https://www.cia.gov/library/ In 1989, more than 700 Brapublications/the-world-factbook/geos/br.html. May 29, 2007; zilian street children from the UNICEF: Brazil: At a Glance–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ National Movement of Street infobycountry/brazil_statistics.html. May 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Boys and Girls led a campaign Report 2006–Brazil. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ to protect the rights of children countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_BRA.html. May 29, 2007. in Brazil by enacting a law to
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protect them. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has also been working hard to eradicate child labor practices in Brazil that force children to live on the streets and to provide assistance for eight million lowincome adolescents who have not completed schooling (UNICEF). Other segments of the population, such as rural women who are forced to work in the fields beginning at age ten, landless peasants who are waiting for the government to redistribute land plots, and thousands of people affected by the urban housing crisis, are considered homeless in Brazil. In S~ao Paulo, the homeless occupy abandoned buildings owned by the government as they await the low-cost housing projects that have been promised. EDUCATION Brazil’s education system consists of a federal district, twenty-six states, and more than 5,500 separate municipalities. In 1996, Law 9424, The Guidelines and Foundations of National Education, was passed by the national congress. This law assigned specific responsibilities to the federal district, the states, and the municipalities. In Brazil, responsibility for primary education is divided between states and municipalities, but the funding strategy supports the increasing role of municipal governments managing their own schools (Lumpkin and Aranha 2003). Municipalities are required to offer early childhood development services such as childcare programs, preschools, and kindergartens. States are primarily responsible for secondary education, and the federal government is in charge of higher education and technical schooling. Public school in Brazil is free including university education, although private schools do exist. Brazil currently requires its students to complete eleven years of schooling (excluding the preschool/kindergarten level) before they are eligible to apply to college or university. Recently, however, an additional year was added to the elementary and middle school/ junior high level. This additional year was proposed in 2006 and municipalities have until 2010 to implement this change. This will mean that in 2010 students will need to complete twelve years of schooling before entry into college or university. Number of years/Level of schooling: 1–3 years of preschool or kindergarten (for children ages 3–6 years old) 8 years of elementary school and middle school/junior high school 3 years of high school
Primary school enrollment in Brazil totals more than thirty-five million students and represents more than ninety-seven percent net enrollment
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(Fukui 2000). Although the federal government is legally responsible for promoting equal access to education and for identifying and correcting regional and social disparities through funding and materials distribution, community schools that serve the children of the favelas (shantytowns inhabited by the poor) in Brazil’s major cities receive no funding from federal, state, or municipal governments (Jones De Almeida 2003). Run by local residents associations, they are regarded as unofficial schools. Some government officials resent these schools and blame their founders for creating a parallel school system. Many children of the favelas attend school in decaying buildings with four or five groups of students rotating every day so they are able to serve the largest number of children with the smallest amount of resources possible. During the 1980s, the Federation of Neighborhood Associations of Salvador was created to give ‘‘legitimacy’’ to community schools and to demand public funds for teachers’ salaries and supplies (Jones De Almeida 2003). In Brazil, school achievement is dependent on a family’s economic resources as well as their social and cultural background. Middle- and upper-class families pay to send their children to private elementary and secondary schools so that they will be prepared to enter the outstanding universities that are free of cost, such as the University of S~ao Paulo, Brazil’s premier academic institution. Children from low-income and poor families attend free public elementary and secondary schools of poor quality and are not adequately prepared to enter the free universities. Instead, they seek higher education from private universities of lower quality for which they have to pay. The federal government in Brazil is responsible for the oversight of thirty-nine universities and eighteen other institutions of higher education. These institutions serve only 20 percent of the student population. The higher education system in Brazil has been criticized for not offering postsecondary alternatives to full university degree programs such as two-year degrees, specialty licenses, or the expansion of small technical schools that are connected to future employers. Because there are no alternatives, many students attempt a university degree but are forced to drop out along the way because of their inability to pass successive exams or to pay for expensive private education (Schwartzman 2003). Although the 1988 constitution declared that mandatory education is a subjective right of every person, school drop-out rates continue to cause concern. A study conducted in 2001 found that by age sixteen 19 percent of Brazilian adolescents were no longer attending school, and by age eighteen 43 percent had dropped out. Eleven percent of Brazilians aged ten and older are illiterate. In the Brazilian school system, it is common for students to be retained when they do not perform well in school-wide exams; this creates the problem of having students much older than expected in the early grades. In 2001, for example, there were approximately seven million students in fundamental education who were chronologically much older than their classmates (Schwartzman 2003).
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Survey data culled in 2006 from The Center of Educational Study and Research, a small private school in Rio de Janeiro, is a good example of the current situation in Brazil. Sixteen of thirty-eight questionnaires distributed to elementary and high school teachers and administrators were returned.2 The educators were asked to identify three of the most pressing issues that face children in their country today. The top two responses were violence and changes in the family. One teacher used the term ‘‘orphans of living parents’’ to describe children who do not receive the care and protection one would expect from their parents but are instead relied on to generate family income. Issues related to health, hunger, and malnutrition constituted the next largest category of responses. Many teachers felt that the social and cultural needs of students were not being addressed by the schools. Several teachers commented on the lack of professionalism, prestige, and adequate pay in their field that resulted in teachers having to take on two or three other jobs while teaching. These factors combine to create low-quality teaching that some teachers described as ‘‘not matching the reality of the students’ lives.’’ Furthermore, some teachers explained that the educational system was not preparing the students for the realities of the marketplace. Others identified the negative impact of media, including newspapers, television, and radio, on children’s lives. It was described by three teachers as helping perpetuate a life driven by empty consumerism and devoid of any substantive perspective on life. Many teachers explained that the country does not provide enough work opportunities for adults, so children are forced to work early, attend school exhausted, and engage in unlawful practices to obtain money. Teachers reported that there were few formalized programs for children and adolescents to pursue outdoor sports and activities in their leisure time. In the 1990s, Brazil improved the quality of its primary education by promoting universal enrollment and inclusion of all children, especially those considered ‘‘at-risk.’’ Although most children with disabilities continue to be served in traditional special education classrooms, more inclusive models are being introduced. In 1998, for example, 87 percent of children with disabilities were educated in separate special education classrooms, but in 2000 this percentage dropped to 78.9 percent (Lumpkin and Aranha 2003). Early intervention services are being provided to at-risk, disabled, and poor children. Newly created family-based financial incentives are now linked to primary school attendance in some areas. States and municipal governments are working with the Federal Secretariat of Social Assistance and the Ministry of Pensions and Social Assistance to focus on promoting healthy, well-educated families. One example, The Roda Moinho Project, jointly supported by the government and the Catholic Church, targets low-income families and focuses on improving nutrition for young children and educating families about child and cognitive development. It also offers childcare services for working mothers (Lumpkin and Aranha 2003).
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PLAY AND RECREATION Sports Football (soccer) is the most popular sport in Brazil. The Brazilian national team has won the World Cup tournament five times and has been awarded the World Cup trophy. Pele, one of the world’s mostrecognized players, led the team to three of these championships. Three other forms of football are played by Brazilians. 1. Futsal: an indoor form of football played with five-member teams 2. Beach football: originally played on the beaches of Rio de Janeiro 3. Footvolley: a combination of football and volleyball played in the sand where players use their feet or head to get the ball over the net and into their opposing team’s court
Volleyball is also a popular and well-attended public sport in Brazil. Brazil’s national teams have been successful in winning men’s gold medals in 1992 and again in the 2004 Olympic Games. Beach volleyball has also put Brazil in the international spotlight. There is a renewed interest in the sport of tennis after Gustavo Kuerten reached number one status in the ATP world ranking in 2001. Auto racing has also been a sport that has long been followed in Brazil. The Brazilian Under-20 women’s soccer team, along with the Canadian and U.S. Under-20 teams, qualified for the World Championship to be held in Russia from August 17 to September 3, 2006 (Soccer 365). The U.S. team traveled to Brazil in April 2006 to play the Brazilian women’s club team in preparation for the World Championship. They visited Teresopolis, located outside Rio de Janeiro where the Brazilian National Team Training Center is located. Carnival Thousands of tourists flock to Rio de Janeiro and Salvador each year for Carnival,3 a lively celebration of art, music, and cultural tradition held forty days before Easter in Brazil. Carnival was originally celebrated in Italy by members of the Catholic religion on the day preceding Lent. The tradition spread among several Catholic countries, including France and Spain. When the French, Spanish, and Portuguese people colonized the Americas, they brought their tradition with them. Carnival has also been heavily influenced by the cultural traditions of the African people. Today in Brazil, African dance and music traditions such as the samba are a big part of the moving celebration. Schools of samba prepare all year for the samba parade at Carnival.
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Recreation There are many recreational opportunities to explore in Brazil. The Amazonia National Park ‘‘that covers forty percent of Brazil’s total land mass’’ (Destination Brazil) is where people enjoy hiking, bird watching, and boat excursions along the Amazon River. The Iguassu and Iguacu Falls on the Parana River attract millions of tourists during peak seasons. For art enthusiasts, Rio de Janeiro offers unique galleries and museums, as well as some of Brazil’s leading universities. This is also one of the major cities where Carnival is celebrated each year. Rio de Janeiro is known for both its beautiful beaches, but it also serves as the cultural center of Brazil. Pantanal, though less developed than other parts of Brazil, is a wildlife preserve where bird-watchers and naturalists flock. It is also where some of the best fishing can be done in South America. Brazil’s colonial past can be revisited in the city of Salvador, which was the first capital of Brazil, where the cobblestone streets remain the same as they did during the time when Salvador served as the center for slave trade. Many people visit Salvador to see Igreja de S~ao Francisco, a church whose interior is made of gold leaf (Destination Brazil). They also visit Salvador to participate in their annual celebration of Carnival. Brazil’s economic and commercial progress is represented in the skyscrapers of S~ao Paulo, the most populous city of Brazil as well as in Brasılia, Brazil’s capital city. CHILD LABOR Although Article 227 of the 1988 Brazilian National Constitution guarantees all children the right to care and protection, school, and leisure-time activities, child labor continues to be a problem in Brazil. Four million children between the ages of five and seventeen work in Brazil (del Vecchio 2005). UNICEF estimates that, as of 2003, seven percent of Brazilian children between the ages of five and fourteen worked. The type of work children do varies depending on whether or not they are living and working in a rural community or in one of Brazil’s urban cities. One form of child labor in rural communities is supported by families whose meager incomes are not sufficient enough to sustain them. This occurs when small tenant farmers and their family members ‘‘occupy’’ land to grow rice, tobacco, and tea that is then exchanged for manufactured goods. Young children are recruited early, as young as age four, to begin working in the fields because their parents rely on them to enhance production (Fukui 2000).
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In some cases, the men seek additional work in mines or in roadbuilding and leave their wives, children, and sometimes even elderly family members to work in the fields. Families such as these, known as ‘‘occupiers,’’ face eviction and violence when they are discovered to be living off of land that does not legally belong to them. Children are also recruited and exploited for seasonal work in the agricultural sector. Child labor accounts for nearly 15 percent to 20 percent of the labor force in S~ao Paulo and increases to almost 50 percent during certain times of the year. These children receive little pay for physically demanding work in the peanut, bean, and corn industries. Their employers take advantage of them because there is often a shortage of labor inspectors operating across each of Brazil’s twenty-six states (Fukui 2000). Although both male and female children work in the urban clothing industry, females are exploited more than males, where ten- to eighteenyear-olds work nine-hour days and are often exposed to noise, fumes, chemicals, and unhealthy work conditions. Although children are legally regarded as minors, they are accepted into the trade unions but denied voting privileges and rights. Children also work as paid domestics in private households, and as street workers, car attendants, porters, shoeshiners, and disposers of illegal refuse in dumping grounds. Although poverty is often associated with child labor, researchers refute the theory that poverty in one generation guarantees poverty in the next. Similarly, child labor is commonly viewed as a last resort for children from single-parent families. A study conducted with working children in Rio de Janeiro found that virtually all of the children were living with their families at the time that they were also working; some of these families were headed by single mothers who lived on the poverty line and relied on their older children’s income to run the household. Others view child labor as Brazil’s own insidious form of capitalistic production. The Children and Adolescents Act of 1990 (described more fully in the Laws and Legal status section of this chapter) is an attempt to address the problem of child labor in Brazil, but the law is ambiguous and it allows for open interpretation that has led to continued exploitation of children in some regions. In 1996, the Cardoso government instituted the Bolsa-Escola, a school stipend designed to keep children in school. The program gives poor families a small stipend for each school-aged child only if the school certifies the child’s attendance in school (del Vecchio 2005). This program currently continues to be funded under the Silva administration. The National Forum for the Prevention of Child Labor has also made progress in decreasing child labor in Brazil. One of its successes was removing children from work in the production of charcoal in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul (del Vecchio 2005). The NGO known as the ABRINQ Foundation has been active in developing industry standards in manufacturing. The ABRINQ seal indicates that no child labor was used in the
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making of the product (del Vecchio 2005). Although child labor continues to be a problem in Brazil, the government currently supports programs to help eradicate it. FAMILY The family, as a social aspect of Brazilian life, varies according to where one lives and to which class one belongs. The roots of what makes up a family stem from the historical origins of the country. Economically, the family was constructed around the needs of an agrarian society that depended upon the social structure of the family system as it did upon the Indian and slave labor. In addition to the nuclear family comprising parents and children, Brazilian families included extended members such as relatives, godchildren, workers, Indians, and slaves. The family and those who surrounded it and helped maintain it were loyal and beholden to the head of the household who had the personal and social authority and power over all involved. This traditional and, frequently referred to as, colonial patriarchal family structure has been transformed and is not necessarily seen as the only social representation of family life in Brazil today. Economically and historically there are other models that have prevailed and represent other geographical areas and social groups. Many of the prevailing family models stem from the ever increasing change from an agriculture-based society to an industrial and urban society without sufficient employment options; these changes have led to more poverty. Families migrate to the large urban centers for survival but only to find that, in order to maintain their basic needs, they must either dismantle as a family, allowing their children, in order not to starve, ‘‘to work the streets’’ and/or live in unhealthy and unsafe conditions in shantytowns that surround most urban centers. Today there are definite changes in family structure and dynamics, not only with the poor but also with the middle and upper classes. For example, there has been an increase in the number of divorces and separations that has created more families headed by only one parent. From 1986 to 1999, there was an increase from 6.4 percent to 7.5 percent in single-person households (Jelin and Diaz-Munoz 2003). The increase in single-parent households has coupled with the economic conditions of poverty to cause family structure and dynamics to look considerably different from the patriarchal era when the family dominated and had personal and social authority. HEALTH Infant Mortality Infant mortality rates in Brazil are greater than the international standards, but there has been a significant decrease in rates during the last thirty years. In 1970, the infant mortality rate per 1,000 live births was
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123.5 and in 2000 the rate decreased to 34.08, a difference of 72.42 percent (Alves and Belluzzo 2005). A wide disparity of infant mortality rates exists across municipalities in Brazil. In some municipalities of the state of Santa Catarina in the southeastern region, a prosperous area, the infant mortality rate in 2000 was 8.5 per 1,000 live births. In other municipalities in the northeastern states, known for low living standards, the rate was above 130 per 1,000 live births. The rate in the northeast region is twice the Brazilian average (World Bank 2001). Three factors associated with child health were found to decrease the mortality rate: (1) education, (2) improvements in sanitation, and (3) economic growth as measured by per capita income. Researchers found that children of younger mothers across all regions suffered from poorer health conditions. The parents’ education, with the mother’s education being a stronger factor than the father’s, was also an important factor in decreasing the mortality rate. An additional year of schooling led to a more than 7 percent decrease in the average infant mortality rate. Improved sanitation was also a factor in helping decrease the rate. These factors were defined as having available and treated drinking water, sewerage facilities, electricity, and garbage collection (Alves and Belluzzo 2005). AIDS Brazil ranks third in the world for the number of people infected with HIV (Ashoka Organization). Seventy-one percent of people affected with AIDS are between the ages of twenty and thirty-nine years. There are a disproportionate number of Afro-Brazilians affected with AIDS because Afro-Brazilians generally have less access to quality health services in Brazil. Brazil has been credited with decreasing the number of AIDS-related deaths within the last few decades. Their prevention programs include wide distribution of condoms, a needle-exchange program for intravenous drug users, use of a retroviral medication, and an education program that trains both teachers and students. Although Brazil has been successful in slowing the rate of HIV/AIDS, the Western style of the governmentinitiated AIDS prevention programs has been less effective with the Afro-Brazilian population. Jose Marmoda Silva, a dentist and healthcare advocate, developed a new program for AIDS prevention and treatment specifically designed to appeal to the Afro-Brazilian population (Ashoka Organization). He called on religious and cultural leaders such as priests, artists, musicians, intellectuals, and activists to join him in educating the population in unconventional ways that honor African tradition and emphasize natural and traditional healing practices. He designed brightly colored mobile health stalls that are strategically positioned at public meeting places such as bus stops and community gatherings. The stalls
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provide people with health information and resources, condoms, and information about basic health entitlements. Nutrition In Brazil, approximately thirty-two million people suffer from malnutrition as the result of systemic poverty. In the northeast, where there is extreme poverty, approximately 800,000 children are suffering. For every 1,000 children born, 120 die from an insufficient diet (Ashoka Organization). Malnutrition affects both the rural poor and the urban children who live in favelas surrounding the major cities. There have been some innovative approaches to alleviating Brazil’s nutrition problems. In Rio de Janeiro, in the shantytown of Santa Marta, students from Temple University, who are environmental studies majors, have introduced hydroponics to the residents. Hydroponics gardens that thrive on nutrient-rich water are being developed on the rooftops of the favelas so that the residents can grow their own produce for limited cost, few materials, and little space (Marion 2005). Valdecir Benedito Valdo Francas, an expert in agriculture, created a multi-nutrient supplement designed for low-income and poor people who tend to eat more processed foods rather than healthy ones (Ashoka Organization). The supplement ensures that people get the proper nutrients and vitamins in their daily diets. His supplement is called ‘‘farinha multipla’’ and is derived from a flour-like substance made of wheat, rice, bran, leaves of manioc, sweet potato, and seeds of melons and sunflower. It has been approved by the food scientists at the University of S~ao Paulo as being an effective and safe supplement. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Although Brazil has experienced a redemocratization movement that resulted in a new constitution, it was governed by military rule for twenty-one years from 1964–1985. During that time, the government’s constitution granted executive sector power over the legislative and judiciary sectors. Institutions with legal authority (such as the police and civil authorities) had governmental permission to use violence against those citizens perceived as rebellious. During the 1960s, for example, police targeted the homes of activists and intellectuals. More recently in Brazil’s history, repressive measures were placed on the poorest and most marginalized members of society. The Minors’ Code (Codigo de Menores) that was originally conceived of in 1927 and then amended in 1968 was a legal code aimed at punishing the deviant acts committed by children younger than the age of eighteen (Fukui 2000). The code was used against poor children living on the streets who were from family systems that had deteriorated due to poverty, joblessness, or urbanization. These
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children were viewed as incompetent and morally inferior, and therefore needed to be first withdrawn from present-day society and then rehabilitated. In many instances, as part of the remediation efforts, children were exploited through child labor because the legal system viewed child labor more favorably than they did delinquency. The Children and Adolescents Act of 1990 is based on the United Nations’ tenet of protection for all children. This act declares that children do indeed have rights and that all children are entitled to protection under the law. Chapter 5 of the act prohibits children younger than the age of fourteen from working except in apprenticeships that have been approved by the educational system. It also stipulates that children cannot work at night, engage in heavy labor, work for long hours, or in unhealthy conditions that might prevent them from attending school. While the law is considered a major improvement in how children are treated in Brazil, critics have called it so imprecise that employers have used loopholes to hire children without a contract. Others have argued that it is impossible to enforce across the states and municipalities of Brazil. Some people believe that because the country was under military rule for so long, the punitive nature of the Minors’ Code has poisoned the legal system. It is the unofficial law that consistently gets enacted despite the redemocratization movement of 1988. RELIGIOUS LIFE Brazil has been described by the Vatican as ‘‘the world’s largest Catholic country,’’ but that characterization is beginning to be challenged as fewer Brazilians declare themselves Roman Catholic. Although 93 percent of Brazilians identified themselves as Catholics in 1960, only 72.5 percent did so in 1993 (U.S. Library of Congress). Many Brazilians have turned away from the Catholic Church for their position on family planning and for their liberation theology, popular in the 1970s but no longer serving the needs of Brazilians today. Some Brazilians have found more social support and connection from evangelical pastors, most of whom are blacks, whose services are in Portuguese rather than in Latin (U.S. Library of Congress). The Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus), an evangelical church, has approximately 3.5 million followers and is growing. By 1994, 22 percent of the population declared themselves Protestants and members of the evangelical movement, an increase of 18 percent since the 1960s (U.S. Library of Congress). In addition to the Roman Catholics and the Protestant Evangelicals, Afro-Brazilian religions are prevalent. It is quite common for the average Roman Catholic and Protestant Evangelical to simultaneously worship and practice the Afro-Brazilians religions. Although millions publicly practice Catholicism, they privately worship African gods called ‘‘orixas.’’
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The two most popular Afro-Brazilian religions are Condomble and Umbanda. Condomble has the most African influence, which is Yoruba (an African tribe), and each orixa has a saint counterpart. Oxala is equated with Jesus Christ and is worshiped as a separate god himself. Condomble has spread evenly across the various socioeconomic classes. Condomble’s practice is based on the ritual of making an offering to invoke Exu, the messenger through which they communicate with the orixas who descends and takes possession of their bodies for healing and for transmitting messages. The next most popular Afro-Brazilian religion is Umbanda, which uses Catholic saints’ names instead of the African names for the orixas. In this religious practice, direct contact with Exu, God, could be harmful so it is advised that one seek consultation for different requests through a medium, such as a priest or a priestess. The medium will go into a trance becoming possessed by either African or Native American ancestors thus allowing the consciousness of the priest or priestess to be raised to a higher level in order to communicate with God. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Police violence against children is one of the most systemic and persistent problems in Brazil. It is related to the ways in which police were trained during the time that Brazil was a military regime. Police officers are also recruited from the lower socioeconomic strata of Brazil. Most are uneducated themselves, as there is no school requirement to become a police officer in Brazil and little incentive to link schooling and education with policing practices and human rights. Police corruption has long been documented in Brazil’s history. In 1998, The Jubilee Campaign, Britain’s own branch of the Jubilee Organization, a human rights group that started in the 1980s in the United States, documented the daily killings of street children by organized groups in Rio de Janeiro in a 1998 document titled ‘‘The Silent War’’ (The Jubilee Campaign). In 1993, eight street children ages ten to seventeen years of age were killed by military policemen in what is now referred to as ‘‘The Massacre at Candelaria.’’ They were sleeping in a doorway across from a church in the financial district of Rio de Janeiro at the time. On March 31, 2005, armed men executed twenty-nine people (including women and children) outside Rio de Janeiro in the Baixada Fluminense area. This massacre was believed to be in retaliation for the detention of nine police officers who committed two other murders. The children of the favelas in Brazil are often forced into the drug trade early on in their lives. Police in Brazil have been involved in the selling of street children to other rival gangs. Brazil’s National Movement of Street Children reports that four to five adolescents in Brazil are killed daily, 4.5 children younger than the age of twelve years of age are
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employed as domestic laborers, and that in 40 percent of all crimes in Brazil, children are the victims (The Jubilee Campaign). Children as young as four and five years old are exploited by rival gangs such as the Red Command and the Third Command to act as ‘‘little planes’’ by carrying drugs and messages to sellers and buyers (The Jubilee Campaign). In 2005, many people expected Brazilians to vote in favor of a referendum to ban gun sales, but 64 percent of the voters voted against the proposal. Some Brazilians explained that it was necessary to retain the right to defend themselves against police violence and corruption and the retaliation of gang leaders. In fact, in Brazil, the police typically cannot gain access to the favelas without first seeking the permission of the drug lord who is responsible for that particular favela. Police are often paid to stay away from territory controlled by gang leaders. In an area of Recife called Inferninha, forty to sixty children work daily as prostitutes. Children as young as ten become involved in the sex trade in the Varaduro neighborhood of Olinda. Their customers include local business owners, police officers, and tourists. During Brazil’s annual Carnival celebrations, there is more of a demand for prostitution because so many tourists visit the country. Because the legal system is contaminated, it has been difficult for the country to address the sexual exploitation of children effectively. Brazil’s juvenile detention centers are of major concern because they violate so many basic human rights standards. They are overcrowded, with sometimes eighty people assigned to a space for forty. They are filthy, and they offer no rehabilitative services such as counseling, vocational training, or schooling. Physical, sexual, and verbal abuse of prisoners by guards is common. More than one-third of the prison population comprises youth who have been incarcerated for drug offenses. The prison system in Brazil does not separate prisoners based on the crime they committed so an adolescent who has been committed of selling drugs may be detained in the same holding cell as a person who has committed murder (The Jubilee Campaign). The Jubilee Organization that advocates internationally for children and families has lobbied Congress and been effective in sharing their documentation of abuse with government officials in several countries, including Brazil. Their delegation to Brazil received international attention and helped many non-government organizations create more effective programs to raise the public’s awareness about child abuse. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY By the end of the twentieth century, Brazil experienced rapid urbanization that has had both positive and negative effects on children and families. Census data reveal that approximately 83 percent of Brazilians now live in urban cities. Brazil has made great strides in trying to reduce social
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and economic inequality in its country through increased access to education through expanded governmental projects. Brazil’s move away from military rule and toward democracy is a significant accomplishment that has resulted in a new constitution that views children as individuals who are entitled to rights and protection under the law. As Brazil has been moving toward greater democratization, it has also been engaged in a decentralization effort to give more authority to municipalities regarding education. The infrastructure needs to be built and then supported to enact the important changes outlined in the Child and Adolescent Act of 1990 as it relates to schooling and child labor. Brazil is a country full of promise and hope, a country whose potential is not yet fully realized. As one of the Brazilian educators said when asked what she would want other countries to know about Brazil, ‘‘I would want them to know about ‘the adaptive and resilient capacity of Brazilian children’ who continue to learn and develop despite the challenges they and their families face each day.’’
NOTES 1. Estimates range from seven to thirty million. Please see U.S. Library of Congress, ‘‘Brazil,’’ Youth section (p. 1) and Marcelo Diversi, Ney Moraes Filho, and Margareth Morelli, ‘‘Daily Reality on the Streets of Campinas, Brazil,’’ in Homeless and Working Youth Around the World: Exploring Developmental Issues, edited by Marcela Raffaelli and Reed W. Larson, 19–34. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 1999. 2. This school was identified as an additional source representative of the perspectives of the ‘‘frontline’’ workers in Brazil. Chapter author Joeritta de Almeida was one of the founders of this school during the time that she lived and worked as an educator in Brazil from 1978 to 1984. 3. The Brazilian Carnival is spelled Carnaval in Portuguese.
RESOURCE GUIDE Selected Bibliography Alves, Denisard, and Walter Belluzzo. 2005. ‘‘Child Health and Infant Mortality in Brazil.’’ University of Sao Paulo. Inter-American Development Bank, Latin American Research Network. Working Paper R–493, 25–27. Ashoka Organization. http://www.ashoka.org/fellows. BBC News. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/country_profiles/1227110.stm. De Almeida, Adjoa Florencia Jones. 2003. Unveiling the Mirror: Afro-Brazilian Identity and the Emergence of a Community School Movement. Comparative Education Review 47, 41–63. del Vecchio, Patrick. 2005. ‘‘Child Labor in Brazil.’’ http://usinfo.state.gov/journals/ ites/0505/ijee/delveccio.htm. Destination Brazil. ‘‘Top 10 Things to Do In Brazil.’’ http://www.destination360 .com/south-america/brazil/top-10-things.php.
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Fukui, Lia. 2000. ‘‘Why is Child Labor Tolerated? The Case of Brazil,’’ in The Exploited Child, ed. Bernard Schlemmer. London: Zed Books. International Women’s Health Coalition. http://www.iwhc.org/programs/latin_ america/brazil/index.cfm. James, Taj, and Kim McGillicuddy. 2001. ‘‘Building Youth Movements for Community Change.’’ The Nonprofit Quarterly, 8: no. 4. Jelin, Elizabeth, and Ana Rita Diaz-Munoz. 2003. ‘‘Major Trends Affecting Families: South America in Perspective.’’ Report prepared for United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Division for Social Policy and Development, Programme on the Family, 3–7. The Jubilee Campaign. http://www.streetchildren.org.uk/reports/Brazil. Kuznesof, Elizabeth Anne. 1991. ‘‘Brazil.’’ In Children in Historical and Comparative Perspective: An International Handbook and Research Guide. eds. Joseph M. Hawes and N. Ray Hiner. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 147–177. Lumpkin, H. Garren, and Maria Salete Fabio Aranha. 2003. ‘‘The Right to a Good and Supportive Start in Life.’’ In Early Intervention Practices Around the World, eds. Samuel L. Odom, Marci J. Hanson, James A. Blackman and Sudha Kauls. Baltimore, MD: Brookes, 129–150. Marion, Lloyd. 2005. ‘‘Gardens of Hope on the Rooftops of Rio.’’ Chronicle of Higher Education, October 14, 2005, Vol. 52, no. 8, A56–A56, 1/3p, 1c. MSN Encarta: Brazil. http://encarta.msn.com/encyclopedia_761554342/Brazil.html. Schwartzman, Simon. 2003. ‘‘The Challenges of Education in Brazil.’’ Working Paper CBS 38. Academia Brasileira de Ciencias and Visiting Fellow, Centre for Brazilian Studies, 8, 10, 20–25. Soccer 365. American News: U.S. National Teams, ‘‘U.S. U-20 WNT Embark on Brazilian Tour.’’ http://www.soccer365.com/US_News/National_Teams/ page_91_118338.shtml. UNICEF. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountyr/brazil.html. U.S. Library of Congress. http://countrystudies.us/brazil/49.htm. World Bank. http://www.worldbank.org/br.
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CHILE Ernesto Schiefelbein NATIONAL PROFILE Chile is a unitary state with a democratic government and a market-oriented economy characterized by a high level of foreign trade. The population in July 2005 was estimated at sixteen million, and Chilean basic social indicators compare favorably with other Latin American countries, especially in education, child labor, protection, and health issues. Although poverty has decreased in the last decade, further reductions are proving difficult given that Chile has one of the most unequal income distributions in the region. Aggregate economic and social indicators for the country show clear improvements in the last decade, expressed in growth in per capita Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of 47 percent between 1991 and 1999, when it reached US$4,500 (expressed in purchasing power, parity was estimated in US$11,300 in 2005), a reduction in poverty levels from 39 percent in 1990 to 21 percent in 2000, a demographic profile in transition to stability, and ongoing major reforms of justice and health. However, inequity between social groups and regions as well as low employment persist. Circa 2000, on average, Chileans attend school for ten years but only 60 percent are able to understand what they read; the functional literacy rate among people aged fifteen or older was 20 percent (but self-reported literacy in the 2002 Population Census was 95.5 percent); 10 percent of the wealthiest households captured 40 percent of the income, whereas the poorest 10 percent obtained just 2 percent; and unemployment has remained near 10 percent1 in the last decade, but fell to 7 percent in early 2006 while the economically active population grew from 5.5 million in 1996 to 6.3 million in 2005. Cutting in half the percentage of families living below the poverty line is the result of real GDP growing 8 percent per year during the 1990s, and half that level in the 2000s.2 The 2002 census data showed that 87 percent of households have a color television, 82 percent have a
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refrigerator, and 79 percent have a dishwashing machine. However, unequal distribution of income is still an issue of concern, and Chile is well behind other Latin American countries in terms of fairness of the income distribution (ECLAC 1995). Economic and social changes have reduced marriages and increased children born outside wedlock in this predominantly Catholic and traditional society. The annual number of new legal unions plummeted from about 105,000 in 1990 to fewer than 58,000 in 2003, according to civil registry figures. At the same, more than half of children in Chile now are born to unmarried parents. The National Women’s Agency (SERNAM) coordinates government support for families and advocacy for new laws, but there are many private organizations supporting families. In 2002, the National Policy and Plan of Action for Children and Adolescents was launched by the government. The plan provides a framework for the protection of children’s rights and has raised the awareness of the authorities and public opinion. The government also launched a program named ‘‘Chile Solidario’’ to focus on the poorest 20 percent of households. The 2002 census showed that one-third of households were female-headed and the children in those families may be affected by the lower female salaries relative to males. A 2001 study found that the average earnings of women were 68 percent of those of male heads of household. The gap is larger for more educated females. Women with university training averaged 53 percent as much earnings as their male counterparts. Women with no schooling averaged a salary that was 81 percent that of their male counterparts. The minimum wage for domestic helpers (who are thought to number 300,000 in what is probably the largest single category of working women) was only 75 percent of the standard minimum wage. Employment of women increased in the previous decade from 33 percent in 1990 to 36.3 percent in 1998. In 1999, the adult economic activity rate was 37 percent for women and 74 percent for men, excluding armed forces. The Labor Code provides specific benefits for pregnant workers and recent mothers, including a prohibition against dismissal; these also apply
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to domestic workers. Employers do not have the right to ask women to take pregnancy tests before hiring them, although such practice is continued in some companies. The courts may order counseling for those involved in intrafamily violence. There are two dozen government and one dozen private centers to attend to victims of intrafamily violence. Police have a special office that provides counseling for rape victims. The Ministry of Justice also has several offices located throughout the country specifically for assistance in rape cases. There are a number of nongovernment organizations that provided counseling. Until November 2004, Chilean law required husband’s approval for any major financial move (buying a house, applying for a mortgage, or starting a business). Divorce is now legal in Chile, but in the past couples could separate and, in some cases, get their marriage annulled. But for that, the decision had to be mutual and it meant the marriage never existed in the eyes of the law, so there were no protections or support payments thereafter. There are more than 50,000 requests for divorce that have begun to make their way through the court system. Chile is one of the four countries with lower population growth in Latin America (after Cuba and Uruguay and in the same level with Argentina). Given the declining birth and mortality rates, the average population growth rate from 1992 to 2002 was 1.2 percent (1 percent estimated for 2005). This rate is far below the 1.6 percent observed for the previous decade (1982 to 1992). A total of 85.4 percent of the population is urban. Half of the population lives in the two central regions (Metropolitan and Valparaiso). The most densely populated area is the Santiago metropolitan region, which comprises one-third of the national population. The country has half a dozen indigenous groups that make up 5 percent of the total population (including Aymara, Atacame~ no, Mapuche, Rapa Nui, and Kawaskar). In 1998, children younger than the age of fifteen accounted for 29 percent of the population, the fifteen to sixty-four-year age group for 64 percent, and persons ages sixtyKEY FACTS – CHILE five and older for 7 percent. The corresponding figures for 2005 are Population: 16,284,741 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 8.36 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) 25, 67, and 8 percent, respectively. Life expectancy at birth: 76.96 years (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth in the 1995 Literacy rate (age 15 and over): 96.2 percent (2003 est.) to 2000 period was estimated at Internet users: 6.7 million (2005) seventy-five years (seventy-nine for People living with HIV/AIDS: 26,000 (2003 est.) women and seventy-one for men). Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) rank: 2 (2006 est.) OVERVIEW All children enroll in Chilean basic education; more than 80 percent eventually enroll in grade
Sources: CIA World Factbook: Chile. https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ci.html. May 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Chile. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/ statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_CHL.html. May 29, 2007.
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nine (first year of middle level education), and 35 percent enroll in higher education. A voucher system provides free basic and middle level education for some 90 percent of the students. The balance attends fee-paid private education. Child mortality has declined substantially in Chile from 3.2 percent in 1980 to 1.0 percent in 1999. There was a decrease in early neonatal, neonatal, and postneonatal mortality. The leading causes of death were perinatal disorders, congenital anomalies, respiratory diseases, and injuries and poisonings. The country has not been involved in wars, and there are no issues of refugees or immigration, despite an influx of families from neighboring countries. The Constitution and the Labor Code prohibit forced or bonded labor, and there are no reports that such practices occur. Although the Labor Code does not specifically prohibit forced and bonded labor by children, there are no reports of such practices. However, there are serious problems affecting women, included sexual and domestic violence. SERNAM, which combats discrimination against women, conducts courses on the legal, medical, and psychological aspects of domestic violence for police officers and judicial and municipal authorities. A study done in 2001 by the University of Chile indicated that more than half the women in the country had experienced violence in their relationship with their partner. The study calculated that 34 percent of women have been subjected to physical violence (of which 15 percent was sexual violence) and another 16 percent have suffered psychological violence. Because the law on intrafamily violence went into effect in 1994, the number of cases presented in the courts has increased from 1,419 in 1994 to 73,559 in 1999. Almost two-thirds of the surveyed individuals from low-income groups believe that they do not determine the course of their own lives (UNDP 2001). The issue that stands out is individualization; that is, the process by which people break away from inherited traditions and assert the right to define their own identities, on their own terms, and at their own risk. In Chile today, the changes in society have increased people’s choices, enabling them to develop their individuality more effectively. However, there is unequal opportunity for the fair development of each individual. EDUCATION Chilean education is quite segregated by socioeconomic status, but the country is making an important effort to expand the time children spend in the classroom through measures such as expanding the coverage of free preschool education, increasing the daily school hours (from 4.5 to 6 hours per day), and increasing compulsory education to twelve school years. Women in Chile have similar or better coverage than men and little discrimination among students is observed, although men seem to have the advantage in certain careers, in access to graduate education, and in directive jobs.
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However, 40 percent of each age group is still not able to correctly answer simple reading comprehension questions after spending six or more years in school. According to the 2002 population census, literacy levels were reported at 95.4 percent, although this figure includes people that can only write their names. Teachers eventually promote most of their students to the next grade despite poor learning. Thus, some 90 percent of each age group eventually graduates from basic education, even though only three-quarters of them reach the minimum level of reading comprehension that is usually required to complete the basic school system. Learning is mainly conditioned by previous knowledge and quality of teaching at the moment of starting in grade one. Students from the wealthiest quintile have a vocabulary of more than 3,000 words, whereas students from the poorest quintile knows only 400 to 500 words and have problems building abstractions. Thus, most students unable to understand what they read belong to families in the lower half of the income distribution. In fact, nearly 75 percent of students in schools attended by members of families in the poor half of the income distribution are unable to understand what they read. Those students waste many school years to learn very little. They repeat grades and increase age heterogeneity in classrooms in deprived areas, thus making it more difficult for classmates to learn. The best teacher for teaching to read (in each school) usually works in the upper grades; thus, new students are taught by less-trained and inexperienced teachers. The problem was compounded in 1996 when a revision of language curriculum favored the whole-word approach (over the phonological approach), a switch that further limited students’ learning (especially for students from deprived areas). Fortunately, the change was reversed in 2003. However, several years and training were lost in the process. A total of 87 percent of each group eventually enrolls in middle level education (grades nine to twelve). However, one-fourth of them usually have serious problems keeping up with the schoolwork and drop out after a couple of years attending a ‘‘Liceo’’ or a ‘‘Vocational school.’’ Most of those dropouts have serious difficulties for reading and grasping the meaning of the text. One-third of each age group eventually enrolls in universities or technical (postsecondary) institutions. More than one-quarter of them usually drop out after a couple of years in higher education. According to the Ministry of Education, there were 2,269,388 students in basic and 989,039 in middle level education in 2004. Although the law promotes the integration of persons with disabilities into society, the budget allocated to the National Fund for the Handicapped to encourage such integration is small. The 2002 census found that 354,053 citizens claimed to have some form of disability. Persons with disabilities still suffered some forms of legal discrimination. Although the law requires that public
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buildings provide access for persons with disabilities, 74 percent of the buildings in the country failed to meet that requirement (79 percent in the Santiago metropolitan area). The public transportation system did not make provision for wheelchair access, and subway lines in the Santiago metropolitan area provided facilitated access for persons with disabilities only in some areas. PLAY AND RECREATION Chileans enjoy group activities and many people belong to a team, club, or organization. Some take part in a variety of sports, including soccer, basketball, volleyball, tennis, skiing, water-skiing, track and field, fishing, scuba diving, horseback riding, jogging, rayuela, rugby, golf, and polo. Sports are organized in clubs, which are members of national associations that are coordinated by the Chiledeportes agency (replaced the former Direcci on General de Deportes y Recreaci on in 2001) and the Chilean Olympic Committee. Their action is complemented by units in each of the thirteen regions and municipalities. Their main goal is to offer fair opportunities for the practice of sports and to help development of international competitors. Children love to skate or ride bikes. Girls play with dolls, jump rope, or ‘‘luche’’ (hopscotch), and boys play marbles, spin tops, or play with ‘‘gato’’ (tic-tac-toe) squares. Chileans (all ages) love flying kites in spring time. Catholic monks brought the first kites to Chile in the eighteenth century. Today, people of all ages fly kites for sport and amusement. Every weekend, thousands of Santiago residents fly their kites in public parks. Kites have even been honored in Chilean literature as a national treasure. Children and teenagers listen music broadcasted by some 200 AM and 100 FM stations. They also watch cartoons, soap operas, reality shows, and sports on some sixty television broadcast stations (plus 120 repeaters). The National Television Council (CNT), supported by government funding, is responsible for assuring that television programming ‘‘respects the moral and cultural values of the nation.’’ The principle role of the CNT to regulate violence and sexual explicitness in both broadcast and cable television programming content. Films and other programs judged by the CNT to be excessively violent, have obscene language, or have sexually explicit scenes may be shown only after 10 p.m., when ‘‘family viewing hours’’ end. In practice, the ever-increasing volume of programming made the CNT’s job difficult. The CNT occasionally levied fines. Main national newspapers provide free weekly supplements for children (Timon, Papasfritas, La Achita y Cuarta, etc.). The supplements present puzzles, riddles, short stories, and coloring pages for children of all ages with a variety of drawings to print and paint (Uranga 2001). Computers are available in most schools (in average one set for some twenty students), and half of them are linked to internet. Cybercafes also
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provide internet access in most cities and villages. Internet practices identified in school projects (based on a few case studies) and in governance at the municipal level (based on case studies from the Chilean towns of El Bosque, Puente Alto, Los Andes, and Rancagua) give an idea of the flow and exchange of cultural capital through the Enlaces education initiative (Bonilla 2001). Enlaces started officially in 1992 as a pilot project with twelve primary schools. By mid-2000, 4,200 primary and secondary schools were working with the Enlaces website. Now, Enlaces is reaching nearly 90 percent of the Chilean student population. Priority is given to technical training (which converts the computer into a simple database tool) rather than stressing its potential as an instrument for communication and creativity. For example, the web site does not allow teachers to exchange their lessons plans (by topics in each grade) and evaluations of their usage. An ethnographic study concluded that internet access and learning also depends on bonds of understanding and dedication between students and teachers (in many cases the computer becomes something sacrosanct). The most popular spectator sport in Chile is futbol (soccer). Many consider it Chile’s national sport. Some of the most popular soccer teams in Chile include Colo Colo, Universidad Cat olica, and Universidad de Chile. Chilean soccer stars usually play in Spain, Italy, England, Germany, the United States, or Mexico. Major soccer events attract as many as 80,000 people to Santiago’s National Stadium. However, few children attend soccer games to avoid the barras bravas (violent fans), street fights between followers of rival clubs, and fan violence and harassment in the middle of the human sea that converges from different districts of the city in the stadium. Parents do not want their children to be in the middle of a crowd of ragged looking youths, jumping and singing fanatically, war paint on their faces and flags waving in the wind. Rayuela is a Chilean game enjoyed by people of all ages and particularly by men. It involves throwing heavy metal disks called tejos toward a string stretched across damp ground in an attempt to have them land on the string. Children play a similar game using coins rather than the heavy disks. The Chilean rodeo is known as the la fiesta huasa. Rodeo teams often travel from village to village and rodeo competitions take place in arenas called media lunas (half moons). Huasos (Chilean cowboys) dress in colorful ponchos, fringed leggings, flat-topped hats, high-heeled boots, and large spurs. The object of the competition is for a two-rider team to control a steer by making their horses to stop it in a certain place (without using a lasso). A traditional Indian team game is called chueca (a sort of grass hockey). A hole marks the center of the field, and a goal line is drawn across each end of the field. The game starts at the hole. Each team tries to knock a small rubber ball into it using a curved stick (chueca). The first
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player to succeed then drives the ball across the opposing team’s goal line to score a point. Chueca was created by Indians long before the Spanish arrived in the area known today as Chile. Being a long and narrow strip of land (100 kilometers wide on average), beaches are usually one or two hours’ distance from most cities in the country. Many families take advantage of personal or public transportation and spend the weekend at a beach. According to the 2002 census, 60 percent of households owned at least one car (up from 45 percent in 1992). The stock of cars totaled 2.2 million units for a population of fifteen million. CHILD LABOR Children and teenagers remain enrolled at school up to the age of fourteen or fifteen, but they may temporarily abandon their studies to carry out seasonal harvest work. In April 2005, the Ministry of Labor and the International Labor Organization completed and released the first National Survey on Children and Adolescent Activities. The survey revealed that, as of February 2003, approximately 200,000 children between the ages of twelve and nineteen worked (U.S. Bureau of Democracy 2003); that 3 percent of all children and adolescents (107,680) worked under unacceptable conditions; that, among working children, those between the ages of five and fourteen worked an average of eighteen hours a week; and that adolescents worked an average of thirty-nine hours a week. There were 189 registered cases of the worst forms of labor, 70 percent of which affected teenage boys between the ages of fifteen and eighteen. Children may be working as street peddlers, temporary farm laborers or fruit pickers. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), together with the Ministries of Education and Labor, has carried out communication campaigns aimed at the prevention of child labor. Graphic materials (posters, leaflets, and fliers) include information on labor rights enjoyed by adolescents older than fifteen years of age (i.e., legally authorized to work) to enable them to demand and defend these rights vis-a-vis their employers. The materials contained information on the importance of finishing higher education and the risks adolescents are exposed to when carrying out agricultural work. These efforts are complemented by Junior Achievement courses on the ‘‘The Economics of Staying in School,’’ offered in some 200 schools. The law restricts child labor; however, there is a problem in the informal economy given limited enforcement. The law allows children between the ages of fifteen and eighteen to work with the express permission of their parents or guardians, they must attend school, and fifteenyear-olds may only perform light work not requiring hard physical labor or constituting a threat to health and childhood development. Additional provisions in the law protect workers younger than eighteen years of age by restricting the types of work open to them (for example, they may not
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work in nightclubs) and by establishing special conditions of work (they may not work more than eight hours in one day). The minimum age to work in an underground mine is twenty-one years; special regulations govern the ability of eighteen- to twenty-one-year-olds to work at other types of mining sites. Labor inspectors enforce these regulations, and compliance is good in the formal economy; however, many children are employed in the informal economy. Children sell chewing gum on the street, wash windshields, work as street performers, beg, or help their parents harvest crops. The Ministry of Labor convenes regular meetings of a tripartite group (business-labor-government) to monitor progress in eradicating child labor, but it remains as a problem. Child prostitution is a serious problem. The Constitution and the Labor Code prohibit forced labor, and the prostitution of children and corruption of minors are prohibited under the Penal Code. However, the law does not prohibit prostitution, and the age of consent for sexual relations is fourteen years (raised by Congress in December 2003 from twelve years). Nevertheless, there are legal sanctions for adults who are found to have induced children under the age of eighteen to engage in commercial sex or engage them for the purposes of pornography. UNICEF estimated in 1999 that there were roughly 10,000 child prostitutes between the ages of six and eighteen years. A study conducted by the National Minors Service (SENAME) and Arcis University in 2003 put the number at 3,719, but many of those familiar with the problem believe that number to be too low. Unfortunately, the law is vague regarding child prostitution unless force, fraud, or abuse of authority can be proven. There are no laws that specifically prohibit all forms of trafficking in persons; however, the law makes it a crime for anyone to promote or facilitate the entry to or exit from the country of persons for the purpose of facilitating prostitution. Sanctions are increased in cases in which the victim is a minor; there were a few reports that small numbers of persons may have been trafficked to or from the country. FAMILY Traditional stereotypes of family and gender roles are undergoing deep changes in Chile. Many Chileans have grown reluctant to forge a bond that can’t be broken, particularly women; birth rates are declining; women are quickly moving toward similar roles with men; laws are criminalizing domestic abuse; and textbooks are deleting sexist drawings. Changes are being boosted by the election of the first female president in 2006 and her appointment of the first gender-parity cabinet. During the past thirteen years, Chile saw a startling 45 percent decrease in the number of Chileans marrying, with only 57,500 tying the knot in 2003 compared with 104,700 marriages in 1990 (when a woman
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is not married, she retains financial control of her life). The reduction in marriages also reduced the birth rate to 1.5 percent (2005 estimate) from 2.0 in 1995 (the fertility rate decreased from 2.5 children per woman in 1995 to 2.0 in 2005). The divorce law (May 2004) restored women’s financial independence while protecting the rights of their children by requiring support payments (not obligatory under separation agreements). The cabinet ministry responsible for SERNAM actively pushed the passage of the divorce law. The divorce law might also help end the spiral of domestic violence by giving women a way out of abusive marriages. SERNAM reported that one in four Chilean women has been physically abused by her partner at some point in her life, and one in three suffers psychological abuse at some point. Domestic abuse was viewed as a normal part of marital problems at all socioeconomic levels. However, Chile made domestic abuse an infraction in 1994 under the country’s civil code, and reports of domestic violence skyrocketed to 25,000 a year (from a mere 3,000 before the law). By 2004, police were receiving an average of 100,000 reports. However, judges are unable to punish offenders beyond imposing fines and requiring participation in family-orientation programs. They could jail aggressors who committed serious abuse, but this option—although considered in some cases of attempted murder—is rarely applied beyond actual murders. Of the 106,000 complaints of abuse documented by the justice system in 2004, only 780 ended in convictions of some sort. Chile’s new law criminalizing domestic abuse—which took effect October 1, 2005, after legislators’ unanimous approval—includes twelve major reforms, which will make protective measures mandatory for judges and give police greater tools to arrest and prevent abuse. Under the new law, physical abuse leading to serious injury can be punished with penalties of ten to fifteen years in prison. Abuse is defined as mistreatment affecting either physical or psychological integrity. Punishment ranges from fines, to between sixty-one and 541 days in prison. The new tribunals received 1,000 petitions a day during the first week after the law was put into effect. The most common petitions related to lapsed child-support payments, followed by complaints of domestic violence. Petitions for divorce ranked third. By January 4, 2006, the tribunals had received 97,000 cases, more than twice the initial projections. During the next month some 32,000 additional cases were received. The system is practically flooded, according to lawyers. Family is under pressure. Most Chileans fall back on their families and friends as alternative sources of comfort and meaning. As a result, family life tends to become overloaded with demands and expectations it cannot satisfy. In the end, the private sphere, with reduced external social connections (the extended family has practically disappeared), merely reflects the insecurity of the outside world. In 2001, half of surveyed individuals believed that ‘‘the Chilean family is currently undergoing a crisis as an institution or is a source of tension and problems’’ (UNDP 2001).
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Families receive cash subsidies if they meet certain conditions such as attendance rates for school age children and vaccination schedules and growth monitoring for younger children. The programs in Chile (Asignaci on Familiar and Chile Solidario) rely on nationwide targeting systems that use national identity numbers as beneficiary identification. Targeted beneficiaries are required to present valid identification before receiving subsidies. Long-term exclusion problems are relatively rare in both of these programs. Differences in socioeconomic levels have important effects in children’s vocabulary and eventual ability to read (see Education above); in salaries earned by each educational level (the salary may be four times higher when the worker was born in the wealthiest quintile); and life expectancy at birth. In Chile today, typical rites of passage are baptism and confirmation, school graduation ceremony (middle level and higher education), university entrance examination, wedding (civil and religious), fiftieth wedding anniversary party, and funeral. These ritualized ceremonies help the individuals making the transition, as well their relatives and friends, pass through an emotional process. Most rites of passage are religious or education ceremonies. They not only mark the transition between an individual’s life stages, but they reinforce the dominant religious views and values of a culture. HEALTH Efforts have been focused on expanding primary care. In February 2004, a reform to the country’s health authority and management system, known as the Universal Access with Explicit Guarantees (AUGE) Plan, became law. The plan guarantees government-funded coverage for individuals afflicted with certain debilitating diseases, regardless of age, class, or— most importantly—ability to pay. The number of diseases covered by Plan AUGE should gradually increase from the current twenty-five to fifty-six by 2007. In 1999, the mortality rate was 5.1 percent. For children birth to four years, the mortality rate was ten per 1,000 live births. The leading cause of death was external causes, accounting for 33.4 percent of all deaths. Schoolchildren five to nine are the group with the lowest age-specific mortality rate (0.2 per 1,000 population). Deaths reported in 1999 were mainly the result of external causes (39 percent). The mortality rate among adolescents between ten and nineteen years of age was 0.4 per 1,000 population. Injuries and neoplasms were the leading cause of death with 18 percent of the total. Analysis for specific rather than broad causes showed the first nine to be external causes, with suicide by hanging in fourth place for fifty-six deaths (forty-one were young men). Free vaccines are provided in Chile to all children to prevent some diseases (e.g., whooping cough, measles, mumps, and rubella). In addition, specific campaigns are organized by the government to fight some strains
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of influenza (including avian influenza). Also, considerable success in rabies and hantavirus control among free-ranging wildlife has been achieved through vaccination. In 1998, 99 percent of the urban population had access to potable water through public systems, 90 percent had access to sewerage systems, and 4 percent had access to mainly septic tanks and soakaways. One percent of the urban population (115,000 people) had no water service, and 7 percent (853,000 people) had no adequate sewage disposal system. Water pollution from raw sewage must still be controlled in some areas. Air pollution in Santiago, the country’s capital, is the most obvious environmental problem of the nation, but there are other cities affected by pollution. Santiago experiences very high levels of air pollution, often exceeding guidelines suggested by the World Health Organization. Air pollution in Santiago is caused by industrial and vehicle emissions as well as street dust blown from unpaved roads and eroded hillsides. Vehicle emission standards have been introduced. When air pollution measurements exceed certain critical levels, the emergency measures include the closing schools, restricting the operation of polluting industries, and limiting the operation of vehicles. Occupational health and safety are protected under the law and administered by the Ministries of Health and of Labor. Resources for inspections are increasing over time, while targeting industries guilty of the worst abuses. As a result, enforcement and voluntary compliance are improving. Insurance mutual funds provide workers’ compensation and occupational safety training for the private and public sectors. HIV/AIDS and sexually transmitted infections prevail in urban areas, mainly affecting people with access to health care and education. Gay men are the main victims. A total of 90 percent of victims have been men and 10 percent women, but there has been a relative increase in cases among women. Between 1984 and 2001, 2,479 deaths were reported. The incidence rate reached 280 per million inhabitants, and it has been increasing systematically over the years. The total rate of notified sexually transmitted infections is seventy-two per 100,000. The rates per 100,000 population reported in 1999 were fifteen for syphilis, fourteen for Condyloma acuminatum, and eleven for gonorrhea. The Ministry of Education has encouraged a school-based sex education curriculum, including information about abstinence and contraception. There is involvement of physicians in developing the curriculum, orchestrating educational sessions, and evaluating the program. Two teachers’ manuals have been developed: one for working with students and one for working with parents. Medical staff members conduct presentations and serve as a resource to students, teachers and parents. There is some availability of medical staff to students via e-mail or phone regarding questions and medical assistance. Each year, some 40,000 children are born from Chilean teenage mothers (about 1,000 newborns from girls younger than the age of fifteen).
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About 4,000 are the second child, and 500 the third. In 1982, 11.7 percent of Chilean women between the ages of fifteen and nineteen were mothers. By 2002, the proportion had increased to 13.5 percent (Vignoli 2005). During that same period, however, Chile’s total fertility rate—the average number of children born to women during their reproductive years—decreased from 2.95 in the early 1980s to 2.35 today. Data from the 2002 census show that only 17 percent of mothers between the ages of fifteen and nineteen are married, whereas 28 percent live with their partners and a full 55 percent classify themselves as single. The Ministry of Health’s basic programs (children, women, adults, and oral health) have been designed to take a comprehensive approach, including promotion, prevention, treatment, and rehabilitation. The Ministry of Health has established specific prevention programs, including immunization, food supplements, control of respiratory diseases, prevention of traffic accidents, control of the Red Tide, and eradication of Chagas’ disease. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The ‘‘Reform’’ (Reforma Procesal Penal) has been gradually implemented since 2000 and is now being applied throughout the country (G omez 2005). An accusatory system (U.S.-style adversarial system) has replaced the former inquisitive system. Its main purpose is to incorporate the respect of human rights and international standards regarding the justice administration in Chile. This new justice system should improve the protection of the rights of children and adolescents and create a special criminal justice system for juvenile offenders. A family court law would also be enacted, under which judges would have jurisdiction to try cases involving such questions as child abuse, domestic violence, adoption, and alimony. In 1990, Chile subscribed to the International Convention on the Rights of the Child. In 1999, Chile signed and ratified the international Conventions on Minimum Age and Abolition of Forced Labor previously adopted by the ILO General Conference as well as the Hague Convention of May, 29, 1993 on Protection of Children and Co-operation in Respect of Intercountry Adoption (U.S. Department of State 2005). In 2004 a law was enacted to curb child pornography. In early 2004, the Chilean Congress raise the age of sexual consent to fourteen from twelve. Sex with a child younger than the age of fourteen will now automatically be considered rape and carry a prison sentence of five to fifteen years. For the first time, paying minors for sex will be a crime. There is physical abuse in jails and prisons. Prisons often are overcrowded and obsolete. Detainees sometimes are not advised promptly of charges against them nor granted a timely hearing before a judge. By law, juvenile offenders (those younger than the age of eighteen) are segregated from adult prisoners. In 2002, the Supreme Court admonished
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police officials for failing to keep minors sufficiently separated from adult offenders and ordered prison officials to correct this deficiency. Separation of minors is a concern, especially when a minor is detained before being brought to court. In 2001, of 10,748 minors detained, 37 percent were initially held in adult facilities. Juvenile detention centers are under construction to reduce this problem. The Constitution provides for the right to legal counsel, but indigent defendants, who account for the majority of the cases in the Santiago metropolitan region, have not always received effective legal representation. They were usually represented by someone from the government’s legal assistance corporation, who may be a law student finishing studies under the supervision of one of the corporation’s lawyers. The judicial reform law created an office of Public Defender (Defensoria Penal Publica) to provide free professional legal counsel to prosecuted persons who should seek such assistance. This organism provides professional services to all who are being prosecuted for a crime no matter whether they have economic possibilities to hire a private defender. In 2004 there were 375,000 users of free legal counselors. Two-thirds have not finished middle level schooling, two-thirds are women, and half of the users are forty years old or younger. There is also a Supervisory Judge (Juez de Garantia), specialized in criminal law, who oversees due process during the investigation, the protection of the rights of all the people involved in the process (prosecuted, victims, or witnesses), and also solves conflicts that may arise between the parties. Discrimination and violence against women and children continued to be problems. Indigenous people remained marginalized and child labor was a problem in the informal economy. SERNAM made a positive evaluation of the implementation of law 20.005 on sexual harassment (after fourteen years of parliamentary debate, the bill was signed on 2005). In the three months that followed, SERNAM received twenty-five complaints of sexual harassment, a six-fold increase over the comparable period in the previous year. These actions are improving public awareness of abuses. The law gives indigenous people a voice in decisions affecting their lands, cultures, and traditions. It provides for eventual bilingual education in schools with indigenous populations, replacing a statute that emphasized assimilation of indigenous people. In the 2002 census, 692,000 people declared themselves to be of indigenous origin (Mapuches, from the south, account for approximately 85 percent of this number). The 2002 total represented a decrease of 306,000 from the 1992 census figures, especially in the Santiago metropolitan area. Of the population that identifies itself as indigenous, approximately half lives in isolated areas separated from the rest of society. There are no members of congress who acknowledged indigenous descent. There has been one minister in the cabinet of indigenous origin.
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The National Corporation for Indigenous Development was created in 1994, and indigenous people have been elected directly as representatives to this body. It advises and directs government programs that assist the economic development of indigenous people. It also facilitates the participation of Mapuche and other indigenous populations in the formulation of national policies affecting them. Since 2000, Mapuches have created organizations that represent their interests. The Mapuche Interregional Council is an umbrella organization located in Temuco and is a member of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. Land occupations and a number of other isolated acts of violence (rock throwing, and burning of crops or buildings) by Mapuche Indian groups occurred in the 2000s. RELIGIOUS LIFE Church and state officially are separate, and the constitution provides for freedom of religion. A 2000 law, Norms for the Legal Establishment of Churches and Religious Organizations (Ley de Cultos), gives all religious entities the same legal status and removes the ability of the government to dissolve religious entities by decree. The law includes a clause that prohibits religious discrimination; however, the Catholic Church unofficially retains a privileged position. The generally amicable relationship among religions in Chile contributes to religious freedom. Government policy and practice contributed to the free practice of religion without restriction. The new law grants all religions the right to have chaplains in public hospitals, prisons, and military units. A total of 70 percent of the population age fourteen or older was identified as Roman Catholic by the 2002 census (down from 77 percent in 1992) and fifteen percent evangelicals (all non-Catholic Christian churches with the exception of the Orthodox Church, Mormons, Seventh-Day Adventists, and Jehovah’s Witnesses). Approximately 90 percent of evangelicals were Pentecostal. All other religions totaled 7 percent, and atheists and those ‘‘indifferent’’ regarding religion were 8 percent of the population older than the age of fourteen (up from 6 percent in 1992). Mapuche communities continue to respect traditional religious leaders (Lonkos and Machis), but many indigenous people consider these cultural rather than religious practices. All religions have their own rites of passage starting with baptism or conversion, but they are linked to religious practice and gender. Surveys show that approximately 95 percent of Roman Catholic respondents have been Catholics since childhood, whereas about 38 percent of Protestants said they converted at some moment in their lives. According to surveys, only a quarter of all adult Chileans attend church services at least once a week, a proportion indicative of considerable secularization. Slightly more than half of all Chileans who declared a religious affiliation are women.
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However, among those who practice, the proportion of women is significantly greater. Schools are required to offer religious education twice a week through middle school; however, enrollment in religious classes is optional. The creed requested by parents is supposed to be taught, although enforcement is sometimes lax. Instruction was predominantly in the Roman Catholic faith; however, many schools offer non-Catholic alternatives for religious education. The two most prestigious public schools in Santiago offer an evangelical alternative. There is some 10 percent of Catholic schools and less than 1 percent of other religions. The distribution of practicing Catholics and Protestants varies dramatically on the basis of socioeconomic status. Among high socioeconomic status individuals there are more practicing Catholics, whereas among the poor Chilean urban population, for every practicing Roman Catholic there is a practicing Protestant. Higher socioeconomic status is also associated to enrolling children in Catholic fee-paid or subsidized private schools. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The government is committed to children’s rights and welfare and assumes that education is a key instrument to protect those rights and provide equal opportunities. Education is compulsory and free from first through twelfth grade and there are incentives (family subsidy) for sending children to school. Other actions have been discussed above, but some specific problems of violence, mistreatment and bullying are discussed in this last section. Violence against children is a serious problem, although it appears to be declining. A 1999 report by SENAME noted that it had handled the cases of 5,453 mistreated children for the first six months of that year; 583 of these cases were judged severe enough to be presented to legal authorities. SENAME reported that 9,723 cases of abuse were brought to its attention in 1998. From mid-1998 to December 1999, SENAME brought to the courts 713 cases of child abuse, 314 of rape, 292 of sexual abuse, seventy-nine for grave harm done to children, and twenty-eight cases of homicide. Of the cases, 70 percent came to trial, of which 80 percent resulted in convictions. SENAME lawyers receive specialized training in child abuse cases, leading to a greater conviction rate of offenders according to the director of the organization. A survey of eighth-grade students by UNICEF comparing the incidence of mistreatment from 1994 to 2000 showed that, in 1994, 63 percent of children had been subjected to some sort of physical violence compared with 54 percent at the end of the period. During the same
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period, those having suffered some sort of serious physical violence from their parents had fallen from 34 percent to 25 percent. Chilean mass media are informing on violence in schools. A total of 44 percent of students enrolled in basic education have been victims of bullying in schools, and 35 percent of teachers have been attacked by students or their parents. Students and teachers have experienced the indifference of authorities and may even feel that the abuse is being carried on by the institution. Attention to these serious school problems is just starting in Chile. A report from La Morada Corporation for Women released in 1999 estimated that there were 20,000 cases of sexual abuse of children every year. Child prostitution is also a serious problem, as commented already (see the section on Child labor). Police and social workers attempt to identify and place child prostitutes found on the streets in juvenile homes. NOTES 1. The high unemployment rate has incited a debate about the causes for its stubborn persistence despite resilient growth. No single cause explains the continued high unemployment rates. Instead, a host of factors explain the current high unemployment trend. See http://www.latin-focus.com/latinfocus/briefings/2004/0408_ briefings/Chile.htm. 2. A severe drought exacerbated the recession in 1999, reducing crop yields and causing hydroelectric shortfalls and electricity rationing, and Chile experienced negative economic growth for the first time in more than fifteen years. Despite the effects of the recession, Chile maintained its reputation for strong financial institutions and sound policy that have given it the strongest sovereign bond rating in South America. On the other hand, widespread deforestation and mining threaten natural resources and there are air pollution areas from industrial and vehicle emissions.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Araujuo, Kathya, Virginia Guzman, and Amalia Mauro. 2000. ‘‘How domestic violence came to be viewed as a public issue and policy object,’’ ECLAC Review 70: 137–50. http://www.cem.cl/pdf/edomesti_araujo.pdf. Endress, Sergio. 2005. Essential Issues of the Chilean Legal System. Hauser Global Law School Program, New York University School of Law. http://www. nyulawglobal.org/globalex/Chile.htm. United Nations Development Programme. 2002. Chile Human Development Report, Santiago de Chile. http://www.desarrollohumano.cl/textos/sin2002/summary.pdf. U.S. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. 2003 and 2004. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2003/ 27890.htm and http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2004/41753.htm.
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Nonprint Resources Machuca. 2004. 121 minutes. Video. Directed and produced by Andres Wood. Distributed by Menemsha Entertainment. Against the backdrop of General Pinochet’s 1973 military coup, a school integration project tests the friendship of two boys from opposite social classes.
Web Sites Central Intelligence Agency: The World Factbook–Chile, http://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/geos/ci.html. Citizenship and Immigration Canada: Cultural Profiles Project–Chile, http:// www.cp-pc.ca/english/chile/index.html. EIU Global Technology Forum. Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU). Chile travel: Transport and communications, http://www.ebusinessforum.com/index.asp? doc_id=7455&layout=rich_story. Junior Achievement: Chile, http://www.ja.org/near/nations/chile.shtml. Pan American Health Organization: Country Profiles–Chile, http://www.paho .org/English/DD/AIS/cp_152.htm. UNICEF: At a Glance–Chile, http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/chile.html. Women’s United Nations Report Program & Network (WUNRN), http://www .wunrn.com.
Organizations and NGOs Amnesty International (AI) Secci on Chilena Compa~ nıa 2085, Of. B, Santiago Casilla Postal 4062, Correo 21 Santiago, Chile Phone: 695-6502 Fax 671-2619 Web site: [email protected] Association of Relatives of the Disappeared (AFDD) Manuel Rodrıguez 33 Santiago, Chile Phone: 696-0678 Chile, National Service for Minors (Servicio Nacional de Menores) Web site: http://www.sename.cl Chilean Human Rights Commission Santa Lucıa 162 Santiago, Chile Phone: 633-3995
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Corporation for the Promotion and Defense of the Rights of the People (CODEPU) Brown Sur 150, Nu~ noa Santiago, Chile Phone: 341-5040 Email: [email protected] Derechos Chile Web site: http://www.chipsites.com/derechos/index_eng.html; http://www .codepu.cl PIDEE—Foundation for the Protection of Children Injured by States of Exception Holanda 3587 Interior Nunoa, Chile Phone: 204-2735 Fax: 225-8752 Email: [email protected]
Selected Bibliography Bonilla, Marcelo, and Gilles Cliche. The Internet and Its Impact on Latin American and Caribbean Society: Research and Dialogue, IDRC. http://www.idrc.ca/ es/ev-84510-201-1-DO_TOPIC.html. Chile Instituto Nacional de Estadısticas, Censo 2002. http://www.ine.cl/cd2002/ index.php. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). 1995. Panorama Social de America Latina, Santiago de Chile. G omez, Sergio Endress. Essential Issues of the Chilean Legal System. http:// www.nyulawglobal.org/globalex/Chile.htm. IDRC Archives. Community-run Preschool Centres in Chile’s Low-income Areas, Document 6. http://www.idrc.ca/nayudamma/ev-26913-201-1-DO_TOPIC.html. ———. Critical and Selective TV Viewing in Chile, Document 4. http:// www.idrc.ca/nayudamma/ev-26917-201-1-DO_TOPIC.html. Informe Final Comisi on de Evaluaci on y Recomendaciones sobre Educaci on Sexual, Chile, Marzo, 2005. http://www.mineduc.cl/biblio/documento/libro_ sexualidad.pdf. Johnson, Jone. Family Structure and Gender Roles in Chile. The Encyclopedia of Women’s History. http://womenshistory.about.com/library/ency/blwh_chile_ gender_family.htm. Pan American Health Organization, Chile General Situation and Trends. http:// www.paho.org/English/DD/AIS/cp_152.htm. Rodrıguez Vignoli, Jorge. 2005. Latin American and Caribbean Demographic Centre (CELADE). http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=29961. TED Case Studies, Chile Air Pollution. http://www.american.edu/TED/chileair.htm. UNDP, 2001. National UNDP Survey. 8. http://www.desarrollohumano.cl/textos/ sin2002/summary.pdf. Uranga, Victoria, Marıa Alonso, and Carmen Videla. Motivaciones e intereses de los ni~ nos en un diario infantil, Universidad Diego Portales, Escuela de Periodismo, Santiago, Chile. http://dti.udp.cl/comunicacion/publicaciones/periodismo/ t2001/Alonso_y_Videla.pdf.
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U.S. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. 2003. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2004/ 41753.htm. U.S. Department of State. 2005. Bureau of Consular Affairs. Country-specific Information. International Adoption, Chile. http://travel.state.gov/family/adoption/ country/country_364.html.
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COLOMBIA Catherine Hill NATIONAL PROFILE Colombia is a South American country located on the northwestern coast of the continent. It borders Ecuador to the south, Venezuela and Brazil to the east, and Panama to the west. The total land area covers approximately 440,000 square miles, fragmented into regions with distinct regional economies and cultural characteristics (Bushnell 1993). It is a rugged land that is neither easy nor safe to traverse because the land has been shattered by civil war for more than fifty years. The country’s most populated areas are divided by three mountain ranges consisting of isolated mountain pockets and many small valleys, which inhibit transportation and the formation of an integrated market. Although the economy appears to be improving slowly for Colombia’s forty-three million people—as the result of austere government budgets, declining public debt, and export-oriented growth— poverty is rife, unemployment high (17.4 percent), a social welfare system is nonexistent, and homelessness
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and displacement are rampant (Safford and Palacios 2002). A work force of approximately 18.3 million produces and exports petroleum, coffee, coal, bananas, and flowers. Keeping all exports in mind, the United States is Colombia’s chief trading partner and its chief source of foreign assistance. Despite the fact that Colombia is reportedly the most beautiful country in Latin America, with Caribbean and Pacific beaches, ancient ruins, and a vast swathe of the Amazon, most outsiders primarily associate the country with drug cartels, guerrilla violence, and kidnappings. This serious image problem is not without some grounding. Indeed, Colombia remains an integral force of the Andean cocaine industry, which yields an excess of US$10 billion yearly. Of that total, $8 billion goes directly to Colombia, but only $4 billion actually reaches the national economy—which claims a Gross Domestic Product (GDP) income of $281 billion. Without question, cocaine is big business, but the bulk of the profit is in retail—mostly on the streets of the United States (Clawson and Lee 1998). Colombian children often are recruited as ‘‘mules’’ for trafficking or as soldiers by the countless warring factions. With or without their families, many children will flee violent regional rural areas, seeking refuge in cities such as Bogota and Cartagena only to encounter other forms of violence. Both right- and left-wing terrorists and multiple paramilitary factions with some ties to the drug trade have been waging wars since la violencia began in 1948. Although the term la violencia marks chapters of Colombian history, it is also personalized by the people as an actor in their own lives: ‘‘la violencia took my land . . . , la violencia killed my parents.’’ The civil war has forced more than one million (about one in every seven) Colombians from their homes and villages into the seemingly safe hills around the capital city of Bogota. In fact, Colombia has more displaced persons than any other country except Sudan. According to the United Nations ‘‘The State of the World’s Children Report 2000’’ (United Nations 1999), women and children are the main victims of that country’s internal conflict. Many of them are also the chief perpetrators, as guerrilla and paramilitary groups have forced more than 20,000 children under the age of fifteen into their armed brigades—as soldiers, prostitutes, drug runners, or thieves. Some are recruited out of poverty; others are kidnapped from their homes. Children make up approximately 25 percent of the various militias in Colombia (Graca 2001). Under a new constitution (c. 1853) and after much dissension, the Roman Catholic Church was formally and legally ordained as separate from the state. Hence, clerics could no longer interfere with political appointments and judgments. At this time, the provincial legislature also voted to extend universal suffrage to women in 1853, but the national Supreme Court proceeded to annul the ordinance before they had a chance to exercise the right. The separation of the church from the state, however, was not annulled. A woman’s right to vote was not restored
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until 1954 (Safford and Palacios KEY FACTS – COLOMBIA 2002). Although late in receiving the right to vote, Colombian Population: 44,379,598 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 20.13 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) women began to win battles for Life expectancy at birth: 72.27 years (2007 est.) formal legal equality slowly after Literacy rate (age 15 and over): 92.5 percent (2003 est.) 1930, under the various dictatorNet primary school enrollment/attendance (2000–2005): ships (such as Rojas Pinilla, who 91 percent appointed his daughter to a cabiInternet users: 4.739 million (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 190,000 (2003 est.) net position). Eventually, married Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) rank: 10 (2006 est.) women won control over their own property and equal authority Sources: CIA World Factbook: Colombia. https://www.cia.gov/ library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/co.html. May 29, over minor children. In 1970, 2007; UNICEF: At a Glance–Colombia. http://www.unicef.org/ women made up 36 percent of infobycountry/colombia_statistics.html. May 29, 2007; United the work force; today they stand Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Colombia. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ at approximately 50 percent. countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_COL.html. May 29, 2007. Poverty remains a persistent social problem. In 1947, 80,000 people (or 0.72 percent of the population) earned one-third of the national income (Bushnell 1993). If poverty is defined as the degree to which individuals suffer inadequate housing, overcrowding, lack of services, lack of schooling, generalized illiteracy, high infant mortality rates, and overall living conditions that are scarcely above subsistence, then not enough has changed in the factors that distinguish wealthy urban from rural Colombian populations. OVERVIEW An overview of Colombia, the status of its children, and its institutions is a panorama of endemic violence, class inequality, and a national character of contradictory traits torn by social, cultural, political, and regional antagonisms and misunderstandings. Yet, the story of Latin America’s fourth-largest and third-most-populous nation consists of so much more than lives lost and opportunities wasted. It is a unique country that continues to yield a vigorous output of literature and art, as well as coffee, emeralds, and cut flowers (Shakespeare 1995). As a field of study, Colombia merits the attention of the world for the resilience of its people in the face of five decades of armed strife, the ‘‘magic realism’’ in the writings of Garcia Marquez, and the unforgettable ironic paintings of Fernando Botero—among other great contributions to the world (Bushnell 1993). The making of modern Colombia is a story larger than the steady news of drug wars and political violence. It is more than the peasant images of Juan Valdez in the coffee fields or Pablo Escobar in the coca fields. Colombia is a country of more than forty million people; half are younger than twenty years of age—people who for the most part earn
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their livelihood and seek their recreation in ways that are perfectly legal and not unlike those of neighboring countries. It is a nation possessing characteristics that are as ambivalent and mysterious as the Colombians themselves. EDUCATION Access to rudimentary primary public schooling is almost universal in Colombia; legally, schooling is compulsory until fourteen years of age. Yet, there remains a glaring contrast at the secondary level between urban and rural areas: only 7 percent of the rural population has access to postprimary schooling. A view of secondary education across the country reveals that students are now enrolled in more state secondary schools than in private secondary schools. This is significant because Colombia, like most other Latin American countries, tended to rely on private institutions for postprimary schooling. Until recently, these schools charged high tuitions and thus automatically excluded most of the population. Although private schools still exist to serve the upper classes, the educational bottleneck blocking the path of upward mobility is finally shifting. Overall progress in Colombian education is evident in the advance of basic literacy training and the fact that one-tenth of Colombians of university age are now enrolled in higher education. Looking back to 1950, a mere 1 percent of this age group was matriculated at a university. Today, Colombia has twenty-four public universities. Total public educational spending as a percentage of the GDP in 2001 was 4.4 percent—one of the highest rates in Latin America. In 1985 the percentage of government spending on education stood at 2.5. A total of 92.5 percent of the population is literate today (male: 92.4 percent; female: 92.6 percent). The country’s official literacy rate is at 93 percent in urban areas but only 67 percent in rural areas. Multiple nonprofit agencies, such as the Rockefeller and the Genesis Foundations, are working in Colombia to close the education gap. The principal reason for the rapid expansion of the education system was the significant increase in public funding, which grew five-fold between 1966 and 1986 (Wright 2007). The great infusion of national funding, along with the country’s rapid urbanization, led to the growing availability of education. This social and political movement, in turn, is reflected in the changing roles of women whose participation in the work force has increased from 15.4 percent in 1964 to almost 33 percent today. Colombian women usually enter domestic service as a stepping-stone to higher-status employment. Although major disparities in educational quality persist among social classes and regions, the ‘‘oligarchic’’ character of the Colombian state is becoming less controlling as a defining factor of life and learning (Bushnell 1993).
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PLAY AND RECREATION In a country so wrought by the crush of war for so long, it is difficult to think and write about play and recreation for children, many of whom are deprived of childhood by the circumstances of their times. Still, it is important to note that more than 4 percent of Colombia’s land is dedicated to twenty-seven national parks. These parks guarantee the protection of many species of plants and animals. Furthermore, they provide places and spaces where children can play. The most popular sport for Colombian children (and men) is soccer. Both young and old are passionate about their local teams (Bushnell 1993). In the cities, there are plaza de toros (bullrings) for bullfighting, which is a popular and often free spectator sport. In most regions of Colombia, children play hopscotch, which they call rayuela, and spin the bottle or la verdad, o se atreve, which translates as ‘‘truth or consequence.’’ Four people usually play this game; one spins, the person to whom the bottle points must pay a consequence by performing a silly action; then, a third person begins the game again. These are simple and priceless engagements for children and young adolescents. Colombians of all ages also love to dance. They dance the bambuco, the salsa, the cumbia, the vallenato, the bereju, the patacore, and the joropo— all with complex movements and strong drumbeats. CHILD LABOR Although child labor in all of Latin America is a huge problem, it is particularly the case in Colombia. Here, an estimated 2.5 million children are forced to work to support their families. Although Colombian law requires that children attend school until the age of fourteen, there is little oversight of this as compulsory. In fact, only 60 to 70 percent of all children actually leave school with a primary school diploma, particularly in the rural areas. The average work day for a child is six to seven hours; some will work as many as nine to twelve hours daily—for low wages and no health or unemployment benefits. They plant and harvest coffee, bananas, flowers, rice, as well as coca and cannabis for the drug trade. There are also allegations of children working the emerald mines, the coal mines, and the leather tanning industry. Legally, the basic minimum age for work established in the constitution is fourteen. Children ages fourteen to sixteen are only permitted to work a maximum of six hours daily. Children as young as twelve are allowed to work if determined to be a ‘‘Family’s Defender’’—in other words, a single mother or head of a family. Colombian law defines persons younger than the age of eighteen as minors and technically prohibits them from engaging in night work and jobs that may pose risks to their physical integrity (such as underground mining and the handling of explosives). Article 44 of the Colombian Constitution asserts the
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fundamental rights of children to ‘‘life, physical integrity, health, and social security. . . . They will be protected against any form of abandonment, physical or moral violence . . . economic or labor exploitation and risky works. They will enjoy as well, all the other rights . . . stipulated in the international treaties ratified by Colombia’’ (Bushnell 1993). Such is the law. Noncompliance however, is rarely—if ever—punished. Defense for Children International–Colombia has been active in documenting the plight of child laborers but, on the whole, nongovernment organization activity in this area has been minimal. Furthermore, Colombia has been cited by the Human Rights Watch as ranking among the worst violators of international norms against the recruitment and use of child soldiers. At least one of every four guerrilla members in Colombia is younger than eighteen years of age. Three guerrilla groups are primarily responsible for this horrific practice—the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the National Liberation Army (ELN), and the paramilitary organizations. In a 2003 report, ‘‘You’ll Learn Not to Cry: Child Combatants in Colombia,’’ Human Rights Watch documented how both guerrillas and paramilitaries exploit the desperation of poor children in rural combat zones. Some children join up for food, protection from domestic violence, and the promise of money; others are kidnapped or coerced at gunpoint. They are trained to use assault weapons, to participate in executions, torture, murder, and sexual exploitation. They are exposed to disease, exhaustion, injury, and sudden death. To escape is to risk their own execution and that of their families. In effect, the Colombian civil war is a machine that cannibalizes children. Their recruitment, exploitation, and ultimate displacement leads to a series of calamities that make it nearly impossible for them to find their way back to a ‘‘normal’’ life. The streets of Bogota, Cali, Medellin, and Cartagena are populated by gamines or ‘‘throwaway children’’ who have managed to get away from the violence, poverty, and family disintegration often found in the rural areas. To survive, they beg and steal and form street gangs to counter their loneliness and despair. In the 1990s, thousands of street children were murdered by ‘‘death squads’’ hired to clean up the streets. In 1997, the Colombian Congress passed a referendum called the ‘‘Children’s Mandate for Peace, Life, and Liberty,’’ calling for an end to civil strife and the release of children younger than eighteen years of age. Although the vote was symbolic, the referendum did play a political role in the subsequent presidential campaign. The only real outcome, however small, was the release of 180 children by the paramilitaries in 2002. More recently, individuals and voluntary organizations have launched programs to feed, house, clothe, educate, and reintegrate the children into society. Among them are the Save our Children networks of ‘‘Nueva Vida’’ villages, ‘‘El Proyecto de Vida’’ schools, a small collection of United Nations projects, and a few privately supported rehabilitation
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centers (Hill 2005). In global context, the plight of most Colombian children is a ‘‘story of failed leadership, lack of vision, the absence of courage, and passive neglect,’’ as characterized in a recent United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) report. FAMILY The civil conflict in war-weary Colombia has resulted in a high rate of rural to urban migration. For example, in the last fifty years, the population of capital city of Bogota has grown from 300,000 to more than six million. Naturally, both positive and negative socioeconomic developments have followed and influenced the traditional norms and patterns of family life. Thus, variations in Colombian family life are increasingly visible across region, social class, race, education, and income. Families at the bottom of the social ladder have been the most affected as evidenced by weakened kinship ties, less cohesion, more consensual unions, and a growing number of mother-centered households. Lower- and middle-class women experience fewer restrictions than women of higher social status. They usually need to be employed to help sustain the family, and their economic contribution gives them a degree of equality while remaining somewhat deferential to their husbands in the Colombian tradition. Also notable is that husbands of the lower classes, when present and visible within the family, usually live within the home of their wives’ extended families. Naturally, this would tend to limit their control over their wives and children. Among the upper classes, Colombian men tend to remain the authoritarian head of household. The roles and responsibilities for women are relatively clear-cut: she bears and raises the children; administers the household; and sometimes pursues a career in the arts, social welfare, and/or education. Typically, however, the upper-class woman does not work outside the home and church group after marriage. Because of the class-conscious nature of the Colombian people, women of status tend to marry more for reasons of upward mobility than love. Consequently, infidelity and divorce often follow. The Roman Catholic Church is another significant and influential factor of marriage and family life. Weddings for the upper class are usually elaborate and emblematic of family status. Other family events, such as baptisms, are likewise performed in churches. For the middle classes, civil marriages are increasingly recognized by church and state law. The lower classes, however, opt for consensual unions, in which both the religious and civil marriage ceremonies are forfeited. Despite efforts on the part of the Roman Catholic Church to formalize and legalize marriage for all classes, Catholic marriage is generally regarded as a social and economic burden by the lower classes of rural communities. Obtaining a divorce in Catholic Colombia is both difficult and expensive.
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The Colombian people establish relationships beyond the nuclear family unit. This extended circle of kinship is referred to as a system of compadrazgo—a complex form of ritual kinship born of ties with friends and relatives such as godparents (compadres). Some translate the institution as ‘‘copaternity.’’ Compadres offer advice, financial support, as well as political and business connections (CIA World Factbook 2004). Although legal reforms have extended equal civil and property rights to women, tradition still dominates the practices of all classes. HEALTH The ongoing violent conflict has caused the displacement of two million people over the course of five decades and led to a healthcare crisis of enormous proportions. While the displaced struggle to survive in urban slums, the villagers in remote areas are cut off from basic healthcare services, including immunization programs. Many people throughout the country suffer from mental disorders such as acute trauma, sleep disorders, depression, and malnutrition. Doctors Without Borders labeled the conflict and its resulting healthcare crisis among the ‘‘top ten underreported humanitarian stories of 2006’’ (Doctors Without Borders 2006). The group known as Doctors Without Borders has operated in Colombia since 1985. The organization provides essential medical services in urban and rural areas at both fixed and mobile clinics. They administer basic health care, vaccinations, reproductive health care, dentistry services, and psychosocial support. Furthermore, they educate families about their right to health care and provide information on how to gain access to the complicated government-run health system. Treating the displaced in urban slums and people living in outlying villages where violence erupts unpredictably is daunting for the international staff of forty-three who are assisted by a national staff of 178 (on average). Typically, the doctors see an average of 1,250 patients per month at a single urban clinic. The most common ailment afflicting children and others are respiratory infections, diarrheal diseases, acute viral infections, and malnutrition. In addition to providing health care, they train health staff and others on how to rehabilitate health structure and to implement water-sanitation and waste management systems. In rural areas and urban shantytowns, Doctors Without Borders provides for women and children a particular system of services that target the survivors of sexual violence, including psychological consultations, emergency contraception, appropriate drugs, and information on family planning methods. In the geography of rural, tropical coffee lands, anemia, typhoid, and malaria are common and often fatal when neglected. During the past century, the Colombian population multiplied ten-fold—from four million in 1900 to forty-two million in 2000. At midcentury, Colombia entered a demographic transition with a rapid increase
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of population followed by a decreasing rate of population growth. In the first phase (1950 to 1955) of the transition, fertility remained high, recording 6.8 births per fertile woman, whereas mortality declined (noting infant mortality to be 123.0 per 1,000). With the increasing population, conditions leading to greater mortality rates also increased; some of these are attributed to overcrowding, malnutrition, and illiteracy, which increased the risks of contracting infectious and parasitical diseases. With a growing supply of potable water, increased vaccination, preventive medicine, and the spread of antibiotics in the 1990s, the infant mortality rate declined to forty deaths per 1,000 (1990 to 1995) (Safford and Palacios 2002). During the last two decades, the principal causes of death are cardiovascular disease, cancer, and homicide. Most at risk today are young men between the ages of sixteen and thirty-four—primarily from homicide associated with the conflict and the drug trade. As the influence of the Catholic Church in Colombia weakens, women are more likely to obtain education, use contraception, work outside the home, and give birth to fewer children. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Over time, Colombian law has not favored children or women or any of the lower classes whose skin color is darker than that of the ruling elites. Colombian history is punctuated by sly evidence of such disfavor. For example, in an 1821 legal move to abolish slavery, the legislature declared only ‘‘freedom of wombs’’ (libertad de vientres). This law gave ‘‘children’’ born slaves but required that these children must continue to work for the same proprietors until they became eighteen years of age. Although laws purporting to protect children from all forms of violence and defend them from inappropriate prosecutions are on the books, international advocacy groups such as the Defence for Children International keeps a close watch on the actual efficacy of such laws and their intentions. Reform and national dialogue are ongoing in the Colombian legislature. Currently, children between the ages of twelve and eighteen who are in conflict with the law are held and prosecuted within a juvenile justice system that does not hold them criminally responsible. Criminal responsibility begins at age eighteen. The international campaign to hold ‘‘No Kids Behind Bars,’’ as well as the standards set forth by the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child is driving reform attempts in Colombia. In 2005, Defence for Children International submitted a report on violence against children to the United Nations Secretary General. To the embarrassment of many countries, including Colombia, the study revealed that while held in juvenile systems children faced abuse, torture, and brutality. Statistically, excessive methods of punishment and undue harsh treatment were severe and widespread, and went underreported and underrecognized. Children held in detention until trial
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dates were often housed along with adult criminals; this would lead to further abuse, most of it sexual in nature. Typically, the study found that the perpetrators of such crimes and violence against children were simply not prosecuted. The 1991 Colombian Constitution sets forth principles that strengthened the administration of justice and the protection of human rights of all people. In 1997, the constitutional court transferred from the military courts to civilian courts all cases involving the violation of human rights. While efforts to improve the legal system continue, the Colombian human rights record remained poor in 2001. Within this system the children are the most vulnerable and most defenseless. Colombia is a civil law country, whereas the United States is a common law country. Although the judicial system is in the process of becoming more like the United States in its prosecution of criminal matters, issues of divorce and custody cases are reviewed under the requirements of civil law. This means that juries are not used, and evidence and arguments tend to play a secondary role in judgment making. Married and unmarried parents in Colombia share equal rights of custody to their minor children. When disputes over children involve a Colombian and a non-Colombian parent, the courts will favor the Colombian parent and rarely grant custody to a parent residing outside Colombia. In cases of parental kidnapping, the courts do not honor extradition from Colombia (Plata 1987). The last twenty years have witnessed significant changes in the legal status of the Colombian family. In 1968, the legislature established paternal liability and thus created the basis for the Instituto Colombiano de Bienestar Familiar (ICBF), a government organization dedicated to protecting the rights of children. Women may also apply to the ICBF for assistance in their capacity as mothers; the ICBF does not help childless women who are being unfairly or cruelly treated by spouses or common law partners. In 1974, women were given rights and responsibilities within the family equal to those of men; property is jointly owned and the woman is no longer obliged to take her husband’s name. As the law continued to evolve, divorce was made legal in 1976 for couples married under civil law. Three years later, a law was passed strengthening the protection of minors. Soon after, a new law granted legitimate offspring, adopted children, and those born out of wedlock equal rights to inheritance. Finally, in 1981, the Colombian legislature ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, as adopted by the United Nations. The legal situation regarding marriage is complicated by the influence of the Catholic Church. A Catholic who marries within the Church may seek a legal separation but may not remarry. Divorce is only possible by marriage annulment, which can only be granted by Church authorities under canon law. Under a 1974 law, women who marry in the Church or in a civil ceremony are entitled to a separation agreement replete with the
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equal distribution of property. Negotiating the legal complexities of what can and cannot be done discourages those without the ability to pay attorney fees from marrying. Rather, such couples prefer to enter into consensual unions. Public understanding of how complicated marriage and divorce can be has not kept pace with the changing laws. It is here that women are most disadvantaged by society’s expectation that they remain faithful to the long tradition of dependency and passivity. Hence, although laws protecting women and children are written into the constitution and amended by subsequent legislatures exist on paper, in black and white, the important and weighty matters of compliance and accountability are not always observed in just ways. RELIGIOUS LIFE More than 90 percent of the Colombian people are Roman Catholic. Although there is a legal separation of church and state, the church remains—to some degree—a cultural and social force with the Colombian people. To some degree, it influences laws governing marriage and divorce, matters of contraception, sexuality, and procreation. Traditional views of both ecclesiastical and political leaders are being remarkably responsive to new knowledge and the questions posed by an increasingly educated Colombian public in mostly urban areas. Religious orders such as the Jesuits and Augustinians still maintain educational systems and opportunities in both urban and rural areas. As one would expect, religious traditions and practices in rural regions are slower to evolve with the times. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Colombian children and women are in peril daily of being shattered by the coalescing forces of war, poverty, neglect, exploitation, and the decisions they make to survive. According to the U.S. Department of State, the nation is a transit point for movement of victims from other Andean countries, and one of the Western Hemisphere’s major source countries for women and girls trafficked abroad for the purpose of sexual exploitation. They are trafficked to South, Central, and North America, the Caribbean, Western Europe, Japan, Hong Kong, and the Middle East. The government estimates that approximately 50,000 Colombian nationals engage in prostitution overseas and that countless have been trafficked for such purposes. Colombian men and boys are also trafficked for forced labor, use in crime networks and terrorist plots, as well as for sexual purposes. Still, the women and children remain the most vulnerable since they comprise the greater number of displaced rural Colombians. It is difficult to report precise numbers. What is known, however, is that Colombia harbors new ways of human trafficking involving young children,
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stolen babies, body parts (such as ovaries and ovules), labor exploitation, and recruitment for the domestic armed conflict (Human Rights Watch 2006). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY As Colombians proceed with life in the twenty-first century, there is clear evidence of steady-yet-unremarkable economic growth. Education is on the increase, women in urban areas enjoy more equality than ever before, but the phenomena of guerrilla warfare and drug-related violence still waxes and wanes with an unpredictability and a human cost that troubles anyone who cares. The state itself is vulnerable and dangerously weak. Problems of severe inequality in the distribution of income and services continue to threaten the nation’s stability and ensure that global community that the violence will not end anytime soon. Amidst this backdrop are the children—those whose parents can afford private schooling, vacations abroad, private security systems, and other luxuries, and those who populate the urban slums, the rural combat zones, the training camps of the paramilitaries, and the lonely streets at night. Neither the richest nor the poorest of Colombian children are ever really free to feel safe. Colombia is the least-studied Latin American country and the most misunderstood. Its children and women deserve more; they deserve the attention and assistance of the global community to find a cure for the pervasive violence that is the leading cause of death, destruction, and despair. They deserve to know that the world will not let them bear the human cost of the Colombian conflict alone and that their lives are no less important than our own. RESOURCE GUIDE Selected Bibliography ‘‘Activity Report on Colombia, 2006.’’ Doctors Without Borders. http://www. doctorswithoutborders.org/news/columbia.cfm. Bushnell, David. 1993. The Making of Modern Colombia: A Nation in Spite of Itself. CA: University of California Press, vii–x, 249–253. Clawson, Patrick, and Rensselaer W. Lee, III. 1998. The Andean Cocaine Industry. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 3–24. ‘‘Colombian Family Life.’’ 2004. Country Studies: CIA World Factbook. Washington, DC: Library of Congress. Hill, Catherine. 2005. Moral Imperatives, Professional Interventions and Resilience in Chaotic Situations: the Souls of Children Amidst the Horror of War. International Journal of Children’s Spirituality 10 (August 2005): 155–156. Human Rights Watch. 2006. Report on Children’s Rights 2006. Washington, D.C.: Human Rights Watch.
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Machel, Graca. 2001. The Impact of War on Children. London: Hurst & Company, 1–26. Plata, Maria Isabel. 1987. ‘‘Family Law and Family Planning in Colombia,’’ International Family Planning Perspectives 14: 109–112. Safford, Frank, and Marcos Palacios. 2002. Colombia: Fragmented Land, Divided Society. New York: Oxford University Press, ix–18. Shakespeare, Jocasta. 1995. ‘‘Colombia: Gardens of Shame.’’ London: The Observer, July 9. United Nations. 1999. The State of the World’s Children 2000. New York: United Nations. Wright, John W., ed. 2007. The New York Times Almanac. New York: Penguin Books, 557–558.
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COSTA RICA Manuel Barahona Montero, Silvia Frean, Alberto Mora Roman, Cristian Munduate Garcia, Rodolfo Osorio Ponce, and Renata Villers NATIONAL PROFILE1
Our interest is to eliminate poverty, but at the same time to attend to the cultural development of the country; so that we don’t arrive at a society of abundance without a cultivated spirit. —Jose Figueres Ferrer, Former President of Costa Rica, October 1973
Costa Rica is a small country located on the Central American isthmus between the Carribean Sea and the Pacific Ocean. Its population barely surpasses 4 million inhabitants. The 2002 Census reveals that the majority of the population identifies itself as having mixed heritage, with certain segments of the population identifying themselves with specific ethnic groups as follows: AfroCarribean (1.9 percent), Indigenous (1.7 percent), and ethnic Chinese (0.2 percent).2 Since the middle of the twentieth century, Costa Rica has become one of the middle-income countries of the world. By 2005, according to the United Nations
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Human Development Index, social development in Costa Rica ranked forty-seventh out of 177 countries. Costa Rica is a democratic republic. In 1949, the Costa Rican Army was abolished, and in 1983 the country proclaimed its ‘‘perpetual, active, and unarmed neutrality,’’ reaffirming its democratic and pacifist values. Toward a New Model of Development As a result of the economic crisis in the 1980s, Costa Rica began a gradual shift away from a state-run economy toward a more marketdriven economy, in line with the forces of globalization. The public sector’s main role as service provider became that of regulator. The economy also shifted from a dependence on agriculture to one largely based on the production of goods and services. Tourism represents almost 20 percent of all exports. Still, Costa Rica conserves high levels of social investment and indices of human development. Employment, Poverty, and Inequality Since the 1980s, women’s participation in the labor force has gradually increased, to 34 percent in 2004. Women have yet, however, to achieve equal pay as men. Structural unemployment has remained constant during the past decade (from 5 to 6 percent), with employment in agriculture continuing to contract, relative to the expansion of jobs in goods and services. This has also led to a steady increase of jobs in the informal sector as a percentage of total employment. Income distribution has also remained relatively stable over the past decade along with the level of poverty, with approximately 20 percent of the population living at or below the poverty line (Programa Estado de la Naci on 2005a). Human Development The country demonstrates a high level of human development, with relatively high levels of coverage in education and low levels of infant mortality, particularly in contrast to its economic development. The economic crisis of the 1980s affected the country’s ability to sustain investment in social welfare programs, including programs devoted to child and adolescent protection. In 1998 the National Protection System of Child and Adolescent Rights (SNPI), was created to guarantee balanced social protection for children and adolescents. Support for its implementation is poor, however, because of a lack of coordination among multiple government agencies, as well as weak ties to the community and civil society.
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Immigrant Population Since the 1980s, Costa Rican demography has been transformed by an influx of immigrants. Between 1984 and 2000, the number of persons born in Nicaragua and living in Costa Rica has grown from 45,914 to 226,374 (Programa Estado de la Naci on 2004). Immigration from Nicaragua is motivated by economic factors and has led to an increase in the demand for public services. In 2004, 18 percent of the births in Costa Rica were to foreign-born mothers, of which 85 percent were women of Nicaraguan origin. Demographic Transition Costa Rica is in the advanced stages of a demographic transition, with a projected inversion of its population pyramid and major implications for social policy and investment. By the middle of the century, the country will experience a demographic shift in the relation of its productive to economically dependent population, projected to reach sixty-one productive to 100 dependent persons. Senior citizens are expected to become the principal dependent group, with children decreasing as a proportion relative to the total population. In the future, the number of families that need to simultaneously attend children and older parents will increase. Additionally, there will be a shift in the epidemiological profile of the country, with a reduction in the relative importance of childhood-related illness toward a greater incidence of diseases that affect older populations (e.g., cancer, heart attack) and a re-emergence of sicknesses that are typical of developing countries (e.g., cholera, dengue). Housing In 1984, the shortage of family housing increased to 12,643 units. This gap grew to 23,855 units by 2000 with significant interregional disparities (INEC 2000). This is a situation that generates an unfavorable environment for the protection of children and adolescents. Recognition of Rights The country has initiated a judicial reform process for underage persons culminating in the Child and Adolescent Code (CAC). The CAC represents a legal framework that supports the rights of vulnerable social groups, including children, women, persons with special needs, and senior citizens. A series of related laws and agencies were created in the 1990s. Nevertheless, with the exception of the juvenile justice laws and
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KEY FACTS – COSTA RICA Population: 4,133,884 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 9.45 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Literacy rate (age 15 and over): 96 percent (2003 est.) Internet users: 1 million (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 12,000 (2003 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) rank: 4 (2006 est.)
the law against intrafamily violence, the country lacks effective systems for follow-up and evaluation of the new legislation. OVERVIEW3
Since the middle of the twentieth century, Costa Rica has experienced considerable progress in social development, with infant mortality decreasing to nine deaths per thousand live births and average life expectancy climbing to seventy-eight years (Programa Estado de la Naci on 2005b). Sustained advances in the health and education sectors have supported these gains, as has better access to potable water and sewage treatment (Barahona, Guendel, and Castro 2005). By 2005, the country ranked forty-seventh of 177 countries on the United Nations Human Development Index, placing it among the ranks of middle-income countries in terms of human development. The economic crisis of the 1980s provoked a setback in social progress on a number of fronts. At the same time, paradoxically, advances were achieved in legislation recognizing child and adolescent rights. The Convention on Child Rights and subsequent CAC, both passed in the 1990s, recognized children and adolescents as individuals that are subject to protection under the law, including the right to life, physical, moral, and psychological integrity, among others. To guarantee protection of these rights, SNPI was established to coordinate all public sector policies, programs, and actions in this area. Overall, advances in the protection of these rights have been marked by difficulties in putting them into practice, as explained below. An analysis of the national situation regarding progress toward guaranteeing respect for child and adolescent rights reveals a balance of important achievements and challenges. In education, significant gains have been made in terms of increased coverage in preschool through secondary education and in the creation of programs to improve educational outcomes for vulnerable populations. Nevertheless, public attention on the high rates of grade repetition and low rates of high school completion have led to growing concerns regarding the relevance and quality of public education. At the university level, the proliferation of unaccredited professional degrees poses additional challenges to the quality of education at that level. In health care, significant progress has been made in terms of the reduction of infant mortality, an increase in the average life expectancy,
Sources: CIA World Factbook: Costa Rica. https://www.cia.gov/ library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/cs.html. May 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Costa Rica. http://hdr.undp.org/ hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_CRI.html. May 29, 2007.
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and nearly universal coverage of the healthcare system. However, significant challenges remain, in particular relative to the shift in the population’s demographic and epidemiological profile, which will place considerable strain on the present healthcare model, as well as its sustainable finance. The number of children and adolescents involved in the workforce surpassed one hundred thousand in 2002. Although school attendance among children ages twelve to fourteen is relatively high (84 percent), it must be observed that fully one of every six children does not exercise his or her constitutional right to attend school. Moreover, among children that participate in the work force, only 20 percent attend classes, and 56 percent of these are more than two years behind in their studies, which demonstrates the strong negative impact of work on academic achievement and personal development (Programa Estado de la Naci on 2005b). State efforts to promote access to culture, sports, and recreation have been weakened by the low allocation of budget resources (0.3 percent of the gross domestic product) to this sector. Nevertheless, certain recent public sector efforts to extend cultural and recreational programs at the regional or local level, particularly those that attempt to reflect the multicultural nature of Costa Rican society, deserve mention. The worsening situation of aggression perpetuated against children at a national level (e.g., sexual abuse, domestic violence) could be interpreted as the failure of the state, the community, and the family to prevent and attend to these situations. SNPI was created to support implementation of the CAC. In practice, however, SNPI reflects important weaknesses such as poor interagency coordination, lack of ties to the community and civil society, and insufficient resources to carry out its mission, among others. SNPI is an unfinished system, as a result of difficulties in its implementation at the regional and local levels, for the benefit of the 38 percent of the national population younger than eighteen years of age. In this sense, United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has identified the involvement and strengthening of local representation and initiatives as a principal need to guarantee the protection of child and adolescent rights in the coming years. EDUCATION4 Education has long been a priority of the Costa Rican society and is the basis for sustainable economic and social development. The country invests 5.5 percent of its gross domestic product in education (Programa Estado de la Naci on 2005a). At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Costa Rica has achieved significant goals in terms of educational coverage in preschool through secondary education and the integration of specialized programs, such as information technology, to support educational outcomes. Nevertheless, today the country faces high rates of grade
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repetition and high school dropout, with a growing concern regarding the quality of public education. Basic Education Among the achievements of the public educational system is nearly universal coverage in primary school. A number of educational innovations oriented at improving student outcomes also stand out: the integration of information technology in the public school system, the inclusion of English as a second language, and the mainstreaming of physically and mentally challenged children. To improve access for students from rural areas, the country established single-teacher, multigrade schools. Other mechanisms to provide access for low-income groups include the provision of economic incentives that include stipends to cover school supplies, free transport, and free meals. According to the World Bank, however, the lack of more effective targeting undermines the ability of these programs to improve access for the children of the poorest families. Although universal primary education is an important and nearly accomplished goal, improving the quality of basic education remains a priority. In 2004, 23 percent of students that entered first grade dropped out before completing their primary education. Dropout rates have serious negative repercussions both for families and society, as low educational levels are highly correlated with poverty (Programa Estado de la Naci on 2005b). Grade repetition is among the key factors that explain low educational completion, as well as being an indicator of the relative inefficiency of an educational system. Fourteen percent of students repeated first grade in 2004. Falling behind in the basic areas of academic study such as reading generally precedes grade repetition. Two recent studies were conducted by the private non-profit organization Amigos del Aprendizaje and researchers at Harvard University, in which the first revealed a close relationship between grade repetition in first grade and reading difficulties. The second study on preschool education noted the lack of articulation between kindergarten and first grade, indicating an opportunity for future efforts to prevent grade repetition and school failure in the early years (Rolla, Villiers, and Arias 2005). Similar findings are presented in a recent World Bank report. Secondary Education Public high school education is provided from the seventh through twelfth grades and is mandatory through the ninth grade. Although net enrollment of students in high school is 70 percent, only 30 percent of those students that begin primary school complete their secondary education (Programa Estado de la Naci on 2005b). Significant achievement
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gaps persist in secondary education: only 15 percent of the poorest students graduate from secondary education versus 59 percent of the wealthiest students. Furthermore, students from rural families were only half as likely as those from urban sectors to graduate from high school. In comparison with other Latin American countries, high school completion rates are relatively low. Repetition and educational quality are key factors, with students taking on average 10.32 years to complete 6 years of secondary education (Costa Rican Ministry of Education 2004). Although the country lacks a national system of student assessment for quality control purposes, the national qualifying exams, which establish minimum standards for graduation, shed some light on the state of public education. In 2004, for example, only 66 percent of the students that took the ninth-grade Spanish exam and 21 percent of those that took the Mathematics exam managed to pass (Programa Estado de la Naci on 2005). University Education Twenty-six percent of the population between the ages of eighteen and twenty-four were estimated as attending university in 2004. Despite the importance of the public universities by 1998, private universities have displaced public universities as the source of the most graduates. There are important concerns regarding the lack of accreditation and quality assurance in university education. Voluntary national accreditation by 2005 had accredited only 2 percent of university degree programs, making this a pending issue for educational reform (Programa Estado de la Naci on 2005a). Challenges Ahead Further advances by Costa Rica in educational participation rates and the efficiency and equity of education are inextricably tied to improving the quality of the educational system overall. Public debate focuses on the need for educational reform to improve the quality of public education from preschool through high school. Potential recommendations being discussed include increasing the percentage of the national budget dedicated to public education; improving infrastructure; updating national curricula; investing in teacher capacity-building in association with appropriate incentives for practice; improving teaching of reading and mathematics in basic education; and creating stronger links among educational levels from preschool through high school to ensure support for vulnerable populations. PLAY AND RECREATION5 The Convention on the Rights of the Child guarantees the active commitment of families, communities, and the state in the fulfillment of
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children and adolescent rights to culture, play, and recreation. The lack of systematic information available on the wide range of public and private sector initiatives presents a serious limitation in the analysis of the impact of efforts in this area. What follows then is an attempt to summarize the major public sector efforts to promote culture and recreation among children and adolescents. Anthropologically speaking, the Costa Rican citizen is ‘‘Central American, multicultural, multiethnic, and multilingual’’ (Cuevas 1999), a definition that reflects society’s active interest in cultural identity. The Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports (MCJD), created in 1971, works to promote and conserve cultural diversity and to facilitate participation in cultural, artistic, sports, and recreational programs, without discrimination with regard to gender, ethnicity, or geographic location. Since the passage of the CAC in 1998, the MCJD has worked to link the right to play, culture, and recreation with other fundamental rights of the underage population. In 2002, investment in culture and recreation represented 0.8 percent of total public investment in the social sector, roughly equivalent to 0.3 percent of the gross domestic product. The greater concentration of cultural and recreational initiatives around the capital, San Jose, represents a persistent challenge for public policy. Among the many cultural institutions and annual activities supported by the MCJD in which children and adolescents are active participants, the following stand out: . . . . . . . .
The The The The The The The The
Annual Festival of Art; MCJD Museums; Museum of Shape, Space, and Sound; Jose Figueres Ferrer Cultural and Historic Center; National Music Institute; Annual Youth Festival of Pop Culture; Castella Conservatory; and Costa Rican Youth Symphonic Orchestra.
Promoting reading has also been a stated objective of various governmental ministries, for which some efforts exist. San Jose has an extensive system of youth libraries, and many of the other municipalities offer youth reading rooms, or a ‘‘Youth Corner.’’ However, in 2002, the declared deficit of libraries in public schools (n = 747) surpassed the number of libraries in operation (n = 433), making it clear that much of the population lacks significant access to reading materials (State of the Nation 2004). Additionally, none of these are lending libraries, and citizens lack basic information regarding their location and hours of operation.
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To promote better educational programming for children and adolescents, the MCJD has also created a network of independent National Cultural Radio and Television stations. Nevertheless, the lack of strategic vision coupled with budgetary restrictions have kept this network from achieving any significant impact. In 1998, the Costa Rican Institute of Sports and Recreation was created to promote sports and recreational activities that contribute to the population’s overall state of health. Among the programs it supports is the National Student Games, designed to promote healthy competition among Costa Rican students through sports championships. Local governments and communities have also developed a wide variety of other recreational initiatives. Various communities have shown renewed interest in traditional games (e.g., hopscotch, marbles, jacks, wood cars, rag dolls). Many of the games are played outdoors and have been replaced by video games and other electronic games because of the problems of citizen safety and security. The county of Barva, Heredia, has made efforts to recuperate traditional toys and activities such as masquerades. Although visible national and regional programs exist to support the participation of children and adolescents in the arts, culture, and recreation, greater progress in this area is limited by a lack of public perception for the need to do more; clear national objectives; interinstitutional coordination, community, and civil society involvement; as well as resources allocated to efforts in this area. CHILD LABOR6 In the first five years of the 1990s, the Costa Rican government and society began to address the growing problem of child labor. The country’s first study on the topic (1994) established that 152,128 children and adolescents (17 percent) between the ages of five and seventeen were involved in income generating activities (Torrico 1996). From that moment on, Costa Rica assumed a position in favor of the prevention and gradual eradication of child labor for children under the age of fifteen and protection for adolescents, sixteen to seventeen years of age, that take part in labor activities. In 1995, 13 percent of the total population younger than eighteen years of age participated in the labor market, with involvement increasing according to age: five to eleven years (4 percent), twelve to fourteen years (16 percent), and fifteen to seventeen years (33 percent). Household survey data reveal four basic categories for children, ages twelve to seventeen, in relation to school and work: (1) those that only study, (2) those that study and work, (3) those that only work, and (4) those that neither study nor work. An analysis of the data for these categories demonstrates that the country has made steady progress on reducing child labor over the period from 1995 to 2004. Those that only work decreased from 13 to 6 percent of adolescents. Adolescents that only
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Figure 5.1. Relative Distribution of the Population between Twelve and Seventeen Years of Age, According to the Combination of Study and Work, by Year, 1955–2004 ~ y la AdoSource: Ramos 2005. Informe de consultorıa para el V Estado de los Derechos de la Ninez lescencia. UNICEF-UCR.
study increased from 65 to 81 percent. Those that study and work decreased from 7 to 4 percent. Finally, adolescents that neither study nor work decreased from 14 to 10 percent over this period. In absolute terms, looking at the period from start to finish, the number of underage persons involved in labor activities continues to surpass the 100,000 mark. The occurrence of child labor appears to be strongly linked to cyclical downturns in the country’s economy. Although the country has succeeded in reducing the frequency of child labor, the number of underage working persons remains high for a democratic society such as Costa Rica with a strong tradition of respect for human rights. Without a doubt, improving coverage and diversifying modalities for secondary education emerges as a first-order alternative to reduce the incidence of child labor. The 2002 Household Survey reveals that Costa Rica has a child and adolescent population between the ages of five and seventeen years of 1,113,987. Of those, 113,523 (10 percent) participate in the labor market, of which 73 percent are boys; and 74 percent live in rural areas. The Household Survey also reveals that 44 percent of persons younger than eighteen years of age that participate in the labor market had less than the fifteen years of age required by law to work. Early entrance into the labor market is also reflected in unemployment indicators. The Household Survey indicates that unemployment among persons between sixteen and twenty years of age (17 percent in 2004) is nearly triple the national rate.
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Table 5.1. Important Legislation on Child and Adolescent Labor 1974: Convention 138 of the International Labor Organization established fifteen years of age as the minimum for lawful employment. 1990: Ratification of the Convention on the Rights of the Child by the United Nations introduced the Comprehensive Protection Doctrine as a new legal paradigm. 1998: Passage of the Child and Adolescent Code (CAC) established the legal framework for the protection of child and adolescents rights. 2001: Ratification of Convention 182 by the International Labor Organization eliminated the worst forms of child labor. Source: Based on the personal communication of Esmirna Sanchez, Chief of the office of Attention and eradication of Child and Adolescent Labor. Ministry of Labor, Costa Rica. March 2006.
In summary, the country’s experience to eradicate child labor reveals that (1) Costa Rica has made modest progress toward reducing the percentage of children and adolescents engaged in work; (2) serious cultural challenges exist to further reduce the demand and supply of child labor; (3) this goal is neither short-term nor the sole responsibility of any one government, but must be part of the state’s overall social policy; (4) improvement in the coverage and diversity of secondary education will reduce child labor; and (5) a successful approach requires the political will of government entities and international technical and financial cooperation. Costa Rica has adopted almost all of the internationally recommended measures to eradicate child labor and to offer protection for adolescent workers. In addition, the country has passed national legislation that strengthens the commitments of the international conventions. The overall situation of child labor in Costa Rica reflects a balance between achievements and pending challenges. The country remains faithful to its heritage of respect for human rights by making steady progress toward the eradication of child labor while acquiring political experience to better deal with the problem. FAMILY7 In harmony with the international human rights movement and the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Costa Rican Political Constitution (COPOL) defines the family as ‘‘the natural and fundamental element of society that therefore has a right to protection by the society and State.’’ COPOL recognizes marriage as the essential base of the family, indicating that spouses share equal rights and obligations. It further asserts that children born in, or out of, marriage are considered equal by law. Nontraditional family arrangements enjoy the same constitutional protection as
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marriage. State institutions are obligated to collaborate with all family unions, protecting in all cases the superior interests of children. Although separation and divorce by civil means has been legal in Costa Rica since 1888, divorce through mutual consent did not become legal until 1974. In 2004, four of every ten marriages ended in divorce. Protection Through the Family Code (1973), Costa Rica has approved a series of laws during the past ten years that provide regulation on such sensitive topics as domestic violence, common-law marriage, the rights of underage persons, senior citizens, and handicapped persons, international adoption, the rights of children born from extramarital relationships, parental responsibility for children, and responsible fatherhood. Children and adolescents face many problems stemming from unrecognized parents. For example, in 1998, 49 percent of births occurred out of wedlock, and 28 percent involved an unrecognized father (UNICEF 2003). The majority of births with an undeclared father are related to teenage pregnancy. Since the passage in 2001 of the Law of Responsible Fatherhood, there has been a 20 percent reduction in births involving ‘‘unknown fathers.’’ The CAC upholds the rights of children and adolescents to know their parents, to be cared for by them, and to belong to a family. When these rights are in danger, the CAC calls on competent public institutions to support families. Costa Rica has made significant progress in the construction of the Social Protection Network, which includes actions in the area of housing, directed towards impoverished groups, form part of the network. Despite the progress made by Costa Rica, comprehensive policies do not exist to promote the integral protection of families as a whole. The prevailing logic in social assistance programs continues to focus on special categories, such as poor households headed by women. Domestic violence represents the violation of human rights within families and continues to be a serious national problem. In 2003, the country reported twenty-nine cases of female homicide. Sixty percent of these involved a father, husband, ex-partner, or friend. A pending challenge in family protection is finding a balance between the state’s obligation to protect individuals and families and its desire to respect the right to privacy. Not only individual interests are stake, but collective and public social interests as well. Finding the right balance is difficult. Family Structure Fully 70 percent of all Costa Rican families represent a nuclear family of father, mother, and children. Other family structures are represented in descending order of importance: extended families (16 percent), single-
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person (9 percent), and those without a traditional nucleus (3 percent). An important trend is the increase in female-headed households (23 percent). Within the context of the demographic transition, family size is decreasing. In part, this is the result of greater female participation in the labor force and lower fertility rates during the past decade. In summary, new trends are altering the structure and behavior of families. Among the key trends are smaller family units, an increase in the proportion of female-headed households, the delay and decrease of marriage versus civil union, and greater sharing of economic responsibility between men and women. Although family structure appears to have varied little from the nuclear family of the past, the changing dynamics among family members are significant. HEALTH8 Costa Rica has made significant progress in health care. The country is consistently ranked among the top forty countries in the world in terms of basic health indicators by the World Health Organization. By 2004, infant mortality decreased to nine deaths per one thousand live births and life expectancy at birth reached seventy-eight years, comparable with that of industrialized countries (Programa Estado de la Naci on 2005). Coverage under the public national health insurance system (CCSS) is nearly universal. Reform efforts in the mid-1990s to decentralize health care, improve community participation in healthcare services, and provide preventive care for infants have been largely successful. Despite considerable progress, however, significant challenges remain. Regional disparities represent a persistent challenge. The population around the Great Metropolitan Area enjoys better indicators of health than the population located in rural areas. Costa Rica’s shifting demographic and epidemiological profile poses a serious challenge to public finances and the health care model itself, as it is strained to respond to the more expensive chronic diseases of an increasingly aging population (e.g., diabetes, cancer, hypertension). The sustained debt of the state to the CCSS represents another long-term challenge to achieving sustainable financing for the Costa Rican healthcare system. Healthcare Reform Since the mid-1990s, Costa Rica has experimented with healthcare reform to improve and decentralize the provision of primary healthcare services to vulnerable populations. To achieve this, the country was divided into 100 healthcare zones, served by twenty-nine hospitals and community-based clinics, with mobile teams of physicians and nurses to provide local medical care. According to a recent World Bank study, results to date have been highly positive.
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As part of the reform, the Child Integral Care Program was created to improve access to primary care for infants and young children. Currently, 89 percent of infants younger than one year of age are covered, with 52 percent coverage for children from one to six years of age.9 Vaccination coverage to protect infants from basic childhood diseases has reached 87 percent, with the incidence of malnutrition among preschool children decreasing to 5 percent in 2004. Breastfeeding, which is on the increase, continues to contribute to better nutrition among infants, with 70 percent of infants from four to six months receiving breast milk in 2004.10 The Adolescent Integral Care Program, created in 1989, aims to help protect and improve the physical and mental health of the ten- to twentyfour-year-old population. Among its innovations is the ‘‘Count on me’’ hotline, which provides free advice to young people on sexual and social concerns. Access to Clean Water Gains in public health have been complemented by access to clean water and sewage treatment. Ninety-five percent of the Costa Rican population has access to drinking water and 89 percent to sewage systems, even in rural areas where access is greater than 80 percent (World Bank 2003). Morbidity and Mortality The main causes of hospital visits for children between five and nine years of age are respiratory system illnesses, digestive system illnesses, and external causes (trauma, injuries, burns, poisoning, and others). However, for the population between ten and seventeen years of age, the main causes of hospital visits are pregnancy, child delivery, and postpartum complications. The increase in the incidence of suicides by young people suggests a need for stronger action on the part of the state to promote the integral development of this population. Of the 2,210 suicides that occurred during the 1986–1998 period, 25 percent corresponded to persons younger than twenty-five years of age. Moreover, the suicide rate per 100,000 inhabitants of the ten- to fourteen-year-old age group doubled during this period. Sexual Education In 2004, a national program was established to integrate sex education into the national educational curriculum. The Sexual Education Department, created in 2000, plays an active role in the preparation and distribution of teaching materials and teacher training throughout the country. Survey results show that Costa Ricans receive information regarding contraceptive methods from when they are young. Nevertheless, although
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most women have access to contraception, the most vulnerable groups lack adequate information regarding its use and family planning in general. The lack of awareness among youth regarding sexually transmitted disease is also troubling. Although 96 percent of the population between thirteen and seventeen years old reports some awareness about AIDS, only 80 percent acknowledges it as a sexually transmitted disease. Health workers are concerned as well with the recent increase in teenage pregnancies. Fertility rates for women between the ages of fifteen and nineteen are thirty times greater than fertility rates for the overall female population. Teen pregnancies represent a major risk factor because more than 40 percent of the births from mothers younger than fourteen years of age are underweight, as compared with 25 percent for mothers between twenty and forty-five years of age (UNICEF 2001, 2004). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS11 The passage of the international Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1990 marked the first time that the international community of children and adolescents were recognized as subjects with rights protected by the law. It was not until years later, however, that the signatory countries created the legislation needed to support these guarantees, which also reflect important political and cultural changes within each country. The 1998 CAC serves as the legal framework to guarantee child and adolescent rights. In essence, the CAC promotes and protects the basic human rights established by the Convention on the Rights of the Child. It explicitly recognizes the right of underage persons to participate in administrative and judicial procedures. To put these rights into effect, the CAC established SNPI to articulate social protection between the public and private sectors, as well as the various government agencies charged with protecting child and adolescent rights. The Juvenile Justice Law is one of the most important laws the country has in regard to adolescents. The passage of this law differentiates between criminal and social problems. To enforce this law, the country established a juvenile justice system with specialized public prosecutors, defenders, and police, as well as a separate court system and a detention center for children in conflict with the law. Its impact was immediate. One month after the law’s application in 1996, detainees at the country’s youth detention center were reduced from 104 to a mere twenty-five persons. The law carries a maximum prison sentence of ten years for youth twelve to fifteen years of age and a fifteen-year maximum for youth fifteen to eighteen years of age. Despite the increased years of prison sentences, in practice other measures of a more social and educational nature are generally applied. These characteristics have made Costa Rica’s Juvenile Justice Law a model within the region.
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Recent intensified expressions of urban violence associated with youth gangs or maras have provoked policy discussion throughout Central America. The discussion centers on suppressing the right of due process, lowering the age of penal impunity, and increasing detainment in cases of underage persons. This is not a topic on the Costa Rican public agenda, given the absence of maras within the country and the relatively low level of youth violence, despite public perception to the contrary. In 1999, the law against commercial sexual exploitation of children redefined sexual crimes, achieving important advances in the reconceptualization of crimes included in the national penal code (rape and abuse) and in the creation of new penal figures (commercial sexual encounters with underage persons, production and distribution of pornography involving underage persons). The application of this law has facilitated the prosecution of intermediaries involved in sexual crimes against children, as well as the prosecution of the exploiters themselves. The National Children’s Institute (PANI) has a constitutional mandate to provide special protection for children and adolescents. The PANI, together with other civil and governmental institutions, forms SNPI. SNPI comprises two fundamental parts: (1) public institutions that provide necessary services in order to fulfill rights and (2) citizens that monitor and demand the fulfillment of these rights (Guardianship Committees for the Rights of Children and Childhood and Adolescent Local Protection Boards). To date, however, SNPI has been largely ineffective in part because of poor interagency coordination, lack of local systems of protection, weak links to the community, and low resource allocation to carry out its mission, among others. As a signatory country to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the challenge for Costa Rica in the twenty-first century is to guarantee comprehensive protection to the 1.5 million underage persons (38 percent of the country’s population) through the articulation of the efforts of multiple public and private stakeholders, including the state, families, and communities. RELIGIOUS LIFE12 Official Religion The official religion of Costa Rica is Catholicism, as stated in the 1949 COPOL, which also establishes religious freedom. Seven of ten Costa Ricans declare themselves to be Catholic. Eighteen percent acknowledge that they are ‘‘Christian but not Catholic.’’ The proportion of the population claiming no religion increased to 10 percent, and those claiming other religious affiliations increased to 2 percent. A reduction in the percentage of self-declared Catholics is observed in the medium time frame, whereas an increase in the percentage of practicing Protestants is expected.
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A 2001 study revealed the existence of at least 230 religious associations, with 2,779 local congregations and operation of more than 220 evangelical service agencies. Sixty-four percent of these associations are Pentecostal denominations attended by 3,000 evangelical pastors. Youth and Religion Baptism represents the initiation of youth into the Catholic religion. Religious education in public schools is supported by the COPOL, since 1940. The majority of children have their first Communion by the third grade. Communion comes after three years of preparation in the Catechism, which is organized by the parishes, and in some cases, in coordination with educational centers. Many children go on to have their Confirmation, but not all youth complete it. Religious affiliation is influenced by the family in Protestant denominations, as well as in other religions. Children learn about the Bible and the principles of different religions through ‘‘Sunday School.’’ In recent years, religious denominations have lobbied for equal treatment in religious education in the public schools. This has led to the freedom of students not to participate in religious instruction. Non-Christian families (e.g., Jewish, Muslim, Buddhist, Hindu, Quaker) involve their children and adolescents in diverse forms of religious education according to their beliefs and spiritual practices. Religious Education Within its social teachings, the Catholic Church of Costa Rica has organized the Youth Pastoral, which reflects the recommendations made by the XXIII Ordinary Assembly of the Latin American Episcopal Counsel (CELAM). CELAM (2003) motivates the different Episcopal Conferences to promote the Pastoral and to incorporate a commitment to formation in faith, defense of life, and child and adolescent rights. The church holds a special Mass on the Day of the Child (September 9, according to Costa Rican law) to renew this commitment, with the Archbishop of San Jose giving the annual Mass. The Catholic Youth Pastoral mainly works with the Catechism, while also conducting social work on behalf of the poor. The Don Bosco Youth Shelter, which offers educational and vocational programs for the poor, is a primary example. The Protestant denominations also work with the poor and support respect for child and adolescent rights. World Vision is a Protestant entity that supports child and adolescent rights and welfare. For almost 20 years, World Vision has promoted sustainable development within the poorest and most geographically isolated communities of Costa Rica, particularly the Chorotega and Huetar North regions.
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Beyond the religious teachings in public education, diverse Catholic congregations have private schools that include in-depth religious formation. On a smaller scale, some Protestant communities have their own private schools, and the Jewish community has its own educational system. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT13 Physical and psychological abuse within and outside the family, as well as sexual exploitation, represents a denial of children’s rights with significant and often irreversible effects on personal and social development. Although it is difficult to estimate the number of children who fall victim to such violations, an analysis of the cases reported to government agencies and filed through the judicial system yields a useful approximation. In general, any such effort is limited by the scarcity of information, as well as by taboos and fears around reporting of these situations. For 2004, a total of 6,388 cases of domestic violence were reported, of which 12 percent corresponded to children younger than nine years of age and 9 percent for children ten to fourteen years of age. In general, as age increases, so does the incidence of female victims.14 According to PANI,15 in 2004 the main reason to protect children were family conflicts (44 percent), negligence (16 percent), physical abuse (8 percent), and sexual molestation (5 percent). The principal causes of child mistreatment requiring medical attention, as registered by the National Children’s Hospital during the 2000–2005 period, were physical abuse (43 percent) and sexual molestation (36 percent).16 Sexual Molestation A survey conducted by UNICEF in 1998 states that 30 percent of respondents were aware of child prostitution in their community. The growing awareness of commercial sexual exploitation of underage persons, and the need to face this issue, led to the creation of the Working Commission against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children and Adolescents, involving the participation of more than twenty public, private, and civil society organizations. The work of the Commission has led to the modification of legislation that effects the prosecution of sexual offenders, such as the Law on Sexual Exploitation of Minors (1999). Civil society has also played a key role in the fight against commercial sexual exploitation. Since 1990, several organizations have promoted public awareness around this issue by running informational campaigns, training social sector workers, and implementing programs that care for the victims of sexual exploitation. As part of these efforts, in 1994 the first report on commercial sexual exploitation in Costa Rica was
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published. This was followed in 1996 by a publication on the relationship between tourist activities and the commercial sexual exploitation of underage persons. These studies have helped identify poverty, school drop-out, and domestic violence as the main risk factors for the commercial sexual exploitation of children and adolescents. Recent findings from the project on Geographic and Social Mapping of the Trade Routes of Sexual Exploitation of Minors in Costa Rica confirms a relationship between sexual tourism and organized crime in the country. In response to this situation, the Paniamor Foundation, in collaboration with the government and various organizations representing private sector interests in tourism, initiated since 2003 a campaign to promote a new Code of Conduct for the Protection of Children and Adolescents against Commercial Sexual Exploitation in Tourism. Among the project’s principal achievements to date are the active involvement of the Costa Rican tourism chambers and associations, direct participation on the part of 148 tourism companies, training of 3,140 tourism sector employees, and the inclusion of the Paniamor Foundation on the World Steering Committee for the Code of Conduct. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY17 Costa Rica is challenged to conserve the advances in social investment, culture, and peace achieved by the end of the twentieth century. At the same time, the country strives to improve indices of social equity and respond to increasing demands for improvement in social services. The children and adolescents of the twenty-first century experience a world in constant change, bombarded by information, which demands new and higher forms of communication, of which the Internet symbolizes its maximum expression. As the children of this generation grow up, they will experience situations without precedent, for which opportunities for personal development will be society’s greatest legacy. What follows is a summary of the major trends and challenges that Costa Rican children and adolescents face growing up in the twenty-first century. Demographic Transition Costa Rica is in the midst of a demographic and epidemiological transition, with major implications for public and social policy. Population projections for the middle of the century show that the elderly will soon outstrip the young in terms of their absolute and relative numbers in the total population. This implies that by 2050 the group benefiting from the welfare state will be proportionately larger than the group financing it. At the same time, the financial strain on the healthcare system will grow as it needs to adapt to respond to the chronic diseases of a maturing population (e.g., diabetes, cancer, hypertension).
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Toward a Knowledge-Based Society Costa Rica is developing into a goods and services–based economy, where knowledge will be the driver of economic and social development. This will require profound changes in the country’s educational system and its science and technology platform to support the development of skills and capacities needed to compete and participate in a global society. Key to these changes will be an educational reform capable of improving management, relevance and equity of the public educational system. Similarly, it will be important to extend access and use of digital technologies to all citizens to enhance learning and increase productivity in multiple sectors of society.
Empowerment The passage of the Convention on Child Rights and later the Code on Children commits Costa Rica to a new vision of integral protection of the rights of children and adolescents. Although the importance of this legislative advance is undeniable, the challenge will be to put the framework into practice, for which the active involvement of multiple sectors and stakeholders is important. Advances in the area of human rights have always been accompanied by a social movement that demands their recognition and achievement. The empowerment and direct participation of citizens, children, and adolescents in this process will be critical to pass from rhetoric to the enjoyment of rights for all children and adolescents.
Local Role Successful international and municipal experiences around the country demonstrate the importance of the local role in fostering effective protection for children and adolescents. The inclusion of a greater role for local and community initiatives must be an integral part of state-wide reform if progress is to be made toward guaranteeing respect for child and adolescent rights.
Modernization of SNPI Living up to the ambitious goal of becoming a child-friendly state will require strengthening and modernization of SNPI. It will be important to achieve better articulation among the multiple government agencies involved in its implementation, improve coordination between national, regional and local levels, update programs, and increase ties to local and civil society organizations.
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NOTES 1. Section prepared by Manuel Barahona. Although each section was prepared by a specific author(s), the chapter as a whole represents the synthesis of the perspectives of each of the individuals that collaborated in this effort. The authors also wish to acknowledge the generous contributions of other national authorities representing nongovernmental organizations, government entities, and academics who contributed material and time to this effort. 2. Putnam, 2002. 3. Section prepared by Manuel Barahona. 4. Section prepared by Renata Villers, who acknowledges the important contributions of Melissa Arias and Andrea Rolla San Francisco of Amigos del Aprendizaje. 5. Section prepared by Manuel Barahona and Rodolfo Osorio. They thank Adriana Collado, Director of Culture at the Ministry of Culture, Youth, and Sports, for her collaboration. 6. Section prepared by Rodolfo Osorio and Manuel Barahona, in part based on information provided by Lic. Esmirna Sanchez Vargas, Chief of the Office of Attention and Eradication of Child and Adolescent Labor Protection, National Director of Social Security at the Ministry of Labor, Costa Rica. 7. Section prepared by Silvia Frean and Manuel Barahona. 8. Section prepared by Alberto Mora. 9. CCSS, 2004, 8–9. 10. CCSS, 2006. 11. Section prepared by Silvia Frean and Manuel Barahona. 12. Section prepared by Manuel Barahona. 13. Section developed by Alberto Mora. 14. Ministry of Health, 2005, 21. 15. PANI personal email communication, March 2006. 16. Department of Statistics, National Children’s Hospital, personal email communication, March 2006. 17. Section prepared by Manuel Barahona.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Barahona, Manuel, Ludwig Guendel, and Carlos Castro. 2005. Polıtica social y reforma social ‘‘a la tica.’’ Un caso paradigmatico de heterodoxia en el contexto de una economıa periferica. Ginebra, Suiza. UNRISD. Serie Polıtica social y desarrollo, No. 20. Programa Estado de la Naci on. 2005. Estado de la Naci on en Desarrollo Humano Sostenible, Undecimo Informe. San Jose: Programa Estado de la Naci on. http://www.estadonacion.or.cr. Rolla, A., R. Villers, and M. Arias. July 2, 2005. ‘‘Quality Early Childhood Education in Costa Rica: Policy, Practice, Outcomes and Challenges.’’ Early Years 25. http://www.journalsonline.tandf.co.uk. Ruiz, A. 2005. Universalizacion de la educacion secundaria y reforma educativa. Estado de la Nacion, San Jose, Costa Rica. http://www.estadonacion.or.cr. San Francisco, A. R., M. Arias, R. Villers, and C. Snow. Forthcoming. ‘‘La importancia de las dificultades de lectura y la familia: Factores que influyen en la
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decisi on de los profesores sobre la repetici on de curso de los alumnos de primer grado en Costa Rica.’’ Aula abierta. Sauma, Pablo. 2005. Pobreza, desigualdad del ingreso y empleo. San Jose: Ponencia para el XI Informe sobre el Estado de la Naci on en Desarrollo Humano Sostenible. http://www.estadonacion.or.cr. Trejos, Juan Diego. 2005. La equidad del Gasto P ublico Social en el 2003. Ponencia para el XI Informe sobre el Estado de la Naci on en Desarrollo Humano Sostenible. http://www.estadonacion.or.cr. United Nations Human Development Index, Human Development Report, 2005. http://hdr.undp.org. UNICEF. 2005. Estrategia de abordaje comunitario de la protecci on social integral de ~ y la adolescencia. San Jose: UNICEF. Documento de los derechos de la ninez trabajo del Programa 2. ~ y la Adolescencia en Costa ———. 2004. Cuarto Estado de los Derechos de la Ninez Rica. San Jose: UNICEF/UCR. World Bank. ‘‘Costa Rica Social Spending and the Poor,’’ Report No. 24300-CR, Human Development Sector. Washington, D.C., http://web.worldbank.org/ WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/LACEXT/COSTARICAEXTN/0,,con tentMDK:20252791pagePK:141137piPK:141127theSitePK:295413,00.html.
Web Sites Asociaci on Amigos del Aprendizaje, ADA. http://www.ada.or.cr. Conferencia Episcopal de Costa Rica, http://www.iglesiacr.or.cr. Consejo Episcopal Latinoamericano (CELAM), http://www.celam.org. Consejo Mundial de Iglesias, http://www.oikoumene.org/es. Instituto Costarricense del Deporte y la Recreaci on, http://www.icoder.go.cr. Instituto Nacional de Estadıstica y Censos, http://www.inec.go.cr. Instituto Nacional de las Mujeres (INAMU). Indicadores de Genero, http:// www.inamu.go.cr. MIDEPLAN. Sistema de Indicadores sobre Desarrollo Sostenible, http://www .mideplan.go.cr/sides. Ministerio de Cultura, Juventud y Deportes, http://www.mcjd.go.cr. Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo, www.undp.org. Programa Estado de la Naci on, www.estadonacion.or.cr. Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2003, http://www .pisa.oecd.org/pages/0,2987,en_32252351_32235731_1_1_1_1_1,00.html.
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Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS) 2000, http://timss.bc .edu/pirls2001.html. Sistema Costarricense de Informaci on Jurıdica, http://www.pgr.go.cr/scij/index_ pgr.asp. Visi on Mundial, http://www.visionmundial.com/paginas/benef.php. World Bank. 2005. Online Costa Rica Country profile. Accessed on November 4, 2005, http://devdata.worldbank.org/idg/IDGProfile.asp?CCODE=CRI&CNAME= CostaþRica&SelectedCountry=CRI World Bank Data and Publications on Costa Rica, http://web.worldbank.org/ WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/LACEXT/COSTARICAEXTN/0,,menuPK: 295418pagePK:141159piPK:141110theSitePK:295413,00.html
Selected Bibliography Barahona, Manuel, Ludwig Guendel, and Carlos Castro. 2005. Polıtica social y reforma social ‘‘a la tica.’’ Un caso paradigmatico de heterodoxia en el contexto de una economıa periferica. Ginebra, Suiza. UNRISD. Serie Polıtica social y desarrollo: No. 20. CELAM. 2003. Plan global del CELAM. 2003–2007. Bogota: CELAM. Costa Rican Ministry of Education, Statistics Department. 2004. San Jose, Costa Rica: Eficiencia del Sistema Educativo Costarricense, 41. Costa Rican System of Judicial Information: Costa Rican System of Judicial Information website. www.pgr.go.cr/scij/index_pgr.asp. Cuevas, Rafael. 1999. ‘‘Cultura y Educaci on.’’ Capıtulo 6 in Quesada, Jos e Rafael y otros. Costa Rica Contemporanea: raıces del Estado de la Naci on. San Jose: Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica. Garcıa, Emilio, and Mary Beloff (Comp.) 2004. Infancia, Ley y Democracia en Am e rica Latina. Impacto de la Convenci on sobre los Derechos del Ni~ no en los Sistemas Jurıdicos Latinoamericanos 1990–2004. Bogota: Editorial Temis, tercera edici on. INEC. Datos basicos del Censo 2000. Instituto de Estudios Sociales en Poblaci on (IDESPO). Universidad Nacional. ‘‘La familia costarricense de cara al nuevo milenio.’’ En Pulso de Opini on (Octubre 2003) No. 31. National Institute for Statistics and Census (INEC) and the Central American Center for Population Studies at the University of Costa Rica. Proyecciones y estimaciones de poblaci on. http://www.ccp.ucr.ac.cr. Organizaci on Internacional del Trabajo. 2002. Explotaci on sexual comercial de personas menores de edad en Costa Rica. San Jose: IPEC/OIT. ~ ninas ~ y j PNUD. 2000. Acceso a la justicia en Centroam e rica: Ninos, ovenes infractores de la Ley Penal. San Jose: Proyecto Regional de Justicia, PNUD. Programa Estado de la Naci on. 2005a. Estado de la Naci on en Desarrollo Humano Sostenible, Und e cimo Informe. San Jose: Programa Estado de la Naci on. ———. 2005b. ‘‘Panorama general de la infancia en Costa Rica.’’ in Programa Estado de la Naci on. Serie Aportes para el an alisis del Desarrollo Humano Sostenible. No. 10.
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———. 2004. Educaci on y conocimiento en Costa Rica: Desafıos para avanzar hacia una polıtica de Estado. San Jose, Programa Estado de la Naci on. Ramos, Pilar. 2005. Ponencia sobre el binomio trabajo infantil—educaci on para el V ~ y la Adolescencia. San Jose: UNICEF, Estado de los Derechos de la Ninez Informe de consultorıa. Robles, J. Amando. 2001. Repensar la religi on, de la creencia al conocimiento. Heredia: Editorial de la Universidad Nacional. Rolla, A., R. Villers, and M. Arias. 2005. ‘‘Quality early childhood education in Costa Rica? Policy, practice, outcomes and challenges.’’ Early Years 25 (2 July). Ruiz, A. 2005. Universalizacion de la educacion secundaria y reforma educativa. San Jose, Costa Rica: Estado de la Nacion. San Francisco, R. A., M. Arias, R. Villers, and C. Snow. Forthcoming. ‘‘La importancia de las dificultades de lectura y la familia: Factores que influyen en la decisi on de los profesores sobre la repetici on de curso de los alumnos de primer grado en Costa Rica.’’ Aula abierta. Sauma, Pablo. 2005. Pobreza, desigualdad del ingreso y empleo. San Jose: Ponencia para el XI Informe sobre el Estado de la Naci on en Desarrollo Humano Sostenible. http://www.estadonacion.or.cr. State of the Nation. 2004. Educaci on y conocimiento en Costa Rica: Desafıos para avanzar hacia una polıtica educativa de Estado. San Jose: State of the Nation. Contribution series for the analysis of sustainable human development. No. 8, 62. Torrico, Lidia. 1996. ‘‘Quienes son y porque trabajan los ni~ nos y las ni~ nas en Costa Rica,’’ UNICEF-PANI, Serie Monitoreo y Evaluaci on. Trejos, Juan Diego. 2005. La equidad del Gasto P ublico Social en el 2003. Ponencia para el XI Informe sobre el Estado de la Naci on en Desarrollo Humano Sostenible. http://www.estaonacion.or.cr. UNICEF. 2005. Estrategia de abordaje comunitario de la protecci on social integral de ~ y la adolescencia. San Jose: UNICEF. Documento de los derechos de la ninez trabajo del Programa 2. ~ y la Adolescencia en Costa ———. 2004. Cuarto Estado de los Derechos de la Ninez Rica. San Jose: UNICEF/UCR. ~ y la Adolescencia en Costa Rica ———. 2003. IV Estado de los Derechos de la Ninez (EDNA). San Jose: UNICEF/UCR, 78. ———. 2001. C omo comprender y combatir la Explotaci on Sexual Comercial de Ado~ y Ninos: ~ San Jose: UNICEF. lescentes, Ninas United Nations Human Development Index. 2005. Human Development Report. http://hdr.undp.org. Vega, Isabel, and Allen Cordero, eds. 2001. Realidad familiar en Costa Rica, aportes y desafıos desde las Ciencias Sociales. San Jose: FLACSO-Sede Costa Rica/ UNICEF/Instituto de Investigaciones Psicol ogicas de la Universidad de Costa Rica. World Bank. 2003. ‘‘Costa Rica Social Spending and the Poor.’’ Report No. 24300-CR. Washington, D.C.: Human Development Sector. http://web .worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/LACEXT/COSTAR ICAEXTN/0,,contentMDK:20252791pagePK:141137piPK:141127theSite PK:295413,00.html.
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ECUADOR Margarita Velasco Abad and Alexandra Escobar Garcia NATIONAL PROFILE Ecuador is located in South America, between Colombia to the north and Peru to the south and east. Its area of 283,600 square kilometers is divided into four regions: three located in the continental area—coast, Andean highlands, and the Amazon—and the Galapagos Islands, located 1,000 kilometers away from the west coast. Divided into twenty-two provinces, the three largest cities are Quito (its capital), Guayaquil, and Cuenca. Currently, as a result of the urbanization process, its population resides mostly in the urban areas (61 percent), whereas only 38 percent is located in the rural zones. Although Ecuador was born as a republic in 1830, democracy has been its political regime since 1979. As a result of the fragile political institutions, during the past ten years the country has undergone several periods of instability. This vulnerability has come together with high levels of income concentration among small groups of power, which contribute to make Ecuador one of the most inequitable societies in the world. The richest
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20 percent of the population receives 60 percent of the national income, whereas the poorest 20 percent obtains only 2 percent (INEC-SIEH 2004). Given that, the greatest problem in Ecuador is inequality. After the economic crash in 1998, international migration has been one of the strategies to escape from the high unemployment rate and the deterioration of the quality of life. Currently, it is estimated that nearly 500,000 Ecuadorians are migrants living abroad (INEC 2001). The majority of them have left their children with their spouses, grandparents, aunts, or older siblings, modifying the family structure in the country. Nowadays, nearly 10 percent of the households are single-parent families. Although the economic crises brought high unemployment rates, which affected more women than men, at 20 percent and 11 percent, respectively, during the past four years Ecuadorian’s economy has grown rapidly, and it is showing some positive results by improving its labor market condition. The unemployment rate has been reduced by almost 50 percent, and it has decreased from 15 percent in 1999 to 8 percent in 2006. Nonetheless, the employment gap between women and men remains. Ecuador has been characterized as having a weak social welfare state. Therefore, its social expenditure in the national budget is one of the lowest in Latin America. According to the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, Ecuador’s social expenditure represents only 6 percent of the gross domestic product, whereas in countries such as Costa Rica social investment represents 19 percent of the gross domestic product. Moreover, on the basis of the last National Budget Report, the expenditure in social programs was only approximately $28 per capita. The state’s poor presence in the social area has been covered by nongovernmental organizations, religious organizations, and family social support networks. Among the most important organizations that have been participating in the country are Plan International, Catholic Relief Services, Centro del Muchacho Trabajador, CARE, INNFA (National Institute of Child and Family), Save the Children, Fe y Alegria, and many others. Nonetheless, many international organizations such as United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), InterAmerican Development Bank (IADB), and the World Bank have participated very actively in social policy. Since the 1990s the emergence of new social movements has modified the political scenario by introducing new voices of indigenous people into the political arena. Their mobilization have forced to the state to assume the political and social responsibility for several group of citizens that have been historically excluded from the society. In such context, children’s movement has also become very active. Although they have not achieved the same levels of social mobilization as indigenous groups; they have gained important political and legal reforms to favor child and adolescents rights. In addition, the rise of new voices in the political
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landscape has increased civic KEY FACTS – ECUADOR engagement, particularly in formulating public social policy and Population: 13,755,680 (July 2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 76.62 years (2007 est.) monitoring child rights and fiscal Literacy rate (age 15 and over): 92.5 percent (2003 est.) policies. Net primary school enrollment/attendance (2000–2005): According to the last National 98 percent Census, Ecuador has 12,156,608 Internet users: 616,000 (2005) inhabitants. Its population is charPeople living with HIV/AIDS: 21,000 (2003 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) rank: 18 (2006 est.) acterized by a great ethnic diversity, which includes fourteen Sources: CIA World Factbook: Ecuador. https://www.cia.gov/library/ indigenous nationalities, reprepublications/the-world-factbook/geos/ec.html. May 29, 2007; UNICEF: At a Glance–Ecuador. http://www.unicef.org/ senting 7 percent of the populainfobycountry/ecuador_statistics.html. May 29, 2007; United tion, small afro-Ecuadorian groups Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development (5 percent), and Mestizos people, Report 2006–Ecuador. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_ECU.html. May 29, 2007. who represent the majority of the population (77 percent). Among this great diversity, and although population of children is becoming smaller, Ecuadorian children continue to represent an important group in this society. Nearly 40 percent of its population are children and adolescents younger than eighteen years of age. The most numerous groups are children between the ages of six and eleven years of age and represent 15 percent of the total population. One-fifth of the total number of children are either indigenous or Afro-Ecuadorians. The Amazon region and the rural Andean highlands have the greatest proportion of indigenous children in the country. Ecuadorian children and adolescents are mostly living in the urban areas (57 percent), but most of the indigenous are concentrated in the rural areas. Children remain one of the most vulnerable groups in the Ecuadorian society. Nearly 38 percent are living on less than US$2 dollars per day and 23 percent on less than US$1 dollar per day. Moreover, poverty could be worst when it faced the ethnicity aspect. The proportion of poor children, those who belong to indigenous and Afro-Ecuadorian households, is greater than the number of children who are part of the white– Mestizos ones. OVERVIEW During the past few decades, Ecuador, like many other Latin American countries, has revealed important progress on its hard social indicators. The efforts conducted to decrease poverty and inequality by governments and society are showing some positive results. However, on the subject of childhood, the greatest achievement produced by the Ecuadorian society has been the recognition of children’s rights. Ecuador has always been one of the leading countries in the promotion of rights. In fact, Ecuador was one the first state parties that signed and
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ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child. In 2003, the society and the state agreed upon the Child and Adolescent Code, which provides the legal basis to recognize the competence of every child and teenager; their faculty to decide and their potential creativity and energy to participate in social life (ODNA 2006a). At the same time, the Code assigned to families, government, and social institutions the obligations to guarantee children’s, and adolescents’ rights. One of the important accomplishment in children’s and teenagers’ rights has been the access to education. The percentage of children between the ages of six and eleven years of age attending school has increased from 89 percent in 1995 to 94 percent in 2006. Furthermore, during the same period, the proportion of adolescents attending schools has increased in greater proportions, from 67 percent to 79 percent. In addition to education, some health indicators have shown some important progress as well. The under-five mortality rate has decreased from fifty-one per 1,000 births to twenty-seven; meanwhile, the infant mortality rate has gone from forty to twenty-nine per 1,000 births. Despite these achievements, important challenges remain to be faced by future governments and by the society. Although the Code has achieved progressive reforms, the new laws and images about childhood and adolescence do not necessarily correspond to their reality. According to the Observatory for the Rights of Children and Adolescents, Ecuador’s children’s rights index is 4.3/10 (ODNA 2006a). In other words, Ecuador has failed in the fulfillment of children’s and adolescents basic rights. There are two main reasons for this: the lack of public action and the profound inequalities found along and across the territory (ODNA 2006a). During the past decade, the social investment in basic services (sanitation, health, and education) did not improve sufficiently to cover the population’s needs. Moreover, the problem of quality among these services remains as a serious and severe as ten years ago. However, the greatest threats that are facing Ecuadorian children and adolescents are the great inequalities among the living conditions and the opportunities to fulfill the rights. Across the country thousands of children are excluded from basic rights that are essential to guarantee their development and happiness. EDUCATION Although the Convention on the Rights of the child and the Child and Adolescent Code recognized the right to free education for every child in the country, many children remain excluded from it. At this moment, almost 400,000 children and adolescents do not receive any education. However, during past decades, the continuous policy efforts to universalize the access to primary education have produced some
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positive effects. Strategies have contributed to reduce considerably the equality gap between boys and girls and the same disparity between white–Mestizos and indigenous children. What enhances the opportunities of children in their near future is the continuity of education; therefore, policy strategies need to guarantee the development of human capital. Currently, almost 80 percent of the adolescent population is enrolled in school. However, ethnicity and economic determinants are limiting the access to enhance their capabilities. Although every child must complete ten years of compulsory education, many children and adolescents are forced to abandon their studies before they complete the mandate. More than 50,000 children between the ages of twelve and thirteen years of age have quit their studies mainly for economic reasons. In addition, the lack of public action in the educational sector has also contributed to increase the number of children who have abandoned school because of the short supply of places. The number of secondary schools in the country is limited, and it cannot admit all of the students who have completed their basic education. The delay of public education expenditure on secondary schools has been covered by private education. However, to enroll in those schools, the parents of the child need to pay tuition. Therefore, those children whose parents are not able to cover these expenses remain excluded from the right to continue their education. The historic process of exclusion that many groups have experienced has left behind nearly 800,000 of the population older than fifteen years of age; 9 percent are illiterate. Although many studies have proved that a mother with primary education level may increase child life expectancy during early childhood, women have been the most excluded when it comes to fulfilling the right to education. It is estimated that 183,000 women between the ages of fifteen and forty-nine years old are illiterate. The education gap can be even worse if we look inside the country. The lack of education is primarily among the women who live in the rural areas and as well among the indigenous and afro-Ecuadorian groups. In the rural areas, the illiteracy rate of women is double that of women who are living in the cities, whereas the proportion of indigenous women triples compared with the white–Mestizos women’s rate. Besides the unequal access to the right to education, the problem of quality also affects this sector of the country. Two main problems rest upon this issue: the lack of investment in education of quality and inefficiency. Although the Child and Adolescence Code has demanded explicitly the right of children to a quality education, Ecuador does not invest in it. The last evaluation of children’s educational achievements revealed some serious and negative issues. The average score of fifth and sixth graders was below the minimum required. Furthermore, the scores obtained during the last evaluation were lower than the scores from the evaluations conducted four years ago. At the same time, recent education
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figures brought to light the fact that almost the same number of children and adolescents who remained excluded from education equals the number of children who are behind in school (460,000 children and adolescents). This condition is exacerbated mainly at the secondary level of education, in rural areas, and among excluded groups such as indigenous children. PLAY AND RECREATION Respect, affection, and confidence are three basic elements through which parents and children strengthen their relationship (CNNA 2005). The right to play is consigned on the Convention on the Rights of the child and in the Ecuadorian Child and Adolescent Code. Nonetheless, its fulfillment partly depends on the resources that communities may have. One of the main activities that children share with their parents, especially with their fathers, is play and recreation. According to the last Children and Adolescents Survey, nearly 30 percent of children spend time playing with their parents. Therefore, to contribute to the fulfillment of this right, schools and communities must provide sports fields and playground zones for children. On this issue, schools have made important efforts: 85 percent of the children enrolled in school have access to sports fields at them, and the provision difference between urban and rural schools is minimal (85 percent and 84 percent, respectively). However, on the community side both the available data and the implemented efforts continue to be limited and in many times absent from the public policy sphere. In fact, trips and frequency of family excursions have decreased during the last four years. In other words, fewer households are going out with their children to share playtime activities. But only during the past five years have municipal governments been promoting their efforts to enhance public spaces for children and families. In the three major cities, local governments are building museums to provide recreational spaces for children. In addition, other smaller cities are working on projects to rescue traditional and cultural values among adolescents and children, and are trying to encourage the community participation to be responsible for these spaces. CHILD LABOR What determines the threats about child labor is based on the type of work that is being done by children. In developing countries, such as Ecuador, child labor can be explained by poverty issues. Nonetheless, the lack of economic need is not the only explanation surrounding it; some cultural issues also are used to justify child labor (CNNA 2005). Inspired by the Convention on the Rights of the Child and on the Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention, the Child and Adolescent Code encourages eradicating the worst forms of child labor in the
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country. The Code condemns any type of work done by children younger than fifteen years of age but it allows adolescents between fifteen and seventeen years of age to work. However, to work, teenagers need their parent’s permission, and their employer must guarantee the observation of labor rights. To preserve children’s and adolescent’s integrity at work, the sanctions imposed on those who violate this law can go from a penalty fee to the business cessation (Art. 95). Every type of work that endangers the physical and emotional development of childhood is prohibited by the law (CNNA 2005). Therefore, nongovernment organizations and activist groups have concentrated their efforts on preventing those risks. Their strategies and campaigns have focused on schooling policies to integrate children who are working and not attending school. On the government side, the Ministry of Labour has created a Child Labour Division, with twenty-two labor inspectors to supervise and guarantee the rights of children and adolescent. The latest statistics on child labor show that 15 percent of children and adolescent are engaged in the labor market. However, less than half are threatening their future capabilities. A total of 6 percent of children and adolescent who work are not attending school. However, the number of children and adolescents at risk is greater in the rural areas and indigenous groups. In rural areas, the proportion of children who work and are not attending school is four times greater than in urban areas (12 percent and 48 percent, respectively). In addition, the number of indigenous children doubles the proportion of white–Mestizos. Among the group of children and adolescents who work, 12 percent of them are engaging in high-risk activities. Girls, afro-Ecuadorian children, and urban children are the most vulnerable groups. All of them are mainly exposed to different types of hazardous work, such as agriculture, mines, garbage heaps, and prostitution, among others. In Ecuador, the majority of premature workers are employed in nonremunerated family activities, with 63 percent of them working with their families. Giving that child labor also exists because the labor market demands it, another 14 percent of the children and adolescents who work are employed as pawns, mainly by the agricultural sector. Child labor is greatly codified in agriculture activities because children’s characteristics are very useful in harvesting different type of products (Grumiau 2003). Sexual exploitation among girls and adolescents persists invisibly in the country (OIT 2002). Thus, the absence of robust laws and policies to confront the problem is one of the major weaknesses in guaranteeing children’s rights. Additionally, the lack of information on the subject does make forthcoming actions to overcome child sexual exploitation more difficult. However, a few figures are already indicating that its magnitude is quite important. It is estimated that nearly 5,000 girls and adolescents are working as sexual workers in three of the main cities in the country
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(Quito, Guayaquil, and Machala). These girls and adolescents are constantly at risk. For example, the majority of the girls and adolescents interviewed in this group declared that their sexual initiation experience happened because either relatives or boyfriends violated them. What is more, they are also exposed to long working periods and mistreatment: the greater number of them was working at least 61 hours per week, and many of them have been mistreated by their partners. FAMILY Despite economic and social transformation that affects the lives of women, traditional roles regarding family that still are assigned to women include caretaking activities and domestic work in the family. Most of the time, seven of ten children younger than five years of age are taken care by their mothers, whereas the father participates only 4 percent of the time. Although during the last few years the supply of public child daycare services has increased, cultural practices remain very strong among families (CNNA 2005). In fact, families prefer to leave their children only a few hours per day in these places. In addition to this cultural practice, a short of supply of childcare centers is offered for the poorest children. Only 240,000 of 800,000 poor children younger than five years of age are covered by this social provision. Consequently, if any family member cannot look after them, many infants stay home alone while their parents work. Children and adolescents have different types of roles in their families, with most of them being shared with their parents. However, the division of labor clearly determines the type of activities that they spend with their mothers and with their fathers. First of all, the proportion of activities that are shared with their mothers is greater than the ones they share with their fathers. For example, 32 percent of children and adolescents share the domestic work with their mother, whereas only 10 percent of them help their fathers with the labor activities. However, this last figure doubles in rural areas (20 percent), and it is greater for indigenous groups (16 percent). Additionally, within families, it is possible to find children who are not biological sons or daughters: 10 percent of the children are living in such conditions in the country. The greatest proportions of children who are living with their nonbiological parents are located in Ca~ nar, one of the poorest provinces of the country. Many of these children have arrived at these homes because they have been given away by their biological families (0.1 percent) or because they were found on the streets (0.4 percent) or adopted by new families (0.4 percent), but also because some of them are working as domestic servants in their new homes (0.1 percent). Families can lose their children in many different ways. They can be stolen or kidnapped, or they can be given up for lost. However, children
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and teenagers also can run away from home. Despite the situation, many of these children and adolescents are exposed to severe physical or emotional hazards. In the country, nearly 20,000 children and adolescent younger than seventeen years of age have run away from home or they have been given up for lost by their families. Although the country has good laws in place for missing children, children-information systems are very deficient and cannot quickly provide information to help locate these children. Regarding the relationships that families establish with their children, it is observed that half of Ecuadorian families respect the voice of their children at home when they have to say something regarding to the decisions that the family is making. Nonetheless, 5 percent of the families do not take into account children’s opinion, and 43 percent just listen to their voices ‘‘sometimes.’’ HEALTH The health of children and teenagers becomes more vulnerable during two periods of their development stages: early childhood and adolescence (ODNA 2006a). Health risks during their early childhood are directly related to healthcare access, vaccinations, access to sanitation services, and women’s education. Currently, the under-five mortality rate is twentyseven per 1,000 births. During the adolescence phase, violence appears as the main threat to teenagers’ lives. During the last fifteen years, the increase of vaccination coverage has been one of the positive actions conducted by the health sector to improve children’s health (Velasco 2005) and has helped eradicate measles and polio diseases in the country. Currently 70 percent of children younger than five years of age received their complete vaccinations. Nonetheless, children’s health improvement is very unequal; more than 50 percent of indigenous children do not have access to vaccination (CEPAR 2004). In addition, nutritional problems are affecting an important group of children in this society. Malnutrition affects 19 percent of children younger than five years of age (INEC 2006). The figure decreases in the city areas to 14 percent, but it doubles in the rural areas (26%). Among indigenous infants, this situation is even graver than among the white– Mestizos: 40 percent of indigenous kids younger than five years of age are undernourished. This problem is directly related to poverty, the lack of nutritional educational programs, and the limited access to sanitation services. In Ecuador, only 50 percent of children have access to sanitation services in their houses. Nutritional difficulties also have triggered obesity problems among children. At this time, obesity is considered a problem of public health associated with poverty. Both high concentration of diets based on carbohydrates and the lack of physical exercise are producing weight
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increases in children (PAHO 2006). A total of 5 percent of the children in eighth grade suffer from obesity, whereas 9 percent are overweight. In teenagers from twelve to eighteen years of age, these rates increase to 7 and 17 percent, respectively (PAHO 2006). The government has been working for more than three decades to overcome the nutritional problems in this society. They have implemented different types of programs. At this moment, there are two main public nutritional programs. The oldest one has been the school feeding project; however, only 1,325,607 children are covered by this program. The second one is Mi Papilla and Mi Bebida, which serves children in early childhood and pregnant women of the poorest sectors. However, its coverage remains very low as well, with only 5 percent of the households having access to it. Although all citizens have the legal right to free health care, in Ecuador it is far from universal and free of charge. Among children, geographic differences, ethnicity, and cultural values determine access to health care in the country. A total of 16 percent of children that have died did not have access to health care. In addition, the accomplishment of the Millennium Developing Goals is threatened. Even though the country will be able to achieve the reduction of child mortality, because of the unequal access to healthcare services, the reduction of child mortality will be fulfilled in Ca~ nar within 187 years and in Imbabura in 200 years (ODNA 2006). As the result of unequal access, some of the country’s provinces would reach similar levels of delay like the poorest countries in the world. Since the 1950s, the under-five mortality rate has steadily improved. However, since 1999, the rate has stagnated. Currently twenty-seven children die per 1,000 births. Of them, 51 percent are indigenous children and 32 percent are white–Mestizos (ODNA 2007a). The great majority of them die during the first month of birth (CEPAR 2004). Deaths during early childhood continue to be from preventive causes: 14 percent of infants die of pneumonias and 11 percent of digestive illnesses (CEPAR 2004). In the adolescents, 47 percent of the deaths are caused by avoidable causes, such as accident, suicide, and homicide (ODNA 2007b). The consumption of alcohol among adolescents of Quito and Guayaquil reaches 26 percent and that of cigarettes is almost 16 percent (SININEZ 2006). Regarding the use of drugs, the figure is around 5 percent (SININEZ 2006). Health policies directed to the adolescents are very weak, and they deserve special attention in next years. During adolescence, the right to grow healthy, without concerns, is at risk. At this moment, 7 percent of the births were those of teenager mothers. A total of 41 percent of Ecuadorian women between the ages of fifteen and twenty-four years of age did not complete their studies because of pregnancy. In part, this could be explained by the low use of contraceptive methods among young women: only 24 percent of sexually
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active women between 15 and 24 years of age declared that they were using a contraceptive method. Although the Law of Sexuality and Love is effective, sexual education in the families and in the schools are not sufficiently implemented to have ban impact on adolescents’ behavior in preventing unwanted pregnancies. Although the health sector has undergone though a long reform process, the quality of health care services leaves a lot to expect. Its coverage and quality are very limited. For example, the little attention given to fulfill the free maternity Law has excluded the majority of women in the country: only 6 percent of the households have benefited from it. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Children and teenagers in Ecuador are afforded rights according to the existing Constitution. These legal principles are ratified in the Children and Adolescent Code, given in June 2003. This law guarantees the rights of survival, of developing, the right of participation, and special protection towards children between 0 years to 17 years and 29 days. The Child and Adolescent Code has harmonized the national law with the Convention of the Rights on the Child by defining national and municipal level responsibilities for child rights. Consequently, from this perspective a new framework serves to formulate public policies that priories child’s rights. The legal body of this law has a second chapter that includes a mandate that suggests the implementation of a comprehensive system of children and teenagers’ protection, as well as a complete change in national laws, considering boys and girls as citizens of the country and creating special judges for affairs that will deal with children and teenager offences. These special judges will obey and make others obey the law. RELIGIOUS LIFE Roman Catholicism is the main religion in Ecuador, and children represent one of the important members for these groups. However, in addition to the Catholic community, during the past years, Evangelical Protestant groups are adding more and more followers, such as children and adolescents. Education issues have occupied an important place in religious communities. Many educational centers in the country are being handling by religious groups, through which they try to preserve and to pass along their values and beliefs to the future generations. Among adolescents, religious communities also are playing a key role in their lives. According to the last survey on children and adolescents, 6 percent were participating on religious groups as part of their extra activities that they perform after school (CNNA 2005).
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CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Article 19 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child demands from the States all types of measures to protect the child from all forms of physical or mental violence, injure or abuse, negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation. Different sociological and anthropological studies have shown that mistreatment is being considered as one of the expression reproduced by the culture of violence express in the country (ODNA 2006). Traditionally, Ecuadorian society has tolerated mistreatment in relationships in both private and public spaces. Therefore, it is very common that children and adolescents get exposed to violent treatment either in their homes or at school. When children and adolescents misbehave at home, their parents use different forms of punishment. Among the most frequent children identify are admonishment (80%), dialogue (53%), slapping (40%), and indifference (5%). Nonetheless, 44% of children and teenagers received violent treatments at home, such as slapping, verbal abuse, cold showers, and detention. Additionally, the use of violence tends to be more frequent in rural areas and indigenous groups: 51 percent of rural kids and 57 percent of indigenous children have been punished violently by their parents when they have behaved badly. School environments are not places of refuge from the culture of violence being practiced by this society. In the 21st, century many psychological practices at school are still based on threats and violence, especially if children fail to fulfill academic requirements (CNNA 2005). Although currently the majority of children that are attending to school have declared that their teachers are using less violent treatments to punish them, 27 percent of them have reported that violent punishments, such as suspension, verbal abuse, and slapping, are still being practiced by their teachers when they misbehave or fail to fulfill with homework. As it occurs at home, indigenous children and poor kids tend to be more mistreated by their teachers: 20 percent of the indigenous children that attend school have been hit by their teachers, whereas 19 percent of the kids who belong to the poorest households have suffered the same punishment. Even though the Child and Adolescent Code has established different types and levels of punishments to those who violate the child integrity, Ecuadorian society needs to work more on the promotion and practice of peace culture and good treatment. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The Observatory for the Rights of Children and Adolescents suggests the following actions to improve the country’s evaluation in the fulfillment of child and adolescent rights:
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Do not tolerate any kind of aggression and mistreatment. Promote a good relationship between children, teenagers, and adults at home, at school, and in public spaces; Build spaces to spend time with the family. Invest in cultural programs and in open spaces for sports and entertainment; Institute 10 years of quality education; broaden the access to secondary schools of every boy and girl.
In 2004, 88 percent of the teenagers who lived in rural areas and 60 percent of those who lived in the cities came from poor homes. Poverty induces pressure on children to leave their studies to work instead. If in the next 10 years poverty follows the latter tendency, the proportion of children and teenagers from the countryside who come from poor homes could be four times greater than in the cities. Reduce or eliminate inequalities. The perspectives of the boys and girls in Ecuador are limited by wealth, cultural background, gender, and location of their house in urban or rural areas. The best conditions to accomplish the Children and Adolescents’ Rights were found in only two departments of Pichincha (Quito and Rumi~ nahui) and in two others in the Galapagos Islands (San Cristobal and Isabela). The greater risks for children and teenagers’ development were found in seven departments in the province of major indigenous population: Cotopaxi, Ca~ nar, and Azuay. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Comisi on Econ omica para America Latina. 2007. Desafıos: Maternidad Adolescente en Am e rica Latina y el Caribe, tendencias, problemas y desafıos. No. 4. (Enero). ~ y Consejo Nacional de la Ni~ nez y Adolescencia (CNNA), et al. 2005. Los Ninos ~ del Ecuador. Segunda Encuesta Nacional de la Ninez ~ y la Adolescencia. Ninas Quito: CNNA and UNICEF. Defensa de los Ni~ nos y Ni~ nas Internacional (DNI). 2006. Explotaci on sexual comer~ y adolescentes en el cant cial de ninos on Santo Domingo, provincia de Pichincha: Lınea de base. Quito: DNI. ~ y la Adolescencia en el Ecuador 2005. Quito. Estado de los Derechos de la Ninez Guijarro, Susana, et al. 2000. ‘‘Factores de Riesgo psicosocial para el hijo de la madre adolescente. El impacto del nacimiento en el rol materno.’’ Revista Ecuatoriana de Pediatrıa. 2: 42. Larrea, Carlos, Pedro Montalvo, and Ana Marıa Ricaurle. 2004. Child Malnutrition, Social Development and Health Services in the Andean Region (second progress report). FLACSO-Ecuador. L opez-Acevedo, Gladys. 2002. ‘‘School Attendance and Child Labour in Ecuador.’’ World Bank Policy Reseach. Working paper 2939. Miles, Ann. 2000. ‘‘Poor Adolescent Girls and Social Transformation in Cuenca, Ecuador.’’ Ethos 28: 54–74.
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Observatorio de los Derechos de la Ni~ nez. 2007. ‘‘Ni~ nez Indıgena: la doble exclusi on,’’ ALERTA 2. Velasco, Margarita. 2005. ‘‘Las Ni~ nas y las Adolescentes,’’ in Mujeres ecuatorianas entre las crisis y las oportunidades. Quito: FLACSO, CONAMU, UNFPA, and UNIFEM.
Films ~ y adolescencia: una geografıa humana quebrada en sus derechos. 2006. Ecuador, ninez Directed by Pocho Alvarez. This film portrays the views of children and teenagers related to the fulfillment of child rights. Observando el 2006. 2006. 8 minutes. Directed by Pocho Alvarez. This 8-minute film reflects on the perception of children rights that an Afro-Ecuadorian teenager/ rap artist expresses through music.
Web Sites Centro de Estudios de Poblaci on (CEPAR), Centre of Population Studies, http:// www.cepar.org.ec. Instituto Nacional de Estadısticas y Censos (INEC), National Institute of Statistics and Census, http://www.inec.gov.ec. Ministerio de Bienestar Social, Misnistry of Social Welfare, http://www.mbs.gov.ec. Ministerio de Education y Cultura, Ministry of Education and Culture, http:// www.mec.gov.ec. Ministerio de Salud P ublica, Ministry of Public Health, http://www.msp.gov.ec. Sistema Integrado de Indicadores Sociales del Ecuador (SIISE), Integrated System of Social Indicators, http://www.siise.gov.ec.
Organizations and NGOs Consejo Nacional de la Ni~ nez y Adolescencia (CNNA) National Council of Child and Adolescence Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.cnna.gov.ec Instituto Nacional del Ni~ no y la Familia (INNFA) National Institute of Child and Family Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.innfa.org.ec The Observatory for the Rights of Children and Adolescents (ORCA) Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.odna.org Programa del Muchacho Trabajador (PMT) Child Labour Programme
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Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.geocities.com/pmt_ec/pmtexto.htm
Selected Bibliography Centro de Estudios de Poblaci on y Desarrollo Social (CEPAR). 2004. Sistema Integrado de Encuestas de Hogares. Database. Comisi on Econ omica para America Latina. 2006. Desafıos: Desnutrici on infantil en Am e rica Latina y el Caribe. No. 2 (April). ~ y Consejo Nacional de la Ni~ nez y Adolescencia (CNNA), et al. 2005. Los Ninos ~ del Ecuador. Segunda Encuesta Nacional de la Ninez ~ y la Adolescencia. Ninas Quito: CNNA and UNICEF. Grumiau, S. 2003. ‘‘La Agricultura es el Mayor Empleador de Menores’’ en OIT (comp.) Trabajo Decente en la Agricultura. http://www.cinterfor.org.uy/ public/spanish/region/ampro/cinterfor/temas/rural/doc/pdf/trab-dec.pdf. Instituto Nacional de Estadısticas y Censos (INEC). 2006. Encuesta de Condiciones de Vida. Database. Observatorio de los Derechos de la Ni~ nez (ODNA). 2007a. ‘‘Ni~ nez Indıgena: la doble exclusi on.’’ ALERTA 2. Observatorio de los Derechos de la Ni~ nez (ODNA). 2007b. ‘‘Adolescencia en el Ecuador’’ Observatorio No. 10 (December). Observatorio de los Derechos de la Ni~ nez (ODNA). 2006a. Estado de los Derechos de ~ y la Adolescencia en el Ecuador 2005. Quito: ODNA. la Ninez Observatorio de los Derechos de la Ni~ nez (ODNA). 2006b. ‘‘Riobamba: Primer Cant on que mide sus IDN’’ Observatorio No 9. Marzo: ODNA. Organizaci on Internacional del Trabajo (OIT). 2002. ‘‘Dimensi on, naturaleza y entorno de la explotaci on sexual comercial de ni~ nas y adolescentes en el Ecuador.’’ Quito: OIT. Organizaci on Panamericana de la Salud (PAHO). 2006. Situaci on de Salud: Ecuador 2006. Quito: PAHO. e rica Latina. 2006. http://www.cepal.org/cgi-bin/getProd. Panorama Social de Am asp?xml=/publicaciones/xml/0/27480/P27480.xml&xsl=/dds/tpl/p9f.xsl &base=/tpl/top-bottom.xslt. Sistema Integrado de Indicadores Sociales en el Ecuador (SIISE). 2006. Sistema de Indicadores sobre los Ni~ nos, Ni~ nas y Adolescentes. ~ y Ninas, ~ ahora!!: una selecci Vallejo, Andres. 2000. Los Ninos on de indicadores de su situaci on a inicios de la nueva d e cada. Quito. Velasco, Margarita. 2005. ‘‘Las Ni~ nas y las Adolescentes,’’ en Mujeres ecuatorianas entre las crisis y las oportunidades. Quito: FLACSO, CONAMU, UNFPA, and UNIFEM.
Legal Documents The Convention on the Rights of Child The Convention on the Worst Forms of Child Labour Child and Adolescent Code
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EL SALVADOR Kristin Rosekrans and Cathy Coddington NATIONAL PROFILE1 El Salvador is a small, densely populated country in Central America. It is about the size of the state of Massachusetts, with approximately 21,000 square kilometers of land. On the west, El Salvador is bordered by Guatemala, on the north and east by Honduras, and on the south by the Pacific Ocean. In the east, El Salvador shares a bay with Honduras and Nicaragua. Almost seven million people live in El Salvador, whereas approximately two million Salvadorans live abroad, mostly in the United States. The capital of El Salvador, where almost two million people are concentrated, is San Salvador, whereas two other major cities are Santa Ana in the west and San Miguel in the east. A total of 90 percent of the population is Mestizo, a mix of indigenous and white ethnicities, 9 percent of the population is white, whereas 1 percent of the population is Amerindian. The official language is Spanish, and a very small group of people— less than 1,000—speaks the local indigenous language (Nahuat). On a national level, 36 percent of the population lives in poverty, meaning that they cannot cover their basic needs for health, education, clothing, and food, whereas 14.4 percent live in extreme poverty, which means that they are not able to cover their needs for adequate calorie intake. In rural areas, this rate is more accentuated, accounting for 46.2 percent of families who live in relative poverty and 22.1 percent who live in extreme poverty.
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The effects of poverty on Salvadoran society can be seen through the high levels of child Population: 6,948,073 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 22.88 deaths/1,000 live births labor, violence, and migration. (2007 est.) Roughly one-third of houseLife expectancy at birth: 71.78 years (2007 est.) holds are run by single mothers, Literacy rate (age 15 and over): 85.5 percent (2005 est.) and 40 percent of the working Net primary school enrollment/attendance (2000–2005): population is female. There are 92 percent Internet users: 637,100 (2005) laws in place to protect the People living with HIV/AIDS: 29,000 (2003 est.) rights of children and women Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) rank: 32 (2006 est.) regarding family violence and Sources: CIA World Factbook: El Salvador. https://www.cia.gov/ child support, yet there is no library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/es.html. May 29, government-supported program 2007; UNICEF: At a Glance–El Salvador. http://www.unicef.org/ that offers a safety net for the infobycountry/elsalvador_statistics.html. May 29, 2007; United poorest sectors, and thousands Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–El Salvador. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ of Salvadoran children and countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_SLV.html. May 29, 2007. adults have no access to potable water and basic social services. Social spending is relatively low, with 3 percent of the gross domestic product destined for education and 1.6 percent for health. Although international assistance money has decreased over the years, there are still thousands of nongovernment (NGOs) and religious organizations operating in the country, which contribute to improving health, education, and legal services, as well as to expanding economic opportunities for the poorest sectors. KEY FACTS – EL SALVADOR
OVERVIEW Children in El Salvador live very different lives depending on their socioeconomic status. The standard of living has gradually been improving for the whole population during the past decade, as reflected in increased social and economic opportunities and an improved legal structure. However, the poorest children still face the biggest challenges and are hit the hardest by the high levels of poverty and violence. Problems of child labor, family violence, a lack of access to social services, and vulnerability to gangs plague children and youth. Migration to the United States continues to increase, which has both negative and positive effects on Salvadoran families and children. In 2005, roughly 1,070 Salvadorans migrated to the United States, with only 146 of them being forced to return (UNDP 2005, 34). El Salvador experienced a twelve-year civil war from 1980 to 1992, which left between 50,000 to 70,000 people dead and the country’s economy and infrastructure devastated. Since the end of the war, legal, economic, and social conditions have improved. Currently, there is a
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democratically elected body composed of a president who is elected every five years and deputies (analogous to senators in the United States) who are elected every three years along with mayors. The economy has experienced modest but steady growth, with a total gross domestic product of US$15.8 billion and per capita gross national income of US$2,342 in 2004. Salvadorans who live abroad send an estimated US$2.5 billion to family and friends in El Salvador on an annual basis, which provides a much-needed boost to the economy and allows many families to live above the poverty line. Yet more than one-third of the population still lives in poverty, and roughly 48 percent of Salvadorans are estimated to live on less than US$2 per day. The Human Development Index for El Salvador is below that of the Latin American regional average at 0.720 compared with an average of 0.777 for the region. For years El Salvador has benefited from international assistance to implement poverty-reduction programs and social development programs. In 2003, US$143 billion entered El Salvador from bilateral and multilateral donors. Yet, international assistance has been decreasing over recent years since national level development indicators show an increasingly improved picture. Infant and child mortality rates are relatively low, and life expectancy at birth is 71.78 years. Approximately 90 percent of the population is enrolled in primary school and, on a national level, 75 percent of Salvadoran children complete fifth grade. These national indicators, however, do not reflect the poorest Salvadorans, many of whom do not have access to potable water, medical attention, or a quality education. Almost 19 percent of the population suffers from chronic malnutrition and although Salvadoran law states that nine years of schooling are mandatory, only about one-fourth of the population finishes ninth grade and enters high school. One major concern for Salvadoran society today is the increasing level of violent crime. There are many factors related to the high levels of violence in El Salvador, including the extreme disparities in quality of life that are obvious when comparing the wealthy with the less wealthy. A lack of educational and economic opportunities for youth contributes to the problem of gangs and gang violence. Currently, there are new policies, laws, and programs in place that target government subsidies and social programs to the poorest sectors. There are also initiatives toward fiscal reform to increase the government money available for social investment. A poverty map was created that lists the 100 poorest municipalities in the country, which will receive immediate support. Part of this will be through the ‘‘Opportunities’’ program, which aims at providing cash transfers to the poorest families, if they agree to keep their children in school and get regular preventative health care, as well as loans for small business development. These new efforts may help improve the opportunities for Salvadoran children and
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youth to seek a better life and contribute to the development of their country. EDUCATION Children’s access to education services in El Salvador has improved steadily since the end of the civil war. During the past decade, improvements have been made in infrastructure and learning conditions, and new policies have been put in place to improve learning. However, the majority of Salvadoran children still do not receive an education that allows them to acquire the knowledge and capacities necessary to continue studying and access new life opportunities. The national literacy rate is 85.5 percent officially and, on average, the Salvadoran citizen receives 5.6 years of schooling. Although 13 percent of men are illiterate, this is the case for 18 percent of women, making this the only indicator that reflects significant inequalities in education opportunities by gender. Differences between opportunities for rural and urban residents, and the poorest and least poor, are much more evident. For example, although one in ten urban residents is unable to read and write, this is true for one in four rural residents, and urban residents have an average of 6.9 years of schooling compared with only 3.7 years for rural residents (Ministry of Economy 2005, 3–5). Access to preschool/kindergarten and secondary education is also highly contingent on income level, as is access to a primary education that helps children to acquire even the most basic reading, writing, and math skills. The majority of children younger than the age of six years do not receive early childhood care and education. However, during the past ten years, importance and attention to these services has been growing. In 1996, the National Education Law incorporated early childhood education (ages birth to four), emphasizing that attention should be given to children to develop language, social, psychomotor and other skills (U.S. Agency for International Development 2005a, 13). Preschool/kindergarten is contemplated in this law, which consists of three years of schooling for children ages four to six, yet it is not mandatory. Early childhood education services (ages birth to six) are provided by governmental institutions, NGOs, and private institutions. A very small percentage of children younger than the age of three receive early childhood care and education either in a center or at home with trained caregivers or through programs aimed at educating parents about early stimulation and positive childrearing practices. Roughly 3,500 children of this age group attend centers provided by the governmental institution, the Salvadoran Institute for Integral Attention for Children and Adolescents (ISNA). Similar to the private centers, centers provided by the ISNA are mostly located in San Salvador and the other larger cities. In rural areas, several NGOs provide free access to childcare
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centers, although to a relatively small population. Children this age are mostly cared for in the home. If the mother works, as 39 percent of the female population of working age does, children are taken care of by domestic employees or by family members (which is usually the grandmother or older siblings). There have been several internationally supported, early childhood awareness campaigns in recent years that have worked to increase public awareness about childhood development such as learning through play, alternative forms of discipline, and other healthy child-rearing practices. Roughly half of Salvadoran children ages four to six benefit from formal preschool/kindergarten services. The government, through the Ministry of Education, offers parvularia (preschool/kindergarten) for fouryear-olds, five-year-olds, and six-year-olds and, ideally, a child will have attended these three years before entering first grade. However, not all public schools offer parvularia, and when it is offered, not all families are willing to send their children. The most common reasons for this are the distance of the center and the beliefs held by parents that kindergarten is not for learning and therefore not necessary at this age. At present, 43 percent of rural children ages four to six and 60.2 percent of urban children from this age group attend school (Ministry of Economy 2005, 93, 165). The Ministry of Education has been expanding preschool/kindergarten services during the past decade, yet the poorest children have benefited the least from this expansion. Although 25 percent of children from the poorest fifth of the population attend preschool/kindergarten, 70 percent of the children from families with the highest income quintile attend (Ministry of Education 2005a). Therefore, the majority of the poorest children enter first grade with almost no exposure to a learning environment, which sets the foundation for inequalities in learning opportunities and contributes to the high rates of repetition at this level. Even those who did attend at least one year of preschool/kindergarten may not have developed adequate foundations for acquiring basic skills in first grade, as the curriculum has not placed much emphasis on developing pre-reading competencies or problemsolving skills (U.S. Agency for International Development 2005b, 34). In 2005, a new preschool/kindergarten curriculum was introduced that places more emphasis on developing early literacy and math skills. Also in 2005, new policies were introduced to ensure that all children have access to one year of preschool/kindergarten before entering first grade. Access to primary school has also improved dramatically since the end of the war, and in 2004, 90 percent of rural children ages seven to twelve and 94.5 percent of urban children from this age group were attending school (Ministry of Economy 2005, 93, 165). However, 25.9 percent of Salvadoran children do not complete primary school because of high rates of repetition, dropping out, late entry into school, overage, and the poor quality of teaching. Girls and boys are equally challenged in access and
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completion, and the most common reasons for not attending school are the need to work or the lack of sufficient resources (Ministry of Economy 94, 166). Girls often stay home from school to take care of younger siblings and help with household chores whereas boys often help their parents to pick coffee or harvest corn, beans, and rice. According to some studies, approximately 45 percent of Salvadoran children repeat an average of two times during primary school (Ministry of Education 2005b), which often leads to frustration and dropping out and contributes to the problem of overage and low learning levels. National test results reveal that an average of 40 percent of children in third, sixth, and ninth grades do not achieve even intermediate level scores in language, math, and the sciences. Although repetition and dropping out in the upper grades is often associated with the economic problems and the need to work, in the early grades the lack of appropriate teaching strategies can lead children to lose interest in learning. Large classes, often made up of various grades and ages, and deficient training for teachers make it hard for teachers to attend to children’s individual needs. In terms of children with special needs, in the past ten years new laws and programs have been put in place for an inclusive approach. However, teachers require more training on how to attend to these differences in their classrooms and the population in general requires more knowledge about the importance of sending children with special needs to school. It is estimated that only about 40 percent of children from birth to eighteen years that have special needs attend school (U.S. Agency for International Development 2004). Less than half of Salvadoran children make it to secondary school on a national level. Rural children are even more challenged in terms of continuing their studies, partially because of a lack of access as well as the need to work. Only 58 percent of thirteen- to eighteen-year-olds in rural areas attend school, whereas 79 percent of urban children have this opportunity (Ministry of Economy 2005, 93, 165). Even fewer continue on to higher education. In 2004, the percentage of adults (ages twenty-five to twenty-nine) with thirteen or more years of schooling was 21.7 percent in urban areas, compared with only 3.3 percent in rural areas (Ministry of Economy 91, 163). For the small percentage of children who do make it through secondary education but do not go on to the university, there are several options. Students at a high school level can choose to have a general high school education, consisting of three years, or a ‘‘technical’’ high school degree. This second option consists of two years of study in a technical career, such as a mechanic or electrician. Since 2005, a new sixteen-year strategic education plan has been in place. This plan, titled Plan 2021 for the year that El Salvador celebrates 200 years of independence,2 promises improvements and new options at all levels of education (Ministry of Education 2004). For example, after two years of high school, a person can opt to continue specialization in
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technical areas such as international trade, commercial fishing, nontraditional agricultural products, and computer technology. Centers for these studies are being set up in different parts of the country so that they are accessible to rural residents. To increase the population able to make it through secondary education, flexible modalities are being established with the help of NGOs. These modalities will facilitate young people in finishing their studies while continuing to work. Also, testing centers are being established that will allow young people to obtain their high school degrees. At the level of basic education, learning standards are being put in place that will be implemented nationally in 2007. Also, the in-service teacher training system is being reformed to improve teachers’ knowledge of the different disciplines (subjects) and didactics and to offer credits, thus providing an incentive to continue their professional development. To increase the demand side, more resources are being targeted to the poorest children so that they attend and remain in school. A new emphasis has been placed on ensuring basic reading, writing, and math skills, and teachers will be held accountable for results in student learning. The goals and targets established in this plan are quite ambitious: by the end of the current government in 2009 the goal is to increase language achievement scores by 10 percent, from roughly 60 percent of children meeting minimum requirements in 2004 to 70 percent in 2009. By 2021, the goal is that 90 percent of children will meet the minimum requirements and 90 percent of children will enroll in high school (compared with 27 percent in 2004). Even if these goals are not fully met, the tendency is toward increased education investment, quality improvements, and more attention to the poorest sectors—all of which appear promising in terms of expanding education opportunities for Salvadoran children. PLAY AND RECREATION The Salvadoran culture is centered on children in many ways. The family unit is very highly valued with children placed at the core of family life. For example, children’s birthdays are celebrated in high style with family, ~ friends, and neighbors and almost always include the breaking of a pinata filled with sweets. The dedication to children that parents and society in general demonstrate does not discriminate against those with less economic wealth. Families that have less economic wealth tend to celebrate children in the same ways that wealthier families do, seeking opportunities for their children to play according to their financial possibilities. In general, although families respect a child’s need to play and respond to that by including play in their daily lives, people do not think of play as the right of the child as conceived of in the Convention of the Rights of the Child. Many children, particularly in rural areas or in less wealthy families, have little time for play as the result of household chores or work
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that they must do to help the family survive economically; however, this is not considered a violation of a child’s rights. Play is generally considered as what children do, but in less wealthy families, only until a certain age, perhaps 6 or 8, when many children are expected to start working either inside the home or outside to generate some income in addition to keeping up with their studies. Opportunities for outdoor play and recreation in urban areas are somewhat limited because there are few parks. Those that do exist can be dangerous considering the rates of crime and theft in El Salvador and are often deteriorated with rusty or broken equipment that are hazardous to children. Traffic congestion and pollution also make outside play less desirable in urban areas, especially in San Salvador. Children who live in urban areas often find access to play facilities at school or in commercial centers or fast food restaurants. On weekends, families relax in malls, where they can splurge on any number of different types of fast food, and children can enjoy jungle gyms and play areas that are not found outside. Smaller towns and cities almost always have a central plaza where families can often be found walking and relaxing during the afternoon or on weekend days. Rural areas tend to have more open space where children are freer to run and play because there is less traffic and in general a sense of safety because everyone knows each other and looks out for one another. However, recently gang issues and violent crime have been permeating rural areas more and more, threatening to change the dynamic of family life in rural El Salvador. El Salvador does have a national zoo and a children’s museum, both located in San Salvador. Access is somewhat limited because entrance fees and the cost of getting to San Salvador prohibit many of the less wealthy residents from accessing these facilities. Other recreational areas and activities that are available to children are water parks, which charge an entrance fee, movie theaters, and natural areas such as public beaches, rivers, lakes, and national parks (nature reserves and areas such as Joya de Cer e n, a Mayan ruins site). With the exception of public, natural areas such as beaches, lakes, and rivers, most recreation facilities charge fees for usage, which makes them inaccessible for a large portion of the population. There is a children’s symphony in San Salvador in addition to sports and recreation facilities where children can play tennis and swim, always for a fee. The government is trying to expand access to sports facilities and has constructed and inaugurated several sports facilities in rural areas. The media very much targets children but not necessarily with educational programming. Children’s programming on national television includes cartoons, clown programs, and game shows. All television programs are rated so that a family can consider what age is considered appropriate for viewing different shows. In general, limited coverage is given to educational programs such as Sesame Street, Dragon Tales, and Barney. The weekend newspaper editions include special children’s
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sections with short stories, games, riddles, and puzzles. In general, the obstacles to Salvadoran children being able to enjoy play and recreation are a result of the high levels of poverty and low levels of education and awareness about child development. However, the high value that Salvadoran society places on children is reflected in both the legal structures and cultural practices, and as education levels and the economy continue to improve, it is likely that opportunities for play and recreation will also improve. CHILD LABOR In El Salvador, the legal minimum age to work according to the constitution and the labor code is fourteen years of age. The constitution stipulates that children between the ages of twelve and fourteen may be granted permission to work as long as the work does not jeopardize their health and development nor does it interfere with their education. El Salvador has signed two International Labor Organization (ILO) conventions, one establishing the minimum working age as fifteen (although countries may opt to lower the minimum age of fourteen as El Salvador has done) and another, Convention No. 182 for the Immediate Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labor. Children younger than the age of eighteen must receive permission to work from the Ministry of Labor demonstrating that the work is not hazardous and that it is necessary for the child’s and/or the family’s survival. Although the laws delineate strict regulations regarding child labor, there is little infrastructure in places to implement these laws. In 2001, there were an estimated 109,000 children between the ages of five and fourteen years (equivalent to 7.1 percent of the population of this age range) working in El Salvador (ILO 2004, 13). It is likely that this estimate is low because child labor is mostly conducted in the nonformal labor sector and is often hidden since children work for their families in small businesses or in private homes. Compared with other Latin American countries, this level of child labor is among the five lowest, yet when the types of labor that children perform are examined, the situation is alarming. In general, child labor is a more prominent phenomenon in rural areas as compared with urban areas, and boys are twice as likely to work as girls (ILO 2004, 19). Girls tend to work longer hours than boys in the five- to seventeen-year-old age range, where girls work on average forty hours per week whereas boys work an average of thirty-six hours per week (ILO 2004, 27). For both boys and girls, working such extended hours interferes with their chances at continuing and succeeding in their academic careers. The majority of the work done by children, 64 percent, is not paid because children often work with their families (ILO 2004, 26). When children are paid their wages are low, and most children, 70 percent, hand over all of their earnings to their families to help out with household expenses (ILO 2004, 31). A child between the ages of five and nine
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earns on average US$20.80 per month and works an average of 11.2 hours per week (ILO 2004, 29). As children get older, they earn higher wages and work longer hours. A child between the ages of fifteen and seventeen earns on average US$97.80 per month and works an average of 39.8 hours each week (ILO 2004, 29). Girls tend to earn more than boys, and children working in urban areas tend to earn more than children working in rural areas. Regardless of gender or geographic location the remuneration for child labor is low; usually below the minimum wage as stipulated in the labor code, but the legal infractions are not even filed since families need for their children to work in order to make ends meet. Children work in many different industries and sectors. Although not officially considered a form of child labor, and therefore not protected under the national labor laws, 62 percent of children ages five to fourteen in El Salvador do domestic chores in their own homes. In some cases, performing simple household chores can interrupt a child’s formal education and take precedence over going to school. It is more likely that girls do work at home than boys, which is in keeping with traditional gender roles. Almost half of the children who work do so in agriculture, cattle, and fishing (ILO 2004, 24). Many children work in restaurants, hotels, and commerce; others in the manufacturing industry; and some work in private homes as domestic employees (ILO 2004, 24). A small number of children work in construction, transport, communications, community services, and other jobs. Education and child labor are intertwined in a complex way in El Salvador. At younger ages, children between five and nine years, children who work and attend school are more likely to have completed more years of schooling than children who only go to school. However, as children get older, the opposite is true. For children ages fifteen to seventeen, those who only study have an average of eight years of formal education whereas those who work and study have an average of 5.6 years of formal education (ILO 2004, 38). This phenomenon could be partially explained by the fact that children tend to work longer hours as they get older, leaving children with less time and energy to dedicate to school. Also, access to schools at the higher grade levels is reduced, particularly in rural areas. El Salvador has recently created a National Committee for the Eradication of Child Labor, which integrates authorities from the various ministries, secretariats, the private sector, and NGOs. The committee is working toward the eradication of child labor and has prioritized five areas in which the goal is to reduce child labor because of the extreme risks they present to the well-being of children. The areas include the fireworks industry, fishing, the sugarcane industry, commercial sexual exploitation (explored in depth in the section entitled Child Abuse), and garbage dump workers. Not much information is available on the fireworks industry regarding how many children are involved, but there are clear hazards of working in
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this area. Children have small hands and fingers, which are advantageous for assembling firecrackers and fireworks, yet working with explosive powders in conditions that are not monitored is extremely dangerous. Every year around the Christmas holiday and New Year’s Day, the purchase and sale of fireworks increases substantially because the traditional celebration of Christmas and the New Year involves the setting off of fireworks with family and friends at home. Children who are involved in the manufacturing of fireworks are at risk of being burned, maimed, or killed as the result of unexpected explosions and accidents. At least one fatal incident is recorded each year involving children, usually around the holiday time. The fishing industry is particularly hazardous to children because of the long hours that they are required to work in the sun, the risk that fishing presents to drowning or being swept away with the strong currents particularly of the Pacific Ocean, the bacteria and disease that they are exposed to from working in contaminated water systems, bug bites (both in and out of the water), hearing problems due to diving in deep waters, and abuse by adults who work in the industry. It is also common for children who work in the fishing industry to take stimulants to be able to hold their breath longer and dive for extended periods of time under water. There are many different fishing techniques that children can perform, each with its own set of dangers to the health and development of children. Fishing with explosives, nets, and by diving are all common. In a study that was conducted by the ILO it was discovered that the work day for children in the fishing industry ranges from five to thirteen hours and the children range in ages from eight to sixteen years (Godoy 2002). The ILO estimates that some 5,000 children directly participate in the sugarcane harvest, whereas some 25,000 children total are involved with the sugarcane industry (Quesada Lima and Aguilar 2002). Sugarcane producers estimate that almost one-third of the workers in the industry are children. More boys participate than girls, and the work is different for the two sexes: 60 percent of boys are involved in the actual cutting of the cane, whereas girls tend to work in sowing, picking up the cane that hasn’t been burned, and stacking the cane for transport. Approximately 36 percent of older girls cut cane (Quesada Lima and Aguilar 2002, 6). Cutting cane is dangerous because the tools that are used are heavy and sharp, leading to many injuries. Almost 70 percent of the children who work in the sugarcane industry are between the ages of seven and fourteen. The pay for a day’s work in the sugarcane fields is less than the legal minimum wage, between US$3.20 and US$3.26 a day (Quesada Lima and Aguilar 2002, 6). Health concerns for children who work in the sugar-cane industry include chronic headaches (possibly as the result of extended exposure to the sun), back problems, cuts, and skin irritations. The work that children do in the garbage dumps of El Salvador is scavenging: sorting and collecting waste materials for resale or use as building materials in their own homes. The environmental conditions are
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hazardous because children are exposed to toxic waste, such as the waste from hospitals, other medical facilities, and industrial waste, and injuries (cuts and scrapes) are common (Carranza, Zelaya, and Iglesias 2002). In addition, the psychological issues that children face as they try to survive on other people’s waste present serious risks to their well-being. Mainly the children collect metal objects (cans), glass, cloth, plastics, and paper, which are then resold. Things like cartons and corrugated tin are collected and kept for their own homes, which are often on-site at the dump or in the surrounding communities. Fishing, working in the sugarcane industry, working with fireworks, and scavenging at garbage dumps all present myriad risks to the healthy development of children. The ILO is working through schools to combat this issue and keep children out of work and in school. However, until the overarching issues of systemic poverty are addressed, families will continue to have to send their children to work, just to be able to have enough to eat. FAMILY Children and families in El Salvador are currently undergoing transformations caused by phenomena such as migration and gang violence, as well as changes in gender roles, better access to basic social services, and the development of new legislation and its enforcement. At the same time, the economy has not grown sufficiently to create adequate employment opportunities for youth. Children and young people in El Salvador, in general terms, tend to see the United States as their opportunity to improve their standard of living, and thus immigration to the United States continues to increase. This increase has led to family disintegration as well as improvements in living standards for families who receive remittances. The high levels of poverty in El Salvador lead children and young people to seek ways of making money (as discussed in the section Child Labor). Although the majority of children attend school, many of these children also work in activities such as picking coffee, harvesting beans and rice, or selling candy or other items to supplement family income. About half of the 43 percent of young people (ages sixteen to eighteen) that do not attend school cite that they are not interested in studying, that it is too expensive, or that they need to work (Ministry of Economy 2005, 38). Migration plays an important role in the lives of children and adolescents. Roughly 40 percent of youth (ages fifteen to nineteen) receive remittances from family members in the United States, some of which are used to support their studies (UNDP 2005, 303). However, the aspiration of many young people is not to stay in school or in El Salvador but to migrate to the United States. Approximately 13 percent of young people ages fifteen to nineteen have tried to immigrate to the United States
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at some point, and roughly half of youth from this age group have contemplated it (UNDP 2005, 303). School dropout and a lack of economic opportunities also make youth particularly vulnerable to joining gangs. According to study conducted in 2004 by the National Board for Public Security, 84.5 percent of youth that joined a gang did not finish ninth grade because of economic reasons and/or the need to work. Furthermore, the majority of them did not join a gang immediately after dropping out of school, but there was an interim period between abandoning school and joining a gang (National Board for Public Security 2004). Other common characteristics of these youths who joined gangs have to do with family conditions. Although coming from a disintegrated family did not appear to be a common factor, the care and attention received by the children did appear to influence their decision to join a gang or not. For instance, 23 percent of the children who joined gangs said that they had nobody taking care of them, whereas in the group of children who did not join gangs, only 3 percent said that nobody was responsible for their care. Another common factor is the education level of the parents: 25 percent of children who joined gangs had mothers with no formal schooling, compared with 9 percent of children who did not join gangs. The children who joined gangs tended to have less presence of a parent, or parental figure, in their lives (National Board for Public Security 2004). Migration has also contributed to the increasing levels of family disintegration and absence of parents. Roughly one-third of the young men that migrate to the United States are married before migrating, and the percentage of single-female households has increased over the years. At present, one in every three Salvadoran households is single women with children, whereas in 1992 that was the case for roughly one in every four families (UNDP 2005, 293). Although the majority of those who migrate are men (63 percent compared with 37 percent of women) (UNDP 2005, 291), often single mothers will migrate alone, leaving their children with their grandmothers or aunts. This has contributed to the complex family structure, which is reflected in the legal definition of ‘‘family’’ as ‘‘a permanent social group, constituted by marriage, non-marriage union, or kinship/relationship’’ (UNDP 2005, 289). Some aspects of the society are beginning to respond to these changes. For example, the new national preschool and kindergarten curriculum, instead of referring to ‘‘parent committees’’ or ‘‘parental support to their children’s schooling’’ now refers to ‘‘family support for schooling’’ or ‘‘family’’ involvement in education. Migration has led to the splitting up of families, yet it has also led to improvements in living standards for the Salvadorans who migrate and the family members who remain in El Salvador. Roughly 18.5 percent of Salvadorans in the United States live in poverty. Although this is 7 percent above the poverty rate compared with U.S. citizens, it is half the poverty rate in El Salvador (where 36 percent of the population lives in
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poverty). Furthermore, the per capita income of Salvadorans in the United States is six times that of Salvadorans who have not migrated, and this improved standard of living is shared with family members who have remained in El Salvador through the roughly US$2.5 billion sent from the United States through remittances yearly (UNDP 2005, 6, 11). Migration and other effects of globalization, in addition to heavily influencing family structures, also have contributed to changes in gender roles. Women have increasingly played a more important role in both the formal and informal work force. According to official figures, the economically active population is made up of 60.4 percent men and 39.6 percent women. On average, men earn more than women. Although the average monthly salary for men is US$260.00, it is US$236.00 for women, demonstrating that women still face challenges in terms of achieving equity (Ministry of Economy 2005, 57, 71). Not much difference is reflected in education opportunities for youth. Although 59 percent of females ages sixteen to eighteen years study, this is the case for 56 percent of males from this age group. At the university level a minimal difference is also perceived, with 22 percent of men and 21 percent of women ages nineteen to twenty-three that study. However, differences in gender roles are more or less acute depending on the socioeconomic groups. In rural areas and in the poorer families, women tend to follow the more traditional role of cooking, cleaning, and child-rearing, even if they also work in the harvests or informal sector. In urban areas and amongst the higher-income groups, especially in the younger generations, it is more common for men to help out with these tasks traditionally performed by women. In general, the socioeconomic differences tend to be more determinate in terms of access to education and economic opportunities than do gender differences. Among the poor, girls and women have more limited access to social and economic opportunities and tend to depend on men economically. For poor Salvadoran girls to have the same opportunities as boys, more work will have to be done to change beliefs about gender and to generate economic opportunities for young, rural women. In summary, children in Salvadoran families are being presented new challenges and new opportunities. The tendency appears to be toward more complex family structures and transnational relationships. At the same time, as more women work, and more fathers and mothers migrate, children are often faced with a lack of guidance and support both in their childhood and adolescence. This presents new challenges to the education system and the broader social system in terms of the ability to adapt and respond adequately to these new complexities. HEALTH The health situation in El Salvador has improved greatly in the last fifteen years with dramatic decreases in the rates of infant and child
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mortality. Today, the infant mortality rate is twenty-five per 1,000 live births, whereas the child mortality rate for children ages one through four is six per 1,000 births (Asociaci on Demografica Salvadorena 2004, 314). However, despite the improvements, there are still vast inequalities in access to health services and quality of health services, meaning that poor, rural residents are less likely to have access to quality healthcare services than their wealthier urban counterparts. For poor citizens the infant mortality rate increases to thirty per 1,000 live births, whereas for wealthy citizens, the infant mortality rate decreases to thirteen per 1,000 live births (Asociaci on Demografica Salvadorena 2004, 315). To reduce infant and child mortality, access to clean water is the major concern. Many households, especially in rural areas, still do not have access to clean water, electricity, or sanitation services. A total of 83 percent of urban households have potable water, whereas only 38 percent of rural dwellings have potable water (Asociaci on Demografica Salvadorena 2004, 13). Most homes in El Salvador have some sort of toilet or latrine in the home; 81 percent of households in rural areas have a toilet or latrine in the home whereas 98 percent of homes in urban areas have toilets or latrines (Asociaci on Demografica Salvadorena 2004, 13). It is not surprising that families living in rural areas have greater rates of infant and child death considering their reduced access to clean water. The majority of children in El Salvador receive the necessary vaccinations during childhood, with a total of 81 percent of the population receiving vaccinations for polio, BCG (for tuberculosis), DPT (diphtheria, tetanus, and pertussis) and Sara/SPR (Asociaci on Demografica Salvadorena 2004, 382). The new government program, Oportunidades, seeks to increase vaccine coverage levels by rewarding the poorest citizens with a small cash transfer if they maintain a strict control of their young children’s vaccines. Depending on the success of this program, this relatively large portion of the population that is currently not covered by vaccine control may decrease. Child nutrition is a concern in El Salvador, particularly for poor, rural residents where access to food is sometimes limited as the result of a family’s limited financial resources and the natural disasters (drought and flooding) to which El Salvador is prone. Stunting is a common phenomenon in El Salvador where, nationally, 19 percent of children have a low height considering their age (Asociaci on Demografica Salvadorena 2004, 331). In rural areas, the percent of stunted children increases to 26 percent, whereas in urban areas it decreases to 11 percent (Asociaci on Demografica Salvadorena 2004, 351). The differences in stunting rates between the wealthy and the poor also reveal dramatic inequalities. For the wealthy, 7 percent of their children are stunted whereas for the poor, 28 percent of their children are stunted (Asociaci on Demografica Salvadorena 2004, 351). Acute malnutrition rates, which are measured by weight for height and indicate the current nutritional status of a child, are estimated at 1 percent nationally (Asociaci on Demografica
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Salvadorena 2004, 331). The first two years of life are essential for determining whether or not a child will be stunted. Exclusive breastfeeding is the best known way to nurture an infant in the first six months of life, yet only 24 percent of babies are exclusively breastfed in this timeframe (Asociaci on Demografica Salvadorena 2004, 327, 330). Salvadoran women have three children on average. However, in rural areas women tend to have 1.4 more children than in urban areas (Asociaci on Demografica Salvadorena 2004, 43, 57). Once children reach the adolescent years, reproductive health becomes a major focus of the public health system provided by Ministry of Public Health and Social Assistance and other NGOs. In El Salvador it is estimated that one in five girls between the ages of fifteen and nineteen have one or more children, and teenage mothers account for one in three births in El Salvador (Cooperaci on Tecnica Alemana GTZ y Ministerio de Salud P ublica y Asistancia Social 2004). The use of contraceptives is widespread with 67 percent of women reporting that they use contraceptives (Asociaci on Demografica Salvadorena 2004, 90). However, only 10 percent of adolescent girls in rural areas used some form of contraceptive in their first sexual encounter (Asociaci on Demografica Salvadorena 2004, 200). Common reasons for not using contraceptives include wanting to become pregnant, not knowing about contraceptives, their partners not wanting to use them, and believing that one cannot become pregnant during one’s first sexual encounter. Interestingly, 74 percent of women ages fifteen to twenty-four reports that they have received sex education in at least one theme (Asociaci on Demografica Salvadorena 2004, 192). Most commonly, women learn about the biological characteristics of the reproductive organs. Sexuality is not offered as a theme of sex education. Misinformation is common among Salvadoran youth, where accurate and open communication among youth and with adults is not a general practice, largely because of the influence of the Catholic religion. This type of communication and guidance is vital to ensure that children are protected against unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases. The infection rates of sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV/AIDS are on the increase in El Salvador. The number of reported cases of HIV/ AIDS between 1984 and 2004 was 14,718: 7,816 cases of HIV and 6,902 cases of AIDS (Ministerio de Salud P ublica y Asistancia Social 2004). The majority of the cases were reported by men, in urban as opposed to rural areas. Infection rates have been increasing over the last two decades particularly in the age range of fifteen to thirty-four years old and the most common mode of infection is through intercourse between men and women. There is limited sexual education that deals with the social and emotional aspects of sexual relationships, instead of simply the biology, in order to arm youth with the facts and tools to plan their own reproductive futures. Accurate data regarding the portion of population of El Salvador with special needs does not exist. Estimates range from 1.3 percent of the
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population having special needs by the 1992 census of El Salvador to 10 percent of the population by the Pan American Health Organization to 13 percent of the population having special needs as estimated by organizations and institutions that work with this group of the population (Center for International Rehabilitation). People with special needs tend to receive medical attention through the general healthcare system, plus there is a Salvadoran Institute for the Rehabilitation of Disabled Persons, which offers services to those who live nearby. In rural areas and for poorer citizens the options for treatment and rehabilitation are extremely limited. The Salvadoran Ministry of Public Health and Social Assistance (MPHSA) is the entity that is responsible for all regulations and norms related to health care in El Salvador. The MPHSA has been undergoing a process of decentralization in recent years to increase the coverage of services offered. Services largely focus on curative actions, although more and more preventive care is being prioritized. The MPHSA has been coordinating with other social sector actors to ensure collaboration and to avoid the duplication of services. Many direct services are being contracted out to local and national NGOs, which are then responsible for service delivery based on norms set by the MPHSA. Mental health has recently been introduced as a unit within the MPHSA. Healthcare coverage is reported as universal by the MPHSA; however, in reality there are many rural areas that effectively have no access to quality health care since the people have to travel long distances to reach a health unit, which can cost prohibitive amounts of money. Of the health care that is available to the general public, the MPHSA provides 80 percent of all care, the Social Security Institute provides 15 percent, and private practice provides 5 percent of care (Pan American Health Organization 2002). It is estimated that 81 percent of all Salvadorans do not have health insurance, whereas 42 percent of the population does not have access to healthcare services (Acuna 2005, 4). In some rural areas visits to curanderos (healers) are still common since the curanderos are believed to use effective practices in traditional medicine, not Western medicine, for curing illnesses. For example, a curandero might treat a child who has been frightened or who has received a strong look from someone’s eyes (que le ha hecho ojo) by placing sugar on the soft part of the child’s head and turning the child upside down while giving the child a massage. This practice in particular can be harmful to the child and even result in death. However, many of the treatments are successful. Some treatments that are performed by a curandero or in the home involve cooking leaves and flowers in water and having the child drink the solution or bath in it. These remedies often help to relieve symptoms of fever and/or a cough. The future of the health sector is promising in El Salvador. The current government is implementing policies to increase the coverage of routine medical care for children living in conditions of extreme poverty throughout the country. Health clinics have been opened in rural areas to give
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medical attention during longer service hours in hopes of extending coverage and many campaigns are being implemented to combat common diseases such as diarrhea due to infections and dengue. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS El Salvador has signed international treaties related to the rights of children, such as the Convention for Children’s Rights, and in recent years laws to protect children and adolescents have been improving. At present, there are laws to protect the rights of children, even before they are born, as well as laws specialized for youth who are accused of crimes. The Procuradora General de la Republica (General Procurator) is the government institution responsible for protecting the rights of the family and especially children, as well as the rights of workers and the general public. In 2004, 22 percent of the judicial actions of this entity were for the defense of children and the family (Public Ministry General Procurator 2005, 40). There are laws in place to protect women and children against violence, to protect women against discrimination, to guarantee parental responsibility, and to ensure that the rights of each person in the family are protected. In each of the fourteen departments of the country there are branches of this governmental entity, providing access to citizens from all parts of the country to make use of these laws. Between 2000 and 2005, there was a 23 percent increase in the number of cases attended to, and the majority of these cases were women who live in poverty (Public Ministry General Procurator 2005, 46). Although the number of cases attended to yearly continues to increase, presumably because more people make use of the legal mechanisms, still many cases of violence, child neglect, irresponsible parenting, and discrimination go without being reported due to lack of knowledge of these laws, fear, or ambivalence. Through the Family Law, children are protected before their birth. Both parents are obliged to financially support their children, and if one parent fails to do so, the other parent can demand child support. The majority of these cases are fathers who refuse to officially and legally recognize their children as being their own. Aside from establishing the monthly payment, which is taken directly out of the salary of the other parent, the father’s name is given to the child by law. In recent years, government-sponsored campaigns and NGOs have contributed to increasing public awareness about these laws, and more citizens have been making use of these laws year by year. For example, although in 2004 there were roughly 13,500 cases of women legally demanding child support from the fathers of their children, in 2005 there were 15,500 cases (Cadena Cuscatlan). Between June 2004 and June 2005, 17,480 girls and 13,047 boys benefited from the legal support provided by the Family unit. The Family Unit also attends to cases of domestic violence and child abuse. The Law against Family Violence classifies different types of
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domestic violence, including psychological, physical, and sexual, and establishes means of prevention against these different types of violence as well as legal actions against perpetrators. Victims of violence can access any of various public institutions, such as the National Police, National Family Secretariat, the General Procurator, the Salvadoran Institute for the Development of Women, the ISNA, or action can be taken directly with the family court system in order to put a legal demand against a perpetrator. The efficiency and effectiveness of this public institution has improved greatly during the past decade, and if citizens fail to use and benefit from the system it is usually because of a lack of knowledge about the services that it provides or a lack of courage to report cases of family violence or negligent parenting. Laws and the court system for sentencing juveniles have also improved, which has resulted in better treatment and respect for the rights of young people. This is particularly important for El Salvador because of the high numbers of gangs that are made up primarily of youth. Gang suspects are frequently arrested, or young people associated with gang members accused of participating in illegal behavior. In past years, a highly inefficient system for fair trails and sentencing caused many young people to be unfairly kept captive while awaiting trail. Violence and delinquency committed by youth, often related to gangs, is a problem in El Salvador that has increasingly generated international attention. It is estimated that between 2000 and 2001, half of the crimes committed were committed by youth between the ages of fifteen and twentyfour. However, other data reflects that between 10 to 15 percent of delinquent violence is committed by youth under the age of eighteen years of age, meaning that the age group of eighteen to twenty-four has a particularly high rate of committing crime (Family Secretariat 2004, 28). Children younger than eighteen did not previously have a law that reflected their particular situation and needs; however in 1994 the juvenile law was put into place, which is aimed specifically at children ages twelve to eighteen. This law establishes a framework for looking at juvenile violence as a social problem, and when a young person or adolescent is detained for committing a crime, it is determined not only if he or she was the author or just a participant in the crime, but also considers the causes for committing the crime (Family Secretariat 2004, 40). Depending on the determination of the needs of the young person and the needs for his or her reorientation for the good of society, the sentence could entail orientation and social service support to the family, community service, or partial or complete internment. The need to continue to improve and strengthen the legal structure protecting Salvadoran children and youth is reflected in the many children who continue to suffer from child neglect and abuse, family violence, lack of legal recognition or child support, and other injustices. The degree to which Salvadoran citizens make use of these laws and mechanisms will depend on the education that children receive and the capacities that they develop to exercise their rights as citizens.
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RELIGIOUS LIFE Religion is an important component of life in El Salvador. El Salvador is a mostly Roman Catholic country (83 percent), although there are a growing number of evangelical churches in El Salvador (CIA World Factbook 2006). In the Roman Catholic faith, children are usually baptized soon after birth, formalizing the commitment by the parents to raise the child in the Catholic faith. Many children attend Catholic schools, which are considered among the best academically, with the added bonus of fostering a strong sense of values in children. A child’s first communion is the next right of passage in the Catholic faith that is celebrated among family and friends. A special mass is celebrated at the church, where the child takes the bread and drinks the wine of communion for the first time. Afterwards, the family celebrates with a luncheon, inviting neighbors, family, and friends. The next big moment in the Catholic Church is the child’s confirmation. Confirmation happens a little later in adolescence at sixteen to eighteen years old when the child is accepted into the church as an adult. Evangelical churches have increased in popularity in recent years, especially among the poor and the marginalized because people feel that the evangelical church offers real support in difficult times and promotes solidarity among all of the brothers and sisters who comprise the congregation. Baptism is the most important rite of passage in the evangelical church where believers are ‘‘born again,’’ and it is common to see baptisms of adults and children who are accepting a new faith in God at public beaches, rivers, and lakes. The evangelical churches vary greatly in terms of their posture with respect to fundamental beliefs about the way women should dress and/or cover themselves; although it is common to see evangelical women covering their heads and wearing long dresses, it is also common to see evangelical women exposing their bodies in tight and revealing clothing. Religious celebrations comprise most of the national and local holidays throughout the calendar year. Christmas and Easter are major holidays that are celebrated among family and friends throughout the country during what are one or two weeks of vacation for those who work in the public sector. Saints throughout the countryside are reason to celebrate where patron saint days merit festivals and school and work holidays. Oscar Romero, the martyred archbishop of El Salvador, who was killed in 1980 during the Salvadoran civil war, is still a revered a symbol of justice and hope for the poor and marginalized. In March, on the anniversary of his death, the streets are filled with candlelit vigils and processions. Many Salvadorans are brought up in the Christian tradition when they are younger but they often lose touch with the church in their late adolescent or early adult years. However, when children enter the picture many people return to the church to look for the moral guidance that religion has to offer.
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CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Reliable data regarding child abuse are difficult to find in El Salvador. Underreporting is a widespread phenomenon. Children are the most vulnerable sector of the population who depend on adults to care for and protect them, yet the adults who are closest to the children are often their abusers. Additionally, the various institutes/organizations that work in the field receive reports of abuse in an isolated manner making consolidated information difficult to find. The Salvadoran Institute for the Development of Women (ISDEMU) received 8,305 reports of abuse during a twelve-month period in the second half of 2004 and the first half of 2005 (ISDEMU 2005, 9). The reports included violence within the family, child abuse, and sexual abuse. A total of 80 percent of reports pertain to women and girls, and 30 percent of the reports were related to child abuse (ISDEMU 2005, 9). Of the reported cases of child abuse, more than half were for children ages twelve to seventeen, 36 percent for children ages six to eleven, and 11 percent for children from birth to five years. It is important to note that these data pertain to only one organization that receives reports of violence. The national organization that is responsible for the protection of minors, ISNA, does not publish reports regularly; therefore, timely data are difficult to find. Recently, the issue of commercial sexual exploitation (CSE) has received much attention in El Salvador. Throughout the region of Central America, government organizations and NGOs are researching the issue of trafficking. Routes of trafficking bring children to and from South and Central America, often using El Salvador as a transit country. There is still much to learn about the extent of trafficking in El Salvador and the characteristics of the children who become victims of this form of abuse. In 2002, the ILO was able to interview ninety-four children and adolescents, mostly in the age range of sixteen or seventeen years, who had been victims of sexual exploitation in the capital city of San Salvador (Gonzalez de Innocenti and Innocenti 2002). Of the people interviewed the majority, 66 percent, were female (Gonzalez de Innocenti and Innocenti 2002, 35). Interestingly, almost 60 percent of the children and adolescents interviewed felt that they had no problems in their lives. These children did not recognize sexual exploitation and abuse as a problem; rather, they tended to feel that it is a normal punishment or something that they deserve. The average age of initiation into CSE is fourteen years, and the majority of the children who participated in the study said that they started doing it initially for money (Gonzalez de Innocenti and Innocenti 2002, 43, 45). Children who are caught in the abuse patterns of CSE suffer many psychological traumas, ranging from having suicidal thoughts to experiencing depression and sleep deprivation. Most alarming is that only 35 percent of the children who were interviewed for the study had any hope of that they will be able to leave CSE some day.
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According to the 2002/2003 FESAL study, 20 percent of women ages fifteen to nineteen reported having seen violence against women in their homes. For women in the same age range, 52 percent stated that they were punished when they were younger; more than half were physically abused, and the remaining girls were verbally abused (Asociaci on Demografica Salvadorena 2004, 148). Physical abuse is very common in El Salvador, where cinchazos (lashings with a belt) are considered to speak louder than words. Of women between the ages of fifteen and nineteen, 2 percent reported having been raped and 8 percent reported having been sexually abused, whereas 1 percent experienced both rape and sexual abuse (Asociaci on Demografica Salvadorena 2004, 151). Many government organizations and NGOs have been working on eliminating child abuse in El Salvador for several years. Programs that aim to educate parents on alternative forms of discipline and the harm of physical and psychological abuse, and to open up communication about the issue have all been implemented. However, the cycle of abuse is extremely difficult to break, and work still needs to be done. Advances have been made in legislature related to sexual abuse and exploitation. In El Salvador, the earliest age at which sexual relations is considered consensual is sixteen years. The penal code of El Salvador states that any person who rapes a minor (younger than eighteen years old) or a disabled person will receive a prison sentence of ten to fourteen years. Sexual aggression that does not include rape and is directed at a minor who is younger than twelve years of age warrants a prison sentence of six to eight years, whereas crimes of lesser offence are punished by lesser sentences. Someone who has sexual relations with a child between the ages of fourteen and sixteen years because of trickery or deceit will be imprisoned for one to three years. A punishment of four to eight years in prison is given to anyone who abuses a child who is younger than twelve years, and different elements are considered in the harshness of the sentencing; for example, if the abuse is done for profit, through deceit, violence, abuse of power or trust, or any other mode of intimidation and if the perpetrator is a sibling, legal guardian, or adoptive parent (Interpol). Although the laws are in place to punish those who abuse and exploit children, a lack of formal reporting to the authorities makes the implementation of these laws rare. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Children in El Salvador live in a time of demographic, legal, economic, and social transformation. The country is experiencing growth and development at a rapid rate, yet it is not clear how this will affect the majority of children and youth, particularly those living in conditions of poverty. The near future presents a precarious situation for the majority of the population since the growth that the country is experiencing is localized to few hands at the upper echelons of the society. If the Salvadoran
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government continues to implement targeted compensatory programs aimed at poverty reduction and the generation of social capital for those most in need, the situation should continue to improve across the spectrum of the population rather than simply for those who already have the most in terms of economic wealth. Although many Salvadoran children of migrants develop and maintain the hope of joining their parents in the United States and achieving the ‘‘American dream,’’ others take advantage of the remittance money to further their studies and aim toward a professional career in their own country (UNDP 2005, 304). The influence of migration on children will depend a great deal on the values and life skills that children develop through the influences of their families and education. El Salvador has also undergone great transformations in the past decade toward building a democracy. Children and youth are protected by laws that are aimed at protecting their rights as citizens and supporting their participation to actively engage in society. Salvadoran children and youth must learn to make use of these rights and take advantage of new opportunities. This requires the effort of all sectors of Salvadoran society to develop a better understanding of the particular needs and challenges faced by children and youth in order to support them in their development. NOTES 1. Data for this section were taken from CIA World Fact Book 2004. 2. Plan 2021 can be found at http://www.mined.gob.sv.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings In English Argueta, Manuel. 1983. One Day of Life. New York: Vintage International. A work of fiction that depicts a typical day for a peasant family during the Salvadoran civil war. Benıtez, Sandra. 2002. The Weight of All Things. New York: Hyperion. A story of child growing up in El Salvador during the war. After the loss of his mother, he experiences not only the difficulties of living in extreme, rural poverty but also the complexity of being caught in gunfire and witnessing one of the worst massacres to take place during the country’s ten-year civil war. Danner, Mark. 1994. The Massacre at El Mozote. New York: Vintage International. A study that reconstructs the events that took place in 1981 in El Mozote, El Salvador, where 750 men, women, and children were killed during the brutal civil war. Nickels, Greg. 1997. El Salvador: The People and Culture (Land, Peoples and Cultures). Crabtree Publishing Company. A great book for children ages nine to
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twelve that gives brief summaries of the most important current, historical, and cultural aspects of El Salvador. Quitena, Hector, and Walter Rivas. 2001. El Salvador Child Labour in the Urban Informal Sector: A Rapid Assessment. Geneva: International Labour Organization Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour. http://www.ilo.org/ public/english/standards/ipec/simpoc/elsalvador/index.htm. Rosekrans, Kristin. 1999. ‘‘Traumatization of a Society: El Salvador’s Struggle Continues.’’ Bioenergetic Analysis. 10: 97–118. Describes the psychological effects that the civil war had on the population, including children, and how these effects are still visible.
In Spanish Gorkin, Michael, Marta Pineda, and Gloria Leal. 2003. De Abuela a Nieta: Historias de Mujeres Salvadorenas. UCA Editores. Based on interviews with three different families of three generations of Salvadoran women who experienced the civil war and life in El Salvador in different ways based on their differing socioeconomic statuses.
Nonprint Resources Innocent Voices. 2004. Directed by Luis Mandoko. Lawrence Bender Production, Distributor Slow Hand Releasing. Salvador. 1986. Directed by Oliver Stone. Hemdale Film Production, Distributor MGM/UA Home Entertainment.
Web Sites ‘‘El Salvador.’’ CIA World Fact Book, https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/ factbook/geos/es.html. ‘‘Consular Information Sheet El Salvador.’’ U.S. State Department, http://travel .state.gov/travel/cis_pa_tw/cis/cis_1109.html. El Diario de Hoy, http://www.elsalvador.com. La Prensa Gr afica, http://www.laprensa.com.sv/portada/default.asp. The Salvadoran Ministry of Education, http://www.mined.sv.
Organizations and NGOs International NGOs CARE 151 Ellis Street NE Atlanta, GA 30303, USA
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Web site: http://www.care.org/index.asp A leading humanitarian agency fighting global poverty that works in more than seventy countries and serves more than forty-five million people. In El Salvador, CARE works to combat child labor, improve health and education, and increase economic opportunities. Catholic Relief Services P.O. Box 17090 Baltimore, MD 21203, USA Web site: http://www.crs.org/home.cfm Reaches out to people in more than ninety-nine countries and territories around the world, including El Salvador, to alleviate human suffering and promote peace for poor and disadvantaged people. Fundaci on InterVida Pujades 77-79, 08005 Barcelona, Spain Web site: http://www.intervida.org An international NGO working in Asia, Africa, and Latin America in social and economic development. In El Salvador, this organization carries out programs to improve educational quality and health services, combat youth violence, and improve economic opportunities. Plan International 155 Plan Way Warwick, RI 02886, USA Web site: http://www.plan-international.org Works worldwide to achieve lasting improvements for children living in poverty in developing countries. In El Salvador, Plan International carries out child sponsorship and programs in improving health conditions and education. Save the Children 54 Wilton Road Westport, CT 06880, USA Web site: http://www.savethechildren.org Carries out child sponsorship and social development programs in more than thirtynine countries in Africa, Asia, the Middle East, and America (including the United States). These programs serve more than thirty-three million children and thirtytwo million others working to save and improve children’s lives, including parents, community members, local organizations, and government agencies. In El Salvador, Save the Children focuses primarily on improving child nutrition, early childhood education, and the early grades or primary school. Share Foundation 598 Bosworth St., #1 San Francisco, CA 94131, USA Web site: http://www.share-elsalvador.org An international nonprofit organization that accompanies poor communities in El Salvador as they work for economic justice, democracy and sustainable development alternatives at the local and national levels.
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World Vision 800 West Chestnut Ave Monrovia, CA 91016, USA Web site: http://www.wvi.org/wvi/home.htm A Christian relief, development, and advocacy organization dedicated to working with children, families, and communities to overcome poverty and injustice. In El Salvador, World Vision carries out programs in health and education.
Bilateral and Multilateral Cooperation Agencia Espa~ nola de Cooperaci on Internacional Av. Reyes Cat olicos 4 28040 Madrid, Espa~ na Web site: http://www.aeci.es Spanish government agency that oversees work aimed at improving social and economic development worldwide. In El Salvador, this agency supports programs in health, education, and economic development. GTZ Eschborn, Germany Web site: http://www.gtz.de/de/index.htm German cooperation agency working for sustainable development and operating worldwide. In El Salvador, GTZ supports programs to improve health, education, and economic development. Inter-American Development Bank 1300 New York Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20577, USA Web site: http://www.iadb.org Multilateral organization that lends money to Latin American countries to contribute to the acceleration of the process of economic and social development. In El Salvador, the IDB has loaned money to the government for infrastructure development, economic development, and the improvement of health and education services. Japanese International Cooperation Agency Shinjuku Maynds Tower, Floors 6–13 2-1-1 Yoyogi, Shibuya-ku Tokyo, 151-8558, Japan Web site: http://www.jica.go.jp/english/index.html Works worldwide to help developing countries improve their socioeconomic development. In El Salvador, JICA supports programs in economic vitalization and employment expansion, social development including health and education, environmental conservation for sustainable development, and consolidation and strengthening of democratization. Organizaci on de Estados Iberoamericanos Bravo Murillo, 38 28015 Madrid, Espa~ na
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Web site: http://www.oei.es An international governmental organization for cooperation with Latin American countries to improve education, science, technology, democratization, and regional integration. In El Salvador, the OEI supports the government to improve health and education services, democratization, and economic development. United States Agency for International Development Ronald Reagan Building Washington, DC 20523, USA Web site: http://www.usaid.gov/index.html U.S. government agency providing economic and humanitarian assistance worldwide for more than forty years. In El Salvador, USAID supports programs in health, education, democracy and governance, and economic growth. World Bank 1818 H Street, NW Washington, DC 20433, USA Web site: http://www.worldbank.org A multilateral organization that lends money to developing countries for social and economic development. In El Salvador, the World Bank provides loans to the government to support infrastructure development, economic growth, and improvement of health and education services.
United Nations Organizations United Nations Children’s Fund 3 United Nations Plaza New York, NY 10017, USA Web site: http://www.unicef.org/index2.php Works internationally to improve life circumstances for children, primarily in child protection, health, and education. In El Salvador, UNICEF supports programs to improve educational quality, health services, and youth development including learning democratic practices. United Nations Development Programme One United Nations Plaza New York, NY 10017, USA Web site: http://www.undp.org An organization advocating for change and connecting countries to knowledge, experience, and resources to help people improve their life circumstances. Annually produces social development reports covering all countries. In El Salvador, UNDP supports research on social development as well as social and economic development programs. United Nations World Food Program Via C.G. Viola 68, Parco dei Medici 00148 Rome, Italy Web site: http://www.wfp.org/english
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An organization that provides food to populations suffering from malnutrition. In El Salvador, the World Food Program provides food for children in schools in the poorest regions of the country.
National NGOs Asociaci on AGAPE de El Salvador Km. 63 Carretera a San Salvador Sonzacate, Sonsonate, El Salvador Web site: http://www.agape.com.sv A Salvadoran NGO working to improve life conditions for the poorest sectors. AGAPE carries out economic and social development projects. Centro Educativo y Cultural FEPADE Calle El Pedregal, contiguo a Escuela Militar, Antiguo Cuscatlan La Libertad, El Salvador, Centro America Web site: http://www.fepade.org.sv/site2006 A private foundation that works to improve education services and economic opportunities through education. Conducts programs in business leader development, vocational education, scholarships for secondary education, education research, and improving educational quality. CIDEP (Association for Social Progress and Economic Development) Web site: http://www.cidep.org.sv A Salvadoran NGO that works to promote social and economic development in poor, rural, and marginalized urban areas. CIDEP carries out programs to improve educational quality and economic development. FUSAL (Salvadoran Foundation for Health and Human Development) Web site: http://www.fusal.org.sv A private nonprofit organization that carries out programs to improve health and education services.
Selected Bibliography Acuna, Maria Cecilia. 2005. ‘‘Exclusion, Proteccion Social y el Derecho a la Salud’’ (Exclusion, Social Protection and the Right to Health). March. http://www .ops.org.sv/Documentos/Exclusion%20y%20derecho%20a%20la%20salud.pdf. Asociaci on Demografica Salvadorena. 2004. ‘‘Encuesta Nacional de Salud Familiar: FESAL 2002/03’’ (The National Survey of Family Health). Asociaci on Demografica Salvadorena. Cadena Cuscatlan, http://www.cadenacuscatlan.com.sv. Carranza, Ana Cecilia, Lelia Zelaya, and Salvador Iglesias. 2002. El Salvador Child Labour in Garbage Dumps: A Rapid Assessment. Geneva: International Labour Organization Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour, March. http://www.ilo.org/public/english/standards/ipec/simpoc/elsalvador/index .htm. Center for International Rehabilitation. ‘‘El Salvador Country Report.’’ http:// www.cirnetwork.org/idrm/reports/americas/countries/el_salvador.html.
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CIA World Fact Book. https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/es .html. Cooperaci on Tecnica Alemana GTZ y Ministerio de Salud P ublica y Asistancia Social. 2004. ‘‘Sistematizaci on de Experiencias Educativas En Salud Integral y Sexualidad con Participacion de Adolescentes en El Salvador’’ (Documentation of Educational Experiences in Integral Health and Sexuality with Participation of Adolescents in El Salvador). San Salvador: Cooperaci on Tecnica Alemana GTZ y Ministerio de Salud P ublica y Asistancia Social. Family Secretariat, La Nueva Justicia Penal Juvenil (The New Juvenile Delinquency Justice). 2004. San Salvador. Godoy, Oscar. 2002. El Salvador Child Labour in Fishing: A Rapid Assessment. Geneva: International Labour Organization Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour, March. http://www.ilo.org/public/english/standards/ipec/ simpoc/elsalvador/index.htm. Gonzalez de Innocenti, Zoila, and Cinzia Innocenti. 2002. El Salvador: The Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children and Adolescents: A Rapid Assessment. Geneva: International Labour Organization Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour, March. http://www.ilo.org/public/english/standards/ipec/ simpoc/elsalvador/index.htm. Instituto Salvadore~ na para el Desarrollo de la Mujer (ISDEMU). 2005. ‘‘Estadisticas del Programa de Saneamiento de la Relacion Familiar’’ (Statistics from the Healthy Family Relations Program). San Salvador. http://www.isdemu .gob.sv. International Labor Organization (ILO). 2004. ‘‘Entendiendo el Trabajo Infantil en El Salvador’’ (Understanding Child Labor in El Salvador). San Jose, Costa Rica. http://www.ilo.org/public/english/standards/ipec/simpoc/elsalvador/index.htm. Interpol. ‘‘Sexual Offense Laws of El Salvador.’’ http://www.interpol.int/Public/ Children/SexualAbuse/NationalLaws/csaElSalvador.asp. Ministerio de Salud P ublica y Asistancia Social. 2004. ‘‘Situaci on Epidimiol ogica de VIH/SIDA in El Salvador A~ nos 1984–2004,’’ San Salvador, El Salvador. http://www.mspas.gob.sv/p_its_vih_sida_menu.asp. Ministry of Economy, General Direction of Statistics and Census. 2005. Encuesta de Hogares de Prop ositos M ultiples (Household Survey of Multiple Uses). San Salvador. Ministry of Education of El Salvador. 2005a. ‘‘Informe de avance en el logro de los objetivos del desarrollo del milenio’’ (Report on the Advances in Achieving the Millennium Development Goals). San Salvador: Ministry of Education of El Salvador. ———. 2005b. ‘‘Educaci on para Todos en El Salvador: Informe de avances y desafıos futuros’’ (Education for All: Report on Advances and Future Challenges). San Salvador: Ministry of Education of El Salvador. ———. 2004. ‘‘Plan Nacional de educaci on 2021’’ (Nacional Education Plan 2021). San Salvador: Ministry of Education of El Salvador. National Board for Public Security. 2004. Influencia de las pandillas en centros educativos (The Influence of Gangs in Schools). San Salvador: National Board for Public Security. Organizaci on Internacional de Trabajo. 2004. Entendiendo el Trabajo Infantil en El Salvador (Understanding Child Labor in El Salvador), San Jose, Costa Rica: Organizaci on Internacional de Trabajo. http://www.ilo.org/public/english/ standards/ipec/simpoc/elsalvador/index.htm.
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Pan American Health Organization. ‘‘El Salvador Country Health Profile 2002.’’ http://www.paho.org/English/DD/AIS/cp_222.htm. Public Ministry General Procurator. 2005. Informe de Labores junio 2004 a mayo 2005 (Work Report from June 2004 to May 2005). San Salvador, 40, 46. Quesada Lima, Judeth E., and Alfredo Vargas Aguilar. 2002. El Salvador: Child Labour in Sugarcane: A Rapid Assessment. Geneva: International Labour Organization Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour. http://www.ilo .org/public/english/standards/ipec/simpoc/elsalvador/index.htm. Supreme Court Justice. 1998. La Nueva Justicia Penal Juvenile (The New Juvenile Law). San Salvador: Supreme Court Justice. United Nations Development Program (UNDP). 2005. Human Development Report El Salvador. San Salvador: UNDP. United States Agency for International Development. 2005a. Basic Education in El Salvador: Consolidating the Foundations for Quality and Equal Opportunities. Washington, DC: Academy for Educational Development. ———. 2005b. ‘‘Calidad, cobertura, e impacto de la educaci on inicial y parvularia en El Salvador’’ (Quality, Coverage, and Impact in Early Childhood Education and Kindergarten in El Salvador). San Salvador. 13. ———. 2004. ‘‘Diagnostico sobre la situaci on actual de educaci on especial en la atenci on de necesidades educativas especiales en El Salvador’’ (Assessment of the Situation of Special Needs Education in El Salvador). San Salvador.
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GUATEMALA Ellie Friedland and Eva Sazo de M e ndez NATIONAL PROFILE Guatemala is located in Central America, bordered by Mexico to the north and west, the Pacific Ocean to the south, and Belize, Honduras, and El Salvador to the east. The country is divided into twenty-two departments, with 332 municipalities, which contain hamlets, small villages, and farms.1 More than 22,000 towns in Guatemala have fewer than 500 inhabitants. Most of these small towns are in rural areas without good roads, where the people do not have access to electricity, health care, education, or commerce.2 Guatemala’s population of almost thirteen million is mostly young. The median age is eighteen years old, and 42.2 percent of the population is fourteen years or younger.3 Spanish is the dominant language, and there are twenty-one Mayan languages with more than 150 dialects. The major ethnic groups are the indigenous Mayas, Ladinos (mixed Spanish/indigenous), Garifunas (descendents of Africans brought to the Caribbean region as slaves who later
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migrated to South and Central America), and Xincas. Xincas are an indigenous people who currently live in Chiquimulilla, Guazacapan, and Jutiapa. Their numbers are dwindling, and their language is in danger of becoming extinct.4 There are also Europeans and Asians in fewer numbers. Historically, the majority of Guatemalans have been Catholic, although Mayan traditions and practices continue to co-exist and even blend with Catholic rituals. There is no accurate census of religious affiliation, but estimates are that between 50 and 60 percent of the population is Catholic and 40 percent is Protestant, primarily Evangelical.5 Many religious groups, including the Catholic Church, Protestant churches, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (Mormons), and Jehovah’s Witnesses, sponsor missionaries in Guatemala. Guatemala is a country with great historical, natural, and cultural richness. It is known as ‘‘the land of eternal spring’’ because, in many parts of the country, the climate is mild year round. The lowlands are hot and tropical, and the highlands are quite cool year round. Guatemala is mountainous, with many active volcanoes. Earthquakes and tropical storms are frequent hazards. In October 2005, Hurricane Stan caused devastating damage to at least a third of the national territory, directly or indirectly affecting more than 3.5 million people. There were more than 900 landslides, some which buried entire villages. Farms, roads, bridges, telecommunications, and the energy infrastructure were destroyed, leaving many parts of the country inaccessible. Many areas that were already in extreme poverty will experience additional long-term effects on the availability of the basic necessities of life, as well as education, employment, and health services. Nationwide losses in revenue, including losses in tourism, are seriously hurting the economy of Guatemala and all of Central America.6 Many people throughout Guatemala were already living in poverty before the hurricane. The country’s economy is built on a structure of economic and social inequity. Coffee, sugar cane, bananas, beans, cattle, sheep, pigs, and chickens are all important farm products. Major industries are sugar, textiles, furniture, chemicals, petroleum, metals, rubber, and tourism.7 However, these farms and businesses are owned by a few large Guatemalan and international companies. Fifty-seven percent of the population works in agriculture, but the local population receives little income from their labor that keeps these companies profitable. Sixty-five percent of the usable land is owned by 2.2 percent of the population. Fifty-six percent of the population lives below the poverty line; 20 percent of this group live on less than one dollar per day. Ten percent of the population receives 44 percent of the national income.8 The national level of Unmet Basic Needs of the Home (UBN) was at least 73.5 percent in 1998; the rate was 85.9 percent in indigenous homes, 85.5 percent in rural homes, and 55.3 percent in urban homes. In 2005 only 10 percent of children in Guatemala had their basic needs
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met, 85 percent were at risk, and KEY FACTS – GUATEMALA 5 percent lived in the streets. A total of 78 percent of the popuPopulation: 12,728,111 (July 2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 69.69 years (2007 est.) lation endures poor housing Literacy rate (age 15 and over): 69 percent (2004 est.) conditions, 73.5 percent of famNet primary school enrollment/attendance (2000–2005): ilies do not have access to clean 93 percent water throughout the year, and Internet users: 756,000 (2005) only 46.6 percent have a source People living with HIV/AIDS: 78,000 (2003 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) rank: 48 (2006 est.) of water in their homes. Only 19.2 percent of families conSources: CIA World Factbook: Guatemala. https://www.cia.gov/ sume uncontaminated water.9 library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/gt.html. May 29, 2007; UNICEF: At a Glance–Guatemala. http://www.unicef.org/ More than 1.5 million Guateinfobycountry/guatemala_statistics.html. May 29, 2007; United malans, disheartened by the abNations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development sence of economic opportunity, Report 2006–Guatemala. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_GTM.html. May 29, 2007. have moved to the United States. More than 30 percent of the Guatemalan population receives money from the United States. In other words, four million people, or approximately 700,000 families, depend upon this support.10 Guatemala has a history of violence and conquest, beginning with the Spanish invasion in the sixteenth century and a series of dictators after Guatemala became a sovereign republic in 1847. During the ‘‘Ten Years of Spring’’ from 1944–1954, there was a period of dramatic and relatively peaceful social and political change, which ended with the overthrow of the government that was organized and financed by the United States. The country was then dominated by military dictators who were fought by guerrillas in the thirty-six-year civil conflict that officially ended with the UN-brokered Guatemala Peace Accords of 1996.11 According to Amnesty International, an estimated 200,000 people were ‘‘disappeared’’ or executed during the civil conflict.12 Hundreds of those killed were children and at least 5,000 children were disappeared. Many families continue to search for them and live in hope of at least finding their bodies.13 OVERVIEW The majority of children in Guatemala live at risk because of the country’s serious economic and social problems. More than half of the country’s children live in poverty. Estimates of children living on the streets of Guatemala range from 1,500 to 3,000. This does not count the thousands of children living in makeshift ‘‘homes’’ of sheets of cardboard and tin in extreme poverty with their families. The government has no outreach programs for children who live on the streets, and many suffer physical violence. They are often denied medical care and education because of cultural prejudices against them, and because they cannot pay for school fees or uniforms.14
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Government Services for Families and Children The Secretary of Social Welfare of the Presidency is in charge of the prevention and protection of children at risk. There are Centers of Daily Care in all of the country’s twenty-two departments that provide day care for children younger than six years old whose mothers work. There are four Temporary Homes for children who have been orphaned or abandoned, who are found in the streets, who have been victims of abuse or negligence by their parents, or who are victims of violent crime. Only one of these four homes is dedicated to girls and young women. These four homes serve only 300 children. The same Secretary is in charge of four Centers of Treatment and Orientation of Minors for children and adolescents who have committed crimes or belong to violent gangs.15 The Program for Prevention and Eradication of Intrafamily Violence (PROPEVI) is another government program under the First Lady’s Office Secretarıa de Obra Social de la Esposa del Presidente-SOSEP. In 2005 it reported that it received approximately twelve calls a day via its emergency hotline from battered women and children.16 The office of the Ombudsman for Indigenous Women provides social services for victims of domestic or social violence, as well as mediation, conflict resolution, and legal services for indigenous women. It also coordinates and promotes programs by government institutions and nongovernmental organizations to prevent violence and discrimination against indigenous women; however, like the other government agencies, it lacks the human resources and logistical capacity to perform its functions on a national level.17 EDUCATION Reports of literacy rates for Guatemala vary according to different sources, but in 2004 The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) reported the total literacy rate as 69 percent, with a rate of 75 percent for men and 63 percent for women.18 Education is compulsory up to the sixth grade in Guatemala, but in 2005 less than half the adult population had completed primary education. Nonindigenous children received an average of 5.6 years of school (boys received 6.0 years compared with 5.3 years for girls). Indigenous children received an average of 2.2 years (boys 2.8 and girls 1.6).19 Close to 44 percent of children did not attend primary school, and 80.9 percent did not attend high school.20 Public schools charge each child for school fees and require that parents pay for uniforms and supplies (sometimes more than 50 dollars per year). These expenses are unaffordable for many families. More than 2 million children do not attend school or have to leave school to work. Many rural schools only offer classes up to the third grade, and much of the nation’s education budget is spent in Guatemala City.21 School
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absenteeism, retention, and dropout rates are extremely high. In 2003, only 11 percent of children who registered for primary school passed their respective grades. Only 40 percent of children who entered primary school completed three years and only 30 percent went beyond sixth grade. Completion rates were even lower in rural and indigenous areas.22 Children attend school for half-day sessions, with classroom sizes that vary from about thirty children to ninety or more, with one teacher. Teachers have completed high school and have little or no ongoing professional development. Some public schools, mostly those in cities, have some textbooks and other supplies. Many schools have no books and almost no basic supplies.23 Guatemalan law mandates equal access to public facilities, including education and health services for people with disabilities, and prohibits discrimination based on disability. There is a National Council for the Disabled, composed of representatives of relevant government ministries and agencies, which is focused on meeting the needs of disabled citizens. However, as of 2005 no resources were devoted to the implementation of their recommendations.24 There are no state-sponsored evaluation or educational services for children with disabilities.25 Nongovernmental organizations sponsor other educational projects and programs to help children. Many of these programs make it possible for children to attend school by paying families what the children would have earned by working. Guatemalan education activists, many working without support from the government, are working to improve education in the public schools. Some are sponsored by nongovernmental organizations, but many are volunteers working through professional organizations such as the International Reading Association. For example, the Guatemalan Reading Association (GRA, a national affiliate of the International Reading Association) is a group of volunteer teachers (mostly women) who, supported by volunteer partners in the United States, have been donating story books to public schools since 1991. The GRA has created ‘‘mini-libraries’’ of 150 books in more than 250 public schools. The GRA volunteers provide ongoing workshops for teachers to learn how to effectively use the books with children, as well as to learn educational theory and teaching strategies.26 PLAY AND RECREATION Almost everyone in Guatemala watches or plays soccer. Guatemala City has two large stadiums that host the major league soccer games. The whole country takes pride in their team’s participation in past World Cup soccer matches. No village is too small to have a soccer field, even if it is a piece of rocky land and two goals marked with stones or sticks. Children frequently play soccer with old balls or a coconut, and without shoes. Girls are now starting to play soccer.
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The Ministry of Education and the Direction of Physical Education promote sports and recreation in some schools, but there are insufficient funds for playing fields or equipment. Church groups and international nongovernmental organizations often promote and sponsor sports. For example, the Mormons are known for building basketball courts in communities in which they preach, and World Vision formed a symphonic orchestra of indigenous boys and girls in San Juan Sacatepequez, a city with the highest concentration of child labor in fireworks factories, which is considered one of the worst forms of child labor.27 However, in general, children have little space and few opportunities to play and entertain themselves, especially in rural areas. Most children are too poor for organized activities, and they play in the street, where they are exposed to sexual abuse, drugs, gangs, accidents, and violence. In Guatemala City, there are a few places, including several baseball diamonds, one basketball gym, and a few open fields, for middle class children and adults to play. The current mayor of Guatemala City, expresident Arzu, is rejuvenating parks, has closed some throughways on Sundays to make areas for pedestrians, skateboarders, roller-skaters, bicyclists. For those who have television, there are two Guatemalan stations and many from the United States. Town fairs are a traditional and still popular form of recreation. They are celebrated all over the country on specific dates of the year, usually to celebrate a patron saint. Fairs feature local parades, games, arts and crafts, food, and markets, including novelty stands where children can pay to play briefly with electronic and video games.28 CHILD LABOR Although Guatemalan law prohibits children under the age of fourteen from working without permission of the Ministry of Labor, it nevertheless has the third highest rate of working children among the Latin American countries. Almost 1 million children younger than the age of eighteen years work in Guatemala. Thirty-four percent are girls, and 66 percent are boys; of these 52 percent are indigenous, with 73 percent in rural areas and almost 27 percent in urban areas. Children make up 20.3 percent of the working population (PEA or Active Economic Population).29 In 2005, an estimated 23 percent of children younger than eighteen years in Guatemala had to work to survive. Most work in the informal economy in households, subsistence agriculture, or small businesses, which means their employers are exempt from all laws that protect workers. A 2002 report, based on a National Statistic Institute survey, indicated that almost 40,000 children worked as domestics in private homes. Most of these children work worked thirteen to sixteen hours a day, and their average monthly salary was approximately $51 (395 quetzals).30
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The Labor Ministry estimated in 2005 that approximately 3,000 children were employed in the illegal cottage-based fireworks industry; approximately 10 percent of them worked in the factories, whereas children younger than the age of fourteen usually do piecework at home. Accidents occur regularly in the fireworks industry and many children are seriously burned every year.31 Military and Social Service Many children were forcibly recruited into the Guatemalan military during the many years of military control. Human rights defenders, led by indigenous and Ladina women such as Rigoberta Menchu, Rosalina Tuyuc, and Nineth Montenegro fought successfully to include protection of children and adolescents from being conscripted into the military in the 2003 Law of Integral Protection of Children and Adolescents. Today, all young people between the ages of sixteen and twenty-four are required to perform eighteen months of community service. Men are allowed to choose that or thirty months of military service (women are not allowed in the military).32 However, the community service option has not been fully operational. Many indigenous young people from rural areas sign up voluntarily for the military, hoping that when they leave the military they will be able to find work in Guatemala City.33 FAMILY Cultural norms place high value on the multigenerational family and on strong ties and traditional roles within the family. When a family is able to accumulate financial assets, especially home ownership, these meaningful assets are kept in the family for generations, if possible.34 Family roles are based on patriarchy, and traditional systems of power are being challenged very slowly. Domestic violence against women and girls is common among all social classes. In September 2004, the InterAmerican Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) Special Rapporteur for the United Nations on violence against women observed that ‘‘the impacts of the psychological ramification of the civil war and poverty on men’s ability to fulfill machista roles as providers have intensified family abandonment, unstable relationships and alcoholism, all resurfacing in the form of violence against women in and outside the home. Alcoholism among males, unemployment/underemployment, and attempts to preserve patriarchal power over women contribute to domestic violence and undermine opportunities for the promotion of non-violent relationships in future generations.’’35 The Special Rapporteur also noted, ‘‘Violence in the family and domestic violence . . . are not considered a public security issue. In addition, the invisibility of violence against women can be seen in the absence
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of studies or statistics on the prevalence of violence in the family or domestic violence, as well as in the lack of information on sexual crimes that mainly affect women.’’36 The Guatemalan Law on Domestic Violence allows for complaints of domestic violence, but domestic abuse is not punishable by prison sentence. Perpetrators can be charged with assault only if bruises from the abuse remain visible for ten days. The U.S. Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices noted that the Guatemalan Public Ministry reported receiving almost 10,000 complaints of family violence against women and children in Guatemala City in 2005, but only approximately 370 cases went to trial. The Network for Non-violence Against Women estimated that 90 percent of incidents went unreported.37 The number of women murdered in Guatemala increased in 2003, 2004, and 2005. Amnesty International reports that establishing a comprehensive picture of the extent of the violence perpetrated against Guatemalan women remains extremely difficult because of the lack of reliable official information: ‘‘Guatemalan authorities confirmed to the InterAmerican Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) that between 2001 and August 2004 they had registered the deaths of 1,188 women.’’ Nevertheless, the precise number of women who have been murdered is unknown and disputed. Figures vary among institutions and are based on different criteria.38 The IACHR Special Rapporteur expressed concern that ‘‘worrying testimonies have been received in relation to the notable sense of insecurity that women in Guatemala feel today as a result of the violence and the murders in particular. The resulting effect of intimidation carries with it a perverse message: that women should abandon the public space they have won at much personal and social effort and shut themselves back up in the private world, abandoning their essential role in national development.’’39 Adoption Although Guatemala is a small country, more children are adopted from Guatemala than from any other Latin American country, and it is fourth in the world for numbers of children adopted abroad. As many as 98 percent of adoptions are by people outside Guatemala, and 80 percent are illegal. Amnesty International reports that the approximately 200 lawyers involved in the baby business charge an average of $25,000 to foreign couples seeking to adopt, and that state officials and their families are reportedly involved in the illegal adoptions.40 HEALTH In 2003, an estimated 20 percent of the Guatemalan population did not have access to any type of institutional health services. The United
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Nations reported that 24 percent of the population suffered from malnutrition, up from 16 percent ten years earlier.41 The Guatemalan National Study of Maternal and Infant Health (ENSMI) reported in 2002 that 49.3 percent of children between three and fifty-nine months suffered from chronic malnutrition. The percentages are greater for girls (50 percent), for children in rural areas (55.5 percent), for indigenous children (69.5 percent), and for children of illiterate mothers (65.6 percent).42 In 2002 infant mortality was 40.4 per 1,000 live births, but for indigenous children it was 46 per 1,000 live births and double that in isolated rural indigenous areas. Maternal mortality was eighty-nine per 100,000 live births nationally, but in predominantly indigenous areas it was 192 and 152 per 100,000 live births, respectively.43 UNICEF’s 2003 report estimated the under-five mortality rate at 58 per 1,000 children. Public health analyses showed that 60 percent of the cases of infant mortality and 76 percent of the cases of maternal mortality were preventable if there had been basic health and environmental measures.44 HIV is a growing crisis in Guatemala, where approximately 78,000 of the country’s people are living with the virus. Although an estimated 13,500 people were in need of treatment for AIDS in 2005, only 3,900 Guatemalans received it. The U.S.–Dominican Republic–Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA), signed in 2004, grants levels of intellectual property protection that can restrict access to essential HIV medications and consequently make drug prices unaffordable for the vast majority of Guatemalans.45 Birth Rate In 2002, the average national birth rate was 4.4 children per woman of reproductive age, which was the highest of the Central American countries. However, the rates for fifteen- to nineteen-year-old girls are greater, as are the rates for rural and indigenous women.46 This difference can be attributed to the lack of education, health services, and contraception, as well as the beliefs and taboos that prevent women from deciding to limit the number of children they bear.47 The Law of Social Development, Decree 42-2001, makes it the responsibility of the Guatemalan Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Public Health and Social Assistance to provide education in basic human sexuality, including birth control, for all people. However, programs are still in development and most young people receive little or no such education.48 Street Children Official records of the number of street children in Guatemala range from 1,500 to 5,000, but the higher estimates are probably more
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accurate. Estimates are that 65 percent of children living in the streets are between the ages of ten and seventeen and 20 to 30 percent are girls. Approximately 10 to 15 percent of the street children have migrated to Guatemala from neighboring Central American countries, especially Honduras and El Salvador. The other children living in the streets are from various urban and rural areas of Guatemala. There are probably about 3,000 children living in the streets of Guatemala City.49 Many street children inhale the fumes of shoe glue (pegamento) or paint thinner (solvente), often their only avenue to escape hunger, pain, and hopelessness. Robbery, prostitution, and begging are the main sources of income for most street children. Condom use is sporadic, and the pregnancy rate among street girls is high. Approximately 10,000 children were members of street gangs in 2005. Violence between street gangs is common and is often used as an excuse by the national police and private security guards (commonly hired to protect private businesses) to harass and beat street children.50 Street children are often arbitrarily picked up and detained by the police and put into the judicial system when they have done nothing illegal. In practice, children’s rights are not protected by the criminal justice system.51 In 2003, Alvaro Arzu, former President of the Republic, and then mayor of Guatemala City, began the first government-sponsored program for street children in the country. He and his wife opened a center that provides, food, shelter, clothing, health services, and education for approximately 100 children.52 All other programs for homeless children are sponsored by nongovernmental organizations, and most are in Guatemala City. For example, Casa Alianza Guatemala is a not-for-profit agency that has provided services for thousands of street children since 1981. It sponsors residential and outreach programs, drug rehabilitation, legal aid, and other vital services for children.53 In addition to homeless children, there are approximately 1,000 to 1,500 children who live and work in the Guatemala City Dump, usually with some family members. They collect garbage to sell to be recycled. Fires are frequent in the dump, but in 2005 there was a fire that was so large and the fumes were so toxic that the City outlawed children from the Dump. Now, they sneak in. Many develop cancer and other lifethreatening illnesses early in life, and are at high risk for drug abuse and sexually transmitted diseases.54 Again, these children and families receive no services from the government, but there are not-for-profit organizations created and run by private citizens that offer assistance. For example, Camino Seguro (Safe Passage) is an educational reinforcement program that more than 400 children from the Dump attend during the half-day they are not in school. Camino Seguro pays their school fees and provides them clothing acceptable enough so they can attend school. Every child’s attendance in
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school is monitored, and children earn their assistance from Camino Seguro by consistent attendance in school and in the Camino Seguro program. Every family receives a large bag of food every month, but only if children miss less than four days of school and of the program at Camino Seguro. This assistance makes it possible for the families to survive without the money the children would earn by scrounging in the Dump. Camino Seguro provides educational reinforcement programs for children from age three through high school, vocational training, medical care, outreach social work services for all families, and daily lunch and a snack (often the only meals of the day for children). The program also has a residential home that serves more than thirty children who are placed there by their parents, who typically struggle with the most severe issues of drug abuse, physical or sexual abuse, and/or extreme poverty.55 LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The 1985 Constitution of the Republic of Guatemala guarantees and protects human life from conception, including the integrity and security of the person.56 The Republic of Guatemala was the sixth country to sign the international Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1990. However, many Guatemalan laws remained in conflict with the convention until Guatemala enacted the Law of Integral Protection of Children and Adolescents in 2003 (it was passed in 2000 but was suspended until the Guatemalan Supreme Court ruled that failure to enact the new law was unconstitutional). This law established the obligation of the state to guarantee the survival, safety, and basic development of all children and adolescents.57 This 2003 law also established the Commission for Children and Youth, with the charge to protect the rights of children and youth in Guatemala, but as of January 2005, such a commission had still not been formed. ‘‘One of the most significant changes of the new law was that it did away with ‘status’ crimes and the concept of ‘conducta irregular’ (irregular conduct), which, as applied to minors, tended to criminalize poverty and homelessness and viewed minors in such circumstances as ‘delinquents’ needing institutionalization.’’58 However, in 2005 the Procurator of Human Rights, Sergio Morales, confirmed the existence of ‘‘social cleansing’’ of adolescents. This is the targeting of young people for murder as a reaction against high crime rates. This violence is perpetuated by various groups, including the state security forces, who, though they are not acting officially, act with impunity.59 The government organizations that are charged with protecting the rights of children include Procuradurıa Nacional de Derechos Humanos (National Procurator of Human Rights), Defensorıa de la Ni~ nez (Defense of Childhood), and Oficina del Arzobispado (Office of the Archbishop). Human rights activists also work through the many Guatemalan and
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international nongovernmental organizations working for children’s rights in Guatemala. The organizations include UNICEF, Save the Children, Casa Alianza (Alliance House), Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Plan Internacional (International Plan), Visi on Mundial Guatemala (World Vision Guatemala), and Intervida, among others. Despite the activists’ and organizations’ efforts, many children in Guatemala experience the violation of their basic rights every day.60 CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT According to the Director of the Casa Allianza, Guatemala has the highest percentage of violent deaths in infancy, childhood, and adolescence in all of Central America.61 Young people in Guatemala have long been targeted for violent harassment and murder by vigilante groups, as well as by the National Police, usually with impunity. The perpetrators of this ‘‘social cleaning,’’ as it is known, claim to be fighting gangs and the high rate of crime, but many of those who have been murdered have been students and young women.62 Accurate figures are not kept of crimes, especially those against children and women, and few of these crimes are investigated or prosecuted. Nevertheless, police statistics reported that 1,185 children and adolescents were murdered in 2004 (a 10 percent increase since 2002). In 2005, 324 children younger than the age of eighteen were murdered in Guatemala City alone.63 It is likely that these figures are underestimated, because many murders are made to appear to be accidents, and much family violence is never reported. The Procurator of Human Rights of Guatemala reported in 2004 that 70 percent of children and youth were victims of abuse or maltreatment. Of all abuse cases, 43 percent included physical abuse, and 10 percent were reported as sexual abuse.64 A 2004 Amnesty International report showed that 7.5 percent of girls younger than thirteen years of age had been victims of violent crime, as had 11.9 percent of girls fourteen to seventeen years, 25.5 percent of young women eighteen to twenty-five, and 44.5 percent of women twenty-six to fifty-nine years old.65 When a case of child abuse is reported, the victim, not the abuser, is immediately removed from the home. Social workers explain that there are two common reasons for this: first, the investigation of crimes is so slow in general, but especially for crimes against children, that children are removed as the only way to keep them safe. Second, the abuser is often the breadwinner of the family, and authorities are hesitant to prosecute the abuser and leave an entire family destitute. Children are usually placed in ‘‘homes of protection’’ and removed from family and all that is familiar. These ‘‘homes’’ are often more like prisons with high walls and even barbed wire. Children are often not allowed to leave the home; most families cannot visit because of the expense of travel.66
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Violence Against Street Educators Street educators, working for nongovernmental organizations such as Casa Alianza, the Movimiento Nacional de Ni~ nos (National Children’s Movement), CEDIC (Centro de Desarrollo Integral Comunitario), and S olo Para Mujeres (Just for Women), reach out to the street children, helping them survive by providing medical treatment and other assistance.67 However, there is a long history of violence against these workers, as well as against human rights activists in Guatemala. National Police officers threaten, harass, and attack street educators, and several murders have never been fully investigated.68
GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Guatemala faces radical changes in the near future, and it is not clear if many will be changes that benefit the people of the country. Globalization, including new diplomatic and commercial relations with China and CAFTA are significantly impacting the economy of Guatemala. It is possible that new policies and international agreements will only increase the gap between the very rich and the very poor. Some Guatemalan textile factories have already closed and 28,000 jobs have been lost because of new commercial agreements with China. (The average salary per hour in textile factories in Guatemala is $1.38, whereas in China it is $0.70).69 Children in Guatemala face an uncertain future. If national leaders do not address the widespread poverty, malnutrition, lack of health care, limited educational opportunity, and culturally and politically accepted violence again children and women, the situation will continue to worsen. Many Guatemalans are working for change and are in fact making it possible for children to grow to adulthood, and hopefully, to become the agents of change tomorrow. NOTES 1. CIA: The World Factbook—Guatemala. https://www/cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/print/gt/html. 2. Eva Sazo de Mendez (January 2006). Personal interview. 3. CIA: The World Factbook—Guatemala. 4. Dise~ no de Reforma Educativa. Comisi on Paritaria de Reforma Educativa, conformada como compromiso de los Acuerdos de Paz, Guatemala. 1998. 5. United States Department of State. International Religious Freedom Report, 2005. Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. http:// www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2005/51641.htm. 6. USAID Latin America & Caribbean: USAID Responds to the Hurricane Stan Disaster-Guatemala. http://www.usaid.gov/locations/latin_america_caribbean/country/ guatemala/stan_Guatemala.
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7. CIA: The World Factbook—Guatemala. 8. Human Development Report, UNDP 2005, reported in El Peri odico, September 12, 2005. http://el periodico.com.gt. 9. Instituto Nacional de Estadıstica. La Encuesta Nacional De Salud Materno Infantil (ESMI), 2002. 10. Ministerio de Salud P ublica y Asistencia Social, Perfil de Salud de Hombres y Mujeres en Guatemala 2005, Comisi on para el Mejoramiento de Estadısticas y el Analisis de Genero en Salud, Organizaci on Panamericana de la Salud, Organizaci on Mundial de laSalud, OPS/OMS, Guatemala Representation. 11. MSN Encarta—Guatemala. http://encarta/msn.com/text_761556126_0/ Guatemala.htm. 12. Amnesty International. ‘‘Guatemala: No Protection, No Justice: Killings of Women and Girls.’’ http://web.amnesty.org/library/print/ENGAMR340172005 open&of=ENG-GTM. 13. Amnesty International. ‘‘Guatemala: No Protection, No Justice: Killings of Women and Girls.’’ 14. Amnesty International. The Wire. ‘‘Where Are the Children who ‘Disappeared’ in El Salvador and Guatemala?’’ October 2004. http://wen/amnesty.org/ web/wire/nsf/print/October2004ElSalvador. 15. Eva Sazo de Mendez (January 2006). Personal interview. 16. The Guatemala Human Rights Commission/USA, Human Rights Review 2005. http://www.ghrc-usa.org/Actions/HumanRightsReview2005.htm 17. Eva Sazo de Mendez (January 2006). Personal interview. 18. UNICEF. At a glance: Guatemala-Statistics. Guatemala. http://www.unicef. org/infobycountry/Guatemala_statistics.html. 19. The Guatemala Human Rights Commission/USA, Human Rights Review 2005. ~ y Adoles20. Kolbay, Brendan. Guatemala’s Ley de Proteccion Integral de la Ninez cencia: One Year On. School of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University, New York in collaboration with Associacion Nuestros Derechos, Guatemala City, Guatemala. 2005. 21. Ministerio de Salud P ublica y Asistencia Social, Perfil de Salud de Hombres y Mujeres en Guatemala 2005. 22. The Guatemala Human Rights Commission/USA, Human Rights Review, 2005. 23. Ellie Friedland (January 2006). Personal interview. 24. The Guatemala Human Rights Commission/USA, Human Rights Review, 2005. 25. Eva Sazo de Mendez (January 2006). Personal interview. 26. Ellie Friedland (January 2006). Personal interview. 27. Eva Sazo de Mendez (January 2006). Personal interview. 28. Eva Sazo de Mendez (January 2006). Personal interview. 29. Instituto Nacional de Estadıstica, Encuesta Nacional Sobre Condiciones de Vida, ENCOVI 2000. Estudio Cualitativo Sobre el Trabajo Infantil en Guatemala. Informe Nacional. OIT IPEX-INE. Guatemala, April 2003. 30. The Guatemala Human Rights Commission/USA. Human Rights Review 2005. 31. The Guatemala Human Rights Commission/USA. Human Rights Review 2005. 32. Amnesty International. Child Soldiers Global Report. 2004. http://amnesty. org/library/engindex.
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33. Eva Sazo de Mendez (January 2006). Personal interview. 34. Ellie Friedland (January 2006). Personal interview. 35. Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Women, Washington D.C. press release, September 18, 2004. Quoted in Amnesty International. ‘‘Guatemala: No Protection, No Justice: Killings of Women and Girls.’’ 36. Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Women, September 18, 2004. Quoted in ‘‘Guatemala: No Protection, No Justice: Killings of Women and Girls.’’ 37. Evaluation of visit to Guatemala of IACHR Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Women, Washington D.C. press release, September 18, 2004. Quoted in ‘‘Guatemala: No Protection, No Justice: Killings of Women and Girls.’’ 38. The Guatemala Human Rights Commission/USA, Human Rights Review 2005. 39. Evaluation of visit to Guatemala of IACHR Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Women, Washington D.C. press release, September 18, 2004. Quoted in ‘‘Guatemala: No Protection, No Justice: Killings of Women and Girls.’’ 40. Amnesty International. ‘‘Guatemala: Guatemala’s Lethal Legacy: Past Impunity and Renewed Human Rights Violations,’’ 29. http://web.amnesty.org/library/ Indix/engAMr340012002. 41. UNICEF: Information by Country. 42. Instituto Nacional de Estadıstica. La Encuesta Nacional De Salud Materno Infantil (ESMI) 2002. 43. Instituto Nacional de Estadıstica. La Encuesta Nacional De Salud Materno Infantil (ESMI) 2002. 44. The Guatemala Human Rights Commission/USA, Human Rights Review, 2005. 45. Doctors Without Borders International Activity Report 2005. http:// www.doctorswithoutborders.org/publications/ar/i2005/guatemala.cfm. 46. UNICEF: Information by Country. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ Guatemala_1938.html. 47. Eva Sazo de Mendez (January 2006). Personal interview. 48. Eva Sazo de Mendez (January 2006). Personal interview. 49. Human Rights Watch/Americas. ‘‘Guatemala’s Forgotten Children,’’ 1997. http://www/hrw/org/reports/1997/guatl/. 50. Guatemala Human Rights Commission/USA, Human Rights Report 2005. 51. Kolbay, Brendan. Guatemala’s Ley de Proteccion Integral. 52. Guatemala Human Rights Commission/USA, Human Rights Report 2005. 53. Casa Alianza Guatemala. http://www.casa-alianza.org/es/index.php/site/ guatemala. 54. Ellie Friedland (January 2006). Personal interview. 55. Safe Passage/Camino Seguro. http://www.safepassage.org. 56. Political Constitution of the Republic of Guatemala Article 3. 57. Kolbay, Brendan. Guatemala’s Ley de Proteccion Integral. 58. Kolbay, Brendan. Guatemala’s Ley de Proteccion Integral, 5. 59. Kolbay, Brendan. Guatemala’s Ley de Proteccion Integral. 60. Eva Sazo de Mendez and Ellie Friedland (January 2006). Personal interview. 61. Arturo Echeverria. Prensa Latina, Agencia Infomativa Latino Americana, S.A. 2005. http://www.prensalatina.com.mx/article.asp?ID=%7BB83093B5-B09C-4D76-8785 -488C1730058A%7D. 62. Gomez, Claudia. La Hora. August 4, 2005. http://www/lahora.com.gt/ 05/08/04?paginas/nacional1ph.p#n01.
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63. Oficina de Derechos Humanos del Arzobispado (ODHAG). Situaci on de la Ni~ nez en Guatemala, Informe 2004. http://[email protected]. 64. Officina de Derechos Humanos del Arzobispado. 65. Amnesty International. ‘‘Guatemala: No Protection, No Justice: Killings of Women and Girls. 66. Kolbay, Brendan. Guatemala’s Ley de Proteccion Integral. 67. Eva Sazo de Mendez (January 2006). Personal interview. 68. Guatemala’s Lethal Legacy: Past Impunity and Renewed Human Rights Violations. Amnesty International. http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ engAmr320012002. 69. Comisi on de Vestuario y Textiles de la Gremial de Exportadores de Productos No Tradicionales de Guatemala-Vestex. 2004. http://www.vestex.com.gt.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Convention on the Rights of the Child. 1989. United Nations General Assembly Resolution 44/25. November 20. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu2/6/crc/treaties/crc.htm. De Ferreira, David M., Guillermo E. Perry, Francisco H. G. Ferieira, and Michael Walton, eds. 2003. Inequality in Latin America and the Caribbean: Breaking with History? Washington, D.C.: World Bank. Franklin, K. L., and K. McGirr, eds. 1995. Writings and Photographs by Children from Guatemala: Out of the Dump. (K. L. Franklin, Trans.) New York, NY: Lothrop, Less & Shepard Books. ~ y AdolesKolbay, Brendan. 2005. Guatemala’s Ley de Proteccion Integral de la Ninez cencia: One Year On. School of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University, New York in collaboration with Associacion Nuestros Derechos, Guatemala City, Guatemala. Manz, Beatriz. 2004. Paradise in Ashes: A Guatemalan Journey of Courage, Terror and Hope. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Menchu, Roberta. 1992. The Prize that Broke the Silence. An Activity-based Educational Packet on the Relationship between Guatemala and the United States. Grade 7–Adult. Minneapolis, MN: Resource Center of The Americas. Pan American Health Organization. 2004. Country Profiles: Guatemala. Epidemiological Bulletin. Vol. 24, No. 2, June. http://www.paho.org/english/dd/ais/ be_v25n2-perfil-guatemala.htm. Perera, Victor. 1995. Unfinished Conquest: The Guatemalan Tragedy. Berkeley: University of California Press. Russell, Grahame, Sarah Kee, and Ann Butwell. 1996. Unearthing the Truth: Exhuming a Decade of Terror in Guatemala: An EPICA/CHLA Report. Washington, DC: European Rights Foundation. Swenson, Mary, and Jane Austin. 1997. The Co$t of Your $hirt. Minneapolis, MN: Resource Center of the Americas. Tierney, Nancy Leigh. 1997. Robbed of Humanity: Lives of Guatemalan Street Children. Saint Paul: Pangaea. Urrea, Juis Alberto, and Carolyn Alessio, ed. 2003. The Voices of Hope: Poems, Stories and Drawings by the Children of La Esperanza, Guatemala. Carbondale & Edwardsville, Ill: Southern Illinois Press.
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U.S. Department of State. 2005. U.S. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices–2004. Released February 28. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2004/41762.htm. Wilkerson, Daniel. 2004. Silence on the Mountain: Stories of Terror, Betrayal and Forgetting in Guatemala. Durhan & London: Duke University Press.
Children’s Books Cameron, Ann. 1998. The Most Beautiful Place in the World. New York: Dell Yearling, imprint of Random House Children’s Books. Carling, Amelia Lau. 2005. Sawdust Carpets. Toronto: Groundwood Books. Castaneda, Omar S., and Enrigue O. Sanchez. 1993. Abuela’s Weave. New York: Lee & Low. Cummins, Ronnie. 1990. Children of the World: Guatemala. Milwaukee: Hareth Stevens. Ichikawa, Satomi. 2002. My Pig Amarillo. New York: Philomel Books of Penguin Putnam Books for Young Readers. Volkmer, Jane Anne. 1991. La Musica de la Chirimia: Folklore Guatemalteco. Minneapolis, MN: Carolrhoda Books.
Films/Videos Central American Children Speak: Our Lives and Our Dreams. 1994. Video and educator’s guidebook for grades K-12. Minneapolis, MN, Resource Center of the Americas. Daughter of the Puma. 1994. English Director: Ulf Hultberg. Produced by Domino Films. TV production: Ulf Hultberg. Film Producer: Tom Winther. Re-enacts a Guatemalan army massacre in the Mayan village in which 253 villagers were slaughtered as witnessed by Aschlop, a young Mayan girl who journeys home secretly from a Mexican refugee camp to search for her missing brother but her search leads her straight into the hands of military police. Banned in Guatemala for many years. El Norte. 1991. Directed by Miguel Littin. Story of a brother and sister who flee to the United States as illegal immigrants after a massacre in their village. El Silencio de Neto (The Silence of Neto). 1994. Directed by Luis Argueta. Events of 1954 as seen from the perspective of a young boy. If the Mango Tree Could Speak. 1993. Produced and Directed by Patricia Goudvis. New Day Films Inc. A documentary about children and war in Central America. Innocents Lost. 1997. Documentary (in two parts) which exposes crimes and injustices committed against children in all parts of the world. Part 1 deals with the street children of Guatemala and looks at the work of Casa Alianza. Maya Land: Where are You Going? (Terre Maya O Va Tu?) 1992. English narration with subtitled Spanish commentaries by Rigoberta Menchu and others on various aspects of Indian life & problems. Features president, Jorge Serrano, URNG guerilla leader, Mayan rites in Santiago, children in the dump and being beaten up by police S. Sparks, L. Montanaro. Evatel, Paris, France. They Shoot Children Don’t They? 1991. Judy Jackson. BBC TV, London BBC1 First broadcast January 1991. Englishman Bruce Harris’s (of Casa Alianza) efforts to help the homeless children of Guatemala City.
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When the Mountains Tremble. 1983. Directed by Pamela Yates. Produced by Peter Kinoy. Documentary about the war between the Guatemalan military and the Maya people. Firsthand accounts by Rigoberta Menchu.
Web Sites Guatemala Derechos Humanos Organizaciones (Guatemalan Human Rights Organizations), http://www.derechos.org/nizkor/guatemala/ongmain.html. Guatemala Human Rights Resources, http://www.laratamayonline.com/ngos/ngos.html. The Guatemala Maya Center, http://web.ukonline.co.uk/maya/index.htm. The Guatemalan Peace Accords. 1996, www.c-r.org/acc_guat/socio.htm. Online Community for Guatemalans, Guatemalan News, http://www.guatemaltecos.com/GuatemalaNews/default.aspx. Resources on the Genocide of the Mayan People in Guatemala, http://www. presentgenocide.org/edu/pastgenocides/guatemala/resources.htm. UNESCO Institute for Statistics. 2001. Latin American and Caribbean regional report, http://portal.unesco/org/vis/ev. U.S. Department of State, http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/2045.htm.
Organizations and NGOs Camino Seguro Calle del Hermano Pedro #4 Antigua, Guatemala Phone: 502-7832-8428 Email: [email protected] Web site: www.safepassage.org Casa Alianza 3a Avenida 11–28, Zona 1 Ciudad de Guatemala Email: [email protected] Web site: www.casa-alianza.org Centro Ecumenico de Integraci on Pastoral (CEIPA) 8a. Calle, 19–33 Zona 3, 7a Calle 19–52 Zona 3 Quetzaltenango, Guatemala Works for children’s rights children, includes focus on working children. Coordinaci on Nacional contra el Maltrato Infantil (CONACMI) 3a. Avenida 11–28 Zona 1, 4o. Nivel
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Phone: 502-253-5303 Email: [email protected] National coordination of programs against child abuse. Cordinadora Institucional de Promoci on por (CIPRODENI) 12, Avenida 7–21 Zona 2, Cuidad Nueva Guatemala, Guatemala Phone: 502-254-1830 Fax: 502-254-1830 Email: [email protected] Coordination of programs for children’s rights.
los
Derechos
de
la
Ni~ nez
Grupo CEIBA Sede Nacional Lote 73 Manzana 11, Sector 3 Asentamiento Esquipulas, zona 18 Colonia El Lim on, Guatemala Phone: 502-5992-6151 Fax: 502-2255-4426 Email: http://www.gruce.org/quienes.html Nongovernmental organization serving children and families, including those in extreme proverty, working children, and rural families. Intervida Guatemala In Guatemala 4a. Av. A 1-95, Zona 9 Colonia La Floresta, Guatemala, Guatemala In Quetzaltenango: Apartado Postal no. 484, Quetzaltenango, Guatemala Phone: 767-1434-49 and 7670768 Fax: 767-2400 Web site: http://www.intervida.org/EN/inter/proyectos/dondeTrabajamos/Guatemala Focuses on providing services to children in rural areas and in Indigenous languages. IPEC-OIT Guatemala Avenida Reforma 6–64 Zona 9 Edificio Plaza Corporativa 10 Piso, Oficina 1001 Guatemala, Guatemala Phone: 502-3391226/502-3391228 Email: http://www.ipec.oit.or.cr/ipec/region/paises/guatemala.shtml#contacto International organization focused preventing child labor. Oficina de Derechos Humanos del Arzobispado (ODHAG) 6a Calle 7–70 Zona 1 Guatemala, Guatemala Fax: 502-232-8384 Email: [email protected] Web site: [email protected] Primary national human rights organization in Guatemala.
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Safe Passage P.O. Box 663 Yarmouth, ME 04096, USA Phone: (207) 541-4848 Email: [email protected] Web site: www.safepassage.org
Organizations Outside Guatemala Casa Alianza–Covenant House Latin America 346 West 17th Street New York, NY 100 11-5020, USA Phone: (506) 253-5439 Email: [email protected] Website: www.casa-alianza.org Global Youth Connect P.O. Box 1484 Woodstock NY 12498, USA Phone: (845) 657-2884 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.globalyouthconnect.org/about.html Programs for youth to work for human rights worldwide. Guatemala Health Rights Support Project 1747 Connecticut Ave., NW Washington, DC 20009, USA Phone: (202) 332-7678 Fax: (202) 328-3369 Guatemala Human Rights Commission/USA 3321 12th Street, NE Washington, DC 20017, USA Phone: (202) 529-6599 Fax: (202) 526-4611 Email: [email protected] Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemala 1500 Massachusetts Avenue NW, Ste. 241 Washington, D.C. 20005, USA Phone: (202) 223-6474 Fax: (202) 223-8221 Email: [email protected].
Selected Bibliography Amnesty International. Guatemala. Memorandum to the Government of Guatemala: Amnesty International’s Concerns Regarding the Current Human Rights Situation. April 20, 2005. AI Index: AMR 34/014/2005. http://web.amnesty .org/library/Index/ENGAMR340142005?open&of=ENG-GTM.
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Amnesty International. 1998. Guatemala: Appeals Against Impunity: One Year On. http://web.amnesty.org/library/print/ENGANR340181998. Annual Report of the Special Representative for the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict. 2006. New York: United Nations Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict, February 3. Arias, Arturo, ed. 2001. The Rigoberta Menchu Controversy. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Barry, Tom. 1991. Central America Inside Out. New York, NY: Grove Weidenfeld. Booth, John A., and Thomas W. Walker. 1993. Understanding Central America. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Bounds, Andrew. 2000. ‘‘Latin America and the Caribbean. Summit Turns Spotlight on Plight of Street Children.’’ Financial Times. London, November 17. Carmack, Robert M., ed. 1998. Harvest of Violence: The Maya Indians and the Guatemalan Crisis. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers. 2004. Child Soldiers Global Report. http://www.child.soldiers.org/regions/country.html?,d=88. Convention on the Rights of the Child. 1990. United Nations General Assembly Resolution 44/25 of November 20, 1989. http://www.ohchr.org/english/ law/crc.htm Cullather, Nick, and Piero Gleijeses. 1999. Secret History: The CIA’s Classified Account of Its Operations in Guatemala, 1952–1954. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Daycare Suspended. 2000. Cerigua Weekly Briefs, Article 25416, No. 2, January 8. Doctors Without Borders. 2004. Promoting Generics and Helping Street Children. Doctors Without Borders International Activity Report. http://www.doctors withoutborders.org/publications/ar/i2004/guatemala.cfm. Guatemala: Pending Trial of Bruce Harris, Director of Children’s Rights Organization. 2004. Amnesty International Public Statement. January 21. AI Index: AMR 34/001/2004 (Public), http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ ENGAMR340012004?open&of=ENG-GTM. Guatemala Country Paper. 2001. Inter-American Development Bank. http:// www.iabd.org/regions/re2/gu/cpgueng.pdf. ‘‘Guatemalan Attorney Uses Tricks and Deceit to Take Children from Mothers and Offer Them for Adoption.’’ 2005. Casa Alianza press release. November 14. Human Rights Watch. Guatemala’s Forgotten Children: Police Violence and Abuses in Detention. Human Rights Watch/Americas. Children’s Rights Project. New York. http://www.hrw.org/reports/pdfs/c/crd/guatemal977.pdf ———. 2005. Essential Background: Overview of Human Rights Issues in Guatemala. World Report. http://hrw.org/english/docs/2005/01/13/guatem9849 _txt.htm. ———. 2004. Guatemala: Acquittal of Human Rights Defender a Victory for Free Expression. http://hrw.org/english/docs/2004/02/02/guatem7210.htm. ———. 2002. From the Household to the Factory: Sex Discrimination in the Guatemalan Labor Force. http://hrw.org/reports/2002/guat/htm. ———. 1997. Human Rights Watch Exposes Human Rights Abuses Against Guatemalan Children. Human Rights News, http://hrw.org/english/docs/1997/ 08/29/guatem5705.htm. Jelin, Elizabeth, ed. 1990. Women and Social Change in Guatemala. London: Zed Books.
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Jonas, Susanne. 1991. The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power. Latin American Perspectives Series. No 5. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Kline, Chris. 1998. ‘‘The Plight of Children Living on the Streets of Guatemala City,’’ CNN. http://pangaeo.org/street_children/latin/guatcity.htm. Leonard, Malinda. 2001. Post Conflict Situation in Guatemala. http://www.womens commission.org/reports/gbvsplit/gblamerica.pdf. Menchu, Rigoberta. 1998. Crossing Borders. Trans. Ann Wright. London: Verso. Menchu, Rigoberta, and Elisabeth Burgos-Debray. 1982. I, Rigoberta Menchu: An Indian Woman in Guatemala. London: Verso. Montejo, Victor. 2005. Maya Intellectual Renaissance: Identity, Representation, and Leadership: Linda Schele Series in Maya and Pre-Columbian Studies. Austin: University of Texas Press. Montejo, Victor. 1999. Voices from Exile: Violence and Survival in Modern Maya History. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. 1997: A Year of Continuing Violence Against Guatemala Street Children. 1998. Casa Alianza Press Release, Article 26801, January 30. Plant, Roger. 1998. Indigenous Peoples and Poverty Reduction: A Case Study of Guatemala. Inter-American Development Bank. http://www.iadb.org/sds/doc/ IND-RplantE.PDF. Schlesinger, Stephen, and Stephen Kinzer. 1999. Bitter Fruit: The Story of the American Coup in Guatemala. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Shea, Maureen E. 2000. Culture and Customs of Guatemala. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Stoll, David. 1999. Rigoberta Menchu and the Story of All Poor Guatemalans. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Terrazzano, Lauren. 2005. Guatemala Faces Child Welfare Crisis. October 24. http://www.newsday.com. UNESCO General—Country—Guatemala. Statistics in Brief. http://www.uis.unesco .org/profiles/EN/GEN/3200.html. UNICEF. 2002. Living in the Mountains: How Displaced Children Managed to Survive in the Armed Conflict. Guatemala. ———. 2003. Unite for Children Unite Against AIDS-Know More-Guatemala. UNICEF. http://www.unicef/org/uniteforchildren/knowmore/knowmore_29033 .htm?q=printme. ———. At a Glance: Guatemala—Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ guatemala_statistics.html. ———. 2005. The State of the World’s Children 2005: Childhood Under Threat. http://www.unicef.org/sowc05/english/sowc05.pdf United Nations. 1991. Indigenous People: Challenges Facing the International Community. http://www.un.org/rights/50/people. United Nations Development Program (UNDP). 2000. ‘‘Child Labor: Guatemala has the Highest Rate in Americas.’’ Human Development Report. www.undp. org/hdr2000/english/presskit/gdi.pdf: United Nations Foundation. www. unfoundation.org/unwire/archives/UNWIRE001213.asp. United States Department of Labor. 2000. By the Sweat and Toil of Children: An Economic Consideration of Child Labour. Vol. VI. Washington, D.C.: United States Department of Labor. USAID. 2003. Saving First Grade for Rural Children. USAID Telling Our Story Case Study. http://www.usaid.gov/stories/guatemala/cs_gt_firstgrade.html.
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Zubieta, Celina. 1999. UNICEF Rates Guatemala Last in Region. December 14. IGC News Desk. Article 84731. InterPress Service.
In Spanish Constituci on de la Rep ublic de Guatemala. http://www/Georgetown.edu/pdba/Constitutions/Guate/guate85.html. ~ de Reforma Educativa. 1998. Comisi Diseno on Paritaria de Reforma Educativa. Conformada como compromiso de los Acuerdos de Paz, Guatemala. ~ Desaparecida por el Conflicto Armado Interno en GuateHasta Encontrarte: Ninez mala. 2000. ODHAG, Guatemala. La Encuesta Nacional De Salud Materno Infantil (ESMI). Instituto Nacional de Estadıstica. Ministerio de Salud P ublica y Asistencia Social, Perfil de Salud de Hombres y Mujeres en Guatemala 2005, Comisi on para el Mejoramiento de Estadısticas y el Analisis de Genero en Salud, Organizaci on Panamericana de la Salud, Organizaci on Mundial de laSalud, OPS/OMS, Guatemala Representation.
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GUYANA (COOPERATIVE REPUBLIC OF GUYANA) Felicity A. Crawford NATIONAL PROFILE Located north of Brazil and nestled between Suriname and Venezuela, this tiny nation— about the size of Great Britain—is the only English-speaking country in South America. Formerly known as British Guiana, the country gained its independence on May 26, 1966, and has since been referred to as Guyana, an Amerindian word that means ‘‘land of many waters.’’ Although located on the South American continent, the nation identifies politically, socially, and culturally as a member of the Caribbean community. As a matter of fact, Guyana is one of the founding members of the Caribbean Community Common Market (CARICOM) and the Caribbean Single-Market Economy (CSME), both of which are organizations that were designed to improve the economic wellbeing of countries within the Caribbean region. Guyana is the most sparsely populated yet most culturally diverse country in Latin America. Its inhabitants are born into a society that distinguishes itself as the ‘‘land of six peoples’’: 43.4 percent East Indian (descendents of India), 30.2 percent black, 9.2 percent Amerindian (referred to in the United States as Native American), and 0.2 percent Portuguese, 0.2 percent Chinese, and 0.1 percent white (Bureau of Statistics, Guyana 2002). In more recent years, a growing number of citizens identify as
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mixed (approximately 16.7 percent) (Bureau of Statistics, Guyana 2002). Together, this diverse population in Guyana constitutes approximately 750,000 people, of whom 264,000 are children younger than the age of eighteen (United Nations’ Children Fund 2006). More than 90 percent of Guyana’s population lives along the economically viable low-lying coastline, which is about 270 miles long, with varying widths of ten to forty miles. Although this coastal plain makes up only 5 percent of Guyana’s 83,000 square miles of land, it produces more than 80 percent of the country’s gross domestic product. Approximately 70.9 percent of the country’s people live in rural areas, whereas 29.1 percent reside in urban areas (Bureau of Statistics, Guyana 2002). Throughout its history, children in Guyana grew up in peaceful times that were interrupted by several periods of social unrest in 1963, 1964, and in 2000 as the result of international geopolitical (U.S. Department of State 1996) and local ethnopolitical struggles for power. Although rich in natural resources, including bauxite, timber, gold, diamonds, manganese, kaolin, fish, shrimp, sugar, rice, and a well-educated population, the country continues to experience sustained economic hardship that has been detrimental to the social and financial well-being of the nation. The economic difficulties stem from an extremely high debt burden (approximately US$1.9 billion), which far exceeded its export capability by more than 200 percent. The high debt burden resulted in the country’s loss of creditworthiness because of its inability to pay foreign debtors. Subsequently, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (World Bank 2006) imposed stringent economic debt relief and poverty reduction strategies in 1988, which led to the devaluation of the local currency and loss of funds earmarked for infrastructural and economic development. The nation has since been plagued by lack of access to the requisite raw materials to support productivity in the key exports (e.g., bauxite and sugar) and high unemployment occurred, which by 1991 was 11.7 percent (Guyana Information Agency 2003) and approximately 30 percent in 2006 (Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs 2006). Additionally, almost 40 percent of the country’s population lives in poverty. With limited governmental support and assistance from its 500-plus international and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), such as the Salvation Army, the Carter Center, church organizations), homelessness increased, and the country’s health and educational standards declined. Today, people who live in rural areas experience much more harsh living conditions than those who live in urban districts. Much more detrimental to the economy and well-being of its citizens is the continuing yearly emigration of more than 12,000 professionals since the mid-1980s to other countries, particularly the United States, England, and Canada. The social and economic problems have also significantly impacted children. For instance, a growing number of high school boys are dropping
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out of school to seek employKEY FACTS – GUYANA ment. In 2000, approximately 27 percent of children ages five Population: 769,095 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 31.35 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 to fourteen were engaged in street est.) trading to assist in their families’ Life expectancy at birth: 66.17 years (2007 est.) upkeep (United Nations ChildLiteracy rate (age 15 and over): 98.8 percent (2003 est.) ren’s Fund 2000) and, by 2002, Internet users: 160,000 (2005) 11,000 children ages fifteen to People living with HIV/AIDS: 11,000 (2003 est.) seventeen were fully employed Sources: CIA World Factbook: Guyana. https://www.cia.gov/library/ (Stabroek News 2004). Other difpublications/the-world-factbook/geos/gy.html. May 29, 2007. ficulties that children face include the pressing problem of illicit drug trafficking, gun crime, abuse, neglect, and domestic violence. Despite the country’s challenging economic circumstances the indomitable spirit of the nation’s people continues to shine. The literacy rate among youth fifteen to twenty-four is still relatively high, at 96.6 percent (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation Institute for Statistics [UNESCO] 2006). Many children continue to excel academically, attaining some of the highest scores on standardized exams in the Caribbean region. At the same time, more people are selfemployed (many are in commerce and agriculture). There are also more women in powerful positions across all formal institutions in Guyana. For example, in 1997, Guyana became the first country in the western hemisphere to democratically elect a woman to the Office of President. Since then, close to 30 percent of the elected members of parliament are women; and the country elected a woman as Chief Justice, and another, as head of the Guyana Bar Association. Today, the country’s economic tides show signs of positive change. The gross domestic product grew between 2000 and 2005 with only slight setbacks in 2003 and 2005 caused, in part, by the fact that the country experienced it worst natural disaster—massive flooding because of excessive rainfall and inefficient irrigation. Moreover, on April 21, 2006, the IMF and World Bank approved a Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative that makes Guyana and sixteen other Heavily Indebted Poor Countries eligible to receive 100 percent debt forgiveness come July 2006 (World Bank 2006). Additionally, with its renewed social and political focus on education as the key to social mobility and a robust economy, Guyana is about to enter a new chapter in its young life as an independent nation. OVERVIEW Brimming with promise, children in Guyana are heavily regarded both by local and foreign organizations as the future of the country. Although many excel socially and academically, a growing number of children,
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particularly those in rural areas (where more than 75 percent of the school age population reside) (Bureau of Statistics, Guyana 2004) lack access to appropriate educational opportunities. Many more children in rural areas experience homelessness, sexual exploitation, malnutrition, and diseases. The deteriorating conditions for a growing number of children occurred primarily because of a recent downturn in the social and economic conditions in Guyana. For instance, in the 1960s the educational system in Guyana was considered one of the best in the Caribbean. In 2006, the system was at its lowest ebb, with too few qualified teachers and rising dropout rates among the nation’s oldest students. Despite major systemic problems in the educational and social systems, there are strong highpoints simply because many adults continue to work hard to elicit the best for children in their care. EDUCATION Regulatory Policies and Structure Formal education in Guyana is free to all children from preschool through high school (ages 3.5 through nineteen) and is managed by the government through the Ministry of Education. Children in Guyana go to school for five days per week, five hours each day, for 189 days per academic year. The school year is divided into three terms. They attend preschool for 3.5 hours each day, Monday through Friday, and three terms (semesters) in school: Christmas, which extends from September through December with two weeks vacation at Christmas; Easter, which goes from January to April and ends with another two-week vacation; and August term, which extends from April through July with a six-week vacation. Although not mandatory, a very high percentage of children attend preschool. In fact, there are more than 350 preschools, with approximately 26,000 students and a ratio of one teacher for every eighteen students (Guyana n.d.). In contrast to preschool, primary education is compulsory and has been that way since 1876. A parent can be cited for negligence if his or her child does not attend school. Primary education begins for children at 5.9 years and continues for six years, or until they are eleven or twelve years old. Upon completion of primary school, children take the standardized examination, the Secondary School Entrance Examination (SSEE), so they might enter high school. There are three types of secondary education programs that students enter after they take and pass the SSEE: the general secondary schools, the multilateral schools, and community high schools. General secondary schools are reserved for students with the highest scores on the SSEE and the focus is on an academic curriculum. Students with median scores are placed in multilateral schools, which focus on bridging academic work and practice. Children with the lowest passing scores are sent to community high school programs where the focus is on job preparation skills.
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Challenges of Schooling Despite the fact that education is free and available to all students, problems persist. The quality of education, for instance, is uneven and often seen as inadequate by students and parents. Schools in urban areas receive more resources and better-qualified teachers, whereas those in rural areas often lack resources such as textbooks, qualified teachers, and relevant curricula to meet the needs of students. Additionally, more children in rural areas lack even the most basic necessities, like school uniforms. Fortunately, the government has begun work through several initiatives, including a school uniform program, to provide families in financial difficulty with the necessary resources to send their children to school. Another key problem is absenteeism among both students and teachers. For example, primary school attendance has been on the decline for several years. In 2004, 87 percent of children attended primary school, down from a high of 97.9 percent in 1999 (U.S. Department of State, Office of Electronic Information, Bureau of Public Affairs 2006). The same is true for secondary school. There are far fewer children in secondary schools than there were even a year ago. This is caused, in part, by the fact that many, particularly males, opt to seek employment instead. Additionally, many high school students drop out because they either do not see the relevance of school or because teachers themselves are often absent. Compounding the problem of inequitable access to resources, schools also vary widely in quality, and therefore do not provide students the quality of education they promise. General secondary schools in urban districts, for instance, tend to have more resources and qualified teachers. Conversely, students in community high schools have far fewer resources. Typically, students who attend the best high schools wind up with a richer educational experience, successful high school examination results, and, later, more desirable post-secondary options. The disparities do not just end there. Students in urban schools fare better academically than those in rural schools, and students with the highest marks on the SSEE examinations tend to receive the best educational opportunities. Below are two examples that compare the educational outcomes for students in two general secondary schools, one in a rural area and another that accepts only students who score the best results on the SSEE examinations. Student Achievement Students with the highest exam scores are invited to attend academically elite schools, like President’s College (PC), an elite general secondary school. The academic outcomes for children who attend PC are among the highest in the nation. In 2005, 100 percent of students at PC
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took and passed five or more subjects in the Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC), a regional examination that is administered to graduating high school students throughout the English-speaking Caribbean. One hundred percent of the graduating class received passing scores in twelve disciplines, among them biology, integrated science, electronics, and electrical technology. One of PC’s students, a sixteen-year-old boy of African descent was among the highest scoring students, passing twelve subjects with nine distinctions. This particular school has consistently met the purpose for which it was created. Founded in 1985 by a former President of Guyana, Linden Forbes Sampson Burnham, PC has an explicit mission to produce the next generation of leaders within the country. All other academically elite schools are concentrated in the capital and one other urban area, Linden, a mining town that is the second most economically pivotal city in the nation. These top-ranking schools in the nation include Queens College, Bishops’ High School, St. Roses High, and St. Stanislaus College, all in the capital city, Georgetown, and Mackenzie High School in Linden. Unfortunately, neither circumstances nor results for students in rural secondary schools are as favorable as those at high performing secondary schools as this next example will demonstrate. On a rural island at the mouth of the largest river (the Essequibo) in Guyana stands one of many islands, Wakenaam. Slightly smaller than Bermuda, Wakenaam is home to approximately 13,000 people, most of whom are farmers who value education as a way for their children to create a better life for themselves. The island has approximately six primary schools and only one secondary school, the Essequibo Islands Secondary School (EISC). The sheer number of students leaving six primary schools is one of the key reasons why it is difficult for just one secondary school to accept all of the children who are eligible to attend secondary school. Compounding the issue of availability of space is the fact that EISC also serves children from other primary schools on neighboring islands in the Essequibo. The result is that teachers operate in overcrowded classrooms with significantly stretched budgets. Despite the challenges it faces, EISC celebrates several successes. For instance, the faculty and students enjoy a yearly passing rate of approximately 85 percent on the CXC examinations while maintaining a high rate of success in competitive sports such as tennis, cricket, and soccer (Guyana 2002). EISC graduates approximately seventy students, yet only twenty go on to university and or technical and vocational schools. This outcome underscores a lack of postsecondary professional opportunities for young adults. Other barriers to equitable secondary school outcomes include lack of affordability to pay for such things like uniforms and transportation. Still other schools in rural areas, like Uitvlugt Secondary on the West Coast of Demerara, accomplish far less because they are much less equipped and are more underserved by untrained teachers, many of whom have attained only a high school diploma before teaching.
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In 2006, schools in Guyana continue to battle significant loss of expert and veteran teachers to more lucrative opportunities and aggressive recruitment strategies of other countries such as the United States (in particular, New York City and Chicago), Botswana, and the Bahamas. In addition, many teachers lack the appropriate training to work with children with disabilities. In Buxton, a rural town along the coastal plain of Guyana, teachers indicated that they needed more preparation and resources to more ably meet the needs of children with mental and physical challenges (Thomas-Holder 2002). In April 2006, the needs of the teachers and students are yet to be met. Although the Ministry of Education readily admits that there are no programs that adequately include children with disabilities no specific plans are in place to address the shortcoming. As a matter of fact, special education is not part of the culture of schooling in Guyana. Strategies for Changing Student Outcomes At the behest of the IMF and the World Bank, the Guyana government has begun work to curb the educational inequities that persist in schools by creating an Education for All Initiative. To that end, the Ministry of Education launched a five-year National Strategic Plan in 2003 for which the aim was to provide equitable access to quality education regardless of race, age, or disability and provide adequate financial and professional support for teachers. For instance, in an effort to eliminate the disparities in access to secondary education, plans are afoot to change the entry and placement criteria for entry to secondary schools. Another priority of the initiative to improve educational outcomes is to enhance the teaching and learning environment in primary schools, particularly those in rural Guyana. In 1998, the Ministry of Education established the Escuela Nueva, a student-centered participatory model of schooling that was successfully introduced in 1975 in rural Columbia by Vicky Colbert de Arboleda. Specifically, the Escuela Nueva model utilized multi-age groups of children who led the charge in exercising their rights as children in a democratic process of involvement. In the process they learned the skills of self-monitoring, conflict resolution, and cooperation, which, in turn, positively impacted students’ level of social responsibility, civic engagement, and increased classroom participation (Van Dongen 2002). Schools in Guyana are hoping for similar outcomes. Already students are taking the lead on issues of health, discipline, sanitation, and improving the learning environment of their schools. In addition, more teachers are using strategies of engagement that elicit greater participation from community members and parents. Although these successes hold promise for empowering and strengthening the educational experiences of children in rural Guyana, there is still very much left to accomplish.
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Assisting in the effort to equitably educate children and families are numerous local and international NGOs; among them, the Guyana Book Foundation, which works to ensure a high literacy rate among children. The Guyana Book Foundation works in conjunction with two Canadian charitable organizations, CODE and the Canadian International Development Agency, to teach children to read and ensure that they have access to a wealth of books. These organizations also provide workshops for adults in the care and repair of books. Since 2001 the Guyana Book Foundation has also been hard at work publishing books in Makushi, the native language of one of the Amerindian peoples. Other projects include trilingual books in Makushi, English, and Portuguese, as the Makushi live close to the Guyana/Brazil border. The efforts of the Guyana Book Foundation as well as the Escuela Nueva movement represent the type of educational initiatives that are needed in Guyana. PLAY AND RECREATION Children’s play includes indoor and outdoor folk games that have their roots in the ancestry of the country’s inhabitants. For example, indoor ring games, like Jumbee Lef’ He Pipe Ya, are accompanied by rhythmic chants, songs, and actions. Outdoor folk games include marbles (or gam), in which the players use discarded ball bearings and large washers that come from bolts and nuts found on heavy duty machinery. Jumping games include airy dory (a game brought to Guyana by indentured immigrants from India), hopscotch, and countless others that involve the skipping rope. Children tend to play these games at home and during recess at school. Children also play numerous team or group folk games like ‘‘we come to mend the water works,’’ ‘‘ketcha,’’ ‘‘rounders’’ (a game similar to baseball), ‘‘one-tip-two-tip cricket,’’ ‘‘bicycle and roller,’’ and ‘‘tug-o-war’’ to name a few. Older children enjoy a host of other traditional team games that include football, also known in the United States as soccer, and basketball. Many of these games continue to be enjoyed by children and adult at annual folk festivals and family outings. Younger children also engage in fantasy play that inadvertently reinforces stereotypes. For example, boys don fake swords and engage in games of adventure and intrigue that involve slaying imaginary animals and fighting in wars. Girls, on the other hand, tend to engage in numerous imaginary games that include assuming professional roles assumed by women, like nurse and teacher. On the occasions when boys and girls engage in fantasy play together, they again take on stereotypical roles; like ‘‘nurse (girl) and doctor (boy).’’ Children would benefit from having opportunities to consistently address the habits and attitudes to which they unconsciously ascribe. The decline of the country’s economy has helped alter the culture of children and the orientation of parents and educators to schools. For
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instance, there is growing insistence that children learn the appropriate skills, behaviors, and attitudes at the pre-kindergarten level to ensure future academic success. Thus, the Ministry of Education has set up programs to help both nursery and Preparatory A (or Grade 1) teachers to formulate plans that ensure children make a smooth transition from nursery to primary school. One of the consequences of the push towards an early start on academic learning has meant that children in nursery school spend more time preparing for the rigor of primary school and less time on informal play. Other factors that influence how (and what) children play include the television, personal computers, and electronic games, which only became more accessible to Guyanese in early 2000s. Today more children are surfing the internet and spending more time playing video games and other electronic games. Much more significant to children’s play, however, is the fact that the country’s economic decline has caused many children to assume adult responsibilities, like work, so much so that child labor, particularly among preteen and teenage boys, is fast becoming a pressing problem in Guyana. CHILD LABOR Child labor in Guyana is pervasive and growing. Fueled largely by a depressed economy, many children of all racial and ethnic groups are engaged in various types of work, including, farming, fishing, and mining to assist in the material upkeep of their families (Danns 2002). In particular, children involved in premature employment work as street vendors, sales clerks, machine operators, loggers, security guards, domestics, and prostitutes. Others are involved in the illicit drug trade. Although the laws of Guyana dictate that children under fifteen must not work and that youth between the ages of sixteen and eighteen can only work during the day and in jobs that do not require them to operate machinery or hazardous equipment, many are agricultural workers constantly operating dangerous equipment and engaging in unsafe practices, such as lifting loads that are far too heavy for them. In rural areas, like the Pomeroon, where mostly native Wai Wai people live, life is much more difficult than that which their city-dwelling counterparts experience. The Wai Wai people make their living by weaving baskets, furniture, and hats from nibbi, a type of grass. The most recognizable item is their ‘‘Bombay’’ style furniture that is highly desirable and command high prices in the Caribbean and in North America. Despite the beauty and popularity of their products, the Wai Wai people have little material assets to show for their efforts. This is caused, in part, by the remoteness of the region. Many find it difficult to get their products to market so they rely on middlemen, many of whom are unscrupulous in their dealings. Often middlemen place orders and do not return, refuse
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orders after jobs have been completed, or refuse to pay the agreed amount upon receipt of their orders. Compounding the issue for these families is the fact that there is relatively new competition from furniture factories that produce nibbi items faster, cheaper, and can transport them much more quickly to market. In an effort to keep up, local Wai Wai weavers find themselves enlisting the help of their entire family (including their school-age children) to complete products quickly so as not to lose a sale. In the process they are also forced to accept the unscrupulous proposals from middlemen. Guyana has on its books two laws that guarantee protection for children against exploitation in the workplace. The first, the ‘‘Employment of Women, Young Persons and Children Act, 99:01’’ of 1999 defines ‘‘children’’ as those under fourteen, and ‘‘young persons’’ as those younger than sixteen. Additionally, this act mandates that children must not work in potentially hazardous conditions, such as with industrial equipment or on ships. The second, the ‘‘Education Act: 39:01,’’ stipulates that parents are responsible for ensuring that their children go to school. The problem is that the penalty for employers and or parents who break the laws is fairly minimal while the financial incentive is too alluring for children and families who have little material wealth. Further, children who engage in premature employment face additional work-related injuries and loss of appropriate academic development, which leaves them few options for work as adults (Bureau of Statistics, International Labor Organization [ILO], and Canadian International Development Agency [CIDA] 2004). To solve the escalating problem of child labor in Guyana requires that the government, NGOs, and people of Guyana apply a multifaceted approach to addressing mitigating factors such as family disintegration, child neglect, and the HIV/AIDS epidemic. FAMILY Throughout Guyana’s history, families of all origins (including East Indians, blacks, Chinese, and Amerindians) tended to be close-knit, with multiple, generations of extended family living in close proximity and sharing resources with each other. Family members tended to have specific roles. For example, elders in families of African and Indian descent have long been responsible for passing on the family’s value systems and norms to the youngest members and have acted as caretakers of the young (Ally 1990). One of the ways in which the elders pass on cultural values is through storytelling. Of particular popularity are Brer ‘Nancy folk tales, which carry a moral message. Families, particularly those in urban areas, have since changed. Gone, for the most part, is the interdependent extended family constellation. In its place are smaller families with more single mothers and or grandmothers who are heads of households. There are also families in which older children are the guardians of
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younger siblings. Many families struggle, so much so that they wind up involving their children as breadwinners and caregivers. Others are buoyed by relatives who live abroad, who provide financial assistance for their upkeep. Others, particularly those in remote areas, rely on the collective strength of their communities. In the most remote rural areas in Guyana, where dense forests make communities inaccessible by road, live many of the nine Amerindian peoples. Most are culturally intact groups who live in close proximity of each other and are strongly dependent on each other. Increasingly, however, their continued existence as culturally intact and interdependent groups is threatened by economic advancement. For example, the Guyana government built a road through the hinterland of Guyana to create direct access to the Atlantic Ocean for Brazilian traders. Although this project holds much promise for economic development in both countries, it has already threatened the lives of several Amerindian peoples. Many have been exposed to new diseases and have been robbed of land and other possessions by unscrupulous outsiders from both Brazil and Guyana. Some have even been murdered. Today, as a people, their way of life hangs in the balance. In general, the health of many Amerindian children is more compromised than their non-native counterparts. HEALTH Despite its low status because of financial woes, Guyana has in place a national healthcare system that provides free care to its citizens. It is through this system that most children in Guyana receive their immunization shots before they begin school. Another way in which the government ensures that children receive their shots is to have nurses from local clinics visit schools to administer the vaccinations there. This is quite an effective method in urban areas, particularly given that many infectious diseases have been eradicated in urban areas. Unfortunately, however, the health and well-being of children in Guyana are threatened by myriad issues, among them high infant mortality, malnutrition, water pollution, solid waste management, inappropriate land use, population density in urban areas, and HIV and AIDS. There has been a general decline in childhood mortality since 1955 (World Health Organization 2000); yet, the death rate for infants and children under five in Guyana is still high at 31.35 per 1,000 live births (CIA World Factbook 2006). The relatively high infant mortality rate is due to several factors including malnutrition. A large number of children are undernourished in Guyana (Food and Agriculture Organization [FAO] n.d.). Just more than 14 percent are underweight for their age, 11 percent are below height for their age, and 11 percent are underweight for their height (UNICEF 2000). Moreover, malnutrition is widespread, particularly given that approximately 35 percent of its people live
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in poverty (United States International Development Agency 2003). Another reason for the high infant mortality is that many mothers have little or no access to prenatal health care. Additionally, children who live in remote areas have less access to healthcare providers and facilities because more than 70 percent of the doctors and healthcare facilities are located in the capital city. Ironically, in a land named for its many waters, many people have inadequate access to pure water supply. Approximately 90 percent of Guyana’s fresh water supply comes from coastal aquifers (ground water), which is then sent to water treatment plants that are, at best, inadequate. The remaining 10 percent of the water supply comes from surface water— rivers, streams, and canals—and from cisterns that collect rain water. People in many rural areas rely mostly on surface water supply. The problem with using surface water is that it is contaminated by chemical and or biological pollutants. In 1996, for example, there was a major spill of cyanide-laden water from a tailings pond into the largest river in Guyana. This major toxic spill caused Guyanese who lived along the river to suffer from skin irritation and, be deprived of their main source of water and food supply for some time while the foreign company that operated the company was neither held liable nor made responsible for cleaning up the spill. Other contaminants such as sodium hydroxide from bauxite mining, mercury and cyanide from gold mining, soil erosion from rapid deforestation, and improper disposal of waste from sawmills have similarly leaked into the surface supply of water in Guyana, thereby contaminating the supply and potentially impeding the health of many children and families across the country. Much of the surface water supply is also contaminated because of inadequate disposal of solid waste and overburdened sewage systems in large crowded urban areas like Georgetown, the country’s capital. Additionally, individuals who set up temporary housing in areas not zoned or prepared for that purpose also contribute to the problem of water contamination by improperly disposing of solid waste (Sustainable Development Network Programme [SDNP] 2005). One method that perhaps prevents a much more damaging result is that city dwellers are increasingly more reliant on other water supply systems such as overhead cisterns that collect rain water or bottled water. Families and children in remote areas continue to rely on surface water and therefore experience many more health problems, like worm infestations and intestinal diseases. Further, diseases, like tuberculosis and malaria, though nonexistent in urban areas, continue to decimate children in rural areas (most of whom are Amerindians). These children also lack access to health facilities, medicines, and preventive treatments. As a result, the childhood mortality rate is much higher than in counterparts in urban areas. Perhaps the most significant factor that impacts the health of children in Guyana is the growing incidence of HIV/AIDS. Guyana has the
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highest incidence of HIV/AIDS within Latin America and the Caribbean. In 2001, for instance, there were approximately 800 children younger than fifteen years living with AIDS (U.S. Agency for International Development [USAID] 2003). That number continues to rise because of the increase in new cases (11,000 in 2003) (CIA 2006) of HIV/AIDS among adults. Currently, HIV/AIDS affects approximately 2.5 to 5.5 percent of the population (United Nations 2004). Although 2.5 to 5 percent is a relatively small percentage, it nonetheless represents a large number of people in a country that has a small population. Additionally, close to 40 percent of children who lose both parents are orphaned because of the AIDS epidemic. There are approximately 500 local and international NGOs in Guyana that are working to facilitate positive changes in the social and economic outlook of people of Guyana. Although there is little information available about the human and/or financial capability and/or contributions that these groups have made (National Development Strategy 1996), it is clear that many are specifically working to eradiate the impact of poverty on the health and well-being of children and families in Guyana. One such organization is the Police Wives Association, which was founded in 1953 by the wife of a senior-ranked officer. Police Wives Association’s mission is to improve the lives of the wives and children of police officers. This particular organization is funded mainly by membership payments and private donations. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The Guyana government demonstrates its commitment to the wellbeing of its children in a number of ways, one of which is by enacting a decade-long initiative to pass the Family Bill. Specifically, the Family Bill is designed to secure the protection of children (from harm); ensure appropriate status of children (i.e., that children younger than the age of sixteen are recognized and treated as children; ensure adequate protection for children in the adoption process, obtain appropriate childcare and developmental services for children, and guarantee the provision of adequate custody, access, guardianship and maintenance of children. It is clear that the hallmark of the Family bill is adequate protection for all children, particularly those who are made more vulnerable. In particular, one of the key issues that emerged as a result of the legislation is the need for the state to better protect children from sexual violence. To assist in that effort, the government raised the minimum age of sexual consent from thirteen to sixteen years to ensure stiff penalties for perpetrators of crimes against children. Today, anyone who is found to have had carnal knowledge of a child under sixteen can be indicted by a court of law for statutory rape. Others who own establishments where sex acts against children are committed can face life in prison.
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The government seeks to further protect children by keeping a tight reign on where vulnerable children (e.g., orphans and children with disabilities) are placed. For instance, adoptions are only handled by a single government agency, the Ministry of Human Service and Social Security. There are no independent adoption agencies. Only individuals who are current or former Guyanese citizens or noncitizens who live in Guyana can adopt children who are Guyanese. When it comes to the protection of children with disabilities, the laws are lacking. In particular, there are no sufficient laws to protect the rights of children with disabilities who, for the most part, are cared for by family members. As such, social, educational, and employment opportunities are sorely lacking for this group of individuals. Although some laws are designed to protect the well-being of children, others work to their detriment. For example, children, age ten years or older, can be held criminally responsible for an infraction. Equally problematic is the fact that there are no laws to protect children from corporal punishment. Some might argue corporal punishment is an effective method for raising well-mannered children. Others argue that, when meted out excessively, corporal punishment is tantamount to child abuse. It is also clear, however, that having a law in place is not enough of a deterrent for those who continue to exploit children. Despite recent implementation laws to shield children from premature employment, there are more children participating in the informal economy than ever. There are also other ways in which youth receive inadequate protection under the law. For instance, it is illegal for anyone to consider him/herself to be gay or lesbian. In fact, it is considered abnormal, deviant, or, according to religious doctrine, an abomination. Gays and lesbians are generally shunned by society for being ‘‘immoral.’’ Recently, a bill was introduced that encourages those in positions of power to consider according gays and lesbians the same civil rights as their heterosexual counterparts. The bill has not yet been passed. Meanwhile, there is a relatively greater rate of suicide among gay and lesbian youths than their heterosexual counterparts. RELIGIOUS LIFE Despite its small population, the people of Guyana engage in an incredible array of religious practices, all of which exist freely and in an amiable manner. For instance, approximately 42 percent of the population is Christian of several denominations: Baptist, Methodist, Presbyterian, Lutheran, Anglican, Pentecostal, Roman Catholic, Seventh-Day Adventist, Jehovah Witness, and Church of Jesus Christ of the Latter-Day Saints (Mormons); Hindus make up 35 percent; Muslims (both Sunni and Shi’a) comprise 8 percent; 11 percent practice Rastafarianism, Baha’ism, Judaism (U.S. Department of State 2005) comprise, and Cumfa, an African religious ritual; and 3 percent do not profess any religious affiliation.
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Children are at the center of religious life in Guyana. For instance, from preconception through about age six, seven rituals are performed in the name of children in Hindu families. The purpose of the first of these rites is to beseech the Gods for favor on a woman to conceive. A second ritual is performed during the third month of pregnancy to invoke the favor of the Gods for a male child. Other rites for Hindu children include a ceremony at birth, a name-giving ceremony, another when a child is six months old, a hair-cutting ceremony, and a ritual to mark the beginning of a child’s primary or elementary school career. Muslim children learn much about the ways of Islam within established institutions, such as the Darul Uloom Islamic and Academic Institution for Boys and Girls at the Old Mosque in Guyana. Other religious organizations engage in activities that are similarly geared to indoctrinate children to the teachings and values of each faith. Much like children who are born into the Christian religion elsewhere, children of the Catholic and Protestant faiths are introduced to their respective faiths via a number of ritual ceremonies (e.g., christenings and baptisms) and religious teachings that include bible study. These religious studies occur during a variety of activities such as confirmation classes, youth fellowship, choral singing, and other praise and worship services. Although it is true that a culture of peace and inclusiveness pervades the interaction among people from different religious backgrounds in Guyana, some overshadowing does occur, most particularly in primary schools, where daily prayers from the Christian religion mark the beginnings and or endings of school days. One way in which the citizens of Guyana have sought to counter the overshadowing of one faith over another was to create a voluntary Interfaith Organization to foster a culture of inclusiveness across the country. As such, it is not uncommon for clergy from different faiths to perform religious rituals alongside each other at formal functions, neither is it unusual for people, including children, to share in each other’s religious ceremonies and practices! Children in government schools are also the benefactors of the culture of inclusiveness primarily because schools observe a number of religious holidays, which include Good Friday, Easter (which is marked by kiteflying competitions, of which all children are a part) and Christmas for Christian observances; Phagwah and Deepavali (Diwali) for Hindu observances; and Eid-ul-Adha and Youman-Nabi for Muslim observances. Specifically, for Hindus, Phagwah marks the start of spring and the new year, and Deepavali is a festival of lights to celebrate the return of Lord Rama from exile and the rescue of the Goddess Laxhmi. Eidul-Adha is an Islamic festival that commemorates the sacrifice of Ismail by his father Ibrahim after receiving a command from Allah, and YoumanNabi marks the Prophet Muhammed’s Birthday. Honoring each of these important days with national holidays gives children the message that no one religion supersedes the other. Rather, the inclusive attitude fosters respect and a friction-free atmosphere across religious groups.
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CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT By all accounts, the government of Guyana is refocusing its resources on the welfare of children. Yet, many are still in jeopardy because of abuse and neglect. For instance, a growing number of children who are orphaned by HIV/AIDS are living on the streets. Their childhoods and developmental growth are cut short because they do not have access to preventive medical services or appropriate schooling opportunities. Additionally, in many instances, sexual abuse, incest, and rape occur often but are widely underreported because the victims often know and fear their abusers. Further inhibiting reports on crimes of sexual abuse is the fact that the investigative process tends to further dehumanize victims when charges are not treated seriously by police officers and perpetrators are spared harsh punishment. Although there is a Domestic Violence Act in place that criminalizes sexual violence, all too often perpetrators receive small fines and relatively short (up to twelve months) jail time. For example, if an individual is caught soliciting prostitutes, he or she will only receive a two-year prison sentence (End Child Pornography and Trafficking in Children for Sexual Purposes [ECPAT] International 2006). Fortunately, with training assistance from NGOs like Help and Shelter and the growing incidence of HIV/AIDS, cases involving sexual violence are beginning to receive more attention by police officers and, consequently, the courts. Although there are no clear statistics on the prevalence of this crime, there is much anecdotal information available to suggest that human trafficking of children is also a problem that occurs most often in remote regions near mining posts or close to the borders of neighboring countries. Problematic, too, is the fact that there are no laws that deal specifically with human trafficking. Instead, the government uses the laws that are specific to crimes of sexual violence against women and children to prosecute individuals who are found guilty of human trafficking. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The government of Guyana, in conjunction with local and international business organizations, NGOs, and citizens, has embarked on an unprecedented participatory action plan in the form of a National Development Strategy (NDS; n.d.), which has been designed to move the country and its people forward. Specifically, the NDS consists of several key objectives: Rapid growth of incomes for the general population, particularly for people in poverty; meeting basic social (i.e., health, pure water, education and so on) and economic needs (with particular emphasis on economic growth) of the people. Already, several international companies have begun negotiations to reprivatize Guyana’s main industries. For example, RUSAL, a Russian company that is the world’s third
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largest producer of Aluminum, recently acquired 90 percent ownership of the previously state-owned Guyana Bauxite Company Incorporated. Such significant collaborations will potentially lead to a rebuilding of key social (education and health) and economic (jobs) infrastructure (Russian Newswire 2006). Other initiatives include outside-the-box measures, such as local and international organizations and institutions that offer high quality training or professional expertise in a variety of fields. For example, many Guyanese living overseas have joined together to create nonprofit organizations that are aimed at revitalizing the education and the health care sectors in Guyana. One such initiative is a North American-based nonprofit organization founded by concerned Guyanese citizens, The Linden Fund, which was developed to provide appropriate social and educational services to support the growth of children and the citizens of Linden (The Linden Fund, n.d.). Another shining example of incredibly beneficial organizations formed by competent Guyanese professionals is the Oversees Medical Assistance Team (Overseas Medical Assistance Team [OMAT], n.d.), which was founded by one of the leading surgeons in the United States, Stephen Carryl (who is also a product of the primary and secondary school systems in Guyana). The Oversees Medical Assistance Team frequently takes a medical team to Guyana and offers free medical care to children and other citizens, and medical equipment to health care to various facilities. With the impending debt forgiveness by the IMF and the government’s renewed focus on improving children’s outcomes, the country is on the verge of a breakthrough, a chance to begin anew. The length of time that it will take for lasting change will depend on the sustenance and depth of the collaborative efforts of the government, parents and children of Guyana, local and international organizations and NGOs. Moreover, initiating other outside-the-box measures (e.g., institutional partnerships with international institutions that also offer high quality professional preparation programs in a variety of fields to potential employees will help improve student outcomes and grow more qualified professionals, as this next example will show. Hemchand Ramberan, a product of the education system in Guyana attained a medical degree from the School of Medicine at the University of Guyana. This program is affiliated with institutions (and accrediting bodies) in the United Kingdom and the United States, which provided Ramberan the pathway to gaining entry into Brown University in Rhode Island, where he completed a residency in internal medicine, and Yale University School of Medicine, where he is currently a clinical fellow in digestive diseases (Yale University 2006). Providing a solid start for scholars such as Ramberan is proof that Guyana has the capacity and citizenry with the intellect to move the country onward. The time has undoubtedly come for government of Guyana to seize the chance to put into action their plan to ensure that children, and families, are provided with
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the necessary social, educational and economic opportunities so that they can rise to the challenge of building and energizing the social and economic engines that will propel the country forward. RESOURCE GUIDE Selected Bibliography Ally, Bruce. 1990. Indo-Caribbean life in Guyana and Toronto: a comparative study. Polyphony 12: 16–21. Bureau of Statistics, Guyana. 2002. Census report. http://www.statisticsguyana.gov .gy/cen02.html. Bureau of Statistics, Guyana. 2005. Population and Housing Census 2002. http:// www.statisticsguyana.gov.gy/. Bureau of Statistics, International Labor Organization (ILO), and Canadian International Development Agency [CIDA]. 2004. Child Labour. Georgetown, Guyana. http://www.statisticsguyana.gov.gy Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs. 2006. Background note: Guyana. January. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/1984.htm. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). 2006. The World Factbook. http://www.cia .gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/gy.html#Issues. ———. Guyana. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ gy.html l. Danns, George K. 2002. Guyana The Situation of Children in the Worst Forms of Child Labor: A Rapid Assessment. International Labour Office, Port of Spain, October. 34. End Child Pornography and Trafficking in Children for Sexual Purposes (ECPAT) International. 2006. Guyana: Profile of Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children. http://www.ecpat.net/eng/Ecpat_inter/projects/monitoring/online_ database/. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), (n.d.). Nutrition and consumer protection. Guyana summary. http://www.fao.org/ag/agn/nutrition/guy-e.stm. Guyana (n.d.). Education. http://www.guyana.org/Handbook/educatio.html. Accessed on April 30, 2006. Guyana. 2002. Wakenaam: A community of cycles and motorcycles. http://www .guyana.org/special/community.html. Guyana Information Agency. 2003. Jobs being created in Guyana—through development. February 9. http://www.gina.gov.gy/. The Linden Fund. (n.d.). The Linden Fund Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs). http://www.lindenfund.org/faqs/4519049649. National Development Strategy [NDS]. (n.d.). National Development Objectives. http://www.guyana.org/NDS/chap02.htm#N_2_. ———. Chapter 29: Poverty eradication. 1996. http://www.sdnp.org.gy/nds/ chapter29.html. Overseas Medical Assistance Team (OMAT). (n.d.). OMAT Founder/ Board. http:// www.altrue.net/site/omat/section.php?id=5722. Russia Newswire. 2006. Privitisation of Aroaima Mining Company in Guyana to expand Rusal’s Global Bauxite Production by over 40 percent. January 19. http://www.russianewswire.com/releases_headlines_details.php?id=1549.
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Stabroek News. 2004. Putting Children First. January 31. http://www.landofsixpeo ples.com/news401/ns40131.htm. Sustainable Development Network Programme [SDNP]. 2005. The Guyana Environment. http://www.sdnp.org.gy/gallery/mm/index.html. Thomas-Holder, Barbara, ed. 2002. Report on needs assessment of schools in the Buxton community, Guyana, Turkeyen, East Coast Demerara: University of Guyana (unpublished document). United Nations. 2004. Committee on rights of child reviews initial report of Guyana. http://www.unhchr.ch/huricane/huricane.nsf/0/6B52BD948E963BC6C1256 E1C00360C3C?opendocument. United Nations Children’s Fund. Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) 2000— Guyana, Table 42a, 51. 2000. http://www.childinfo.org/MICS2/newreports/ guyana/guyana.htm. ———. 2006. The state of the world’s children: Excluded and invisible. http:// www.unicef.org/sowc06/fullreport/full_report.php. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation Institute for Statistics (UNESCO). 2006. Statistics in Brief. http://www.uis.unesco.org/profiles/ EN/EDU/countryProfile_en.aspx?code=3280. U.S. Agency for International Development [USAID], October 2003. Bureau for Africa, Office for Sustainable Development by the Population, Health and Information (PHNI) Project. Country Data Profile: Orphans. Countries targeted by the emergency plan for aids relief. http://www.synergyaids.com/ OVCCD-Rom/OVCPDFS/Guyanafinal10–30.pdf. U.S. Department of State. 2005. Guyana. International Religious Freed Report 2005. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2005/51642.htm. ———. 1996. Declassified Documents on British Guiana. http://www.landofsixpeo ples.com/gybgus.htm. ———. 2006. Office of Electronic Information, Bureau of Public Affairs. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, 2005. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/ hrrpt/2005/61730.htm. U.S. International Development Agency. 2003. Guyana. http://www.usaid.gov/ pubs/cbj2003/lac/gy/. Van Dongen, Rene. 2002. Results of the Escuela Nueva baseline survey. Working Paper Series, UNICEF, Guyana. World Bank. 2006. Guyana country brief. http://www.worldbank.org. Accessed online April 28, 2006 ———. 2006. Full debt cancellation approved for some of the world’s poorest countries. April 21. http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/NEWS/0,, contentMDK:20897535~pagePK:64257043~piPK:437376~theSitePK:4607, 00.html. World Health Organization. 2000. The decline of child mortality. http://whqlibdoc .who.int/bulletin/2000/Number 10/78(10)1175-1191.pdf. Yale University. 2006. Internal Medicine: Section of Digestive Diseases. Current Fellows. February 12. http://www.med.yale.edu/intmed/digdis/fellows.html.
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HONDURAS ~ Patricia Cedeno-Zamor NATIONAL PROFILE Honduras is located in South America, in close proximity to countries and neighbors Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua. It is nestled by the Pacific Ocean, the Gulf of Honduras, and the Caribbean Sea and is a cosmopolitan, multicultural, diverse, complex, layered, and multifaceted nation. Its population of more than seven million is made up of a variety of diverse backgrounds, including indigenous ethnic groups, like Garifunas, the Chortis, Xicaques or Tolupanes, Tawahkas, Misquitos, Pech, Islanders, and Lencas, as well as English-speaking children of African origin and Mestizos (mixtures of Indian and Spanish blood). Spanish and English are mostly spoken, as well as some regional, ethnical dialects. The country’s temperate, tropical climates are mostly pleasant, although weather extremes and violent storms and hurricanes plague the area. The land has mountainous areas, coastal beaches, and jungle lowlands and attracts many tourists, especially to areas like the capital city of Tegucigalpa, San
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Pedro Sula, Tela, La Ceiba, the Bay Islands, and the Copan ruins. Its history is rife with colonization, natural disasters, political instability, and hurricanes, including Hurricane Mitch in 1998. Honduras is a democratic republic with an emerging and developing economy. The Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC 2005) reported that 52.1 percent of the population lives in urban areas, up from 44.4 percent in 1995. Life expectancy was at seventy-one years percent. According to Centro de Estudios de Justica de las Americas, 77.3 percent of Honduras’ population was living below the poverty line in 2002. The annual urban unemployment rate was registered at 5.6 percent in 1995 and increased to 6.1 percent in 2002. The gross domestic product was calculated at US$6,977,883,136 in 2003. The country’s per capita income was US$970 in 2003, with a purchasing power parity of US$2,590. Children and youth from birth to fourteen years make up 39.3 percent of the Honduran population, and the median age is a young 19.7 years (CIA World Factbook 2007). The Republic of Honduras, as a developing country, ironically was one of the first to adopt and ratify the international treaty known as the United Nations Convention of the Rights of the Child. This global initiative seeks to protect the rights, freedoms, and well-being of children today and those of future generations. At best, Honduras is struggling to meet this goal; at worst, it is failing miserably. Honduras is one of the poorest countries in the Western world. According to a recent ECLAC report, Honduras is situated on the third level of poverty, that is, countries with no possibility of reducing their extreme poverty (ECLAC 2003). Air quality can be lacking, and outside the larger cities, the landscape changes quickly to mud huts, cardboard structures, and makeshift housing structures, where people live without running water and electricity. Some of the issues affecting children include malnutrition, iron deficiencies, and low birth weight, especially in rural areas, life on the street, homelessness, unemployment, or being forced to work for a low wage. Consequently, many young people in Honduras face poverty, lack of education, questionable child labor practices, exploitation, and sexual and physical abuse. Underprivileged children and those with special needs abound in most areas, whether urban or rural. These children and their families live in poverty, without much hope of education, opportunity, living essentials and basics, shelter, or medical treatment, loving family, and home environments in which to thrive. In general, 53 percent of the total population lives below the poverty line, and 65 percent of the poorest of the poor are women. There is a constant need for permanent housing, food, clothing, and bare living essentials among children and impoverished families. Outside agencies, both secular and religious, foreign aid and volunteers, missionaries, schools, and other development and aid projects work on many fronts across the Honduran society under a broad band of banners.
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Working against child malpractiKEY FACTS – HONDURAS ces and fallacies that are occurring is now part of an overall Population: 7,483,763 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 25.21 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) international outcry against what Literacy rate (age 15 and over): 76.2 percent (2003 est.) is happening in Honduras, someNet primary school enrollment/attendance (2000–2005): times in the name of justice and 91 percent economy. Internet users: 223,000 (2005) Despite the progress HonduPeople living with HIV/AIDS: 63,000 (2003 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) rank: 37 (2006 est.) ras has made, crime, lack of policing, child abuse, neglect, and Sources: CIA World Factbook: Honduras. https://www.cia.gov/ exploitation still happen across library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ho.html. May 29, 2007; UNICEF: At a Glance–Honduras. http://www.unicef.org/ the country, in both city and ruinfobycountry/honduras_statistics.html. May 29, 2007; United ral settings. For the most part, Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development there are huge areas of HonduReport 2006–Honduras. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_HND.html. May 29, 2007. ras that have no public services and no law enforcement per se. Government policies and legal rights of children in Honduras are largely strained and uncertain. Many government bodies are ill-equipped to sufficiently address the needs of these children. Often crime-related statistics are actually greater than reported because of the lack of policing, resources, and other complications that arise. For many children, play and leisure time, family life, and interactions with society are plagued by violence, including drug-related crime, gun-running, kidnappings, exploitation, gang activity, rape, and murder. Mass-killings, even in the name of justice, occur with a disturbing frequency, and often the victims are children. AIDS also affects the lives of children in Honduras. It significantly lowers life expectancy and increases infant and child mortality and death rates, which correlate with lower population and growth rates. The gap between the poor and the rich is increasing, and there is unequal distribution of income and wealth. These factors, as well as corruption, civil strife, and even ethnic violence, all contribute to a toxic environment that often makes it difficult for children to thrive. OVERVIEW Slavery and child labor practices, as defined by international treaties, are rampant in Honduras. Exploitation, assault, abuse, and neglect of children are commonplace. Many children are forced to work to support their families. The Children’s Defense Fund (CDF), a nonprofit organization, reported that as much as 20 percent of the workforce in Honduras are women or girls younger than the age of fifteen years. Various public domain reports state that children are often murdered in the name of justice and that there are many street-children who are suspected of crimes, drugs, and gangs by government and families and are viewed with
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suspicion by society at large. Poverty, gangs, and low apprehension and conviction rates of criminals contribute to a high crime rate. Lumber and narcotics smuggling and violence in the North are also prevalent, with children frequently getting caught up in the quagmire. An additional complicating factor is political violence. Honduras has a long history of vigilante violence and death squads: the murder of indigenous leaders, students, and trade unionists, often the rich protecting their privileges. Further, in the 1980s, the U.S. military set up bases in Honduras and sent in millions of dollars to support the contra guerrillas in their fight to take over the government in neighboring Nicaragua. As a result, there are an estimated one million guns in Honduras, some of them with very serious fire power. Another major problem in Honduras is the high rate of murdered children and youths. The Honduran government has recognized that police officers have been involved in many of the killings, but the rate of solved cases and perpetrator conviction has been slow. According to Amnesty International and other nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), figures estimated from 1998 to the end of 2002 indicate that more than 1,500 children and youths were murdered in Honduras. Gangs and ‘‘domestic terrorism’’ of sorts are rampant. Being unaccompanied or walking alone at night is considered extremely dangerous for children, visitors, foreigners, or tourists. Crime statistics for Honduras are often unreliable because of unreported crimes, bias and prejudice, and other factors, including social and political agendas. Here is another example of how crime statistics do not give the whole picture. Honduras is rife with drug trafficking and organized crime. Many of the underdeveloped areas of the country are controlled by those involved in the drug trade. Drug cartels and guerrilla groups, gangs, drug-runners, traffickers, kidnappers, soaring crime rates, inefficient governing and policing, murderers, sanctioned killings, and even terrorism all make for a very unsafe environment affecting all elements and areas of life for its inhabitants. This is especially true for the children who live in these conditions, many of whom are also forced to contend with lack of adequate jobs, income, or education. In Honduras, the needs of children are not a top priority, despite some of the documented participation on this front and verbiage to the contrary. Instead, their needs are often pushed aside in favor of child labor and an unsatisfactory education system, economic, judicial, and societal interest. Many families in Honduras struggle with poverty on a daily basis. Many residents rely on a remittance sent to them from a family member working outside of the region. This is in sharp contrast to the children of the well-to-do. This affluent sector lives a life of luxury which affords children born to these families the opportunity to get a good education and move effortlessly into well paying jobs or enter family-owned businesses. For families that must endure hardships, children are not always considered a blessing.
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Many children are unable to attend school because of financial restrictions. In some cases, families cannot afford to send their children to school because the children’s work is needed to help support the household. Some children are trafficked as prostitutes overseas, or are locally exploited to make quick money. Some children become prostitutes or are victims of child pornography, performing sexual acts and tricks for foreigners. In a few cases, girls as young as thirteen to fourteen years of age, are pimped by their own parents and families. Cities like Tegucigalpa, San Pedro Sula, and El Progreso are at the top of the list for these types of crimes; however, these activities are not limited to large cities and are becoming more widespread, even in rural areas. Human trafficking, child abuse, and neglect run rampant in Honduras. As a result, many children flee their homes because of the repeated abuses at home, only to be subjected to even more abuse from others as they try to escape, venturing into the cities, streets, and life in general. Women in Honduras often are treated as second-class citizens, and most are encouraged not to pursue an education or a career. For the most part, they are illiterate, making it impossible to perform at the level needed to get a secure, well-paying job. Sexually transmitted diseases and sexual abuse are also both high in occurrence and incidence. Some cases of sexual abuse still go unreported and/or under-reported. EDUCATION Fees and cost impact the affordability of education, and it is not available to all. Education is still considered a privilege granted to only the wealthiest of families and those who can afford it. NGOs, church groups, volunteers, foreign aid groups, and even some government projects all try and contribute positively to change this situation. Despite efforts to ensure that all kids get to attend school, many Honduran children still do not have the means to attend school. Public schools in Honduras face problems in the areas of teacher training and understaffing. For example, the teachers in Honduras themselves are often not well educated. In addition, there is a lack of materials and insufficient school buildings for the volume of children. Often, children in rural areas cannot attend school because of the distance required to travel to get to school and the dangers along the way getting to and from home. The only way to ensure a quality education for a child in Honduras is to enroll them in a private institution. Illiteracy is around the 40 percent mark. For example, of the children that are enrolled in schools, only 43 percent complete the primary level and only 8 percent of all children attend university. Of those that do remain in school, more than 90 percent have to repeat at least one grade level. Even the private schools in Honduras have come under scrutiny. Many believe that schools are intended for one purpose, which is to make money and not to provide
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a quality education. Only 20 percent of the children who enter university will complete it. One of the main reasons that so many children do not finish school and go on to attend university is that they are forced to work because of the economy. Parents cannot support their families on their own and it becomes the child’s responsibility to contribute to the family in a financial sense. Parents often encourage their children to leave school to pursue work. The children rarely return to school and instead are left working a very labor-intensive job for a modest salary and limited future opportunity, feeding the cycle of illiteracy and lack of education. Even if the children objected, the parents can overrule this and, because of their limited view of success, the parents don’t view this as a negative for the child. PLAY AND RECREATION In Honduras, the majority of the population lives in poverty. It is not uncommon for a family of seven to live in a small home without the amenities of running water or electricity. The families generally consist of several generations under one roof. These families don’t have the resources needed to pay for equipment or recreational programs in which their child can participate. For these children, their play and recreation is limited, but they find ways to amuse themselves. Some activities and games the children enjoy are kick-the-can or cantarito, a form of soccer. It is not unusual to find a group of children playing cantarito for hours. Enchute is another popular game, consisting of a stick that has a string attached to it. At the end of the string is a cup. The object of enchute is to flip the cup in the air and catch it on the end of the stick. Storytelling is another great activity that children engage in. Red rooster and duende are popular folk myths and celebrated characters of this region. Kites and organized sports are also accessible to some. Dancing competitions and community events/get-togethers are also popular. Chess and beach vacations are not typical, but more accessible to those with the means to afford it. Parades celebrating the culture and Independence Day of Honduras make for some special times for families as well. CHILD LABOR Child labor has long been a problem in Honduras. It is considered by many to be an acceptable way of life. Even with all the evidence suggesting that the practice is harming the children of the region, it still continues today. According to the International Labor Organization Program on the Elimination of Child Labor, more than 200,000 male and female children in Honduras between the ages of eleven and seventeen years are working. As mentioned previously, the main reason that so many children are forced to work is to support their families. Twenty percent of working
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females in Honduras are girls and, of those, 30 percent are younger than the age of fifteen according to The Children’s Defense Fund, which is a NGO committed to aiding children. Although the Constitution and the Labor Code of Honduras restrict the hiring of employees younger than the age of sixteen, it is still a widespread problem. The only exception to this rule is that a child ages fourteen to sixteen can work with the permission of their parents and the permission of the Ministry of Labor. The hours are restricted to not more than four a day, and the child cannot work past 8 P.M. at night. Many employers don’t abide by these rules, and the children are overworked and underpaid. The Children’s Code of the Constitution states that a child younger than the age of fourteen is not permitted to work at all, even with the permission of a parent. There are also strict punishments in place for people who do employ children, including prison sentences of between three and five years. However, this law is rarely enforced. Many children are still working as the Minister of Labor grants work permits each year to fourteen and fifteen- year-olds, providing their parents have given permission and their employer states that the child has completed their required schooling. Employers agree to these conditions in order to hire the child, but they may not always comply afterward. There are industries in which children are not permitted to work at all, including underwater fishing. They are also not allowed to work outside of the borders. In 2001, the Government of Honduras published a National Plan of Action for the Gradual and Progressive Eradication of Child Labor. This was followed in the same year with the promotion of a declaration by the Honduran Private Business Council. This Declaration was designed to immediately end the worst forms of child labor. It was signed in 2001 by the Ministry of Labor, the First Lady of Honduras, and the International Labor Organization. However, in a household survey that was conducted in 2001, it was shown that 9 percent of children between the ages of five and fifteen years were employed. It also showed that 26 percent of children between eleven and fifteen years were employed. The work is varied and includes family farms, construction, or street vending. Many young boys are employed to work on boats and perform diving, even though it is not permitted by law. Several years ago, the child labor situation in Honduras gained the attention of the world media when Kathie Lee Gifford, a talk show host in the United States, was accused of using child labor to make her clothing line. Ms. Gifford took a strong stance against the practice and made it a personal commitment to improve the situation. Her advocacy against the practices of child labor and sweatshops—where women worked long hours each day for little money—helped to get people talking about the situation.
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Although there are now laws in place, with the struggling economy of Honduras, many children are still working or being exploited and taken advantage of simply to keep food on the tables of their families. Child labor may have improved some, but most of the reports and statistics available prove that there is a long way to go for this practice to be completely eradicated. FAMILY The family unit in Honduras is viewed as the most important bond. Children are taught at a very young age to rely only on family members and not others. Families are often large and extended. Families generally interact with their relatives who are on the same social scale. If one member of a family is in a better financial position than others, they are generally expected to help in whatever manner they can. In some cases, this extends to the wealthier members of the family, who adopt children born to the members living in poverty. Adoption is not viewed as an act of charity but is expected because of the differences in the social standing. Family members who are more fortunate also make available loans to their struggling family members. This often includes money but can also include land or food (eating together is a great way for Honduran families, even the extended families, to enjoy each others’ company). The family member borrowing the item agrees to pay back what they can when they can. Another form of family that does not involve common genes is a compadrazgo. This is a type of union that is formed between close friends or Compadres. They treat each other as family and afford each other all the same benefits that go with being part of a family. Compadres are usually chosen during a special event, which could include a wedding or a family. Often, the parents of the Compadres are also very close. The family structure itself is very much set in the past. Men are the dominant partners, and the women acquiesce to the decisions set in place by their partners. It is commonplace for men to have a mistress and for a man to father children by several women while married to his wife. These gender characteristics can also be witnessed in the behavior of the children. Typically, boys in Honduras are allowed to roam around freely and express their opinions openly. In fact, they are encouraged to do so. Young ladies are expected to remain stoic and silent and keep their views to themselves. Adhering to these cultural norms is expected of them from a very early age. The divorce rate for families living in poverty is substantially lower than for wealthier families. The families that are struggling with financial difficulties often have a strong base of relatives to depend on, and it is thought that this extended family situation helps strengthen the bonds of the relationship.
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The high levels of crime and violence in Honduras affect almost all families. Kidnappings, disappearances, intimidation, detention, and even murder (on suspicion of crime alone at times, even by police and death squads) happen, and one will hardly find a family unit untouched by these tragic events. Children may also lose family members to a host of other factors, including natural disasters like hurricanes; alleged killings of members of indigenous communities and political activists—some killed because of their sexual orientation; gang-related crime, like the maras connections and drug cartels (violent gangs of children or pandillas); unlawful detention; and skipping the border, leaving this life and their families behind. Social, political, and economic injustice is ubiquitous in the lives of Honduran families. Children are oftentimes left to fend for themselves with limited means and no skills, no education, and no support network. Dignity, security, and joy are often not part of their lives. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS There are strict laws in force for human rights violations, but those laws are not enforced on a frequent basis. As in any democracy, the human rights of the citizens of Honduras are generally respected. In the past, there have been instances when the police have taken matters into their own hands and taken the lives of others. Prisoners in Honduras routinely have had their human rights violated. Reportedly, they are often subjected to beatings and abuse by the security personnel in prisons and in detention centers. Children are also affected by this growing problem. In many cases nothing is done when a child is forced into child labor, for example. Often little is done to prosecute the individuals who are responsible for the abuse of children who live on the street or for child prostitution. Child labor laws are not adequately enforced, either. Children are still working at a younger age and working longer hours than is permitted. Children of mothers who are in prison are permitted to live with their mothers until they are two years of age. Women who are in prison are not granted the same rights as men, including conjugal visitation rights. There are many detention centers in Honduras that are designed to house young people who are facing difficulties with the authorities. These facilities are generally overcrowded. More positively, the police no longer house underage (i.e., younger than the age of sixteen) children in prisons; they are no longer subjected to hardened criminals that might abuse or even sexually exploit, threaten, and intimidate them. They are taken instead to the detention centers, although according to some reports, children have been taken into fields and shot or killed. These children are often taken into custody for petty theft, even stealing food, or pick-pocketing, sometimes just for sleeping or ‘‘loitering’’ on a street-corner, for the lack of having any place to go.
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Although the Constitution of Honduras states that everyone has a right to free speech, most of the media is owned by the same few families. The government is strongly represented on individual television channels, which leads to a narrow view of information. This also feeds into religion, schools, and most other aspects of daily life and living, especially for the poorest of the poor, some of whom have no education. RELIGIOUS LIFE In Honduras 97 percent of the population is of the Roman Catholic faith. The Constitution in Honduras guarantees the separation of church and state, yet the church plays an ever-increasing role in the way the government is run. The government does not require that religious groups register with the state; however, churches and organizations must. There are many foreign missionaries who travel to Honduras each year. There are a few stipulations they must meet before they are allowed entry, including having a sponsor and a residency permit. There are several private schools in Honduras that are associated with the church. These schools are not said to receive any special considerations from the government. The Roman Catholic Church in Honduras has worked for change in the past and has strived to improve the lives of those less fortunate. In 1968, the church decided it wanted its members to work toward social change in the country, which required the involvement of clergy and church members that were practicing in other regions of the world. However, this changed during the 1970s, when some members of the church didn’t feel as passionate about the idea of social change in Honduras. As a result, the Church began to withdraw Roman Catholic organizations that were committed to change. In the past fifteen years the number of members of the Protestant churches has been increasing. The most growth has been seen in Methodist, Church of God, Seventh-Day Adventist, and Assemblies of God denominations. Although the numbers of Protestants remains remarkably lower than those of Roman Catholics, the upswing has created a stir within the Roman Catholic Church. Children that attend private school in Honduras are taught the religion of the Roman Catholic faith. Many of the schools also are funded by the church. Another area in which the influence of the church can be felt is in marriages. Many people in Honduras who have the resources have the benefit of big Catholic weddings. These weddings are viewed as sacred by the church and it is almost impossible to end them by annulment. Some people will begin their life together in the form of a civil union while they are saving for a larger, religious wedding. Children who are born of the Roman Catholic faith in Honduras are christened. This again is a luxury often afforded the wealthier set. The Roman Catholic Church of Honduras is also instrumental in the running and organization of
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many of the region’s orphanages. With the incidence of illness and death above average, many children are left without parents. These children are brought into the orphanages where they are fed, clothed, and taught, and where they learn more about the religion and its place and importance in their lives. The Virgin of Suyapa is the Patron Saint of Honduras. Many people hold community feasts for their patron saint and they often display a statue or painting of their favorite saint. Because of their firm belief in the healing powers of saints, people in Honduras often pray to the saints for health and riches. Children are often brought up according to the religious beliefs of their parents and are not encouraged to think outside the structures of their faith. These are some of the challenges that increase tension in families. Moreover, these differences, if voiced, could result in children leaving home as a result of escalating conflicts and the means for the abuse to begin. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT One of the largest problems facing children in Honduras is child abuse and neglect. It is an issue that has gained international attention. Sexual abuse and exploitation is one of the most serious problems in Honduras. According to a Caza Alianza study, between 8,000 and 10,000 children are the victims of sexual exploitation each year in Honduras. These children are born to the poorest families in Honduras, and, therefore, their parents see no recourse when their children are taken away to be abused and/or sexually exploited, pimped, or even sold as prostitutes etc. Many in the country blame the tourists who flock there each year. Estimates suggest that as many as 40 percent of the 120,000 visitors who come to the region each year are drawn there because of the promise of sex with children. Many children are promised an education, just to find out that the life they expected and were promised does not and will not exist. Another growing problem is that of children who seek refuge in the larger cities and then become prey for those looking for children. Many children from the countryside migrate to San Pedro Sula in the hopes of finding work that will help support not only them but their families as well. There are people who recognize this practice and routinely wait for these children with promises of jobs and large salaries. Again, the children believe this is true and willingly go with these predators. Some of the girls who are picked up in this way are sold to other countries, including the United States, Mexico, and Guatemala. In 2003, the U.S. Department of State identified 1,000 different children who were brought into the country in this manner. Honduras has a Criminal Investigative Unit, whose focus is on apprehending and prosecuting the individuals who are responsible for these crimes. Because of the sheer volume of cases involved, it is almost impossible for every child to be saved.
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Actually only a very small percentage of children will ever break free of this violence. A large insurgence of child abuse crimes was felt in the aftermath of Hurricane Mitch in 1998. Many children were left homeless by this devastating event, and they sought solace on the streets with others just like them. Some individuals saw this as an opportunity to capitalize on the dire circumstances the children were facing. They were essentially able to recruit thousands of children into the sex trade. An issue that has stemmed from this is drug abuse in children. Many children in Honduras have become addicted to glue-sniffing. This is a rampant problem within the street-children community. Predators have focused on this and introduced crack cocaine to these young children. It is highly addictive and, over time, that addiction is bred, causing the child to do virtually anything to receive the drug, including sexual favors and work for little or no money at all, under horrific circumstances. There are also examples of domestic and in-home sexual abuse, children who have become the unwilling participants in the sexual lives of their parents, members of their extended family, older siblings, cousins, uncles/aunts, as well as strangers. Abuse at home is often the stimulus that causes children to flee to others for refuge. Unfortunately, much of the time the person they are fleeing to is more abusive than their family members. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The future for Honduran children will still have them facing incredible odds, the aftermath of civil strife, natural disasters, gradual demilitarization of society, struggling civilian-type policing, dubious control and order, numerous ongoing reforms with mixed results, poverty, unequal distribution of income; the high official unemployment rate (40 per cent); the increasing toll of the HIV/AIDS epidemic; the sensitivity of authorities to the image of the country abroad, human rights organizations, and their work, to name both positive and negative impacts and influences, forces at work in their society. Other aspects of their social reality will still most likely revolve around juvenile violence, economic deprivation, justification for the killing of children by the security forces in the name of maintaining law and order; the attribution of the killing of children by unknown perpetrators to intergang wars between the maras; the practice of some media to demonize street children and blame the high level of violence in the country on child gangs; the fuelling by some journalists of the hate speech practiced by some high-ranking politicians and business leaders who deliberately incite public sentiment against street children; the stigmatization of every child with a tattoo and of street children as criminals; the concern of some independent journalists about the ‘‘criminalization of poverty’’ and the media making crimes against children respectable; statistics
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demonstrating that crime amongst children constitutes 5 percent of all crimes and misdemeanors, noting that media insist upon laying the entire blame for the bulk of all crimes on street children; the failure to solve the vast majority of the cases of the killing of children, noting that the perpetrators are unknown; information suggesting that the killings are carried out by groups or individuals operating with or without official patronage. Other problems might include the operation of gangs throughout the country, more visibly so in the cities and urban centers of Tegucigalpa and San Pedro Sula; the existence of a youth gang culture in the country for decades, noting that children’s abject neglect has made gang life seem more attractive as a source of security and as a community to which they can feel attached; the making and use of chimbas (primitive handguns) by gang members, or mareros; the practice of children getting ammunition from the armory run by the military to provide pensions for retired soldiers, noting that no records of purchasers of ammunition were kept at the armory; the typical profile of a marero as being a usually male adolescent or young person, living in a poor district, with relatively poor parents, a low level of school achievement, employment in unskilled, relatively lowpaid jobs; intergang violence over territory; the peer pressure and other social factors that cause children to join gangs; the participation of girls in gangs, noting that they are beaten and roughed up by their male peers. Many Honduran children will most likely continue to report wanting to please their parents, live a happy and full life, give themselves a good education, and avoid the poverty and violence that has plagued so many of their peers. In all likelihood, future generations of Hondurans will continue to work towards becoming a more modernized and civilized society with a higher quality of life. For now, setbacks will include: . . .
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poor medical treatment and the denial of medical care; crimes against children by (rival) gang members; deaths resulting from the excessive use of force, sometimes even by police, government agencies, institutions, and representatives; the forcible apprehension and abduction of children; the utter distrust and pervasive fear of the police among disadvantaged children and their families; threats by police against child witnesses of killings; failure of the authorities to investigate crimes, killings, and acts of violence against, children, women, and minorities; killings often attributed to individuals or groups with links to the local authorities, business people, and the military; threats against members of indigenous communities, environmental activists, and human rights defenders; and threats against and killings of human rights defenders campaigning for justice related to the murders of others.
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There are some positive initiatives and collaborations underway and some planned in Honduras that are and will continue, as follows: . . .
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abolition of compulsory military service; adoption of a new code on child and juvenile justice; adoption of new legislation in such areas as age limits for employment and criminal responsibility; adoption of the Code on Children and Adolescents; adoption of the Domestic Violence Act; establishment of the post of National Human Rights Commissioner; immediate temporary protection for child victims of serious abuse; internal police training programs for increased efficiency and less ‘‘abuse’’ of power and detainees; noncustodial measures for juvenile offenders; operation of seven children’s courts in the country; promotion of the adoption of children with no family; scholarships; the creation of the Office of the Special Prosecutor for Children and the Disabled; the implementation of precautionary and correctional measures imposed by court decisions against adolescents who commit criminal offences; the provision of community-based family care, even for abandoned, orphaned, or otherwise street-bound youngsters and teens; training and awareness-raising programs to resist joining the maras, gangs and drugs, street-crime, addiction, and the pull of empty promises and money; and vocational workshops for adolescents ‘‘in social risk situations’’ to give them the coping skills they will need to take on the challenges and realities that face them and many more.
Honduras would also benefit from the following strategies to protect and promote the rights and protection of children: . .
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. .
curtailing arms trafficking; curtailing the disempowerment of women, as it is closely linked to the marginalization of children, with particular emphasis on the empowerment of single mothers; increasing efforts to generate reliable aggregate data on crimes and human rights violations committed against children; exposing and wiping out all extrajudicial killings; protecting and promoting civil and political, as well as economic, social, and cultural rights of all children;
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.
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. . .
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implementing independent redress mechanisms, such as an ombudsperson for children, noting that the office should have quasijudicial powers and be provided with an independent investigative machinery; limiting the use of firearms and other lethal force by private security guards; making reforms to ensure the independence, efficiency, and transparency of the legal and judicial systems; consistently enforcing relevant laws and regulations; taking steps to place children at the center of all budget planning; supporting and encouraging churches in their work with street children, so that they continue to assist and support children and adolescents who are trying to leave the street gangs; making the media acknowledge their responsibility to denounce violence and demand an end to impunity for extrajudicial killings of children; pressuring the Ministry for Public Security put in place rules and procedures to monitor and supervise the operations of private security companies; ensuring that the relevant government authorities arrange special orientation courses with a strong rights element for officials who come directly into contact with children; and implementing a thorough investigation and judicial due process in all killings of children.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Fisher Canfield, Dorothy. Private Solutions for Infrastructure in Honduras: A Country Framework Report. World Bank Publications (October 2003). ISBN-10: 0821353667, ISBN-13: 978-0821353660. This report is a concise and wellthought-out look at the poverty situation in Honduras and how altering the infrastructure could impact that in a beneficial way. The report is divided into two parts, with the first part focusing on the general overview of infrastructure and the second part concentrates on the four infrastructures that are covered within the study. Norsworthy, Kent, and Tom Barry. Inside Honduras. 2nd ed. Interhemispheric Resource Center; (September 1994). ISBN-10: 091121349X, ISBN-13: 978-0911213492. This book is written to give readers an insight into the social and economical system of Honduras. Also covered are the political system and how the influence of the United States has impacted that in recent years.
Web Sites Banco Central de Honduras (the Central Bank), http://www.bch.hn. Citizenship and Immigration Canada Cultural Profiles Project: Honduras–Sports, http://www.cp-pc.ca/english/honduras/sports.html.
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Coalition Against Trafficking factbook/Honduras.php.
in
Women,
http://www.catwinternational.org/
Comisi on Nacional de Bancos y Seguros (CNBS, the banking superintendency), http://www.cnbs.gov.hn. Empresa Hondure~ na dutel.hn.
de Telecommunicaciones
(Hondutel),
http://www.hon
Honduras Newspapers, http://www.kidon.com/media-link/hn.php. A link to the eight newspapers of Honduras; these are in the native language of Honduras (Spanish). Honduras This Week, http://www.marrder.com/htw. This is a free newspaper for English-speaking readers. It covers the most recent news in Honduras. Instituto Nacional de Estadıstica (Statistical Institute), http://www.ine-hn.org. The Library of Congress, http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/hntoc.html. The Official Site of Honduras, http://www.honduras.com. La Prensa (daily newspaper), http://www.laprensa.com Secretarıa de Finanzas de Honduras (Ministry of Finance), http://www.sefin.hn. Secretarıa de Gobernaci on y Justicia, Republic of Honduras, http://www.gobernacion.gob.hn. This institutional website presents the ministry’s mission and vision, procedures et al., as well as contact information. United Nations Program for Development, Honduras, http://www.cejamericas.org/ reporte/PDF.
Organizations and NGOs Asociacion De Ganaderos, y Agricultores, de Intibuca or AGADI Fax: (504) 783-0304 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.honducontact.com/agadi.htm This is a nonprofit organization founded by farmers to promote the improvement of labor conditions. Projecto Libertad or Honduras Art Web site: http://www.honducontact.com/Honduranart.htm Supporting Penitenciaria Central of Intibuca. This organization was founded to help prisoners by selling their unique and handmade art work. Many of the people living in the prisons are fathers or mothers who are away from their children.
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United Nations Office 777 UN Plaza, 6th Floor New York, NY 10017, USA Web site: http://www.peacewomen.org/contacts/americas/honduras/hon_index.html PeaceWomen.org is a project of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom. This organization is designed to aid women in underdeveloped countries, including Honduras. On the link listed above there is detailed information regarding NGO contacts for Honduras.
Selected Bibliography Central Intelligence Agency, The World Fact Book: Honduras. http://www.cia.gov/ cia/publications/factbook. ECLAC, Anuario Estadıstico de America Latina y el Caribe. 2003. Primera Parte: Indicadores del Desarrollo Socioecon omico de America Latina y el Caribe. Divisi on de Estadıstica y Proyecciones Econ omicas. Electr onico, 1684–1379. ECLAC, Anuario Estadıstico de America Latina y el Caribe. 2005. Divisi on de Estadıstica y Proyecciones Econ omicas. Ministerio de Salud P ublica y Asistencia Social, Management Sciences for Health, Family Health International and Association for Family Planning in Honduras. 1989. ‘‘Epidemiology and family health survey, Honduras, 1987: final report.’’ Tegucigalpa, Honduras: Honduran Ministry of Public Health, Association for Family Planning in Honduras, Management Sciences for Health, and Family Health International. Nestel, Penelope, Alejandro Melara, Jorge Rosado, and Jose O. Mora. 1999. ‘‘Under Nutrition Among Honduran Children 12–71 Months Old.’’ Pan American Journal of Public Health 6: 256–265. UNICEF. 2002. ‘‘Statistical Data: Honduras.’’ http://www.unicef.org/statis/ Country_1Page74.html. Wittig, Martha. 1994. ‘‘Culture of Poverty or Ghetto Underclass? Women and Children in the Streets of Honduras.’’ Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Sociology, Tulane University, New Orleans, LA. Wittig, Martha, James D. Wright, and Donald C. Kaminsky. 1997. ‘‘Substance Use Among Street Children in Honduras.’’ Substance Use and Misuse 32: 805–827. Wright, James D., Donald C. Kaminski, and Martha Wittig. 1993. ‘‘Health and Social Conditions of Street Children in Honduras.’’ American Journal of Diseases of Children 147: 279–283. Wright, James D., Martha Wittig, and Donald C. Kaminsky. 1993. ‘‘Street Children in North and Latin America: Preliminary Data from the Proyecto Alternativos in Tegucigalpa and Some Comparisons with the U.S. Case.’’ Studies in Comparative International Development 28: 81–92. ———. 1995. ‘‘Acute and Chronic Morbidity Among Street Children in Honduras and the United States.’’ Presented at Nobody’s Children: Anthropological and Historical Perspectives on Child Abandonment, University of Durham, England, September 28–30.
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NICARAGUA Caroline E. Parker NATIONAL PROFILE Nicaragua is the largest country in the Central American isthmus (50,000 square miles), but with a population of 5.6 million, it also has the smallest population density in the region (47 per square kilometer) (Nicaraguan Ministry of Health 2004). As with many other developing countries, there has been a shift during the last twenty years from rural to urban areas. Fiftyfive percent of Nicaraguans now live in urban areas, including 1.4 million in the capital, Managua. The population is multiethnic: the majority are Mestizo (a combination of indigenous and European descent), and there are also indigenous populations of Sumo, Miskito, and Garıfuna, as well as Creoles. The greatest concentration of Miskitos is found on the northern Atlantic Coast, and the greatest concentration of Creoles is found on the southern Atlantic Coast. Although the national language is Spanish, indigenous communities continue to speak their own languages, and English is the first language for the Creole population. Nationally, 97.5 percent
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of Nicaraguans speak Spanish as a first language, although in the northern Atlantic area, only 62 percent speak Spanish as a first language and 34 percent speak Miskito. In the southern Atlantic area, 89 percent speak Spanish as a first language and 8 percent speak English as a first language (Espinosa 2004). Along the entire Atlantic coast, there are 72.5 percent Mestizos, 18 percent Miskitos, 6.2 percent Creoles, 2.4 percent Sumo, 0.43 percent Garıfuna, and 0.3 percent Rama (Espinosa 2004). In Nicaragua, 53 percent of the population is younger than eighteen years of age. Nicaragua’s annual population growth rate is 2.7 percent. This rate has been decreasing steadily during the last twenty years but is still higher than almost all other Latin American countries. The fertility rate went from 3.6 in 1998 to 3.2 in 2001, but adolescent fertility rate is the highest in Latin America, with 119 per 1,000 fifteen- to nineteenyear-olds. Almost half of all pregnancies are to women fifteen to twentyfour years old, as are more than half of all maternal deaths (World Bank 2003). The maternal mortality rate of 125 per 100,000 is also one of the highest in Latin America. Infant and child mortality rates have been steadily decreasing, although the rate continues to be very high. In 1990, the child mortality rate was sixty-eight per 1,000; by 2004 it had dropped to thirty-five per 1,000 (UNICEF 2005). Nicaragua is the third-poorest country in Latin America. An estimated 2.3 million people live in poverty, and 830,000 of those live in extreme poverty. National poverty levels have decreased from 50.3 percent in 1993 but were still 45.8 percent in 2001. Rural poverty is higher than urban poverty: in 2001 urban poverty was 28.7 percent, with rural poverty at 64.3 percent. Extreme poverty was 15.1 percent in 2001, with 24.7 percent in rural areas. More than two-thirds of rural inhabitants are poor, and more than 25 percent are extremely poor (World Bank 2003). The foreign debt was $6.6 billion in 2002. About 70 percent of the country has electricity, a number that has not changed significantly since 1993 (World Bank 2003). Nicaragua’s per capita gross national product is $453, and the income is spread unequally across the population. Forty-five percent of the income goes to the richest 10 percent of the population. Women and children are the most affected by poverty. There are large inequities between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts, with the Atlantic coast experiencing greater levels of poverty, illiteracy, and lower health indicators. Almost 40 percent of adults on the Atlantic Coast are illiterate, in comparison with 20 percent in the rest of the country. Women made up 13.6 percent of the economically active population in 1950, and this grew to 35.7 percent in 2001 (Espinosa 2004). Among urban women, 45.3 percent are in the workforce; this goes down to 31.7 percent for rural women. Women have traditionally not played an active role in the formal economy and, thus, historically they lack titles to land, they lack capital, and they lack education. They have traditionally been excluded from technical assistance, credit, and decision-making. These
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patterns are changing, and new laws support women’s insertion in the economy, though the process is slow. For example, although women now have equal access to education and attend all levels of education in greater percentages than men, this has not translated to equity in job access or salaries (Espinosa 2004). In urban areas, men work primarily in offices, as artisans, and in unskilled labor; in rural areas, they work primarily in agriculture, fishing, and unskilled labor. Women in urban areas work primarily in unskilled labor, service work, and commerce; in rural areas, they work in agricultural and unskilled labor. Thus, there is segregation of job types. In addition, women earn 30 percent less than men in similar positions (Espinosa 2004). Women received 25 percent of the bank credit that men did in 1998, and this increased to 34 percent in 2002. Thus, women’s access to credit is increasing, but it is still far lower than men’s. Poverty is compounded by a number of other circumstances in Nicaragua to create a particularly challenging experience for children. Political instability and corruption have limited the ability of government to play a positive role in national development. Corruption at the national level has cost the treasury more than $100 million. Natural disasters periodically wreak havoc in the country. Nicaragua is located in an earthquake zone, it has active volcanoes, and it has been the victim of tsunamis on its Pacific coast. An earthquake destroyed Managua in 1972, killing 10,000 people. The city center was never rebuilt, and the capital continues to suffer as a result. In 1998 Hurricane Mitch killed 3,000 people, displaced 870,000, and caused $1 billion in damage (U.S. Geological Survey 2000). More than 50 percent of those affected were children, suffering from the loss of homes, from the destruction of schools, and from the loss of agricultural crops (Nicaraguan Coordinating Federation of Nongovernmental organizations [NGOs] that Work with Children and Adolescents [CODENI] 2005). The psychosocial effects of Mitch continue to reverberate in the social life of children. Environmental degradation compounds the effects of natural disasters, creating more flooding, more droughts, and exacerbating poverty. Like other Central American countries, Nicaragua experienced political turmoil and war in the 1980s. In Nicaragua, the Sandinista government, in power from 1979 to 1990, promoted social programs to improve the living conditions of all Nicaraguans, especially the poor, but ongoing war forced the government to cut back on many of the programs. The Sandinista government promoted adult literacy through an internationally acclaimed literacy crusade, which contributed to a drop in adult illiteracy by 50 percent. They also built many schools and health clinics, and worked to staff them with teachers and doctors. However, ten years of U.S.sponsored war against the government led to the death of an estimated 60,000 Nicaraguan men, women, and children. Improvements in healthcare coverage and educational access were countered by economic crisis and
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destruction of schools and healthcare facilities. The military conflict finally ended in 1990, bringing Population: 5,675,356 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 27.14 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) peace to the country, but not the Life expectancy at birth: 70.92 years (2007 est.) economic stability that many had Literacy rate (age 15 and over): 67.5 percent (2003 est.) hoped for. Although the war Net primary school enrollment/attendance (2000–2005): ended in 1990, and thus most 80 percent children have no memory of that Internet users: 140,000 (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 6,400 (2003 est.) time, its effects continue to be Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) rank: 40 (2006 est.) felt. One particularly powerful reminder is the presence of undeSources: CIA World Factbook: Nicaragua. https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/nu.html. May 29, 2007; tonated landmines; there are still UNICEF: At a Glance–Nicaragua. http://www.unicef.org/ an estimated 76,000 landmines infobycountry/nicaragua_statistics.html. May 29, 2007; United throughout the country that have Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Nicaragua. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ not been located or detonated, countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_NIC.html. May 29, 2007. presenting a risk for children and adolescents (UNICEF 2005). National and international NGOs are very active in all spheres of civil society in Nicaragua. NGOs serve many different functions, from providing primary health care, to conducting educational campaigns, to working on improving agricultural methods. KEY FACTS – NICARAGUA
OVERVIEW The situation for children in Nicaragua is one of hope tempered by sobering reality. In education, for instance, there has been an increase in both preschool and primary school enrollment rates during the last ten years. However, the education system faces serious challenges, among them very low quality, as evidenced by high repetition and dropout rates in primary school, low attendance rates in secondary school, and almost nonexistent services for children with disabilities. From 800,000 to one million children are not in school at all. Although there are laws that prohibit child labor, and although Nicaragua has signed the International Convention of the Rights of the Child, many thousands of Nicaraguan children continue to engage in labor every day, some while also attending school, many not attending school at all. An estimated 72,000 children are engaged in some form of labor, including agricultural labor, unpaid domestic labor, and street labor (including begging, selling produce on the street, and collecting garbage from dumps). The income from child labor continues to be an important source of revenue for poor families in Nicaragua. One quarter of Nicaraguan homes are headed by single women. In both single-headed homes and in homes where there are two parents present, the extended family network is very common, with multiple generations sharing a single household.
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As with education, some child health indicators are improving, whereas others are stagnant or decreasing. Maternal and child mortality have been slowly decreasing during the last twenty years, but teenage pregnancy continues to be the highest in Latin America. Child immunization levels have actually decreased during the last ten years, and the country continues to struggle with health issues related to malnutrition, healthy drinking water, and basic diseases such as respiratory illnesses and parasites. The Nicaraguan legislature has passed important laws guaranteeing the rights of children, from the regulations for implementation of the International Rights of the Child to the Unilateral Divorce Law. However, social structures have not moved as rapidly as the legal system, and there is a gap between the official acceptance of international conventions and the attitudes of some Nicaraguans. For some, laws that protect children who commit crimes are actually promoting gangs and lawlessness. In addition to the cultural gap between law and attitudes, the government does not have the financial wherewithal to implement many of the laws. In recent years, there has been a growing awareness of the insidious presence of domestic violence and sexual abuse of children. The government has responded with police commissariats for women and children, and NGOs have responded with support systems for those affected. Official reports of sexual abuse against children continue to increase, most likely a result not of increased abuse but of increased willingness of the abused to file complaints. As in many countries, childhood is a fluid construct in Nicaragua, and childhood in the twenty-first century will look different from childhood in the twentieth century. As noted previously, there has been gradual progress in education and health, and Nicaragua continues to pursue the Millennium Development Goals, which include full primary school attendance by 2015. There is growing awareness of the damage resulting from domestic violence and sexual abuse, and a gradual cultural shift toward protecting children both physically and psychically. At the same time, Nicaragua faces many of the same economic challenges it has faced for many years, compounded by globalization, which has intensified the inequities Nicaragua faces internationally. The majority of Nicaraguan children are born into poverty, and although poverty rates have decreased in the last ten years, it continues to be the defining characteristic of many children’s lives. Finally, the gap between laws that protect children and the culture in which they live means that there is still much room for change in the lives of Nicaraguan children in the twenty-first century. EDUCATION The 1987 Constitution guarantees free education to all children. Until 1990, the government guaranteed free education through secondary school. The Constitution was reformed in 1995, and the reforms
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modified free basic education through the sixth grade. Based on the constitutional reform, schools can choose to charge a monthly fee for school attendance. This allowance was changed in 2002, and the Ministry of Education declared that no school, primary or secondary, could refuse student attendance because of inability to pay. In practice, however, many schools continue to require a ‘‘voluntary’’ monthly quota and also charge for copies of exams, for chalk, and for other supplies, at both the primary and secondary levels. Thus, although the constitution guarantees education to all children, in reality there is an economic cost, and this cost keeps some children from attending school. The average total education for Nicaraguans is 4.6 years. Adult illiteracy rates range around 33 percent, and 36.8 percent of the adult population does not have a complete primary education. A total of 71.5 percent of adults do not have a complete secondary education. Sixty percent of teenagers are not in the educational system. Only 4.7 percent of the adult population has university degrees (Ministry of Education, Culture and Sports 2003). It takes an average of 10.3 years to complete six years of schooling, showing that the education system suffers from inefficiencies and issues of quality. As part of the United Nations Millennium Goals, Nicaragua’s goal is to reach full access to primary education by 2015. Education is compulsory through the age of twelve. Nicaragua has achieved access to primary education, with a gross attendance rate of 106 percent, and a net attendance rate of 83.5 percent. There has been increasing attention paid to access to preschool, and currently 29 percent of children four to five years old attend preschool (Ministry of Education, Culture and Sports 2006). The annual education budget in 2003 was US$66 per student, down from US$78 per student in 1999. About 65 percent of the education budget goes to teacher salaries, which are among the lowest in the region. Teachers earn, on average, only 73 percent of the basic market basket. Primary school teachers have an average of 11.3 years education. As many as 40 percent of teachers at the preschool, primary, and secondary levels do not have teaching degrees. Although teacher salaries are exceedingly low (on average less than US$150 monthly), Nicaragua does spend 2.5 percent of its gross domestic product on education, which is within an acceptable range. The country’s overwhelming poverty limits its ability to improve teacher salaries, even when it spends a sufficient percentage of its budget on education (Save the Children Norway 2001). Although access to primary education is fairly high, the quality of education continues to be very low, as evidenced by high levels of grade repetition and dropout. An average of 10 percent of students repeats grades in primary school, with as many as 25 percent repeating first grade. In a national sample of third and sixth graders, the great majority scored in the lowest category for both Spanish and mathematics. Among others, Nicaragua faces two challenges in its public education system: improving
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the quality of primary schooling, and improving access to secondary education. Girls attend school in greater proportions than do boys at all levels of education, from primary through university. Records are not kept of attendance by race, but the largest concentrations of indigenous are found in the northern Atlantic area and the largest concentrations of Creoles are in the southern Atlantic area, and attendance rates in those two areas are lower than in the rest of the country. Native speakers of Miskito are offered bilingual education in Spanish and Miskito. Poor students are much less likely to be attending school than wealthy students, at all levels of education. The wealthiest 20 percent of Nicaraguans have an average of 7.67 years of education, whereas those in the poorest 20 percent have an average of 2.08 years of education (Save the Children Norway 2001). Among adults, illiteracy has not changed significantly since 1990. The total adult illiteracy rate from 2000 to 2004 was 23 percent. This rate varies by geography and urbanicity, however. On the Atlantic Coast, where the majority of Creoles and Miskitos live, illiteracy rates are as high as 40 percent. Primary school enrollment increased from 75.6 percent in 1999 to 83 percent in 2002. However, among the extremely poor, primary school enrollment is only 70.4 percent. Children in better-off households are five times more likely to attend school than those in the lowest 20 percent (World Bank 2003). Despite continued gradual increases in primary school enrollment, 800,000 to one million children remain outside of the school system. Preschool enrollment has been growing as well. The largest area of growth in student enrollment is in special education, which experienced a 6.9 percent increase from 2002 to 2003 (Save the Children Norway 2006). However, only 5 percent of children with disabilities receive targeted programs. Thus, although enrollment is gradually increasing at all levels, full access to primary school continues to be an unreached goal. At the secondary school level, only 32 percent of school-aged youth attend school. Unlike in primary school, access to secondary school is an issue for teens, especially in rural areas where there are fewer schools. Economic limitations are also an issue for many youth, who describe having to work to support their families. Nicaragua has a total of 364,000 secondary school students in 1,022 secondary schools. More than half of the secondary schools are private (n ¼ 550), and they serve close to 25 percent of all secondary school students. There are 252,000 students attending public secondary schools (Ministry of Education 2003). Students attend school in one of three ‘‘modalities’’: day (which includes 7 A.M. to 12 noon or 1 P.M. to 5:30 P.M.), evening (6 to 9 P.M.), or ‘‘distance education’’ (Saturday or Sunday from 9 to 5 P.M.). The great majority of students, 77 percent, attend during the day. Classrooms tend to be very similar across all Nicaraguan secondary schools. School buildings are designed in a modular style, with long rows
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of four to five classrooms parallel to each other. There are traditional slat windows on two sides, often with the glass slats themselves missing. There are usually metal grates over the windows to protect from robbery, although in most classrooms, the only things to steal are individual student desks in various stages of disrepair. In schools that serve primary school students in the morning and secondary students in the afternoon, the desks may be too big for the second graders but too small for the teenagers. Walls are generally bare, or have a few handwritten posters which fade quickly in the tropical heat. About half of the 40,000 high school graduates go on to university studies every year. Nicaragua has forty-one universities, ten of which receive state funding (five of these outside of Managua). Students take entrance exams to get into the coveted public university spaces, but if they do not get in, many of the public universities offer the same programs for a fee and charge tuition for access to the same professors and resources. The thirtyone private universities are essentially open-admission universities and charge anywhere from US$30 to $60 monthly (plus bus fare, books, clothing, taxis when night classes present safety issues, and other fees). A few charge even higher fees. There are a total of 100,000 university students, 65,000 of them in the public system (National Council of Universities 2003). Until 1990, there were no private universities in Nicaragua, and the public universities continue to garner the best reputation among students. Many of the smaller private universities are known as ‘‘garage universities’’ because they literally began in the garages of residential homes. For the half of secondary school graduates who will not go to university, further education and/or job options are severely limited. Unemployment is also rampant among university graduates. The Nicaraguan economy is not producing professional jobs at the same rate as it is producing professionals (Economic Council on Latin America 2002). Technological institutes are trying to increase their offerings, but have not been very successful. The largest single source of jobs is the duty-free zones, employing 51,000 Nicaraguans, which are operated by U.S., Koreans, or Taiwanese companies. The companies import machinery and raw materials into Nicaragua tax-free and use Nicaraguan labor to produce products (such as clothing) for export. The jobs are monotonous and repetitive, and the work conditions are often cited for unfair labor practices, ranging from forbidding union organizing to exposure to unsafe chemicals (Wimberley 2001). The other common job option is the informal sector—which, despite government attempts to formalize the economy and increase tax revenue, continues to grow and absorb a significant portion of the otherwise unemployed.1 Post-high school jobs in the formal sector are limited. Thus, it is logical that most secondary school students have goals that include higher education, because higher education offers the potential of developing a profession and moving into a different job sector. Although high school graduates do earn more than
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non–high-school graduates, there is not a formal sector of jobs that utilizes high school graduates effectively. In addition to university education, the Nicaraguan government offers vocational education. In 2002, there were 18,513 students in vocational education—13,747 in Computing and Administration, 2,713 in Industry, and 2,053 in Agriculture (attendance draws the most rural students; Nicaraguan Institute of Statistics and Census [INEC] 2004). There are twelve agriculture schools, four industry schools, sixteen administration and economy schools, and thirty-two technical education schools. These are very low numbers relative to the need for technical expertise in the country. The Nicaraguan government continues to struggle with articulating the careers offered, student demand, and the country’s needs. Students flock to university programs like Business Administration, even though that is not what the country needs. PLAY AND RECREATION Given the serious budget constraints faced by the Nicaraguan government, it is not able to invest much in play and recreation for youth. The Nicaraguan government maintains very few recreation facilities. Given its limited economic flexibility, it is not surprising that it does so little. In Managua, the government maintains a sports facility that includes an indoor pool, basketball courts, and volleyball courts. The government also maintains the national stadium, which hosts baseball games and other events. There are smaller stadiums and public parks around the country, but many are in disrepair from lack of funding. Smaller communities sometimes pool resources to maintain community centers for the youth, but this is not common. Although much of Nicaragua’s television programming is imported, there is also a small community that focuses on producing indigenous programming. One of the most popular in recent years is Sexto Sentido (‘‘Sixth Sense’’), a Nicaraguan-produced program that follows the lives and experiences of a group of young people in Nicaragua. It uses the experiences of the young people to explore the realities of Nicaraguan youth, as they struggle with machismo, sexual identity, relationships, pregnancy, and hopes for the future. This program contrasts greatly with many other soap operas on television, imported from Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela, which reinforce many of the inequities that children experience in their own lives. Other imported television programs include programs developed in the United States, as well as programs targeting children developed in other Latin American countries. A total of 59 percent of homes in Nicaragua have televisions (as of 2001), and 80 percent have radios, whereas 21 percent have refrigerators (INEC 2006). Children’s access to technology is greatly varied and closely linked to socioeconomic status. Almost no public schools provide technology,
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despite an experimental government program some years ago. Children with sufficient economic resources will spend time at internet cafes, participating in online chat groups, instant messaging, e-mailing, seeking information. A very small percentage of children have computers in their home. Nicaragua is a signatory to the International Convention on the Rights of the Child, and as part of that Convention, the government formally recognizes children’s right to play. The government does not have the resources to proactively promote that right, but it has formally endorsed it. The most popular national sport is baseball. Nicaragua has its own national baseball league, and also competes internationally. Children will often play pickup baseball on makeshift fields. Other popular sports include soccer and boxing. Youth who are interested in athletics can join neighborhood leagues in urban areas, primarily in baseball, soccer, and basketball. There are more opportunities for boys than for girls. CHILD LABOR Although child labor is illegal in Nicaragua, an estimated 300,000 children younger than the age of eighteen are engaged in some form of labor. Of those, 106,451 are children ages five to twelve, and 194,000 are youth ages thirteen to eighteen. By law, children under fourteen cannot work. In reality, this is not the case. There are not sufficient resources in government to enforce the law. The most common forms of child labor are in the informal sector, in agriculture, and in domestic labor. Some 72,000 work in agriculture, especially coffee, cotton, bananas, tobacco, and rice. Almost 25,000 girls are engaged in domestic labor. Street children most commonly engage in the sale of candy and gum, begging, and prostitution. A number of national and international NGOs focus on getting children away from markets, a common gathering place and a high-risk area for physical and sexual abuse and drug use, particularly glue-sniffing. There are about 70,000 children from ten to fourteen years old who are working, about 12 to 15 percent of children in that age group. Among five- to nine-year-olds, 3.5 percent work. Among fifteen- to seventeenyear-olds, 30.3 percent work. Many of the children who work also attend school, but about 1.4 percent of five- to nine-year-olds work and do not attend school, 6.5 percent of ten- to fourteen-year-olds, and 21 percent of fifteen- to seventeen-year-olds. Of those children who work, they work an average of 36.8 hours weekly. Children from poor families are far more likely to be working than children from wealthy families. Of those who work, 57 percent work in unpaid family labor. Children whose parents have no education are more likely to be working than those whose parents have primary or secondary education (Palma, Sanchez, and Feeny 2004). There are a number of NGOs that work to combat child labor. Many of them focus on street children who work in open-air markets, on street
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corners, or in the municipal dump (the majority of street children live in Managua, and thus the majority of programs are located there as well). These programs provide schooling, basic health care, and for those children who do not have parents a number of them also provide alternative living options outside of the city, in group homes that focus on education and vocational training. The NGOs also work with the children to address their drug addictions, which are common among street children. Other common forms of child labor, including agricultural labor and unpaid domestic labor, are harder to combat because they form an integral part of the family economic system. The government sponsors isolated rural programs that pay parents to send their children to school, modeled on the PROGRESA program in Mexico. However, the government does not have the resources to expand this program. One of the most important sources of job growth in Nicaragua for the last ten years, as mentioned previously, has been the duty-free zones. In 2002, there were fifty-nine factories in the country benefiting from taxfree status. The majority are garment factories, sewing clothing for the U.S. market. The sector employed 18,000 workers in 1998 and increased to 51,000 workers by 2002. There are periodic questions about whether children are employed there, and labor rights groups monitor the factories carefully. However, even children who do not work in the factories are affected by them when their parents are employed there. Workers are paid notoriously low salaries, they work long hours, they have no labor protections, and they suffer from work-related illnesses. All of this has an impact on children, even if the children are not working themselves. FAMILY There are an average of 5.4 people in Nicaraguan homes (5.7 in rural homes, 5.0 in urban homes). Women make up 28.3 percent of heads of households. The majority of Nicaraguan homes (63 percent) include extended families, with parents, children, aunts, uncles, grandparents, and cousins sharing a home. Only 31 percent of Nicaraguan homes are nuclear families (parents with children). Homes with women heads of household are more likely to include extended families than are homes with men heads of household (Espinosa 2004). A total of 36 percent of children are not legally registered. There are an estimated 150,000 orphans. Almost one million Nicaraguans are currently living out of the country. More than 600,000 have emigrated to Costa Rica and participate in agricultural labor. Another 300,000 currently live in the United States. Nicaragua has a smaller expatriate population than some other Central American countries, but emigration continues to be an option in the face of economic instability. Remittances from abroad are a growing source of income, but have not reached levels in other countries like El Salvador.
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More than 18 percent of homes report receiving remittances from outside the country (Espinosa 2004). In the home, cultural values of machismo encourage boys to occupy public spaces, whereas girls stay in private spaces, working at home. Girls are far more likely to be engaged in unpaid domestic labor than boys. These cultural values that condone different standards for boys and girls coexist with girls’ equitable access to schools. In fact, more girls attend school—primary, secondary, and university—than boys. Although girls and boys have equal access to primary, secondary, and higher education, there are many social spaces where the experiences of girls are very different from those of boys. Both boys and girls define being youths as having no responsibility, but for girls, youth ends when they are in a permanent relationship or become mothers. In contrast, boys can become fathers and still be youths—they leave their youth behind only when they choose to accept responsibility, which may be never. This helps explain the prevalence of teen mothers without fathers participating in child-rearing (Abaunza, Sol orzano, and Fernandez 1995). Nicaragua has had laws providing for unilateral divorce since 1995. Either partner can request a divorce before the court with appropriate documents. There does not have to be just cause for divorce. At the same time, the constitution says that families are protected by the state, and that couples can divorce by mutual consent or because of the desire of one of the parties. Both the father and mother are responsible for caring for the children and maintaining the household. However, the Civil Code has a number of statutes that give the man more control in the household, and, culturally, men exercise power in the home. The legal age for marriage is twenty-one for men, eighteen for women, again reinforcing different standards despite constitutional guarantees of equality. Women who are pregnant have equal labor rights under the law and cannot be fired for being pregnant (Perez-Landa 2001). Most rites of passage in Nicaragua are closely tied to Catholic religious traditions, such as first communion and confirmation. When girls turn fif~ teen, many families celebrate with a quincenera, a large party that resembles a wedding, with the young woman in a formal gown (usually white or pink), with male and female attendants (similar to bridesmaids and ushers). Families save money for years, and will spend more than a year’s income on this party. The parties are not limited to the upper classes, and those families that have greater economic limitations make much greater relative sacrifices. Poverty causes stress on families. This can take many forms, including issues of malnutrition when there is not enough income to provide sufficient food, domestic violence as a result of the stress leading to family disintegration, other health problems that are closely linked to poverty, such as gastrointestinal illnesses that result from impure water, and malaria because of a lack of mosquito netting.
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The Ministry of the Family is the government entity charged with addressing the needs of Nicaragua’s families. The Ministry has four primary programs: Holistic Attention to Nicaraguan Children, Social Protection Network, Child Food Provision, and Holistic Attention to Children and Adolescents at Risk. They focus on three vulnerable groups: .
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children from birth to six years with chronic malnutrition, children from birth to six years without basic health services, children six to twelve years not in school, adolescents thirteen to eighteen years not yet literate, and adolescent mothers; children affected by violence, working children, abandoned children, children victims of sexual trade, children suffering drug addiction; and victims of natural disasters, or others in need of emergency aid.
According to the Ministry of the Family web site, they provided services to the following children in 2004: nutrition support to 127,658 children from birth to five years; support to 135,000 at-risk children ages six to eighteen; 38,275 victims of natural disasters; thirty-seven programs to provide for primary needs helped 217,975 people. The Ministry is piloting a program addressing children’s psychosocial needs. Known as Chimalli, it was developed in Mexico to help teachers and other community members build communication tools with youth in order to prevent high-risk behaviors (UNICEF 2005). The Ministry is charged with taking care of those who are at risk, but it doesn’t have enough resources to address the needs of all children. The government has a very limited social security system. All those employed in the formal sector are required to contribute to the social security system, and upon retirement or disability they receive a monthly pension. However, the pension does not begin to meet the basic needs of individuals, much less those who also need to support other family members. Pension payments begin at 40 percent of average salary, with additional payments for dependents (Social Security Programs Throughout the World [SSPTW] 2005). Only 16 percent of working Nicaraguans are covered by the current social security system, because almost 80 percent of Nicaraguans work in the informal sector (Avenda~ no 2004). HEALTH General health indicators have improved for the Nicaraguan population, although there is much room for improvement. Nicaragua’s fertility rate decreased from 3.6 in 1998 to 3.2 in 2001. The adolescent fertility rate is the highest in Latin America, with 119 live births per 1,000 fifteento nineteen-year-olds. Almost half of all pregnancies are to women fifteen to twenty-four years old, as are more than half of all maternal deaths. Maternal mortality has gone from 148 per 100,000 live births in 1999 to
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125 per 100,000 live births in 2001, but continues to be among the highest in Latin America. Prenatal care coverage has increased, from 70.4 percent in 1993 to 88.6 percent in 2001. The rates are lower for rural women and for poor women, but all sectors show an improvement in both prenatal care and maternal mortality rates (World Bank 2003). Concurrently, infant and child mortality dropped by 20 percent from 1998 to 2001, to a rate of thirty-five per 1,000. However, the rate in urban areas is twentyeight per 1,000 and the rate in rural areas is forty-three per 1,000 (Espinosa 2004). A total of 8.7 percent of infants are born underweight. These positive trends in decreasing fertility rates, improved prenatal care, and decreases in maternal and infant mortality, have not been accompanied by similar changes in other children’s health indicators. For instance, the percentage of fully immunized children decreased from 80 percent in 1993 to 72 percent in 2001. Almost 18 percent of children were chronically malnourished in 2001, 24 percent of children younger than five years had a respiratory infection in the last year, and almost 25 percent of children younger than five had diarrhea in the month before a national survey was taken. Although the percentage of fully immunized children has decreased, 93 percent of children under one have had MMR, 94 percent have had BCG, and 86 percent have had OPV3. Eighty percent of children have received polio vaccinations (Victora et al. 2005). Household living conditions present challenges to improved health. Although 84.2 percent of households have access to drinking water, that number decreases to less than half in rural areas. Similarly, 86.2 percent have access to sanitation, but in many cases the sanitation facilities are latrines that are not hygienic. More than two-thirds of Nicaraguans lived in overcrowded homes in 2001. Nationally, there are 3.8 doctors per 10,000 inhabitants; in rural areas, there are fewer than two doctors per 10,000. Life expectancy at birth is seventy years. Urban areas are most affected by air pollution, but rural residents are exposed to toxic chemicals through fertilizers and pesticides. HIV/AIDS prevalence is lower than in rest of Central America; 0.05 to 0.08 percent for women, and 0.17 to 0.26 percent for men. Most transmission is through heterosexual relations, although men who have sex with men have rates of 9.3 percent, whereas sex workers have rates of less than 1 percent. To date, fewer than 16 percent of HIVþ Nicaraguans are receiving anti-retroviral therapies (World Health Organization, PanAmerican Health Organization, UNAIDS 2006). As with other lowprevalence countries, there is general concern on the part of health officials that people have a false sense of security and thus do not engage in safe practices. Los Pipitos, a Nicaraguan NGO, works to help parents find resources for their children with disabilities. Projects include early-intervention programs and development programs for older youth, as well as training programs for adults. One of the key tenets of Los Pipitos is to break the
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silence around disability, to help communities to embrace children with disabilities rather than hide them away (INEC 2005). Los Pipitos builds and maintains childcare centers, which both train adults and provide interventions for children. Los Pipitos has chapters in seventy-four of 130 municipalities in the country, and in many communities they operate Early Education Centers. According to Los Pipitos, almost 10 percent of the population older than six years reports having a disability (460,000 people). Of those, 16 percent are younger than twenty years, 47 percent are twenty to fifty-nine years, and 37 percent are older than sixty-years. Those with disabilities have higher rates of illiteracy (23 percent of women versus 46 percent of women with disabilities), and of those with disabilities, 45 percent have never attended school. Only 3 percent of those in a survey conducted by Los Pipitos said they are aware of laws to protect the rights of people with disabilities (CODENI 2004). Thus, although there are laws and organizations to protect children with disabilities, they are still at great risk of not having their needs met. Only 5 percent of children with disabilities are receiving special educational services, though this is the most rapidly growing sector of education. Mental health services for children are minimal in Nicaragua. Only recently has there been a common recognition that traumatic events, such as sexual abuse or surviving a natural disaster, have a psychological impact on children. There are not yet services in place, either in the public or private sphere, to meet the mental health needs of children. The Ministry of Family, as described above, is piloting a Mexican risk prevention program known as Chimalli, one of the first such interventions to be promoted by the Nicaraguan government. The Nicaragua Ministry of Health is the entity charged with promoting children’s health in the country. The public health system provides health clinics and hospitals, but there is limited access to care and minimal conditions in both the clinics and hospitals. Doctors have few resources, and in rural areas, there are fewer than two doctors per 10,000 people. Despite these limitations, the government does promote health campaigns that include child immunization drives and antimosquito campaigns (to combat malaria and dengue). NGOs, both national and international, play an active role in the Nicaraguan health system. The public health system depends on international support to maintain and run its health centers and hospitals, as well as to work in specialized areas like assistance for landmine victims. In addition, NGOs run private health clinics targeting the poor and provide emergency health care in times of natural disasters, as with Hurricane Mitch in 1998. There are no formal government programs addressing sex education. NGOs provide education in the public forum via television, radio, and written materials. The influence of the Catholic Church on social issues in Nicaragua means that the Church has a strong measure of influence in
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government decisions about what gets taught in this area. The Church has a vocal role in other social areas as well, including anti-abortion and anti-gay positions. There are a small number of organizations that support gay/lesbian/bisexual/transsexual (i.e., GLBT) youth, but they are all located in Managua and are not necessarily accessible to youth from all social sectors. Thus, the experiences of GLBT youth remain hidden to a great degree. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Nicaragua has passed a series of important laws that protect the rights of children. It signed the International Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1990 and passed the Code of Children and Adolescents in 1998, which details the regulations to implement the International Convention on the Rights of the Child. The Code is divided into three sections, with the third section devoted to detailing the rights of children and adolescents in the justice system. The Code includes the following rights: .
.
.
.
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all children and adolescents have the right to participate in all spheres of social and legal life; all children and adolescents have the right to participate in family, school, and community without discrimination; all children and adolescents have the right to look for and get information that promotes their integral development; all children and adolescents have duties and responsibilities according to their age, for themselves, school, community, and country; children and adolescents have the right to conserve and protect the environment (Palma 2004).
Under the new code, children younger than thirteen years of age cannot be charged with a crime, those from thirteen to fifteen years cannot be jailed, and those from fifteen to eighteen must be in a juvenile facility, and they cannot receive a sentence that is longer than six years. In addition, the Code mandates the development of a juvenile justice system separate from the adult system. The Code faces two significant challenges: financial limitations on the part of the government, and social opposition to a code that defines the rights of children who are involved with the justice system. According to the Code, seventeen juvenile courts must be established, but, to date, only two have been developed, both in Managua. Children and adolescents, by law, must be detained in facilities that are exclusively for youth, but in reality the most that has been done is that youth are held in prison cells separate from adults. Almost all girls who are detained are held in cells with adult women because of space limitations. The Code also determines specific procedures to be taken by police to protect children’s rights, including having a warrant for arrest, and having to bring
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charges against detained children within twenty-four hours. Often children are held for longer periods because juvenile judges are not available. Families are supposed to be informed by police when their children are detained, but in one study 47 percent of families learned in other ways, and 18 percent of children said their families still did not know of their detention. Although police brutality against any prisoner is illegal, arrested youths describe common occurrences of police beatings. The Code defines specific rules for guaranteeing hygienic conditions of detention facilities, but they are rarely enforced. Children have less physical space than is required (overcrowding), they lack the requisite ventilation, and toilets and showers are insufficient. The law requires that children have bed sheets, but more often they are not even provided with beds and have to sleep on the floor. Children also have the right to adequate health care and exercise, but this is rarely the case. Legal requirements for food are not always followed because of financial limitations. Sometimes youths get only one or two meals a day. Families are allowed to bring food, but many poor families cannot (Palma 2004). There are individual examples of police establishing good practices, including using medical students for health care, in smaller communities working with parents rather than arresting children, getting communities to volunteer to maintain cells in good condition. The Code has led to the development of training material for officers working with children, an interagency committee on juvenile justice, the intended separation of children from adults in detention centers, and a study on financial implications of implementing a juvenile justice system. In some police precincts there is a Commissioners’ Office for Women and Children, with police officers whose task is to guarantee the rights and safety of women and children (Rocha 2005). By law, all sentences are targeted to help children change and rejoin society. This includes community service, prohibiting hanging out in certain places, and sometimes detention. There have been some efforts to follow this, rather than just send youths to detention. In long-term detention centers, conditions are better than in police facilities. There has been considerable opposition to the rights that are outlined in the Code. Many people argue that children, especially when they are members of gangs, are contributing to the disintegration of the social fabric, and rather than give them more rights than adults, they should be treated with the same laws. In 2002 there was a legislative proposal to suspend the Code, saying it pampered youth criminals. It did not pass, but it indicates opposition to the Code and the fact that people from different spheres of society are uncomfortable with the levels of rights given to children involved with the justice system. People feel that youths who commit crimes should be sent to jail, especially if they already act as adults in terms of working or being parents. In addition, the Code allows police to intervene in families where there is abuse or neglect, which
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threatens the traditional social structures with the male head of household having full authority over all members of the household (Montoya 2005). The age of majority in Nicaragua is eighteen, but youth gain different rights at different ages. The right to vote begins at age sixteen. When there was a military draft, it began at age seventeen. Boys can marry at age twenty-one, girls at age eighteen. Children are protected under the Convention of the Rights of the Child until age eighteen. Almost 70 percent of child sexual abuse occurs in the home. The majority of victims are girls from eleven to fifteen years old. The victimizers are mostly men, usually older (68 percent are eighteen to thirty years). The victims almost always know the victimizer, as they are often uncles, brothers, cousins, fathers, stepfathers, or neighbors. In only 10 percent of reported cases was the victimizer unknown to the victim (U.S. Department of State 2004). In 2002, there were 6,000 reported cases of sexual abuse against children, and 40,000 reported cases of sexual and physical abuse against women. There has been increasing recognition across the country of the devastating effects of child sexual abuse, as well as of its disturbing frequency. Together with domestic violence, there is more understanding, more publicity, and there are more programs to support the women and children who are the victims. The National Police have set up eighteen Commissariats for Women and Children around the country to provide safe places for women and children to report instances of violence and sexual abuse. In addition to being staffed by police officers, the Commissariats have social workers, lawyers, and psychologists (U.S. Department of State 2004). In conclusion, there are a number of very important laws in Nicaragua that protect the rights of women and children. The International Convention of the Rights of the Child was approved in 1990. The Law against Aggression against Women (1996) criminalized domestic violence with up to six years in jail (Palma 2004). The Law Protecting People with Disabilities outlaws discrimination against people with disabilities in the labor market. The Unilateral Divorce Law gives women the right to divorce their husbands. The Code of Children and Adolescents provides specific regulations to implement the International Convention of the Rights of the Child. All of these laws face challenges in implementation, either because of financial constraints or social opposition. The move from legal right to actual reality is still in process in Nicaragua. RELIGIOUS LIFE Nicaragua is a predominantly Roman Catholic country. According to the 1995 census, 72.9 percent of Nicaraguans are Roman Catholic, 15.1 percent are Evangelical, 1.5 percent are Moravian, 0.1 percent are
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Episcopalian, 1.9 percent are other, and 8.5 percent declare no religious affiliation. The Constitution guarantees freedom of religion and prohibits discrimination on the basis of religion. Although Nicaragua does not have an official state religion, the Roman Catholic Church has a close relationship with the government, and its statements about social issues have an influence on policy development. The Evangelical churches have grown in popularity significantly during the last twenty years and have formed their own political party, which had four legislators in the ninety-two-member National Assembly in 2004. Although Easter and Christmas are the two most important religious holidays and the country essentially shuts down for up to a week, the Purısima, the Feast of the Virgin Mary, is an even larger cultural event. At this feast, on December 7, people who have made promises to the Virgin Mary build altars in her honor. Children move in groups from altar to altar throughout the evening, singing traditional songs to the Virgin. In return, they receive gifts from those who built the altar—small pieces of candy, sugar cane, and other goodies. Easter week, known as Semana Santa, is always a week-long holiday for schoolchildren. Although there are religious celebrations throughout the week in remembrance of the religious importance of the Easter events, the most common cultural activity is to spend the week at the beach. People of all economic levels travel to the beach in any transport they can, they set up camp, often on the beach itself, and enjoy the sun and good company. Religious organizations are active in many spheres of children’s lives. Catholic orders run private schools, ranging from Fe y Alegrıa schools, which target children from poor neighborhoods, to exclusive Jesuit schools that cater to the country’s wealthiest children. Increasingly, evangelical churches are establishing small schools to serve their church members. These schools usually charge minimal monthly fees, just slightly more than the ‘‘voluntary’’ fees at public schools. Thus, they maintain accessibility to all but the poorest children. Religious training varies by family. First communion and confirmation are common in Catholic families, while evangelical families have no such formal traditions. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT In 2002, ninety-seven children and youth younger than twenty-three years of age were killed in Nicaragua, the second highest number in Latin America. Of those, 61 percent were younger than seventeen years. In more than 60 percent of the cases, the perpetrator was never found. Of those cases where a perpetrator was identified, more than 30 percent were killed by Nicaraguan security forces. These numbers highlight the vulnerability of children, especially those children who are living on the street or spending much of their time there. In Nicaragua, it is difficult to estimate the
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number of children living on the streets, because children ‘‘live’’ on the street to different degrees. Street children can be roughly divided into the following categories: (1) children who live and work on street full time, with little or no family contact; (2) children who work on the streets and live with families at night; (3) children who work on streets occasionally; and (4) those whose parents are street adolescents. All children who spend time on the street are vulnerable to violence, hunger, and neglect. It is estimated that 69 percent of all street children live in Managua, most often in markets, bus terminals, and the municipal garbage dump. Some 42 percent of street children are six to eleven years old, and 49 percent are twelve to eighteen years old. Most sell candy, reclaim garbage, beg, or steal to survive. The average age at which children begin prostitution is sixteen, but there are thirteen-year-olds engaging in prostitution as well (Palma, Sanchez, and Feeny 2004). Children on the street are vulnerable to drug addiction, most often glue sniffing, but increasingly the use of crack as well. There could be as many as 7,000 children addicted to glue sniffing, which is especially popular because it masks hunger pangs. Youth gangs are an increasing presence in poor urban neighborhoods, and are often, cited as reasons for dropout among boys. There are as many as 1,000 youths organized in ninety gangs throughout Nicaragua (Rocha 1999). Although gangs in Nicaragua tend to be less formalized, more focused on individual neighborhoods, and less directly involved with the drug trade or other international gang activity, the culture of violence and group identity through fighting is quite strong (Rocha 1999). In many poor Managua neighborhoods, youths cannot avoid having some contact with gangs. Gang violence periodically terrorizes neighborhoods, and police have responded with a mixture of crackdowns (they arrested 40,000 youth on gang-related offenses in 2001) and dialogue. Children face many issues that increase their vulnerability in Nicaraguan society. Almost one million children are currently not attending school. These children often are not in school because they are working. The Nicaraguan government has not been effective at monitoring child labor, especially in the informal sector and in domestic labor. Despite increased awareness, there continues to be a lack of understanding about the severe costs to children of sexual abuse, and this means there is less willingness to address both causes and effects. The government has not effectively pursued police brutality against the most vulnerable children, and conditions in prisons and juvenile detention centers continue to be poor (Palma, Sanchez, and Feeny 2004). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY As in many countries, childhood is a fluid construct in Nicaragua, and childhood in the twenty-first century will look different from childhood
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in the twentieth century. As noted previously, there has been gradual progress in education and health, and Nicaragua continues to pursue the Millennium Development Goals, which include full primary school attendance by 2015. There is growing awareness of the damage resulting from domestic violence and sexual abuse, and a gradual cultural shift toward protecting children both physically and emotionally. At the same time, Nicaragua faces many of the same economic challenges it has faced for many years, compounded by globalization, which has intensified the inequities Nicaragua faces internationally. The majority of Nicaraguan children are born into poverty, and while poverty rates have gone down in the last ten years, it continues to be the defining characteristic of many children’s lives. Finally, the gap between laws that protect children and the culture in which they live means that there is still much room for change in the lives of Nicaraguan children in the twenty-first century. NOTES 1. The informal sector in Nicaragua is defined as that part of the economy that does not participate in the tax or social security structures. Ambulatory salespeople, including the many who sell products at stoplights, self-employed service workers (gardeners, domestics), are all part of the informal sector.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings CODENI. 2005. III Complementary Report on Compliance with the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Managua: Federaci on Coordinadora Nicarag€ uense de ONG que Trabajan con la Ni~ nez y la Adolescencia (Nicaraguan Coordinating Federation of NGOs that Work with Children and Adolescents, CODENI). ~ trabajadora Nicaragua Elvir, Ana Patricia. 2006. Opciones educativas para la ninez (Educational Opportunities for Nicaraguan Working Children). Managua: Primero Aprendo (Learning First), Programa de Promoci on de la Reforma Educativa de America Latina y el Caribe (Partnership for Educational Revitalization in the Americas, PREAL). Lancaster, R. 1992. Life Is Hard: Machismo, Danger and the Intimacy of Power in Nicaragua. Berkeley: University of California Press. Palma, Evelyn, Juan Pablo Sanchez, and Thomas Feeny. 2004. Street Children and Juvenile Justice in Nicaragua. Managua: Casa Alianza Nicaragua. Parker, C. 2004. ‘If I Stop Studying, I Won’t Be Anyone Tomorrow’: Secondary School Age Nicaraguan Youth Describe Their Schooling Experiences. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Graduate School of Education. Rocha, Jose Luis. 2005. ‘‘The Code of Children and Adolescents: Comments on a Misunderstood Law.’’ Envıo: 286. Rosati, Furio Camilo, and Mariacristina Rossi. 2001. Children’s Working Hours, School Enrollment, and Human Capital Accumulation: Evidence from Nicaragua and Pakistan. UNICEF.
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Nonprint Resources Sexto Sentido Radio (Sixth Sense Radio) is a daily radio call-in program, providing educational entertainment and an attractive and safe space where youth can talk openly about issues that are important in their lives (in Spanish), http:// www.puntos.org.ni/ssr/programas.php. Sexto Sentido TV (Sixth Sense TV) is a weekly drama that tells the stories of a group of teens and young adults, with their unique experiences and visions of the world. Through their stories, they face situations of family conflict, drug addiction, HIV-AIDS, sexual abuse and assault, homophobia, unplanned pregnancies, and much more. They make mistakes, but also reflect on those mistakes and face their problems with honesty and bravery (in Spanish and with subtitles), http://www.puntos.org.ni/sstv/episodios.php and http:// www.puntos.org.ni/english/multimedia.php.
Web Sites Asociaci on de Padres de Familia con Hijos Discapacitados Los Pipitos: Los Pipitos Association of Parents of Children with Disabilities, http://www.lospipitos.org. Centro Nicarag€ uense de Derechos Humanos (CENIDH): Nicaraguan Center for Human Rights, http://www.cenidh.org. La Federaci on Coordinadora Nicarag€ uense de ONGs que Trabajan con la Ni~ nez y la Adolescencia (CODENI): Nicaragua Coordinating Federation of NGOs that work with Children and Adolescents, http://www.codeni.org.ni. Instituto Nacional De Estadısticas Y Censos (INEC): National Institute of Statistics and Census, http://www.inec.gob.ni. Ministerio de Educaci on, Cultura y Deporte (MECD): Ministry of Education, Culture and Sports, http://www.mecd.gob.ni. Ministerio de la Familia: Ministry of the Family, http://www.mifamilia.gob.ni/web/ index.asp?idPgW=93&idSbM=0. Ministerio de Salud: Ministry of Health, http://www.minsa.gob.ni/estadisticas/ ind2005/ind2005.html. Puntos de Encuentro: Meeting Points, http://www.puntos.org.ni. Save the Children Norway, http://www.reddbarna.no/default.asp?V_ITEM_ID¼11448.
Organizations and NGOs Asociaci on de Padres de Familia con Hijos Discapacitados Los Pipitos: Los Pipitos Association of Parents of Children with Disabilities Residencial Bolonia, Esquina opuesta a la Policlınica Nicarag€ uense.
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Apartado Postal 2522 Managua, Nicaragua Phone: (505) 266-8033 and 266-8034 Fax: (505) 266-8070 Web site: http://www.lospipitos.org Centro Nicarag€ uense de Derechos Humanos (CENIDH): Nicaraguan Center for Human Rights Apartado 4402 Managua, Nicaragua Phone: 2222563, 2668940, 2682116, 2666265 Fax: 2668405 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.cenidh.org La Federaci on Coordinadora Nicarag€ uense de ONGs que Trabajan con la Ni~ nez y la Adolescencia (CODENI): Nicaragua Coordinating Federation of NGOs that Work with Children and Adolescents Altamira D’Este, Casa 218 Sucursal BANPRO 1c Este, 1/2c Sur. Managua, Nicaragua Phone: (505) 252-6005 Fax: (505) 277-3517 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.codeni.org.ni Movimiento Nacional de Ni~ nas, Ni~ nos y Adolescentes Trabajadores (NATRAS): National Movement of Working Children and Adolescents Plaza de Sol 2c. al sur 2c. arriba casa #42B Managua, Nicaragua Phone/Fax: 2-784154 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://natras.kraetzae.de Puntos de Encuentro: Meeting Points Rotonda Plaza Espa~ na 4 c. abajo 1 c. al lago Apartado Postal RP-39 Managua, Nicaragua Phone: (þ505) 268-1227 Fax: (þ505) 266-6305 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.puntos.org.ni
Selected Bibliography Abaunza, Humberto, Irela Sol orzano, and Raquel Fernandez. 1995. Una Causa para Rebeldes: Identidad y Condici on Juvenil en Nicaragua (A Cause for Rebels: Identity and Youth in Nicaragua). Managua: Puntos de Encuentro.
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Avenda~ no, Nestor. 2004. Social Security, for Whom? Costs and Obstacles of the Social Security in Nicaragua. Managua: American Friends Service Committee. ECLAC. 2002. Social Panorama of Latin America. New York: Economic Council on Latin America. € Espinosa, Isolda. 2004. Perfil de G e nero de la Economıa Nicaraguense en el Nuevo Contexto de Apertura Comercial (A Gender Profile of the Nicaraguan Economy in the New Context of Free Trade). Managua: United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM). International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC). 2006. National Report on the Results of the Child and Adolescent Labour Survey in Nicaragua Los Pipitos. http://www.lospipitos.org. Ministry of Education, Culture and Sports in Numbers. 2006. Educational Statistics. MECD en Cifras: Estadısticas Educativas. http://www.mecd.gob.ni/ estad1.php. ———. 2004. MECD en Cifras: Estadısticas Educativas (Ministry of Education Data). Managua: Ministry of Education, Department of Statistics. ———. 2003. Estado de la Formaci on de la Ciudadanıa y Recursos Humanos: la Educaci on en Cifras (The State of the Citizenry and Human Resources: Education in Numbers). Managua: Ministry of Education, Culture and Sports. Montoya, Oswaldo. 2005. Summary of Studies on Violence in Nicaragua. Managua: Save the Children Norway. National Council of Universities (Consejo Nacional de Universidades). 2002. Informaci on Estadıstica de los Centros de Educaci on Superior de Nicaragua (Statistical Information about Higher Education in Nicaragua). Managua: Consejo Nacional de Universidades. Nicaraguan Coordinating Federation of NGOs that Work with Children and Adolescents [CODENI]. 2005. III Complementary Report on Compliance with the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Managua: Federaci on Coordinadora Nicarag€ uense de ONGs que trabajan con la ni~ nez y la adolescencia. ~ y la ———. 2004. Visi on de Gesti on de Riesgo con Enfoque de Derechos de la ninez Adolescencia (Managing Risk with a Focus on the Rights of Children and Adolescents). Managua, Nicaragua: CODENI. Nicaraguan Institute of Statistics and Census (Instituto Nicarag€ uense de Estadısticas y Censos [INEC]). 2004. Compendio Estadıstica Nicaragua 2000–2002 (Nicaraguan Statistics Compendium 2000–2002). Accessed March 7, 2006. http://www.inec.gob.ni. ———. 2005. Statistics on Persons with Disabilities. http://www.iadb.org/sds/ SOC/publication/gen_6191_4093_e.htm#Caribbean. Nicaraguan Ministry of Health (Ministerio de Salud). 2004. Indicadores Basicas De Salud (Basic Health Indicators). http://www.minsa.gob.ni/indbasicos/2004/ ind2004.htm. Palma, Evelyn, Juan Pablo Sanchez, and Thomas Feeny. 2004. Street Children and Juvenile Justice in Nicaragua. Managua: Casa Alianza Nicaragua. Perez-Landa, Luisa. 2001. Violencia Contra La Mujer En Nicaragua (Violence Against Women in Nicaragua). Managua: La Organizaci on Mundial contra la Tortura (The World Organization Against Torture). Rocha, Jose Luis. 2005. ‘‘The Code of Children and Adolescents: Comments on a Misunderstood Law,’’ Envıo: 286. ———. 1999. ‘‘Youth Gangs: Armed Rebels without a Cause,’’ Envıo (May).
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Rosati, Furio Camilo, and Mariacristina Rossi. 2001. Children’s Working Hours, School Enrollment, and Human Capital Accumulation: Evidence from Nicaragua and Pakistan. UNICEF. Save the Children Norway. 2001. MECD En Cifras: Estadısticas Educativas (Educational Situation in Nicaragua). Save the Children Norway. http://www.redd barna.no/default.asp?V_ITEM_ID¼11448. Social Security Programs throughout the World (SSPTW). 2005. ‘‘Nicaragua: Old Age, Disability and Survivors.’’ The Americas. UNICEF. 2005. Ministerio de la Familia y UNICEF Presentan Estrategia para Pre~ y Adolescencia: el Modelo Chimalli (Ministry venir Riesgos Psicosociales en Ninez of the Family and UNICEF Present Strategies to Prevent Psychosocial Risks in Children and Adolescents: The Chimalli Model). http://www.onu.org.ni/noti ciadetalle.php?id¼254. ———. 2005. At a Glance: Nicaragua, the Big Picture. http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/nicaragua.html. ———. Ministerio de la Familia y UNICEF Presentan Estrategia para Prevenir Ries~ y Adolescencia: el Modelo Chimalli, Mayra Calero gos Psicosociales en Ninez Silva. U.S. Department of State. 2004. Nicaragua: Country Report on Human Rights Practices. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2003/27906.htm. U.S. Geological Survey. 2000. Hurricane Mitch Program Hurricane Overview. US Geological Survey. http://mitchnts1.cr.usgs.gov/overview.html. Victora, Cesar G., Bridget Fenn, Jennifer Bryce, and Betty R. Kirkwood. 2005. ‘‘Co-Coverage of Preventive Interventions and Implications for Child Survival Strategies: Evidence from National Surveys,’’ Lancet 366: 1460– 1466. Wimberley, Dale. 2001. What We Learned: Labor and Labor Movements in Nicaragua. http://filebox.vt.edu/artsci/soc/wimberley/nicastudy/2000/report/ intro.html. World Bank. 2003. Nicaragua Poverty Assessment: Raising Welfare and Reducing Vulnerability. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. World Health Organization, Pan-American Health Organization, UNAIDS. 2006. Nicaragua: Epidemiological Fact Sheets on HIV/AIDS and Sexually Transmitted Infections. Managua.
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PARAGUAY Cynthia Hobbs and Ramon Balestino NATIONAL PROFILE Paraguay is a landlocked country in the center of South America, bordered by Brazil, Argentina, and Bolivia. The population is approximately 6.6 million (CIA World Factbook 2007). The country’s market economy is largely informal and agricultural. In 2003, close to 20 percent of the total population survived on less than US$1 a day; almost half of all Paraguayans lived on less than US$2 a day (Gacit ua Mari o, Silva-Leander and Carter 2004, 8). The poverty levels in rural areas are significantly greater than in urban areas. The 2002 national census reported that 25.6 percent of households were run by single parents (female). In 2003, Paraguay had a total labor force of two million, 30 percent of which where female. Of the females employed, 42 percent were working in industry and service jobs (World Bank 2006b). The Constitution establishes legal guidelines to protect children, and Article 93 of the Child and Adolescent Code (CAC) gives women the right to retain
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KEY FACTS – PARAGUAY Population: 6,669,086 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 26.45 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 75.34 years (2007 est.) Literacy rate (age 15 and over): 94 percent (2002 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance (2000–2005): 96 percent Internet users: 200,000 (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 13,000 (2005 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) rank: 14 (2006 est.) Sources: CIA World Factbook: Paraguay. https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/pa.html. April 17, 2007; UNICEF: Paraguay: At a Glance–Statistics. http://www.unicef .org/infobycountry/paraguay_statistics.html. May 8, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Paraguay. http://hdr.undp.org/ hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_PRY.html. May 8, 2007; World Health Organization (WHO) UNAIDS/WHO Global HIV/AIDS Online Database. ‘‘Epidemiological Fact Sheet on HIV/AIDS and Sexually Transmitted Diseases: Paraguay.’’ http://www.who.int/GlobalAtlas/predefinedReports/EFS2006/ index.asp?strSelectedCountry=PY. December 2006.
custody of minors in cases of divorce or separation. National, state, and municipal governments provide education, health, and social programs for children and families. Participation of civil society actors is diverse and dynamic. The most prominent include churches, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), labor and peasant unions, business and professional societies, universities, women and youth associations, local community groups, the press, and service clubs. Their level of participation and sponsored programs are described in detail throughout this chapter.
OVERVIEW As Paraguay marks its eighteenth anniversary of democratic rule in 2007, children’s issues are inherently linked to the country’s political, social, and economic progress and the advancement of human rights, particularly those of women. Since the ratification of the CAC in 2001, the country has begun to embrace more child-centered policies, laws, and standards. In addition, new technology, the influence of Paraguay’s neighbors, and the country’s entrance into the Southern Cone Common Market (MERCOSUR), all have facilitated more access to information, services, and products. Such ‘‘modern’’ influences have pushed more families to seek a greater quality of life for their children in terms of health care, education, and access to employment opportunities. Nevertheless, there is a significant gap between hope for a better life and its achievement. As of 2004, children and youths from five to twenty-four years of age made up three-quarters of Paraguay’s poor population, and 45 percent were living in extreme poverty (Gacit ua Mari o, Silva-Leander, and Carter 2004, 11). Paraguay continues to grow younger, with 44 percent of the total population younger than the age of eighteen (Direcci on General de Estadıstica, Encuestas y Censos [DGEEC] 2002a, 9). Although poverty and inequality are ongoing problems, recent increases in social investment are having positive impacts on children and youth. Free public education is offered at the preschool, basic, and secondary levels, and schooling is compulsory for nine years. Under-five child mortality has significantly
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decreased from forty-one deaths for every 1,000 children in 1990 to twenty-four for every 1,000 children in 2004 (United Nations Children’s Fund [UNICEF] 2006, 100). The country continues to shake off the legacies left by the dictatorship, which have obstructed the full protection of children from inequality, exploitation, and abuse. The lack of reliable information around such issues as child abuse, sexual exploitation, trafficking, and underage military recruitment is a further challenge. Yet the promulgation of the CAC is a strong indication of a political and legal commitment to the healthy development and protection of children. EDUCATION The country’s National Strategy to Reduce Poverty and Inequality notes that the extreme poor have the most limited access to and fewest years of education (Secretarıa de Acci on Social—Presidencia de la Rep ublica 2002, 16, 28). Political opposition parties have united forces to expand education opportunities as a way of developing democracy and reducing poverty. The government has supported steady increases in public investments, from 1.7 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP) in 1991 to 4.7 percent in 2001, reaching a high of 20.2 percent of the government’s total expenditure. The amount declined in recent years (to 3.6 percent of GDP in 2003) because of the economic crisis but is expected to increase again. The monies have been used primarily to support increases in teachers’ salaries, which doubled between 1988 and 2000, and a 135 percent expansion in the number of teachers in the 1990s. These increases coincide with the introduction of the national Education Reform Program, which began in 1993, adding one school year per calendar year. The education reform process has focused on increasing more equitable access to basic education (grades 1 to 9) and secondary education (grades 10 to 12), improving educational quality, and establishing systems to improve sector planning and measure student performance. This program is fully described in the Ministry of Education and Culture’s (MEC) strategic plan, Paraguay 2020: Confronting the Educational Challenge. Access to Free Education and Compulsory Schooling Free public education is offered at the preschool, basic, and secondary levels, and minimal entrance and test fees are charged at the National University. Nevertheless, the hidden costs for free education, such as uniforms, transportation, and ‘‘optional’’ yearly fees, have resulted in high dropouts and repetition, especially among poor children. According to the Statistical Planning and Information Directorate (DPEI) of the MEC, of those students who entered grade 1 in 1994, only 46 percent completed grade 9 in 2004. In addition, access to education is scarcer in rural areas, where nearly 50 percent of the population resides.
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Compulsory schooling was expanded from six to nine years under the Education Reform Program. This increase in length created an unexpected increase in demand, especially in grades 7 to 9. Many children who had left school after grade 6 returned to complete their compulsory schooling, whereas others who might have dropped out after grade 6 remained in the school system. As a result, DPEI’s statistics show that net enrollment rates for these grades increased from 35 percent in 1994 to 54 percent in 2004, whereas enrollment in preschool has reached 72 percent, and primary enrollment (grades 1 to 6) is up to 97 percent. Literacy Expanded opportunities for schooling have resulted in more literate young people. A 2003 study conducted by the DGEEC and the Ministry of Youth showed that only 4.5 percent of people between the ages of fifteen and nineteen reported that they could not read or write, whereas the overall illiteracy rate for adults is 18 percent. However, some groups are more affected than others. Approximately 70 percent of the illiterate live in rural areas (Camara de Senadores and DGEEC 2003, 13, 44), and among the 87,000 indigenous peoples, who are divided into five linguistic families and twenty ethnic groups, more than 80 percent are illiterate (DGEEC 2002b). Hard and fast figures are also difficult to compute because some 30 percent of children speak only indigenous Guaranı (DGEEC, 2002a, 30). Because Guaranı is primarily an oral language, few Guaranı speakers read or write Guaranı, and there are fierce debates, led by the National Commission for Bilingualism, around how the language should be written. This has made it difficult for the MEC to publish textbooks in Guaranı to help Guarani-speaking children transition into school. Schooling is conducted primarily in Spanish, despite attempts to sustain bilingual education following the 1992 Constitution’s acknowledgement of Guaranı and Spanish as official languages (see Constituci on Nacional 1992, Articles 77 and 140). Opportunities for Secondary and Higher Education The recent expansion of compulsory education and more active participation of parent councils in schools have resulted in greater social demand for secondary education. The government has made efforts to expand secondary education, but many children still do not have access. The 36 percent net enrollment rate is one of the lowest in Latin America, and opportunities are very unequal. According to MEC’s DPEI, some 83 percent of secondary students are from urban areas, compared with only 17 percent from rural areas, partly because it is difficult to offer
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secondary education in many sparsely populated rural areas. The MEC has introduced some programs, including scholarships for poor rural and marginal urban students to attend nearby schools, and a new ‘‘distance learning’’ program that offers a more flexible timetable. The MEC and the Ministry of Justice and Labor both offer professional and vocational training courses. There are ongoing efforts to merge these programs and involve the private sector in more on-the-job training. The National University of Asuncion was founded in 1889 and offers a wide array of study programs. Both the National University and the Catholic University of Our Lady of Asuncion have main campuses in Asuncion, and several satellite campuses spread across the country provide opportunities for youth who cannot afford to live in the capital city. Numerous other universities have sprung up over the last decade, including three additional public institutions and fourteen private ones. Although they were all endorsed initially by the MEC, the quality varies widely (Rivarola 2004, 154). The MEC introduced an accreditation system in 2005 to control these and the large number of teacher training institutes that have opened in recent years. Most universities require students to pass an entrance exam. Poor students are disadvantaged in this process because they cannot afford the preparatory courses. Equal Opportunities for Children in Racial Gender, Ethnic, and Economic Groups Girls and boys have equal access to school at all levels, and the enrollment numbers reflect this. However, there are great disparities between ethnic and economic groups. UNICEF reported that in 2004, among children ages six to fourteen, only 59 percent of indigenous children were enrolled in school versus 89 percent of all children (Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor’s Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2005). We have already cited significant differences in secondary school enrollment between urban and rural children (83 percent versus 17 percent), which is more striking when noting that 76 percent of the extreme poor live in rural areas. Few children from poor families ever attend secondary school, and poor adults older than eighteen years of age have an average of four years of schooling (six in urban areas) (Secretarıa de Acci on Social—Presidencia de la Rep ublica 2002, 14). Urban schools usually have better teachers and more resources, so urban students consistently score better than rural students on national achievement tests and university entrance exams. All children enrolled in school are disadvantaged when compared with children in neighboring countries, because of the four-hour school day and even fewer hours of ‘‘time on task.’’ Public schools in Paraguay average about 700 contact hours annually, compared with 1,500 in Chile. Other educational challenges are described in Hobbs and Rentel (1997).
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Education for Disabled Children If we include children with all types of special needs, of the census’s estimated 10 percent only 2 percent receive appropriate attention. Public schools are not physically equipped, nor do they have adequate human resources to work with children with special needs. PLAY AND RECREATION Government Sponsorship of Organizations or Facilities Government sponsorship of recreational activities exists at three levels, although funding is scarce in each case. The MEC’s national budget includes monies for school physical education classes, sports activities, the maintenance of small multi-sport areas called polideportivos, and transportation of athletes to competitive games. Each public school receives a preestablished amount for these purposes. The General Directorate of Sports, which falls under the MEC, makes policy decisions at the national level and regulates the sports leagues or federations, which are sponsored by state governors in all the officially recognized sports (soccer, volleyball, handball, basketball, track and field, chess, bowling, and roller skating). Municipal governments help organize town sports events and contribute to the construction of sports areas (small stadiums and fields). They also care for the town squares or plazas, where families stroll on weekends, ~ Guaz especially in the smaller, more rural towns. Nu u, a large government-built park in Asuncion, is a popular destination for families and young people. The park, maintained by the Ministry of Public Works and Communications, is open to all and includes a walking/jogging path, tennis and basketball courts, a sandbox, slides, and swings. Forms of Media, Including Access to Technology, and Types of Children’s Programming Most children have access to radio, and television is fairly popular. However, video and computer games are only available to the wealthy. The World Bank reports that in 2004 only thirty-six of every 1,000 Paraguayans owned a personal computer and twenty-four of every 1,000 had access to the internet (World Bank 2006c). Children’s television programming consists mostly of foreign shows from Mexico, Brazil, Chile, Argentina, and the United States, including Cartoon Network, Barney, and other popular characters. A Paraguayan program introduced in 2006, called Rojitos, presents dancing and singing competitions for children ages six to fourteen. There are children’s theatre initiatives and private groups that function during summer and winter vacations. Occasionally, shopping malls in urban areas host short educational skits and games.
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Formal Recognition of Children’s Right to Play Article 31 of the United Nations (UN) Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), ratified by the Paraguayan Government in 1990, states that children have the right to rest and leisure, to engage in play and recreational activities appropriate to the age of the child, and to participate freely in cultural life and the arts. In addition, Article 24 of Law 1680/01 of the national CAC, adopted in 2001, states that the national, state, and municipal governments should assign financial resources and physical spaces for sports, recreation, and cultural programs for children and adolescents. Sports, Games, Toys, and Family Recreation Two sports predominate, principally because they can be played by anyone of any socioeconomic background. First and foremost is soccer (futbol), the national pastime and passion. Boys learn to play at an early age, and every grassy area becomes a makeshift soccer field for youth and adults alike. Although some girls play, soccer is mostly dominated by boys. National teams compete fiercely, and internationally Paraguay has won several Latin American tournaments and qualified to play in three consecutive World Cups (Vickery 2002). Volleyball (voli) is the other popular sport. Homemade nets mark the countryside. This is a more informal sport, enjoyed by families and neighbors. Basketball is also played, but to a lesser degree. Girls have fewer formal and informal opportunities to play sports, particularly in rural areas. Handball and volleyball are the most accessible. Elite clubs in larger cities offer tennis, basketball, paddleball, swimming, and equestrian and water sports to children, but these clubs require membership. The Paraguayan Chess Federation competes every two years in the Chess Olympics, and both girls and boys are encouraged to play. Younger children’s games include hide and seek and tag (tuka’e and ~ respectively), jacks (played with baby coconuts), and checktuka’e kany, ers. The most common toys include marbles, slingshots, and bicycles. Every year in late June, children of all ages participate in the Festival of San ~ Juan. Here, families enjoy tug-of-war, pinatas, pin the tail on the donkey, sack races, and games for the more daring such as walking across burning coals and kicking a flaming ball of rags called pelota tat a. CHILD LABOR Child labor is defined, according to Paraguayan law, when a child younger than the age of twelve is working. Paraguay’s Labor Code sets the minimum age for employment at fifteen. The CAC, however, requires that employers register adolescents with Child & Adolescent Municipal Councils (CODENIs in Spanish) and prohibits children ages fourteen to eighteen from working under any physically, mentally, or morally dangerous
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conditions. Under the law, twelve- to fifteen-year-olds are allowed to work, but only in family enterprises, agriculture, and apprenticeships. The Ministry of Labor and Justice’s Directorate for the Protection of Minors, in coordination with CODENIs, are responsible for enforcing child labor laws. Finally, Paraguay has ratified two key International Labor Organization (ILO) conventions: Number 182–Elimination of Worst Forms of Child Labor (2001) and Number 138–Minimum Age for Admission for Employment (2004). Child Selling and Indentured Servitude The Constitution prohibits any form of slavery, repression, or trade of human beings. The commercial sexual exploitation of children and adolescents is prohibited under the CAC. The Penal Code prohibits putting the life or liberty of another in danger by forcing, deceiving, or coercing an individual to leave the country. The Code has punitive consequences for those who prostitute children younger than the age of eighteen. There is no up-to-date nationwide analysis of the trafficking of human beings from, to, or through Paraguay, but according to the U.S. State Department, Paraguay is a source country for women and children trafficked to Argentina and Spain for sexual exploitation and forced labor. It also is a destination country for girls trafficked from bordering countries for sexual exploitation (U.S. Department of Labor 2006, 490). Paraguay’s borders are extremely permeable and facilitate the trafficking and prostitution of young people, particularly girls. Paraguay has a long history of using children (typically girls) for domestic work. Although some children receive payment for such work, most live and work in urban and periurban homes in exchange for room and board, clothing, food, and schooling. This practice is called criadazgo and typically involves children migrating from poor rural households to live with wealthier families. A 2000–2001 household survey revealed that over 38,000 young people were working as child domestic workers (Cespedes 2003, 28). A follow-up study in 2004 put the number of domestic workers closer to 67,000 (Cespedes 2004). A 1995 study by Heisecke et al., Las Criaditas de Asunci on, estimated that close to 11,500 five- to seventeen-year-olds engage in criadazgo in Asuncion. Yet, this number may be much greater because employers consider themselves as benefactors and do not report this practice when official statistics on child labor are compiled. These children are, therefore, invisible and, in turn, vulnerable to numerous physical and/or psychological abuses by members of the sponsoring family (Gimenez et al. 2004, 27). Type of Work Done Child labor is one of the clearest manifestations of poverty. Poor children and adolescents often work to bolster household earnings. The
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2001 Household Survey conducted by the General Directorate of Statistics, Surveys, and Census estimated that 13.6 percent of Paraguay’s fiveto seventeen-year-old population is engaged in some type of incomegenerating activity. Of this group, the ILO estimates that 7.9 percent of children ages five to fourteen and 36.2 percent of fifteen- to seventeenyear-olds were working in Paraguay in 2001 (Cespedes 2003, 18). Child labor in Paraguay is concentrated in the agriculture sector, the informal sector, and the home and is not generally registered. In rural areas, boys generally work on farms, and girls typically do domestic chores and take care of children. In urban settings, the majority of children and adolescents sell goods or services in the informal sector or work as criaditas. According to the NGO COETI, severe forms of child labor in Paraguay include sexual exploitation, street work, garbage collection, child domestic work (criadazgo), and work in the oil or lime industry. Action by NGOs International organizations and NGOs are working to eliminate the worst forms of child labor in Paraguay. As of 2005, the government of Spain and agencies such as the ILO, World Bank, Inter-American Development Bank, and the U.S. Department of Labor were engaged in projects targeting child labor through education and health reform projects (Table 12.1). A number of national NGOs are also on the front lines in an effort to eradicate child labor. Table 12.1. NGOs Working to Eradicate Child Labor NGO
Year Founded
Mission
COETI
2000
Luna Nueva
1996
Global . . . Infancia
1999
Fundaci on DAQUENI
1985
Social Expenditure Project
2003
CEAPRA (The Center for Assistance, Prevention, and Accompaniment of Children and Adolescents)
2003
Serves as the coordinating organization for a network of NGOs that are fighting for the eradication of child labor. Works to end the commercial sexual exploitation of children with specific outreach to Asuncion’s brothels. Provides comprehensive care for children doing domestic work (criaditas) in Asunci on. Offers basic social programs and services to marginalized children and their families. Provides accessible and transparent information on social expenditures under the Paraguay national budget—founded by the Ministry of Finance, UNICEF, and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Participates in numerous initiatives for the protection of children; the border town of Ciudad del Este, the independent association provides legal assistance to sexually exploited boys, girls, and adolescents.
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Finally, the Paraguayan government has taken a number of concrete steps to reduce the worst forms of child labor, including: (1) the creation of CONAETI–National Commission for the Elimination of Child Labor (2000); (2) approval of the National Plan for the Prevention and Elimination of Child Labor (2004); and (3) galvanization of ministries (such as Education and Culture, Children and Youth, Public Health, the Institute of Well-Being, and the Social Action Secretariat) to support projects that increase opportunities for children’s growth and decrease possibilities of children engaging in destructive or exploitative work. FAMILY Roles of Male and Female Children and Intergenerational Relationships and Obligations Paraguay honors very traditional roles for males and females, especially in the rural areas. For children, this translates into division of labor. Girls (sometimes only five or six years old) often care for their younger siblings while their parents work. They also help clean, cook, collect water and firewood, wash and mend clothing, and wait on their elders. Elders are respected in Paraguayan culture, and they often live with their children and grandchildren in one house. This is especially true in rural areas. For this reason, there is strong family support, and small rural communities are made up of tight family networks. Older girls are sometimes sent to work as domestic helpers for wealthier families in Paraguay’s urban centers or in Argentina or Spain (see information on criaditas presented previously in this chapter). They send their earnings back to their family, and families rely on this important source of income. Boys assist with farming, care for the animals, and work on the streets shining shoes, washing windshields, and selling wares. Since the older children can earn more in the informal and formal markets, poor families often take them out of school after they finish primary or basic education (grade 6 or 9) so they can work full time. More equitable opportunities are slowly becoming available for women in urban centers, and here more girls and boys finish high school and go on to tertiary education, though this privilege is mostly available to the wealthy. Effects of Divorce and Inheritance Laws and Customs The 2004 Household Survey reported that among the population that was not single, only 3.8 percent were separated and 0.4 percent was divorced. Only 3 percent of the divorced were poor, whereas 97 percent were nonpoor, and the majority had more than twelve years of schooling. This suggests that the wealthier, more educated people can afford the legal costs and are more aware of legal options for divorce. Although
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both the national Constitution and the CAC legally allow the mother to request child support, compliance with the laws is scarce, and the same Constitution denies penalties for those who do not comply (Barboza and Acosta 2005, 116–120). Of those divorced, only 18 percent of families received child support in 2004, whereas only 12 percent of separated mothers received child support. The vast majority of these families were not poor. Support for Families with Children The national Secretariat for Social Action (SAS) was created in 1995 to reduce poverty, promote social equity, and coordinate public and private sector initiatives. The SAS establishes social service policies and oversees national and internationally funded programs, including ABRAZO, PRODECO (a community development project), and some social and family safety net programs. ABRAZO works specifically to reduce child labor and provides family orientation, early childhood interventions, scholarships for elementary and secondary school students, and health and nutritional support to children. The national Secretariat of Children and Adolescents coordinates the work of the municipal CODENIs. The CODENIs are mandated to enforce children’s legal rights and provide social services as needed (Barboza and Acosta 2005, 78–89). In addition to these government agencies, many NGOs, churches, community groups, private businesses, and youth associations support individual families. Socioeconomic Status Divisions and Their Effects As noted in the overview, Paraguay is a very poor country. Poverty affects children in many ways, such as limiting opportunities for schooling and formal health care, less access to sports activities, labor opportunities, and so forth. This leads to fewer options for employability, an increased risk of early pregnancy and marriage, an increase in risky behaviors such as substance abuse, criminal activities, and violence, and persistence in poverty and social exclusion. Rites of Passage Most rites of passage are tied to religious practices (see the ‘‘Religious Life’’ section to follow). There are two rites of passage for adolescents that are not religiously oriented. Girls celebrate their fifteenth birthday with great pomp and circumstance. The girls don white dresses (much like a wedding dress), and the extended family (or often the whole town in smaller rural communities) celebrates with music, dancing, food, and ~ drink. Poorer families often borrow money to pay for the quinceanera. Girls from wealthier families can choose a lavish party or a trip overseas. Those who opt for the trip often invite friends to Disney World or
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~ Europe for their quinceanera. The boys’ rite of passage is related to their sexual prowess. Especially in rural areas, boys become men when they have lost their virginity. HEALTH As a sign of the government’s commitment to improve health care in Paraguay, it approved a nominal 5 percent increase in the national health budget between 2003 and 2005. Nevertheless, the country still invests less than 3 percent of GDP in public health services. Families and individuals directly contribute some 60 percent of the country’s total healthcare expenditures out of pocket. This obviously affects equal access to health care, since the poor have less ability to pay for medicines and services. Infant and Child Mortality and Protection from Childhood Diseases Compared with other Latin American countries, infant mortality (death in children younger than one year of age) in Paraguay is moderate and is mostly caused by poor health care and supervision during pregnancy and delivery. The results of the 2004 National Demographic, Sexual, and Reproductive Health Survey show that the infant mortality rate stagnated at twenty-nine per 1,000 live births from 1999 to 2004. Among indigenous peoples, the infant mortality rate is twice the national rate. In Latin America, Paraguay has shown the least progress in reducing infant mortality during the last fifty years. After the first six months and during the rest of their childhood, Paraguayans suffer mostly from diseases that can be prevented either through vaccines or good hygiene. Diarrhea and upper respiratory tract infections, including pneumonia, are the main killers of children under five years old. Other ailments include parasites (worms), measles, diphtheria, and tetanus. However, the Ministry of Health reported in 2005 that the vaccination rate had increased from 75.6 percent in 1997 to an estimated 89.2 percent in 2004. Issues of Access to Good Health Care There are severe disparities in access to good health care between rural and urban populations and between the rich and the poor. According to the most recent national survey carried out by the DGEEC in 1998, only 17.2 percent of youth between the ages of fifteen and twenty-nine have reliable health insurance, including 10.6 percent at the National Institute of Social Provision and 6.6 percent with private insurance or police or military health coverage. The geographic distribution is 6.3 percent in rural areas versus 24.5 percent in urban areas (DGEEC 1999). Infrastructure is scarce
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in rural areas; nearly 70 percent of rural communities lack health clinics or hospital care. Yet the cause of death among poor children and women is also linked to insufficient use of existing healthcare facilities and poor health-seeking practices. A recent World Bank report shows that health facilities across the country are only used to 50 percent of their capacity (World Bank 2006a, 5). Reasons for low use, especially among the rural poor, relate to lack of services (doctors do not show up regularly) or supplies, mistrust in and dissatisfaction with public services, and the cultural practice of going to curanderos or local healers who prescribe herbal remedies that are more economically accessible (Camara de Senadores and DGEEC 2003, 85). Living Conditions and Access to Clean Water In general, Paraguayans have less access to clean water than other countries in the region. In urban areas, 70 percent of the population has running water (versus 93 percent across Latin America), whereas in rural areas only 37 percent has running water (versus 61 percent in the region). The indigenous and extreme poor are more likely to encounter contaminated water because they live in more rural areas and have sanitation and agricultural practices that contaminate surface water. The rural population, in general, is exposed to factors that lead to health problems, such as the lack of sanitary toilet facilities, air pollution, and unsafe agricultural practices. In rural areas, nine of every ten poor people use a latrine or outhouse. Garbage collection is nonexistent, and families burn all trash, including plastics, Styrofoam, and other toxic materials. Farmers also burn the fields as they rotate crops, depleting the soil of important nutrients and polluting the air. Fields are often sprayed with chemicals, affecting the crops and the air in that area. Mental Health Care and Care for Disabled Children Paraguay has only one mental hospital, and it is grossly underfunded and understaffed. Mental health is not perceived to be a priority issue for the country. Care for disabled children is also very limited in Paraguay. The responsibility falls mainly on individual families, and there are only some forty schools across the country dedicated to children with special needs of all types. Government Support for Children’s Health The government established a National Health Policy in 2003 to implement the mandates of the National Health Law 1032/96 and reduce child and maternal mortality. This law mandates: (1) the establishment of a National Health Fund to direct the health sector’s financing
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policies and implementation of a National Health Insurance plan (the MCBI is the first step); (2) the creation of a semiautonomous body, the Health Superintendence (Superintendencia de Salud), to enforce quality health standards among public and private healthcare providers; and (3) the formation of regional and local Health Councils, including local government and health representatives and civil society participants, to oversee health service delivery. A Mother and Child Basic Insurance Program should be established in the ten poorest of the country’s seventeen states by 2010 and will provide access to basic health care for all children under the age of six and all women of reproductive age. Role of NGOs NGOs are very active in providing health care to Paraguayans, especially in primary health care and family planning. Some work individually, whereas others have joined regional networks. The NGOs are primarily funded by international donors, such as the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the Pan-American Health Organization, and the Japanese government. USAID provides assistance to NGOs to establish social pharmacies in poor rural and marginal urban areas. The NGO receives seed money to purchase basic supplies and medicines and to train local community members to run the self-sustaining pharmacies. The pharmacies have made a significant difference in access to health supplies in the areas where they are run. This is especially important, because many rural health clinics and public hospitals require the patient to come equipped with all the necessary drugs and medical supplies for his or her health care, including syringes, bandages, sutures, and so forth. Some NGOs are working with specific communities. For example, Instituto Desarrollo provides training to volunteer health promoters in ~ Carepegua and Nemby, two poor municipalities. Many of the health promoters are high school students. Each health promoter works with ten families. Between 2002 and 2004, more than 900 families joined the network in Carepegua. As a result, all the community’s children have been vaccinated, and pregnant women have had adequate checkups, which results in safer pregnancies and healthier babies at birth. This model is being replicated in other poor municipalities in Paraguay, empowering poor families to take responsibility for their primary health care. Sexuality Education In a predominantly Catholic country, sex education is rarely taught in schools, and family planning is frowned upon. Some NGOs provide information on preventive services and HIV/AIDS. For example, Arte y Parte has introduced an innovative radio show and holds workshops in schools
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and for out-of-school youth. The workshops are led by peer counselors who have received eighty hours of training in reproductive health rights, contraceptive methods, sexual abuse, and other pertinent issues. As a result, women ages fifteen to forty-four years reported an increase in the use of contraceptive methods during premarital sexual relations from 23.5 percent in 1995 to 33.2 percent in 1998 (Population Services International 2002). The lack of formal sexuality education leads to a high number of pregnancies and resulting illegal abortions. Some sources attribute nearly 50 percent of maternal deaths to complicated abortions, though many are not officially reported. Female genital mutilation is not an issue. Ironically, although many of the prostitutes are transvestites, gays and lesbians are not openly accepted in Paraguay. Youth are not encouraged to explore or talk about sexual issues, especially relating to homosexuality or bisexuality. Pregnancy Paraguayan women have a high fertility rate (2.9 children per woman), which makes the country’s growth rate the second highest in Latin America. The population is expected to double by 2015. Many children are born to children, since some 30 percent of mothers have at least one child before the age of eighteen years. Rural women are more likely to have more children at a younger age. The 1998 DGEEC survey showed that 22 percent of rural women gave birth to three or more children before the age of thirty versus 11 percent of urban women. Some 40 percent of the rural women gave birth in their homes without proper medical precautions, often because they did not have transportation to a clinic. This and poor service in local clinics and public hospitals have contributed to Paraguay’s high maternal mortality rates (180 reported deaths per 100,000 live births) (UNICEF 2006, 128). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Child Protection under the Law As the 1980s came to a close, the concept of children’s rights was taking hold globally, and a strong social movement for children was occurring in neighboring Brazil (Wong and Balestino 2003). Paraguay responded by mobilizing a ‘‘Campaign for the Rights of the Child’’ led by civil society organizations. This moved the government to ratify the CRC in 1990. This had resounding policy impacts as Article 54 of the 1992 National Constitution (‘‘Protection of the Child’’) and the Adoption Law (1997) were thereafter approved. Current national legislation that compliments the CRC include the Domestic Violence Law (2000),
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the General Education Law (1998), and the Mandatory Issuing of Free Birth Certificates and National Identity Cards (1999). In 2001, the landmark CAC (UNICEF 2005) replaced the 1981 Minor’s Code and obliged the creation of the National Secretariat of Children and Adolescents and CODENIs, the primary local bodies that apply and enforce the CAC. The CAC also sparked the design and implementation of the National Plan of Action for Children and Adolescents. The current national plan (2003– 2008) seeks to promote social policies that fortify health, education and well being of young people at national and local levels. During the past decade, Paraguay has diligently shaped a legislative framework to protect children. Such efforts have sought to comply with international legal standards such as the CRC. However, a large challenge remains to bridge what has been gained in policy with what is practiced. Specifically, a longstanding culture of violence continues to impede the implementation of policies and programs that seek the full rights and protection of children. Imprisonment Paraguay’s juvenile detention system has been historically inadequate. Since the transition to democracy, however, international attention increasingly has pressured the government to merge practices with new legislation. In 2000, adolescent inmates of the Panchito L opez Juvenile Detention Center set fire to a dormitory in protest to their poor treatment and conditions. In 2001, the Organization of the American States Commission reported on the subhuman conditions at Buen Pastor Women’s prison, which also holds adolescent girls. Both cases exposed a system, still marked today, which overcrowding, ill treatment, child prisoners, and no separation by age, offense, or physical size of the prisoners. The U.S. Department of State reported in 2005 that smaller regional prisons outside the capital continue to hold juvenile prisoners and adults in the same cells. Overall, small gains have been made. However, serious problems persist within the juvenile detention system, ranging from insufficient resources and infrastructure to a lack of training for detention staff and a deeply ingrained culture of violence. Courts The ratification of the CRC and CAC obligated Paraguay to leave behind an antiquated court system that characterized children as ‘‘minors,’’ interpreted laws by considering children in ‘‘irregular situations,’’ and enabled juvenile judges to possess sweeping powers. At the same time, the CAC and CRC required that the replacement system be based on a doctrine of integral protection that sought to ensure the juridical personality of children and consider them as full subjects of law. The
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Specialized Justice of Children and Adolescents, created by the CAC, encompasses the juvenile court system, which is divided into two jurisdictions: (1) the Child and Adolescent Court and (2) the Criminal Adolescent Court (Barboza and Acosta 2005, 160–203). Overall, it is composed of the Supreme Court, Child and Adolescent Appeals Tribunals, Child and Adolescent Judges, Adolescent Penal Judges, Child and Adolescent Defense and Prosecutors and Multidisciplinary teams. These teams are generally composed of technical specialists (e.g., doctors, teachers, sociologists, social workers) whose function is determined by the sitting judge, usually to provide technical evaluations. The Child and Adolescent Court system is responsible for hearing all cases that pertain to the rights of the child, while the Criminal Adolescent Court interprets penal law as it corresponds to adolescent cases. In principle, judges serving in the system are required to have experience with child law and adjudicate according to the new doctrine of integral protection. Sentencing for Juveniles Under the previous Minor’s Code, detention could be imposed for penal infractions and non-penal reasons, such as being in a ‘‘state of danger,’’ leaving home, lacking formal occupation, or as a punishment requested by parents or guardians. Book V of the CAC, Infractions of Penal Law, is now the legal standard for adolescents who commit crimes. The book stipulates that a child (younger than fourteen years of age) cannot be imprisoned, processed, or sanctioned for breaking the law. If a child does commit a crime, the corresponding CODENI is responsible for intervention and evaluation. As of 2001, when an adolescent (fourteen to seventeen years old) commits a flagrant crime and is found guilty in a Criminal Adolescent Court, three flexible sentencing measures exist (Table 12.2). Right and Access to Counsel In 2001, the World Organization Against Torture expressed deep concerns that Paraguayan children taken into custody did not have access to a lawyer, nor could they contact relatives. A major study of young people in detention carried out by the Public Ministry of Paraguay revealed that 90 percent of those interviewed obtained counsel only after having been detained for over one month (World Organization Against Torture 2001, 94). Moreover, in a majority of cases, children were not informed of the reasons for their detention or of their right to remain silent and receive legal assistance. Since 2001, however, the CAC stipulates that police have the legal responsibility to communicate with the district attorney within six hours of a young person’s apprehension. The district attorney must then bring this case before a judge within twenty-four hours. Once the
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Table 12.2. Sentencing Measure in a Criminal Adolescent Court Sentencing Category
CAC-Book V: Corresponding Law
1. SocioEducational
Chapter 2, Articles 200–202
2. Correctional
Chapter 3, Articles 203–205
3. Deprivation of Freedom
Chapter 4, Articles 206–215
Definition
Disposition Examples
Prohibitions that regulate lifestyle in an effort to promote healthy development. Intermediary measure that combines formal warnings and specific obligations. Detention as a measure of last resort: adolescent has exhausted a series of preventive duties and evaluations.
Changing residence; vocational training; apprenticeships. Repairing damage; formal apologies; community service. Duration can range from 6 months to 4 years; 8 years is the maximum penalty.
case is referred to the appropriate court, a Child and Adolescent Attorney will be added to the defense team. The attorney’s role can range from advocate to public defender. The juvenile judge is responsible for setting up such processes and identifying the appropriate technical professionals as each case demands. Age of Majority In Paraguay, the legal definition of adulthood has seen changes that parallel the country’s political history. Initially, the age of majority was set at twenty-two years. However, the 1985 Civil Code lowered the age to twenty when the ‘‘legal capacity to exercise one’s rights’’ was permitted (Law Number 1.702/01, Article 36). Today, based on the latest version of the Civil Code (2003), the age of majority is eighteen. The impetus to modify this latest Civil Code related to lowering the age and strengthening the CAC, as the state is now obligated to distinguish and interpret law according to ages of children and adolescents. Article 2 of the CAC conveys this; yet, the article never detailed the specific ages that constitute a child or adolescent. Accordingly, Paraguay passed Law 1.702 (2001), which modified Article 2 and identified a child as a person from conception to thirteen years of age and an adolescent between thirteen and seventeen years of age. Finally, in 2003, Paraguay took one step further and modified its Civil Code. Law 2.196 lowered the age of majority to eighteen and also defined the age range for a child and adolescent. The 2003 Civil Code now serves as the benchmark regarding age interpretation of the CAC, particularly as it relates to infractions of law. Linked to this discussion is the critical issue of obtaining a birth certificate to establish official citizenship. According to the 2002 National Census, 43 percent of Paraguayans were born without birth certificates (the majority living in rural areas), and thus began life ‘‘invisible’’ in terms of
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policy and budgetary considerations (Cespedes 2002, 46–51). Paraguay must strive to improve registration of children at birth and facilitate the issuance of birth certificates to those young people who lack them. Protection from Sexual Exploitation Against a backdrop of economic challenges and inequities in Paraguay and the region, the sexual exploitation of children and adolescents is a reality and includes rape, sexual abuse, child pornography, and commercial sexual exploitation. Paraguay has ratified most instruments for the protection of sexual exploitation at the international, inter-American, and regional (MERCOSUR) levels: the CRC (1990), ILO Conventions 138 and 182, the CAC (2001), and the National Plan for the Prevention and Elimination of Sexual Exploitation of Children and Adolescents (2003). Moreover, in 1998, a coalition of organizations formed the National Network against Child Abuse (REDNAMI in Spanish). On a practical level, however, the situation is complex, particularly in the eastern and southern towns that border Brazil and Argentina. Between 2000 and 2004, for example, Ciudad del Este (a tri-bordering town) has seen the total number of commercial sexual exploitation complaints rise from 100 to 200 (K€ ohn Gallardo 2005, 41). Complimentary data also affirms that two of every three sex workers in these cities are sixteen to eighteen years old; most claim to have worked since they were twelve or thirteen, whereas others began as early as eight years of age (Petit 2004, 7). Socially speaking, there is a common attitude that girls ‘‘come of age’’ and are ready for sexual relations at age thirteen or fourteen. Paraguay’s adult-focused Penal Code (1997) has two sections (Chapters V and VI) that directly address sexual offenses related to children. Yet these laws offer only minimal necessary protections. Under the current code, incest (Article 230) is considered a misdemeanor and is sanctioned with five years of prison. Sexual abuse of children (Article 135) applies to abuse of children up to fourteen years of age and provides a sentence of three years of prison or a fine in the absence of aggravating circumstances (World Organization Against Torture 2001). Organizations like the ILO and UN Commission on Human Rights have called for stronger Penal Code provisions that protect children against sexual abuse and coordinate more fully with the CAC and CRC. Finally, organizations such as the World Organization Against Torture have called for REDNAMI, the National Secretary of Child and Adolescents, and Child and Adolescent Municipal Councils to be fortified with financial and human resources to adequately assess and address these issues. Treatment by Gender/Ethnicity/Race/Socioeconomic Status Beyond the CAC and CRC, Paraguay does not have specialized laws or state-sponsored programs that specifically protect or promote
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children in terms of their gender, ethnicity, race, or socioeconomic status. Underprivileged children in Paraguay continue to face complex challenges: disproportionately low school enrollment among indigenous and poor children; sexual abuse and exploitation of girls; and child labor and trafficking of poverty-stricken children. Furthermore, in 2005, the UN Committee to End Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) identified Paraguay’s legal age of marriage (sixteen years) as a law suppressing the promotion of children’s rights, particularly in terms of secondary school completion (CEDAW 2005, 5). Adherence or Support for UN Efforts As discussed throughout this section, ratification of UN treaties, particularly the CRC, has yielded important law reforms. In addition to the CRC, Paraguay has ratified multiple UN Protocols that include ILO Conventions. While a portion of these resolutions has yet to produce national legislation, the Adoption Law (1997), spurred by the CRC, stands out. In the early 1990s, between 4,000 and 5,000 children were adopted by foreigners, many under dubious circumstances. The Supreme Court suspended inter-country adoptions in 1995, and new legislation giving priority to national adoption was ratified. Since 1997, all children declared adoptable have been adopted nationally (UNICEF 2004b, 7). Finally, Paraguay has ratified three supplementary UN treaties: the UN Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime (2003); the UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children (2004); and the UN Protocol on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution, and Child Pornography. These international laws are supplementary to the CRC and seek to increase protection for vulnerable children. However, as of 2005, Paraguay has not brought these specialized international treaties into representative national legislation. Gangs Although Paraguay has ratified the UN Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (1990), youth gangs in Paraguay are a phenomenon that has received very little attention, both in terms of legislation or policy research (preventive/rehabilitative). Paraguay does not have the scope of youth gang problems of Central American countries. Yet based on socioeconomic circumstances, there are numerous cases where youths band together: so-called ‘‘street kids,’’ middle-class adolescents, marginalized youth living in the tri-border region, and even young soccer fans. Reasons for unification often include street occupation, beliefs, or common neighborhoods.
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RELIGIOUS LIFE Paraguay is a predominantly Catholic country. Nearly 90 percent of the population ten years and older reported themselves as Catholic in the 2002 national census. Other religions practiced in Paraguay include other Christian religions, including Protestant, Evangelical and Mennonite (7 percent), Jewish and Orthodox, Muslim, Hindu, Buddhist, and indigenous (all less than 1 percent). Given the predominance of Catholicism, the roles of children and rites of passage are mostly defined by the Catholic traditions. These include the Holy Baptism for infants and the First Communion for seven- and eight-year olds. Children receive one or two years of catechism training (depending on the church to which they belong) in preparation for the First Communion. Young children have little voice in the church. Participation is limited to those few who are chosen to be altar boys. However, many church-based youth groups have sprung up that promote the Catholic faith and engage in community social work. The Catholic Church plays a pivotal role in children’s lives and is very influential in politics and social issues. The church holds strong lobbying power in Congress, especially on issues of divorce, abortion, sexual education (whether and how much should be taught in schools), promotion of information regarding HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases, and the use of condoms and other birth control methods (with the exception of abstinence, which is heavily promoted). Only about 1 percent of schools across the country are reportedly owned or sponsored by religious groups, although it is likely that there are more. The MEC has adjusted their statistical forms to accurately collect this information as of 2007. Most of these schools are located in urban areas, and several in Asunci on are considered the most academically challenging, elite schools in the country. F e y Alegrıa (a well-known Jesuit organization that is active across Latin America) runs approximately sixty schools for poor children in rural and marginal urban areas. Several religious groups also sponsor schooling and social protection for at-risk youth. Don Bosco Roga provides attention to street children, including housing, clothing, schooling, medical attention, and skills training. In the northeast Chaco region, where parents work on large cattle ranches for subminimal wages and cannot afford to care for their children, the Com which offers residential it e de Iglesias sponsors the Escuela Paı Puku, schooling to more than 200 youths. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Reliable data on child abuse and neglect are relatively nonexistent. However, anecdotal evidence suggests that this is a growing problem in Paraguay. Between January and October, 2003, CODENIs recorded
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9,348 grievances, of which 18 percent corresponded to child abuse, sexual abuse, and labor abuse. A majority of these reports identified the parents or legal guardians as responsible (DGEEC 2002a, 65). Generally, the ‘‘invisible’’ children of lower socioeconomic classes are the most likely victims. Legislation, Penalties, and Reporting During the last decades, Paraguay’s efforts to curb or prevent abuse have been under emphasized. Yet, there are institutions and laws that provide a base. In 1996, the National Child Welfare Center (CENADI) was created, and in 1998, a coalition of government organizations and NGOs formed the REDNAMI. The 1992 Constitution (Article 4) and the CAC (Article 4) both stipulate that the family, civil society, and state have the obligation to protect children against abuse. The Adult Penal Code has a maximum sanction of two years imprisonment or a fine for adults who psychologically or physically abuse young people under the age of eighteen. Five years of detention is the maximum penalty for adults that expose children to exploitive labor conditions. Yet, specifics are not detailed as to what constitutes ‘‘exploitive,’’ leaving the door wide-open for interpretation. Finally, the Code stipulates that an adult that murders another should receive a sentence of five to fifteen years in prison with a possible extension to twenty-five years if the victim is their own child. Organizations such as the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (OAS) and UNICEF have expressed concern over Paraguay’s lack of data and information on child abuse and neglect, the inadequacy of preventive policies, mechanisms and resources, and the limited number of services for abused children, in particular in rural areas. In fact, a UNICEF study revealed that Paraguay’s investigative system of looking into abuse cases is highly bureaucratic and unresponsive. This is a disincentive to victims lodging such reports (OAS 2001). Military Service The 1992 Constitution states that military service is compulsory for all males; in wartime females may be called upon to serve as auxiliaries. The Law on Compulsory Military Service (1975) stipulates that eighteen- and nineteen-year-olds must serve on a permanent basis in the armed forces or national police. Conscientious objection to military service is allowed, although objectors are required to undertake alternative (nonpunitive) public service under civilian jurisdiction. This is typically exercised only by more privileged families; however, since poor families are generally unaware of this option. Paraguay has been called upon by international organizations such as Amnesty International to halt its practices of underage recruiting.
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Amnesty International reports that between 1990 and 2000, seventynine recruits died in compulsory military service; other conscripts have been victims of serious accidents, including some as young as twelve years (Amnesty International 2001). In recent years, forcible recruitment has decreased in response to growing public pressure and official complaints. Yet the Armed Forces’ Recruitment and Social Mobilization Service Directorate continues to apply pressure in rural and isolated areas, including recruitment from house to house, outside schools, and through direct parental pressure (Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers 2004). In response to international pressure, particularly over the deaths of conscripts, Paraguay established the Inter-Institutional Commission of Visits to Military Quarters in 2001. The commission is composed of NGOs and government officials and visits military units to evaluate the age, conditions, and treatment of young conscripts. Although the commission found a number of serious recruitment irregularities during its first year of operation, evaluative visits by the commission were suspended by the country’s president in August 2003 (Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers 2004). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY In 1999, Paraguayan history took a turning point, and youth were at the forefront. On March 23rd, Vice President Luis Marıa Arga~ na was assassinated in a reported attempt by President Cubas and General Oviedo to move their military leaders into the government. Paraguayan youth feared that the military might resume power just ten years after democracy had been established. They took action, leading a movement of some 25,000 citizens into the plaza in front of the National Parliament, where they staged a six-day protest. These Paraguayan youths had not been involved in the fight for democracy or the ousting of dictator Stroessner in 1989. In fact, they had been characterized as taking for granted their democratic rights and were apathetic towards politics. Yet, in the most volatile moment since the 1989 overthrow of the dictatorship, youths became the leaders. On March 26, 1999, the resistance came to a head when snipers killed seven people. Rather than run away, more people filled the plaza, the mass media sent out international appeals on the radio and television, and Parliament voted to impeach the president. With the realization that the youths were not going to back down, President Cubas and General Oviedo fled the country on March 28th and Paraguay cheered victory (Ayala Bogarın and Colman 1999). One reporter described the youth as ‘‘a true representation of the new Paraguayan citizen’’ (Ayala Bogarın and Colman 1999).
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Youth played a pivotal role again in the organization of the ‘‘Citizen’s Resistance’’ march of more than 35,000 people on March 29, 2006. Paraguayans joined to protest President Duarte Frutos’s acceptance as the Colorado party’s president, which was a direct violation of the Constitution. One young woman declared, ‘‘Paraguay’s youth are standing, ready to raise our voices, because we are not submissive or complacent or deaf or blind to the political move towards dictatorship.’’ (ABC Color 2006) The outcry from the youth, coupled with better laws and stronger representation, bode well for young people in the twenty-first century. Secondary school students have formed the Movement for the Attainment of Student Well-being (MOBE in Spanish) and have representation on regional education councils. Students are being trained as community health workers and are involved in community sanitary, water, and roads projects. Education and health services are improving, and the economy and political outlooks are slowly stabilizing. Youth have greater opportunities and reason to hope. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The authors gratefully acknowledge the assistance of the following people in gathering information for this chapter: Blanca Ovelar de Duarte, Minister of Education; Marta Lafuente, Vice Minister of Education; Eva Fleitas and Mirna Vera Notario from the Ministry of Education’s Statistical Planning and Information Directorate; Victorina Espınola Ruiz Dıaz, Minister and Executive Secretary of Children and Youth; Osvaldo Barresi of the National Sports Council; Marta Benıtez, Johanna Walder and Claudia Pacheco from Global . . . Infancia; Jose de Domenico, Jose Molinas Vega, Margarita Molinas Vega, Montserrat Meiro-Lorenzo, and Olympia Icochea. Finally, this chapter was a collaborative effort and represents equal levels of commitment and work despite the order of authors’ names in the title. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Ayala Bogarın, Oscar, and Andres Colman Gutierrez, eds. 1999. Dıas de Gloria. Asunci on: Editorial El Paıs, SA. This publication was put out by the local newspaper, U ltima Hora, to chronicle the week of events surrounding the assassination of Vice President Arga~ na. It highlights the role of Paraguayan youth and rural peasants in maintaining democracy and describes how this week became a turning point for the youth’s participation in civil society. It includes articles by several renowned civil leaders and many photographs of the week’s events. Barboza, Lourdes, and Teresa Martinez Acosta. 2005. El Nuevo Paradigmo de los ~ Asunci Derechos del Nino. on: QR Producciones Graficas. Sponsored by Plan
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Internacional/Centro de Estudios de la Ni~ nez y Juventud (CENIJU). Written by two lawyers specializing in child law, this book clarifies the specifics of the CAC as Paraguay’s new legal paradigm of protection for children and adolescents. Camara de Senadores and Direcci on General de Estadıstica, Encuestas y Censos (DGEEC). 2003. Juventud en Cifras, Paraguay. Asunci on: Congreso Nacional Honorable Camara de Senadores, DGEEC, and Deutsche Gesellschaft fur Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbH. This document presents a comprehensive overview of key facts, relevant laws, and statistics regarding Paraguayan youth. It covers the critical areas of demography, education, participation in the labor market, health, drug consumption, participation in civil society, and security and violence issues. It was developed to provide updated (2003) information to guide policy, planning, and execution of youth programs and projects. A hardcopy version is available from DGEEC, and an online version is accessible at http://www.dgeec.gov.py in the publications section. ~ y la Adolescencia: 15 Anos ~ de una Celma, Luis Claudio. 2004. Derechos de la Ninez Convenci on con (In)convenientes en la Aplicaci on. Asunci on: VinculArte/ Coordinadora por los Derechos de la Infancia y la Adolescencia. This document looks at the progress made (or not made) by the government to follow through on the children’s rights established fifteen years earlier by the Convention for Children’s Rights in the birth of a new democracy. It is available through Global . . . Infancia (see contact information below). Gacit ua Mari o, Estanislao, Annika Silva-Leander, and Miguel Carter. 2004. ‘‘Paraguay: Social Development Issues for Poverty Alleviation—Country Social Analysis.’’ Paper No 63. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. This case study analyzes the socioeconomic, cultural, political, and institutional context of Paraguay. It identifies constraints for poverty alleviation and inclusive development opportunities for addressing those constraints. Kaye, Mike. 2006. Contemporary Forms of Slavery in Paraguay. London: Anti-Slavery International. This report offers an overview and analysis of different slavery practices in Paraguay, including forced labor of indigenous people, trafficking of people and commercial sexual exploitation of children, child domestic work, and child soldiers. Although it topically covers a wide range of issues, the report pulls from a key set of in-country and international resources. Saenz, Jorge. 1998. El Embudo: Ensayo Fotogr a fico sobre la Carcel de Menores ‘‘Panchito Lopez’’ Paraguay 1990–1997. Asunci on: Casa de la Juventud. This is a powerful book chronicling the serious problems facing boys and adolescents in juvenile prisons through photographs and poetry by the boys themselves. The aim of this work is to paint a human face on these young prisoners and demystify the image of the ‘‘bad’’ or ‘‘evil’’ youth prisoner. UNICEF. 2004. ‘‘Paraguay,’’ in Compilaci on de Observaciones Finales del Comit e de ~ sobre Paıses de Am los Derechos del Nino e rica Latina y el Caribe (1993–2004). Santiago, Chile: CEPAL/UNICEF. This study puts forward final observations on Paraguay’s progress in adopting the Convention on the Rights of the Child into policy and practice. ———. 2004. Summary Report Study on the Impact of the Implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Italy: UNICEF. ~ y la Adolescencia y Leyes Complementarias de Para———. 2005. C odigo de la Ninez guay. Asunci on: UNICEF. This presents the exact text, article by article, of
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the: Child and Adolescent Code (2001); Adoption Law 1136 (1997); and Age of the Majority Law 2169 9 (2003). ———. 2006. State of the World’s Children–2006, Excluded and Invisible. New York: UNICEF. Each year UNICEF’s State of the World’s Children report lists economic and social statistics on countries and territories of the world, with specific reference to children’s well-being. See how Paraguay’s 2006 ranking compares to the rest of the world in terms of basic indicators (under-five mortality), health, nutrition, education, incidence of HIV, and child protection. U.S. Department of Labor–Bureau of International Labor Affairs. 2006. ‘‘Paraguay,’’ in 2005 Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor. Washington D.C.: USDOL. This report provides new and updated information on the incidence and nature of child labor, relevant laws and enforcement, and programs and policies in place to address exploitative child labor. Paraguay is one of 137 countries whose progress is analyzed with regard to combating the worst forms of child labor. World Organization Against Torture. October 2001. Report on the Implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child by the Republic of Paraguay. Presented to the Committee on the Rights of the Child, 28th Session, by the OMTC: Geneva, September 24 to October 12, 2001. This report details the extent to which Paraguayan laws are fulfilling international commitments with regard to children and torture.
Nonprint Resources Global . . . Infancia has audiovisual materials available on the following topics: participation of children and adolescents in the elaboration of municipal budgets; youth in school; child abuse; and the campaign to promote commitment from town mayors to generate policies directed towards children and youth. See contact information for Global . . . Infancia below. Trabajo Infantil en Paraguay. This CD was produced by COETI with support from UNICEF in 2002. It defines child labor, provides national statistics and characteristics of child labor, compares Paraguay to other countries in the region and worldwide, and provides examples of urban and rural child labor. It also includes personal testimonies. The CD can be obtained from COETI (see contact information below).
Organizations and NGOs 2007 Directory of Development Organizations–Paraguay, http://www.devdir.org/ files/Paraguay.PDF. Alphabetically organized, this comprehensive directory provides contemporary contact information and web sites to a variety of development-minded institutions, including international organizations, governmental organizations, private sector support organizations, finance institutions, training and research centers, and civil society organizations. Casa de la Juventud Corrales 592 entre Mexico y Paraguari Barrio Obrero Asunci on, Paraguay Phone: 595-21-373242 Fax: 595-21-374842 Email: [email protected]
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Web site: http://www.juventud.org.py This national NGO formed for, by, and of young people focuses on promoting youth through four areas: youth-centered public policies, awareness campaigns, volunteer corps, and youth theater and culture. CENIJU–Centro de Estudios en Ni~ nez y Juventud Universidad Columbia del Paraguay 25 de Mayo 658 y Antequera Asunci on, Paraguay Telefax: 595-21-490811 and 493717 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.columbia.edu.py CENIJU is a center within Columbia University of Paraguay. It was created to pursue research, training, and dissemination of materials on youth issues with a special focus on children’s rights. COETI–Coordinadora para la Erradicaci on del Trabajo Infantil Brasil 455 c/ 25 de mayo Asunci on, Paraguay Phone: 595-21-210264 Fax: 595-21-210264 Email: coeti@conexi on.com.py Web site: http://www.coeti.org.py This national private organization serves as the coordinator for a network of organizations that are each fighting for the eradication of child labor. Don Bosco Roga Obra Salesiana del Menor Cedro y Ecuador C.C. 587 Lambare, Paraguay Phone: 595-21-553061 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.pla.net.py/donboscoroga This group home was established in 1988 by the Catholic Salesianos to provide safe shelter for homeless boys who live and work on the streets. It has served some 800 boys since its inception, offering room and board, schooling, health care, and vocational training. Fundaci on DEQUENI–Fundaci on Deja que los Ni~ nos Vengan a Mı Ruta Mariscal Estigarribia 1757 Km. 9 Fernando de la Mora, Paraguay Phone: 595-21-505601 Fax: 595-21-505601 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.dequeni.org.py This national private foundation focuses upon a diversity of financial support mechanisms and corresponding initiatives to support children, their families, and communities.
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Global . . . Infancia Sacramento 715 c/ Espa~ na Asunci on, Paraguay Phone: 595-21-220767 Fax: 595-21-614117 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.globalinfancia.org.py This national NGO was a protagonist in securing the new Child and Adolescent Code. Since 2003, Global . . . Infancia focuses its work on promoting public policies and instruments (CODENIs) that promote and protect children, strengthening children’s participation in the realization of their rights, training civil society on children’s rights, and organizational strengthening. It sponsors the production of a monthly CODENI newsletter (infoDENI) and has numerous print and nonprint resources regarding children’s rights issues. Instituto Desarrollo Guido Spano, 2575 Asunci on, Paraguay Phone: 595-21-612182 Web site: http://www.desarrollo.edu.py This national NGO researches social and economic issues, and provides training, including graduate degree programs in conjunction with local and regional universities. It was founded in 2002 and is piloting an innovative approach to community development using Millennium Development Goals to drive the agenda. The project integrates education, health, transportation, and governance issues and has captured national and international attention. Ministry of Education & Culture–Programa Escuela Viva Nuestra Se~ nora de la Asunci on 661 c/ Haedo Asunci on Paraguay Phone: 595-21-452380 Fax: 595-21-452382 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.escuelaviva-mec.edu.py This is the flagship program for primary education reform. This program gives priority to the neediest urban and rural schools and focuses on strengthening bilingual education, indigenous education, and teacher training. ProJOVEN Sicilia 468 c/14 de Mayo Barrio General Diaz Asunci on, Paraguay Tel: 595-21-452210 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.projoven.org ProJOVEN, a national NGO, tailors its educational and training programs to meet the needs of marginalized youth. This organization takes a holistic approach to youth development and offers programs that stress young peoples’ strengths while working to empower them. ProJOVEN’s program focuses on literacy, life skills, employment skills, and an alternative juvenile justice education program.
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UNICEF–Paraguay c/o PNUD–Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo Casilla de Correo 1107 Asunci on, Paraguay Phone: 595-21-608644 Fax: 595-21-611015 Email: Asunci [email protected] Web site: http://www.unicef.org/paraguay/spanish/index.html The United Nations Children’s Fund works in Paraguay to: (1) provide technical and financial assistance to government and civil society organizations; (2) build capacity to form appropriate policies and deliver services for children and their families; and (3) advocate for the protection of children’s rights in an effort to help meet basic needs and expand their opportunities.
Selected Bibliography Amnesty International Press Release. 2001. No Child’s Play—Under-age Recruitment in the Armed Forces Must Stop. http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ ENGAMR450032001?open&of=ENG-PRY. Austin, Ann M. B., et al. 2006. ‘‘Parent Socialization, Family Economic Well-being, and Toddlers’ Cognitive Development in Rural Paraguay.’’ Journal of Research in Childhood Education 20 (Summer): 255–274. Clough-Riquelme, Jane, and Marıa Molinas Cabrera. 2003. ‘‘Paraguay,’’ in The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Women’s Issues Worldwide–Central and South America Volume. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group. 381–409. Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers. 2004. Child Soldiers Global Report. http://www.child-soldiers.org/document_get.php?id=835. Committee to End Discrimination Against Women. 2005. Concluding Comments: Paraguay. Thirty-Second Session, CEDAW/C/PAR/CC/3-5, considered at the 671st and 672nd meetings. New York: United Nations, January. Gacit ua Mari o, Estanislao, Annika Silva-Leander, and Miguel Carter. 2004. Paraguay: Social Development Issues for Poverty Alleviation—Country Social Analysis. Paper No. 63. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. Hobbs, Cynthia, and Kathryn Rentel. 1997. ‘‘The Paraguayan Education Reform: A Collective Effort. Education Reforms Underway in Latin America and the Caribbean.’’ In Paths of Change. Edited by Benjamin Alvarez and Monica RuizCasares. Washington, D.C.: Academy for Educational Development/USAID. 111–136. K€ ohn Gallardo, Marcos. 2005. Law Enforcement in Argentina and Paraguay: Collection of Good Practices and Lessons Learned Related to the Prevention and Elimination of Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Girls, Boys and Adolescents. Asunci on: ILO. OAS–Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. 2001. ‘‘Chapter VII, The Rights of Children,’’ in Third Report on the Situation of Human Rights in Paraguay. http://www.cidh.org/countryrep/Paraguay01eng/chap7.htm. Petit, Juan Miguel. 2004. Rights of the Child, Report Submitted by the Special Rapporteur on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography. UN Economic and Social Council: E/CN.4/2005/78/Add.1. Population Services International. 2002. ‘‘Arte y Parte,’’ in PROFILE, Social Marketing and Communications for Health. Washington, D.C.: PSI.
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Shizuka, Saeki. 2003. ‘‘A Special Man in Paraguay.’’ Look Japan 48 (February), no. 563. UNICEF. 2004b. Summary Report Study on the Impact of the Implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Italy: UNICEF. ———. 2006. State of the World’s Children–2006, Excluded and Invisible. New York: UNICEF. U.S. Department of Labor–Bureau of International Labor Affairs. 2006. ‘‘Paraguay,’’ in 2005 Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor. Washington D.C.: USDOL. Vickery, Tim. 2002. ‘‘World Cup’’ in BBC Sport. June 15. http://news.bbc.co.uk/ sport3/worldcup2002/hi/team_pages/paraguay/newsid_2046000/2046669 .stm. Wong, Pia, and Ramon Balestino. 2003. ‘‘Prioritizing the Education of Marginalized Young People in Brazil: A Collaborative Approach,’’ in Crisis and Hope: The Educational Hopscotch of Latin America. New York: Routledge Falmer. 67–94. World Bank. 2006a. Paraguay–Health Service Delivery in Paraguay–A Review of Care and Policies on Human Resources and User Fees. Report No. 33416. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. ———. 2006b. Gender Stats–Database of Gender Statistics, Paraguay Country Profiles. http://devdata.worldbank.org/idg/IDGProfile.asp?CCODE=PRY& CNAME=Paraguay&SelectedCountry=PRY. ———. 2006c. ICT at a Glance–Paraguay. http://devdata.worldbank.org/ict/ pry_ict.pdf. World Organization Against Torture. 2001. Report on the Implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child by the Republic of Paraguay. Geneva: 28th Session. http://www.omct.org/pdf/CC/Paraguay_Web_GB.pdf.
In Spanish ABC Color. 2006. ‘‘Generaci on Atenta e Indignada que no Acepta ni Dictadores ni Tendota,’’ in ABC Color. Asunci on: ABC Color, March 30, 2006. This is a local newspaper with national coverage. It is accessible online at http:// www.abc.com.py. Ayala Bogarın, Oscar, and Andres Colman Gutierrez, eds. 1996. Dıas de Gloria. Asunci on: Editorial El Paıs, SA. Barboza, Lourdes, and Teresa Martinez Acosta. 2005. El Nuevo Paradigmo de los ~ Asunci Derechos Del Nino. on: Plan Internacional/CENIJU. Cacace, Stella Maris, Andres Ramırez, and Ade Galeano, eds. 2005. Derechos Humanos en Paraguay 2005. Asunci on: Editora Litocolor. Sponsored by the Coordinadora de Derechos Humanos del Paraguay (CODEHUPY), Capıtulo Paraguayo de la Plataforma Interamericana de Derechos Humanos Democracia y Desarrollo (PIDHDD). Camara de Senadores and Direcci on General de Estadıstica, Encuestas y Censos (DGEEC). 2003. Juventud en Cifras, Paraguay. Asunci on: Congreso Nacional Honorable Camara de Senadores, DGEEC, and Deutsche Gesellschaft fur Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbH. ~ 1992–2002. Asunci Cespedes, Roberto L. 2005. D e ficit en el Registro de la Ninez on: Imprenta Mitami. Sponsored by Plan Paraguay, Ministerio de Justicia y Trabajo, and Global . . . Infancia.
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———. 2004. ‘‘M odulo sobre Trabajo Infantil,’’ in Encuesta de Hogares 2004. Asunci on: DGEEC. ~ Trabajadora de Paraguay ———. 2003. Seguimiento de Indicadores sobre la Ninez las Encuestas de Hogar. Asunci segun on: International Labor Office (ILO)IPEC/UNICEF. ———. 2002. Censo 2002 Resultados, Infancia y Adolescencia. Asunci on: DGEEC. CIA World Factbook. 2007. Paraguay. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/ the-world-factbook/geos/pa.html Direcci on General de Estadıstica, Encuestas y Censos (DGEEC). 1999. Encuesta Integrada de Hogares 1997–1998. Principales resultados. Fernando de la Mora: DGEEC. ———. 2002a. Censo 2002 Infancia y Adolescencia. Asunci on: DGEEC. ———. 2002b. Censo Nacional de Poblaci on y Viviendas. Asunci on: DGEEC. Gimenez, Marta, et al. 2004. La Comunicaci on como Herramienta de Transformaci on Social para la Prevenci on y Eliminaci on del Trabajo Infantil Dom estico. Asunci on: ILO. ~ de Democracia: ¿Cu Global . . . Infancia, eds. 2004. 15 Anos a nto hemos avanzado? Memorias del IV Foro GLOBAL de Infancia y Adolescencia. Asunci on: I Grafica. Heisecke, Ernesto, et al. 1995. Las criaditas de Asunci on. Trabajo Infanto Juvenil. Asunci on: NGO Ası es-Atyha. Ministry of Education and Culture. 1996. Paraguay 2020: Enfrentando el Desafıo Educativo (Confronting the Educational Challenge). Asunci on: Ministry of Education and Culture/Consejo Asesor de la Reforma Educativa/Harvard Institute for International Development. Rivarola, Domingo M. 2004. La Educaci on Superior Universitaria en Paraguay. Asunci on: Ediciones y Arte SRL. Sponsored by the Instituto Internacional de la UNESCO para la Educaci on Superior en America Latina y el Caribe (IESALC). ———. 2006. Situaci on y Perspectivas de la Educaci on Paraguaya–Analisis Prospectivo y Acciones Prioritarias para el Bienio 2006/2007. Asunci on: Ediciones y Arte SA. Sponsored by the Consejo Nacional de Educaci on y Cultura (CONEC). Secretarıa de Acci on Social–Presidencia de la Rep ublica. 2002. Estrategia Nacional de Reducci on de la Pobreza y la Desigualdad. Asunci on: Secretarıa de Acci on Social–Presidencia de la Rep ublica. Soto, Clyde, Myrian Gonzalez, and Margarita Elıas. 2003. Encuesta Nacional sobre Violencia Dom e stica e Intrafamiliar. Asunci on: Centro de Documentaci on y Estudios. UNICEF. 2004a. ‘‘Paraguay,’’ in Compilaci on de Observaciones Finales del Comit e de ~ sobre Paıses de Am los Derechos del Nino e rica Latina y el Caribe (1993–2004). Santiago, Chile: CEPAL/UNICEF. ~ y la Adolescencia y Leyes Complementarias de Para———. 2005. C odigo de la Ninez guay. Asunci on: UNICEF. Yuste, Juan Carlos. 2005. Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio: Informe Alternativo de la Sociedad Civil–Paraguay 2000/2005. Asunci on: Plataforma Paraguay sin Excusas contra la Pobreza.
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PERU ~ Kudo Ines NATIONAL PROFILE Geography Peru is located in western South America along the South Pacific Ocean, with a total area of 1,285,220 square kilometers. Peruvian territory includes 1.28 million square kilometers of land area and 5,220 square kilometers of territorial sea (200 nautical miles). Its neighbor countries are Ecuador and Colombia in the north, Brazil and Bolivia on the eastern side, and Chile in the south. The country can be divided in three broad natural regions: the coastal desert on the west side, the Amazon rainforest on the east, and the Andean highlands in between. Each of these regions has several microclimates and a wide variety of ecosystems. Climate varies accordingly, from mostly dry and hot on the coast, to tropical in the east, and harsh and frigid in the high Andes. At higher elevations, the temperatures can drop to 10°C. Some villages are located at more than
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5,000 meters above sea level but lack heating systems. Less than 3 percent of Peruvian land is arable, 21 percent is meadows and pastures, 55 percent is forest and woodland, and 21 percent is used for other purposes. One percent is irrigated. When the tropical El Ni~ no current coming down from the Pacific along the Ecuadorian coast pushes further down the coast, it warms the seas and causes disruptive rains in the desert. These rains bring devastating floods that destroy poor towns and settlements on the skirts of the coastal mountains. Most of the victims are migrants and refugees from the Andean and Amazon regions. The occurrence and intensity of the El Ni~ no phenomenon have increased, possibly as a result of global warming during the last few years, causing major natural disasters in 1993 and 1998. Population Peru has 26,152,265 inhabitants, as indicated by the 2005 National Census, with 1.01 men per every woman. The total population grew by 1.36 percent in 2005 (est.), with 20.87 births and 6.26 deaths per 1,000 people. Fertility rates have decreased from six births per woman in the 1970–1975 period, to 2.9 in 2000–2005 (UNDP 2005). The child mortality rate was 31.94 per 1,000 live births in 2005. The rate was greater for boys (34.53/1,000) than for girls (29.24/1,000). Life expectancy at birth is 71.4 years for women and 67.7 years for men. On average, a Peruvian child born in 2005 is expected to live 69.5 years, but one in ten will not survive to age forty. There are 10,647,718 children younger than eighteen years old (40 percent of the total population), and 3,051,018 of them are under five. In 2005, 70 percent of households had at least one child or teenager as a member, with an average of 1.9 children and 1.5 teenagers per household (though rural and poor families tend to have more children) (Instituto Nacional de Estadıstica e Informatica [INEI] 2003). Because of deteriorated living conditions and scarce opportunities for social mobility in the countryside, migration from rural areas to the cities is a longstanding phenomenon in Peru but has been further aggravated by the recent armed conflict that battered the country in the 1980s and 1990s. Today, 31 percent of Peruvians (8,187,398) live in Metropolitan Lima, the country’s capital city. It is estimated that in 2005 72.6 percent of the people lived in urban areas, mainly located along the Coast. Economic Growth and Poverty In 2004, Peru achieved a gross domestic product (GDP) of US$155.3 billion (in purchasing power parity dollars). Approximately two-thirds
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(65 percent) of this income came from the tertiary sector (services), 27 percent from the industry sector, and only 8 percent from agriculture. Peru holds one of the highest economic growth rates in the region. Since the end of the authoritarian Fujimori era in 2001, the country has grown at an annual average rate of 4.6 percent, and in 2005 its GDP grew by 6.3 percent. The fiscal deficit has been reduced to a third of what it was in 2001, and inflation was controlled to less than 2 percent. All of this came alongside blooming private investment and a doubling of exports. However, the widespread discontent and despair among the poorest sectors of society are a clear indication that this recent prosperity is not being equally shared by all sectors. Between 1993 and 2003, the poorest 40 percent of households shared only 11 percent of the total income, whereas the richest 20 percent accounted for 53 percent (compared with 15 percent and 50 percent, respectively in Latin America). The Gini coefficient in 2000 was 49.8, compared with 47.0 in 1985. Economic growth by itself has proven insufficient to enhance the living conditions and services for the poor in a country as unequal as Peru. Although GDP has increased nearly 25 percent in the past five years, poverty rates have barely decreased from 54.8 to 52 percent, and today three of four people in rural areas continue to live in poverty. About 60 percent of the poor and 56 percent of the extreme poor are children (Table 13.1). Two-thirds of Peruvian children from birth to eleven years old live in poverty today, and 22 percent live in extreme poverty (INEI 2005a). In the countryside, four of five children are poor. As the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) puts it: in Peru, the majority of the poor are children and the majority of the children are poor. Chances of living in poverty are greater for children from rural homes with the two parents present, followed by those from single-parent rural homes with a female head. Households with a female head are typically more likely to be poor than those headed by a man. However, given the traditionally patriarchal structure of the Peruvian family (more so in rural areas), it is interesting to see that rural households where both parents are present but the mother is the head, have lower chances of being poor Table 13.1. Poverty Rates among Children by Area of Residence and Age Group, 2004 Age
Rural
Urban
Total
0 to 5 6 to 11 12 to 16 17 to 24 Total
82.1 82.1 78.2 69.4 73.6
51.9 52.8 50.6 39.5 40.3
65.1 65.4 61.6 48.5 52.0
Source: National Statistics Institute, household survey (ENAHO) May 2003–April 2004.
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Table 13.2. Poverty Condition of Households by Gender of the Household Head and Residence Area, 2002 Rural
Urbana
Head of Household
Poverty condition
Two Parents
Single Parent
Two Parents
Single Parent
Female head
No poor Poor Total No poor Poor Total
54.0 46.0 100.0 25.2 74.8 100.0
29.4 70.6 100.0 39.2 60.8 100.0
53.3 46.7 100.0 61.5 38.5 100.0
57.0 43.0 100.0 62.8 37.2 100.0
Male head
Source: National Statistics Institute, household survey (ENAHO) 2001–2002.
than any other rural household, or even than an urban household with similar characteristics (Table 13.2). Employment The Peruvian labor force is composed of eleven million, of whom 48.6 percent are employed in services, 12.4 percent in industry, and 39 percent in agriculture. The legal working age is fourteen to sixty-five, and this age group represents 63.2 of the rural population and 73.9 percent of the urban population. Because child labor is illegal for those younger than fourteen years of age, accurate, current statistics are not widely available. More on this topic will be reviewed in the Child Labor section. In 2003 and 2004, unemployment rates in major cities went from 5 percent in Puerto Maldonado (Amazon region), to 13.1 percent in Moquegua and Tacna (southern Coast). As shown in Table 13.3, unemployment rates in Metropolitan Lima are highest for people with secondary education (11.8 percent), relative to people with primary or tertiary education (8.9 percent). Women are more likely to be unemployed than men with the same level of education, no matter what that is. Unemployment rates for university-educated women in Lima reach 11 percent, compared to 7.4 for men with a university degree. Underemployment is a widespread problem in Peru, affecting 47.6 percent of the economically active population. Because of lack of decently paid jobs, many Peruvians are forced to work several shifts or hold more than one job. In a given week between May and July of 2005 in Metropolitan Lima, people fourteen to twenty-four years of age worked thirtyeight hours on average; the twenty-five- to forty-four-year-olds worked 101.1 hours, and those older than forty-four worked forty-two hours.
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Table 13.3. Unemployment Rate in Lima by Gender and Education Level, 2004 Level of Education
Male
Female
Total
Primary Secondary Tertiary (technical) Tertiary (university)
8.2 10.7 7.5 7.4
9.5 13.7 10.5 11.0
8.9 11.8 8.9 8.9
Source: Ministry of Labor and Employment Promotion, Household Survey Specialized on Employment Levels.
Language and Ethnicity The official languages in Peru are Spanish and Quechua, which is the most widely spoken indigenous language in Peru. In addition, Aymara and dozens of minor Amazonian languages are spoken. There is no agreement on the criteria to identify indigenous groups, and, thus, accounts vary depending on the source. Moreover, the ethnic composition of Peruvian population is heavily mixed, making it more difficult to establish clear-cut ethnic categories. On the basis of Peruvian official data collected through household surveys, it is estimated that, in 2001, 22.8 percent of Peruvians, or about six million people, spoke an indigenous language. Only 3.1 percent of the indigenous population is monolingual, for most indigenous people also speak Spanish. In terms of the ethnic distribution of indigenous people, 89 percent of them are Quechua speakers, 7 percent speak Aymara, and the others are from native Amazonian tribes (INEI 2001). However, because many Amazonian tribes live on the fringe of the state with little or no contact with the society at large, they tend to be undercounted in household surveys. Consequently, it is likely that the proportion of native Amazonian peoples is larger than the official figures estimate. Detailed results from the most recent national census are not yet available, but the 1993 census counted 239,674 Amazonian indigenous people (INEI 1993). Within an ethnic community, children differ greatly in their degree of exposure to Western culture and Spanish language, depending on where they live, their parent’s level of education, their access to mass media, their own schooling, and so on. Indigenous people who have learned Spanish often deny their ability to speak their native language to overcome the stigma attached to it and construct a new public identity. Thus, the use of language as a sole criterion to identify indigenous people can be misleading. According to U.S. sources (CIA 2005), the indigenous peoples are estimated to comprise 45 percent of total Peruvian population, followed by 37 percent of Mestizo (mixed indigenous and European), 15 percent of European descent, and about 3 percent Peruvians of African, Japanese, or Chinese descent. However, the lines that divide
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ethnic groups in Peru are not clear cut as a result of the widespread racial mixing since coloPopulation: 28,674,757 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 29.96 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) nial times and the imposition Life expectancy at birth: 70.14 years (2007 est.) of Spanish as the dominant Literacy rate (age 15 and over): 87.7 percent (2004 est.) language. Net primary school enrollment/attendance (2000–2005): The Constitution regards all 97 percent citizens as equal before the law, Internet users: 4.6 million (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 82,000 (2003 est.) provides for the right of all citiHuman Poverty Index (HPI-1) rank: 25 (2006 est.) zens to speak their native language, and prohibits various Sources: CIA World Factbook: Peru. https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/pe.html. May 29, 2007; forms of discrimination. But UNICEF: At a Glance–Peru. http://www.unicef.org/ even though the law criminalizes infobycountry/peru_statistics.html. May 29, 2007; United it, longstanding, pervasive racial Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Peru. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ discrimination and prejudice in countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_PER.html. May 29, 2007. the Peruvian society have intensified perceptions of inferiority and second-class citizenship towards Peruvians of indigenous and African descent. Political participation, mobilization, and organization of indigenous and Afro-Peruvian people have been historically limited by social, linguistic, and geographic barriers, which were further aggravated by the inadequate communication and transportation infrastructure in the Andes and the Amazon region. On top of that, the two decades of terrorism and political violence victimized indigenous peoples disproportionately and destroyed most grassroots organizations. The impact of discrimination and oppression against indigenous and Afro-Peruvian children remains significant, and it is translated in greater poverty rates, shorter life expectancy, much greater infant mortality rates, lower education attainment, greater incidence of infectious diseases, and very limited access to health care. Unlike natives and Africans, the Chinese and Japanese immigrants progressively achieved social mobility and became part of the middle or upper classes. KEY FACTS – PERU
OVERVIEW Since the ratification of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in 1990, there have been significant advances regarding the rights of children and adolescents in Peru, particularly in terms of legislation. In 1993, Peru issued the Code of Children and Adolescents, establishing their legal rights and liberties, as well as a national system of attention to children and adolescents. It also regulated family duties and custody rights, as well as the administration of justice to minors. In 2000, the code was revised, and some time later the National Plan of Action for Childhood and Adolescence 2002–2010 was issued with the aim of fully
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enforcing the rights of children and adolescents in Peru as a priority in the national, regional, and local agendas. Yet, much more needs to be done. Most Peruvian children are poor and lack access to justice, education, health, or other social services. According to a recent report from UNICEF (Cortez 2004), three of ten children younger than five years old lack access to water services, and five do not have access to sanitation services. Forty percent of rural children from birth to four years of age suffer from chronic malnutrition compared with 13 percent in urban areas. Almost one-third of households have children or adolescents with caloric deficit; that is, they consume lower amounts of calories than what they should receive given their age and gender. At the same time, more than half of the households with children and teenagers benefit from food programs such as the glass of milk, popular kitchens, school breakfast, food baskets, and others. In 2004, six million Peruvian children died before the age of five, and 110,000 newborns were not registered. Approximately 15 percent of children in Peru are unregistered and remain invisible to official statistics, unprotected and excluded. Merely 12.3 percent have access to early childhood stimulation services, and in rural areas, this percentage decreases to 1 percent. Virtually all children are enrolled in primary school, but one in five will drop out before completing the fourth grade. Only 69 percent will enter secondary school at the normative age, and 65 percent will graduate. An indigenous student is three times more likely to repeat the first grade than a nonindigenous one, and less than half of the adolescents in rural areas attend secondary school. Peru recognizes the right of children to be protected against economic exploitation or the performance of any job that places them in danger or obstructs their education. Yet, the problem of child labor has been growing rapidly and it now involves more than two million children of all ages. The country has been criticized by the United Nations for being the only one in the region that allows children to work when they reach twelve years of age. Working adolescents in Peru are three times more likely to be out of school than if they were not working. Peru is a deeply fragmented, postwar country still facing the risk of relapse into conflict. During the 1980s and 1990s, the armed conflict directly victimized 1.6 million people, mostly the poor and indigenous. One-third of them were children and adolescents. In addition to losing their families, being displaced, and suffering other forms of indirect trauma, children were direct victims as well. On the basis of available information, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CVR) reported 2,952 known cases of crimes against children during the war, mostly perpetrated by the Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso) and government forces. By 1995, about 4,000 children were part of the self-defense committees,
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participating in direct confrontation to protect their villages. Children comprised 12.06 percent of the deadly victims, 7 percent of the victims of torture, and 13.19 percent of forced disappearances. They were also arbitrarily detained, illegally enlisted in the army, abducted and trained by terrorists, and tried as adults by ‘‘faceless judges.’’ Profound disparities persist and many children are prevented from exercising their basic rights. Social exclusion and inequality deeply disadvantage children in rural and peri-urban areas, as well as those living in the Amazon and the Andean regions. Thus, national averages provided a limited, if not distorted, account of the situation of children across the country. The country’s cultural, racial, and ethnic diversities make the task of describing the situation of childhood in Peru even more complex. There are some 60,000 Quechua and Aymara Andean villages in Peru, in addition to growing proportions of indigenous immigrants settling in the cities across the country. In the Peruvian Amazon there are over sixty ethnic communities that belong to thirteen different linguistic groups. Most of them maintain their own traditions, and many have remained unassimilated by Hispanic western culture. EDUCATION Literacy In Peru, 87.7 percent of the population ages fifteen and older is literate according to government sources, compared to 85.5 in 1990 (UNDP 2005). Adult literacy rates are greater for men (93.5 percent) than for women (82.1 percent), but larger differences are found between urban and rural citizens. One out of four adults living in rural areas does not know how to read and write, while in urban areas the proportion is one in seventeen. When gender and residence are combined, the gaps are even larger: 2.9 percent of urban men versus 37.4 percent of rural women are illiterate (INEI 2002). There are important generational differences as well. As a result of increased access to schooling, literacy rates and education attainment levels are much higher for younger generations. Peruvians born in the 1970s have attained on average ten years of schooling, compared to only five years attained by those who were born four decades earlier. Similarly, only three percent of youths aged between fifteen and nineteen years old are illiterate (with virtually no gender gap), whereas about a third of adults older than sixty years of age never learned to read or write. Compulsory Education: Enrollment and Financing Compulsory education lasts twelve years, including one year of preprimary, six years of primary, and five years of secondary education. Public education is free and publicly funded, and parents are allowed to choose
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any school for their children regardless of their place of residence. Children are required to enroll in preprimary when they turn five years old, and at the age of six they enter primary school. By the age of twelve, they go into secondary school and are expected to graduate at sixteen or seventeen. In the past decade, Peru has advanced significantly in expanding access to education at all levels, reducing repetition and dropout rates, and developing better standards and indicators for evaluating the education system (Cueto 2004). It is estimated that in 2005, 58 percent of children attended preschool, 93.5 percent attended primary, and 69 percent of teenagers attended secondary at the normative age. Only about 65 percent of children nationwide finish secondary school, although in some rural areas this percentage decreases to 30 percent. The expansion in education coverage was not met with an equivalent increase of public funding for the sector. In 2004, total public expenditure on education represented 3 percent of the GDP, as it did in 1999, despite wide, formal, political agreement to raise the level of education spending to 6 percent of GDP. On the other hand, the share of wages in total education expenditure increased from 71 percent in 1999 to 81 percent in 2004, mostly as the result of salary increases and, to a lesser extent, of decreasing pupil–teacher ratios (World Bank 2005). However, salary increases so far have not been tied to teacher performance and thus have had little or no significant impact on improving the quality of public education. Today, perstudent spending in Peru is among the lowest in the region, and so are the students’ learning outcomes as measured by standardized tests. Learning and Teaching National student evaluations show that only one-third of fourth graders can read and understand basic texts. Less than one percent has an acceptable level of understanding and use of grammar and spelling rules. In 2001, more than half of the fourth-grade students obtained zero in the standardized tests. In math, only 22 percent of students have acquired the skills required by the curriculum. As they continue their studies, the gap between what they should have learned and what they have actually learned grows. According to international tests, more than half of Peruvian children have not achieved the first level of proficiency in reading ability, and their scores have the highest ratio of variation, which is an indication of education inequality. In fact, Peruvian students are the second-lowest performers in the First Comparative Study in Latin America carried on by United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO 2003), and they are at the bottom of the Programme for International Student Assessment results for 2000 (OECD 2001). Indigenous students obtain the lowest results, both in national and international tests. Although the official school curriculum requires 900 effective school hours per year, urban schools provide fewer than 500 hours a year and rural
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schools provide only 300. In addition, public school teachers lack proper training, they do not receive adequate incentives or support to perform better and, despite salary increases, they continue to be inadequately compensated. The situation is more critical for those serving in rural areas, where working conditions are harsh and discouraging. Thus, the most qualified teachers choose to work in urban schools, and many of those who are assigned to rural schools are not trained to handle multigrade classrooms, are unable to speak the local language, or have no preparation in bilingual education. It is not uncommon to find bilingual teachers assigned to areas where the population speaks a different indigenous language. Educational Inequality The Peruvian education system remains profoundly unequal, resulting in wide gaps in access, attainment, and learning outcomes between urban and rural, rich and poor, and indigenous and non-indigenous children. In fact, education inequality in Peru is even greater than income inequality. Boys and girls have similar access to education, although one in three girls enter primary school at least one year later than they should (INEI 2005b). Once in school, girls tend to perform better on average and repeat less but when poor families cannot afford to send all the children to school, girls are the first to get pulled out. Pregnant school-age girls had the right to begin or continue attending school, but few are able to exercise this right because their families can rarely take on the burden and social services do not provide the necessary support. Among poor families, five in 100 girls do not attend school, but in extremely poor families this number doubles. Urban education attainment is 9.3 years for men and 8.1 years for women, but in rural areas women receive on average 2.9 years of education. The gap in education attainment between urban and rural women in fact widened between 1996 and 2000. The chances of a child being enrolled in preprimary school vary depending on who this child is and where he or she lives. Three of five urban children have access to preprimary education, but if they lived in the countryside only two of them would be enrolled. Further, if they were indigenous, then only one would have a chance to attend preschool. In rural areas, only 57 percent of children enter school at the normative age of six, whereas in urban areas 65 percent do (INEI 2002). Many children interrupt their studies to work or take care of their families, and some will never go back to school. UNESCO data show that one of five children in Peru will drop out before even completing the fourth grade. Repetition and dropout rates are higher in the Central Andes, the poorest region in the country and the most affected by the war (INEI 2002). An indigenous student is three times more likely to repeat the first grade than a non-indigenous one (UNESCO 2002). By the time they graduate from primary school, three of four rural children are older than
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expected. Disparities in access to secondary education are also sizable: only 49 percent of rural children and adolescents enroll in secondary school, compared with 76 percent in Metropolitan Lima. The most common reason for abandoning or not attending school is the lack of schools nearby. Families are hesitant to send their small children and girls to school when it is forty-five minutes to two hours away (especially because in rural areas the child must walk the distance). Another common reason is the difficulties faced in covering the costs of sending a child to school and the need for the child to work and contribute to the family income. Currently, more than two million children work and study at the same time, and 70 percent of them live in rural areas. Approximately one third of all school-aged children and adolescents work during the day instead of attending school. Even if students and their families make the effort to attend school, many perceive public education as irrelevant, low quality, and disconnected from their reality. Language and cultural barriers are of particular importance for indigenous children, but their parents are distrustful of the advantages of bilingual intercultural education. Only half of the children in bilingual communities receive this type of education. Private schools are generally of better quality than public ones. Parents who can afford it choose to enroll their children there. In 2003, about 55 percent of the children from the wealthiest families (top income quintile) were attending private schools, compared with 1 percent of children from the poorest income quintile (INEI 2004). The wide variety of alternatives provided by private schools in major cities contrasts with the absence of private schools offered in remote rural areas. Early Childhood The Wawa Wasis and Wawa Utas (‘‘Children’s house’’ in Quechua and Aymara, respectively), are daycare centers created in 1967 as a community initiative to allow peasant mothers in the south of Peru to earn a living. To encourage their participation in government literacy programs, the government supported the Wawa Wasi initiative by training a special group of teachers in the Piaget framework. In 1973, the government took over the program (renamed PRONOEI) as a nonformal alternative to preschool education offered through the Initial Education Centers (CEIs). The PRONOEIs function as government-run nursery schools or kindergartens for the extremely impoverished areas. There are more than 17,000 PRONOEI centers across the country, serving 400,000 children of that age group between the ages of three to six years old. Between CEIs and PRONEIs, education coverage for three- to five-year-olds is 46 percent. In 1994, given the extremely low coverage of attention to children under three (1.3 percent), the government launched a nationwide system
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of Wawa Wasis with funds from the Inter-American Development Bank and with additional support from the European Community, European Union, UNICEF, and FAO. The Wawa Wasis in their current form are community-managed centers targeted towards poor children from birth to three years old, which provide balanced nutrition, early childhood stimulation, and preventive health. The program also aims at promoting a culture of healthy child-rearing. The centers operate in private homes or communal halls, and sometimes in facilities built for that purpose. There are 4,405 Wawa Wasis, managed with the participation of 369 community councils and 4,780 volunteer mothers (animators) that take care of the children. They are financed primarily jointly by the government (85 percent) and the community (15 percent). In 2005, 37,916 children between six months and four years old attended the Wawa Wasis. Generally, the animators are highly identified with the program and very dedicated to it. Students with Disabilities The constitution provides that persons with disabilities have ‘‘the right to have their dignity respected and to be provided by law with protection, care, rehabilitation, and security’’ (Congreso de la Republica 1993). The National Council for the Integration of People with Disabilities is the unit in charge of coordinating efforts to promote the better treatment of people with disabilities across government sectors. However, despite an increased focus on persons with disabilities, the government has devoted few resources to efforts in this area. Only 0.05 percent of the education budget is assigned to the Special Education Unit of the Ministry of Education. Although construction regulations dictated by the General Law of Protection to Persons with Disabilities mandate barrier-free access for persons with disabilities to public service buildings such as schools and hospitals, limited effort has been made to implement this provision. The Ministry of Education estimates that there are 2.8 million children from birth to fourteen years old with disabilities, and only 1.1 percent of them (31,124) attend school. Of the 57,000 schools in Peru, only 862 enroll students with disabilities; 448 of them are special education centers and the other 414 are regular schools. As a result of this lack of education coverage for disabled people, 41 percent of them are illiterate (CONADIS 2003). Special education programs are extremely centralized: more than 50 percent of students enrolled in such programs live in Lima, 47 percent in other cities, and only 3 percent live in rural areas. In capital cities across the country, children with more severe disability can enroll in special programs, although these programs benefit less than 2,000 students. In rural areas such services do not exist.
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PLAY AND RECREATION Article 14 of the Code of Children and Adolescents recognizes the right to ‘‘education, culture, sports, and recreation.’’ In Article 20, the code establishes the right of children and adolescents to participate in cultural, sportive, and recreational programs, stating that the state must promote and facilitate the use of resources and facilities to those purposes. Municipalities are required to allocate resources and implement programs for children and adolescents in collaboration with civil society. The Family Recreation Centers (CRF) are government facilities managed by the National Institute for Family Well-Being (INABIF) that offer recreational and cultural activities and sports for people of all ages. There are only four active CRFs (located in Lima), which together received in 2004 a total of 6,749 children and adolescents per month on average. The government also sponsors the Park of the Legends Zoo in Lima. In 2004, 4.22 children visited the park. The National Institute of Culture (INC) sponsors the National Ballet, the National Chorus, the National Children’s Chorus (CNNP), and the Symphonic Orchestra, all based in Lima. The National Ballet and the Symphonic Orchestra have the greatest attendance, though they do not target children and adolescents in their shows. However, the CNNP and the newly formed Symphonic Orchestras for Youth and Children promote music for children. The CNNP was created in April 1995 to promote choral singing for children. It has currently forty child artists selected through public auditions. The CNNP has performed in important venues in Lima and other major cities, and recorded two CDs. Every year the CNNP presents a cycle of didactic concerts prepared specially for children, and offers prechorus and percussion workshops. According to figures reported by the INC, in 2003 38,800 people attended CNNP shows, but in 2004 there were only 4,085 participants (Table 13.4). The Youth and Child Symphonic Orchestras were officially recognized in 2003, opening the way for the conformation of the national system of youth and child orchestras, through which orchestras and vocal groups have been formed in Huancayo, Huanuco, Puno, Juliaca, and Huaura, and soon in Tacna and Tarapoto. The Peruvian Institute of Sports (IPD) is in charge of formulating the sports and recreation policy, developing and implementing a National Sports Plan, coordinating with all sectors to support recreation activities and sports, and building and maintaining adequate sports facilities across the country, among other functions. Since 1993, the IPD and the Ministry of Education organize the National School Sport Games, where over one million students compete.
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Table 13.4. Attendance at Cultural Shows, 2000–2004
National Ballet National Chorus National Children’s Chorus Symphonic Orchestra National Theater Total
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
17,463 21,450 13,000
27,071 22,450 10,290
27,898 21,350 15,700
12,738 11,920 38,800
38,239 20,423 4,085
32,136
31,230
36,254
32,571
48,303
7,848 91,897
— 91,041
— 101,202
— 96,029
— 111,050
Source: National Culture Institute, Direction of Planning and Financial Resources.
CHILD LABOR Peru has been criticized by the United Nations for being the only country in Latin America that allows children to work starting at the age of twelve. The problem of child labor has been growing at a fast pace and now involves over two million children, with long-lasting damaging effects. Laws and Enforcement Peru has subscribed the CRC, which acknowledges the right of the child to be protected against economic exploitation and the performance of any job that places him in danger or obstructs his education. The country also subscribes to the ILO Protocols 138 and 182 on the minimum age for admission to work and the prohibition and eradication of the worst forms of child labor, both ratified in 2002. At the national level, the political constitution mandates that the state protect working minors. The Code of Children and Adolescents, issued in August 2000, governs child and adolescent labor practices, although it is not very precise on the minimum age for children to work and covers up child labor during economic crises. The legal minimum age for employment is fourteen, although children between twelve and fourteen are also allowed to work for up to four hours a day if they obtain a special permit from the Ministry of Labor and certify they are attending school. Children ages fifteen to seventeen can work up to six hours a day under the same conditions. In certain sectors, minimum ages are higher: age fifteen in industrial, commercial, or mining work, and age sixteen in the fishing industry. The law also prohibits children from performing jobs that jeopardize their health and development or prevents them from attending school. The Ministry of Labor is responsible for enforcing child labor law, but it has only 170 inspectors (120 working in Lima) for all labor inspections,
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not only those related to children, and they focus on the formal sector. In practice, these restrictions are systematically violated, particularly in the informal sector, which employs most of the working children. In 2003, the Ministry granted 1,020 work permits to children between twelve and seventeen, though it is estimated that more than two million children are working, and two-thirds of them are younger than twelve. Working Children Statistics on the number of working children are subjected to methodological limitations in data collection and should be taken as referential. According to the National Household Survey 2001, IV Trimester, 1,987,165 children aged six to seventeen years old worked, of which 61.4 percent were thirteen years old or younger. Estimations indicate that in 2005, the total number reached 2,265,000. That is to say, one in three Peruvian children are working. Among working children, 71 percent come from poor homes and the others are in the threshold of the poverty line. Gender does not determine age of entry to the workforce, but it does play a role in the type of work performed; 54 percent of the working children are boys (CPETI 2005). The number of working children is growing at a time when more adults are unemployed. In the past twelve years, child labor overall has tripled, but it has affected mostly the younger children. The labor ratio among children aged six to eleven increased ninefold between 1993 and 2001. Overall, the proportion of school-aged children who worked increased from 16 percent in 1996 to 32 percent in 2005. Household surveys indicate that 64.85 percent of them work in agriculture and pasturing animals, 11 percent work in the family business (kiosks and market stands), 6.15 percent domestic labor, and 18 percent in other things: weavers, bakers, repair shop helpers, brick-makers, shoe shiners, canoe drivers, and garbage collectors. They also work in informal transportation, cleaning, construction, mining, garbage collection, and selling products on the street. There are 110,496 children working as domestic employees, 79 percent of them are girls. National surveys show that 62 percent of teenage maids do not attend school, work fifty-seven hours a week, and receive at most half the minimum wage, sometimes $20 to $30 per month. High-risk child labor increased with the worsening in living conditions of the population, with growing numbers of children in working in sanitation landfills, gold mining, stone quarries, firework factories, cane cutting, etc. It is estimated that 5,000 children are exploited by drug-traffickers, working with highly toxic chemicals. NGOs and other observers sustain that adolescent prostitution is also a growing problem, although there are no reliable statistics on its extent. Approximately 50,000 children work in artisan gold mining; 31,000 of them are six to eleven years old. They work up to twelve hours a day with one day of rest a week and are exposed to
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mercury, dust, gases, accidents, sudden temperature changes, and lack of oxygen. Older children work as porters, miners, and moving large rocks to demolish the minerals. The younger boys work in the cleaning and selection of minerals. The Ananea gold mine in Puno employs 400 children ages ten to fifteen to work in large holes carved in the snow or rock in the Ananea snowpeak at 5,400 meters above sea level, in temperatures that reach 26°C. The children are chosen for their short height, because the galleries are less than ninety centimeters high. They do not have any equipment, protection gear, or first aid kits. About fifty to eighty ‘‘mole children,’’ ages five to thirteen years, are employed in pomes stone mines. They work with their families digging deep holes in the mountains and then they go into the holes and extract the stones manually. They spend long hours inside those small tunnels without any protection and often are barefoot. Rural child work is not homogeneous. It is crucial to distinguish between partial self-subsistence and commercial agriculture. In the first case, communities commercialize their products to a very limited extent in small fairs or by exchanging their products. In this context, children work along with their families, and it becomes an important part of the socialization process, in which parents transfer knowledge and children develop skills. This is not to say that children are free of risk, most notably of abandoning school. In commercial agriculture, children are hired by other people and paid by the amount they produce. The salary and working conditions are established by the patron, and there is hardly any educational value to the experience. For example, children in the Amazon jungle harvest coffee, and on the northern coast they are hired to work in rice plantations. One in five school-aged working children does not go to school. Among adolescents between fourteen and seventeen years old, 41 percent of those who work are not in school, compared to 13 percent of those who do not work. That is, working adolescents are three times more likely to be out of school than if they were not working. Of the ones who work and attend school, half are at least one year behind in his or her studies. The main health problems associated with child labor are chronic malnutrition, injuries to the vertebral column, nervous system alterations, intoxication, pollution exposure, tetanus, physical overstress, and lack of resting time. Government Programs and NGOs The Program of Street Educators, from the Ministry of Women and Social Development (MIMDES), targets working and street children to prevent them from performing jobs that go against their own development. The program provides support for their return to school by helping with tuition and tutoring, among other services. The Ministry of Education, on the other hand, initiated a tutorial program in the daytime
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schools, whereby teachers made themselves available to give extra help to working students and keep those students in regular school programs. The only government programs tending to working children and adolescents are the Street Educators Program and the Colibri Project, established in 1992 and 1991, respectively. The Street Educator Program is implemented by the INABIF to promote the integral development of street and working children and adolescents. In 2004, 8,265 children received attention through the program in the seventeen departments across the country. The Street Educators Program has weakened over the years. In 2005, it attended 4,535 working children in sixteen different departments and 322 street children in Lima (217), Loreto (22), Cajamarca (46), and Ica (37). The Colibri Project targets street children by offering tutoring and education support to help them stay in school, recreation and socializing space, and workshops on self-esteem, hygiene, and AIDS prevention. It is organized by the National Movement of Organized Working Children and Adolescents of Peru, a federation of organizations created in 1996, and under the tutelage of the national police. However, the project is not always aligned with state policies regarding prevention and eradication of child labor. In addition, some ministries carry on separate activities targeting street and working children, but they traditionally lack coordination. In 2003 the National Executive Committee to Prevent and Eradicate Child Labor was created to evaluate, coordinate, and monitor all the activities of prevention and eradication of child labor. Its aim is to articulate efforts and formulate policy proposals. In 2005, it elaborated the National Plan of Prevention and Eradication of Child Labor. There are a number of NGOs working in favor of children’s rights. In 1992, thirty-five of these institutions from different parts of the country founded the National Initiative Group for the Rights of Children in Peru, a coordination body charged with preparing the alternative follow-up report on the implementation of the International CRC and presenting it to the UN Committee. The reports are prepared in consultation with 260 institutions working with children and adolescents. Some of the regional children rights coordination bodies have adopted child labor as one of their main areas of concern, namely CODENI in Cusco, COTADENA in Ayacucho, and COTADENI in Lima. In addition, there are hundreds of NGOs involved in protecting the rights of children, many of which work directly with working children and adolescents. For example, the Center of Studies and Publications advocates for the access to public schooling for working children and teens, permanence and academic success in the school environment. The United Workers Program (Programa Chamberos Unidos) from EDAPROSPO, is a experience of credit and training for working children and adolescents with the objective of helping them improve their economic projects and develop small enterprises within a framework of
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personal and ethical development. And the ANAR Foundation is dedicated to the protection of at-risk children and adolescents through a home for abandoned children and a phone help-line. FAMILY Family Composition Out of every ten households with children or adolescents, six consist of nuclear families (one or both parents living with their children), three are extended families, and one is either a composed family (which includes members that are not related by blood) or another type of household. In rural areas, the proportion of nuclear homes is greater than in urban areas, while extended homes are more common in the cities. Most Peruvian households are headed by men. Only 15.2 percent of children live in homes with a female head. The proportion of children living in a household headed by their parents is higher in rural areas (85 percent) than in urban areas (74 percent). The opposite is true for children living in their grandparents’ home: 22 percent in Metropolitan Lima and 12 percent in rural areas. However, the fact that more children are living in homes headed by their grandparents in urban areas is not necessarily a sign that they live away from their parents. Because housing in Lima and other urban areas is less accessible, many children live in three-generation households where the grandparents have taken in their children with their respective families and given each nuclear family a room or two in the house. Only 4.4 percent of the children live in a household that is not headed by a parent or grandparent. In general, children are expected to live in their parents’ home until they get married or must migrate for work or studies, although this is slowly changing among urban middle-class families. However, for the most part, college students from urban families live with their parents while they study and even after graduation. It is estimated that 720,000 children (from birth to seventeen years) were orphans in 2003, and that 85 percent of orphans attend school. Between 1993 and 2001 2,141 children were adopted. Nearly 8 percent of all households in Peru have one adopted children under fifteen, and the proportion is slightly higher in rural areas. Family and Socialization Child-rearing practices in Peru are diverse and complex, for they are the result of mixtures of indigenous and western traditions. Parental involvement and concern with the well-being of the child varies in form and expression across differently cultural groups, but not necessarily in intensity or depth. Indigenous cultures are structured around family as the basic production unit of society. Each family member assumes complementary
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functions following reciprocity patterns. Thus, children are educated to integrate reciprocity networks from a very early age. Indigenous, particularly Andean, people seek they children to develop a sense of belonging, an understanding of hierarchy and social duties, as well as attitudes of loyalty, respect, and personal contribution to satisfaction of social needs. The infants are breast-fed usually for more than a year and carried on the backs of their mothers in the daytime until they are old enough to walk. There is a strong reliance on children, especially on girls, to take care of younger siblings while mothers work in the fields. Andean children acquire productive and domestic responsibilities at a very early age, becoming a very important labor resource and role models for younger siblings. Children understand quite soon that they are part of some kind of exchange relation with their parents, and they develop the sense of reciprocity, seeing their contribution not as an external exigency but as necessary for the family’s subsistence. Amazonian cultures also place high value on children’s contribution to family income. For instance, being komintsaantsi or ‘‘the man that frequently hunts and succeeds’’ is one of the most appreciated qualities in an Ashaninka man. It is fostered since the child is three years old and entails a whole set of skills that range from hunting animals and knowing their natural cycles to understanding social relationships and the natural environment (Trapnell 1996). In Andean and Amazonian cultures, family offers the children a sense of being a necessary part of a collective, which contributes to their identity development. They grow up being valued according to their capacity to respond to social demands and to contribute to the family. However, when external demands exceed the child’s actual possibilities or require an early over-adaptation, they can jeopardize his/her psychological development (Silva and Panez 2000). As collectivist societies, Peruvian indigenous groups give more emphasis to social roles, norms, and duties instead of to individual expression. The child is inherently and fundamentally connected to others, and therefore his/her identity is developed not in individual terms but in collective ones, through the construction of the sense of belonging to a family and a community. In most of the indigenous cultures the core values are reciprocity, empathy, loyalty, hierarchy, search for consensus, respect, and response to social obligations. Competence and well-being are evaluated in terms of the satisfaction of collective needs and the personal contribution to that end. These characteristics are fostered through the relationship of children with their parents, extended family, community, peers, and teachers. Although indigenous groups share most of these features, they vary from culture to culture. The Andean family structure is characterized by a vertical and rigid system of hierarchy, originating an often strict and authoritative disciplinary system. Punishment, submission, and violence are the constants in the process of socialization. The use of physical
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punishment reaches all social strata and ethnic groups, though access to information and the media is related with more democratic and authoritative parenting styles. Family Law According to the Code of Children and Adolescents, it is the duty of parents to look out for the children’s integral development, provide them with education and support, be good role models and discipline them moderately, and represent them in civil acts. Patria potestas is suspended if one of the parents presents an interdiction against the other; is declared absent by a court; gives orders, advice, or examples that corrupt the child; allows idleness or mendicancy; abuses the child physically or psychologically; or refuses to provide food. Parents can request restitution of their parental rights and guardianship once the situation that caused their suspension has been resolved. Patria potestas ends with the death of the parent, the emancipation of the child when reaching age eighteen, or when the parent relapses into one of the aforementioned misconducts. In cases of conventional separation or divorce, both parents keep their rights and responsibilities over the children. When parents are separated, child custody is determined by agreement between them and taking into account the preferences of the child. If such agreement cannot be reached or if it is harmful for the children, custody will be decided by a specialized judged. If there must be changes in custody, the judge should order it to be done progressively, unless the child is in imminent danger, in which case the change should be immediate. When assigning child custody, the judge should make sure that children remain with the parent with whom they have lived the longest, and children younger than three years of age must stay with their mother. The law requires the judge to listen and consider the opinion of the child before making any decisions. By law, when receiving reports of child abandonment or abuse, the MIMDES carries on a tutelary investigation and then takes measures to protect the child or adolescent. These measures must be communicated to the district attorney’s office, and go from giving orientations to parents and sending Demuna staff in follow-up home visits, to taking the children away and Placing them in a foster home or a special protection center, or giving them for adoption after the judge has declared them in a state of abandonment. HEALTH Infant and Child Mortality There has been significant progress in reducing child mortality rates in Peru in the past two decades. The under-five mortality rate went from
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Table 13.5. Economic Disparities in Child Health Indicators, 2000
Under-5 mortality rate (per 1,000 live births) Infant mortality rate (per 1,000 live births) Births attended by skilled health personnel (%) One-year-olds fully immunized (%) Children under height for age (% under age 5)
Poorest 20%
Richest 20%
92.6 63.5 13.0 57.9 29.4
17.6 13.9 87.5 81.1 4.2
Source: UNICEF, State of the World’s Children 2006.
eighty per 1,000 live births in 1990 to 31.94 in 2005, and infant mortality rate (under one year) went down from sixty per 1,000 to twenty-four in 2004. According to the last report from the Committee on the Rights of the Child, issued in January 27, 2006, child mortality rates have not decreased in the past five years, and in fact have increased significantly in regions with higher poverty indexes and lower access to health services. Mortality in adolescents is lower than in the general population, external causes being the leading cause of death. Complications related to adolescent pregnancy and abortion are the third leading cause of death for women in this age group. Although child and infant mortality rates are below the average in the region, Peru is the country with the greatest inequality in under-five mortality in the world, according to UNICEF’s last State of the World’s Children report (2006). An extremely poor child is more than five times more likely to die than a rich child before turning five. An extremely poor infant is also close to five times more likely to die than a rich one (Table 13.5). Nutrition One of the major problems that affect children’s health in Peru is the high prevalence of chronic nutritional deficit. One in four children under five suffer from chronic malnutrition, and 7.7 percent have it in a severe form. The rates are higher for children younger than two years, with a malnutrition rate of 32 percent. Given these alarming figures, on January 27, 2006, the United Nations’ Committee on the Rights of the Child called upon the Peruvian government to allocate a larger share of the budget to the eradication of child malnutrition, noting that spending on this issue has decreased in the last years (OHCHR–UNICEF 2004). Rural children, those in larger families, and children of women with low education are at a much higher risk. More than 40 percent of rural children present with chronic malnutrition compared with 2.7 percent in urban areas. Half of the children of women who have no formal
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education suffer from chronic malnutrition, compared with only 12.8 percent of children whose mothers have some secondary education. Likewise, children in larger families are more likely to have nutritional deficit. When they are the only child the chances of having chronic malnutrition are 13.2 percent, compared with 42.6 when they are part of a family with five or more children (est. 2000) (INEI 2000). In the poorest quintile, 29.4 percent of under-five children are under the normative height for their age, compared with only 4.2 among the richest. About 11 percent of infants are born with low birth weight (compared with 8.8 in Latin America), a leading cause of child mortality, and only 64 percent of children younger than six months of age received exclusive breastfeeding in 2004. The prevalence of anemia among children under five years was 50 percent in 2000. Vitamin A deficiency in that age group affected 55.3 percent of Peruvian children in 1996. Given the extremely high prevalence of vitamin A deficiency, the Ministry of Health issued technical norms to prevent the deficiency of micronutrients, and interventions on this matter were targeted to children between six and fifty-nine months in 150 provinces located in the poorer regions. Campaigns to educate the public on better practices of complementary feeding for children after six months have been undertaken. Iodine deficiency has been addressed and treated. There are several national nutrition programs sponsored and financed by the government. The child-feeding program targets preschool children (less than six years) and provides them with raw rations of 237 grams. In 2005, it registered an average of 520,840 beneficiaries a month. In addition, the school feeding program benefits 2,773,109 children ages six to twelve and consists of school breakfast and lunch. Also, an average of 794,815 people benefited from supplementary food programs such as popular kitchens in 2004 and 562,900 in 2005. Immunization Immunization coverage in Peru has increased steadily in the past decade, leading to the eradication of measles- and polio-related deaths. All routine EPI vaccines are fully financed by the government. The Extended Immunization Program includes vaccines against yellow fever and hepatitis, besides the basic vaccines. In 2004, 69 percent of children between eighteen and twenty-nine months had received all the basic vaccines (TB, DPT3, Polio3, and measles). Only 57.9 percent of the extremely poor were fully immunized by the time they turn one year of age, compared with 81.1 percent of the wealthiest. Overall, 91 percent of one-year-old children are immunized against tuberculosis, 95 percent receive DPT1 vaccine, 87 percent receive DPT3, 87 percent are immunized against polio, 89 percent against
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Table 13.6. Immunization of One-Year-Old Children, 2004 % of Routine EPI Vaccines Financed by Government Countries and Territories Peru Latin America and Caribbean Developing countries
Immunization 2004 One-Year-Old Children Immunized Against TB
DPT
2004
Polio
Measles
HepB
Hib
Corresponding Vaccines
Total
BCG
DPT1
DPT3
Polio3 Measles HepB3
100 95
91 96
95 96
87 91
87 92
89 92
87 83
91 91
80
84
84
76
79
74
46
—
Source: UNICEF, State of the World’s Children Report 2006.
measles, 87 percent against hepatitis B, and 91 received Haemophilus influenzae type B (Hib) to prevent bacterial meningitis (Table 13.6). About half of the children and adolescents reported experiencing symptoms, disease, or accidents during the survey period August to September 2005. Among them, 30.3 percent were taken to public healthcare facilities, 4.1 percent to private services, and 9.4 percent to other type of services, including traditional healers (curanderos). A high 56.6 percent of sick children did not receive any treatment. The main reasons not to attend a health facility in the case of children were because self-medication and homemade remedies sufficed (71.8 percent) and money constraints (17.7 percent). Some 11.8 percent mentioned the remote location of the health center, lack of trust, and long waiting time as a reason. The remaining 14.2 percent had other reasons (lack of insurance or time, and mistreatment by health personnel). Public Health Care for Children and Access to Water and Sanitation The public health sector in Peru comprises the Ministry of Health, the Social Security system (EsSalud), and the health services of the armed forces and the police. Altogether, it has 51 percent of the country’s hospitals, 69 percent of the health centers, and 99 percent of the health posts. In 1997, the public monopoly for healthcare provision to those covered by EsSalud was modified, allowing the enrollment in private provider institutions for low complexity healthcare needs. In 2000, 30 percent of the population (7,657,986) was covered by EsSalud. Another 20 percent had enough economic resources to enroll in
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private or public health insurance. However, 50 percent of the population (13,333,689) were poor and lacked health insurance. This latter group became the target population of the Integrated Health System (SIS). In 1997, the government launched a subsidy program to provide health coverage for students enrolled in public schools (Free School Insurance [SEG]). Although the program had ample coverage, it also had high infiltration and failed to benefit primarily the poor. Children were assigned to health facilities according to the location of the school they were enrolled in, which could be located far away from their homes. The next year, another subsidy program, the Mother-Child Insurance (SMI), was created to cover pregnant women and children under five. By the year 2000, it had been implemented in eight regions. Evaluations proved that the SMI had lower infiltration than the SEG but also low coverage. Both programs were merged in 2001 into the SIS, and the mother-child component was expanded nationwide. The government’s SIS program offers poor mothers, infants, and school-age children access to health care, including children not attending school. Assignment to health facilities was based on place of residency. All children, whether they were enrolled in school or not, could be covered by the SIS so long they could prove their poverty status. It is estimated that in 2005 only 55.4 percent of children and teenagers had some form of health insurance. The Ministry of Health is responsible for processing mortality information. Precisely, a major limitation in the healthcare system in Peru is mortality under-registration. During the 2000–2005 period, mortality under-registration represented about 42.7 percent, compared with 21.7 percent in the Andean region and 16.2 in Latin America. At the local levels, there is very limited capacity for the analysis of the health situation. Access to water and sanitation in Peru is considerably lower than the average in the region. In 2002, 87 percent of the urban population and 66 percent in rural areas had access to improved drinking water sources, both not only below the average in Latin America but also in the entire developing world. Overall, 62 percent of people use adequate sanitation facilities, but in rural areas only one in three people do (Table 13.7). Table 13.7. Access to Water Sources and Sanitation Facilities, 2002
Countries and Territories Peru Latin America and Caribbean Developing countries
% of Population Using Improved Drinking Water Sources
% of Population Using Adequate Sanitation Facilities
Total
Urban
Rural
Total
Urban
Rural
81 89
87 95
66 69
62 75
72 84
33 44
79
92
70
49
73
31
Source: UNICEF, State of the World’s Children Report 2006.
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Common Diseases That Affect Peruvian Children The most common causes of infant mortality are perinatal diseases, acute respiratory infections (ARIs), diarrhea, genetic anomalies, and nutritional deficits. In Peru, 14.8 percent of under-five deaths are attributable to ARI and 4.7 to diarrhea, compared with 1.7 and 0.1 in the Americas, respectively. Polio-related deaths have been eliminated, and child deaths attributable to diphtheria and tetanus have been significantly reduced through immunization. The proportion of children under four with ARI who are taken to a clinic or hospital has increased significantly in the past decade, from 46 percent in 1996 to 71 percent in 2004. Acute diarrheic disease affects predominantly the children and it is one of the main causes of infant morbidity, particularly among the poor. It is estimated that poor children experience ten to twelve episodes of acute diarrheic disease a year. Most diarrhea-related deaths in children are caused by dehydration. Many of these deaths can be prevented with the use of oral rehydration therapy. In 2004, 46 percent of children under five with diarrhea received oral rehydration therapy and continued feeding. Among the poorest quintile, 38 percent of children with diarrhea were taken to a healthcare facility, compared with 50.9 percent in the wealthiest quintile. During past decades, vector-born diseases such as malaria, dengue, and yellow fever have been classified as re-emerging because they affect large sectors of the poorest populations and those with the least access to health care (Table 13.8). Children younger than fourteen are the group at the highest risk, and the risk increases for working children. These diseases constitute a serious problem among indigenous peoples, but there is limited information on their prevalence. Priority strategies implemented by the government include the eradication of polio and measles; elimination of neonatal tetanus; Integrated Management of Childhood Illness; ‘‘Roll Back Malaria’’; elimination of leprosy; elimination of Triatoma infestans from household environments; Table 13.8. Incidence and Prevalence of Communicable Diseases Malaria Reported Cases 2004
Malaria Risk Malaria API Areas pop (%) (1,000 pop) 2004 2004 The Americas Latin America Andean area Peru
4.6 7.3 10.4 15.4
10.7 16.8 28.5 21.0
872,010 833,947 293,774 85,742
Source: UNICEF, State of the World’s Children Report 2006.
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Dengue AIDS Inci- Tuberculosis Reported dence Rate Incidence Rate Cases (1 million (100,000 pop) 2004 pop) 2003 2003 269,832 268,234 81,545 9,774
129 120.9 30.3 40.1
26.3 39 55.4 115.1
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elimination of urban canine rabies; surveillance of antimicrobial resistance; and safe blood supply. On the other hand, tuberculosis has been on the decline since 1992, although it continues to be the highest in Latin America. The annual risk for tuberculosis infection in children five to six years old decreased from 2,000 to 2,500 per 100,000 children at the beginning of the 1990s to 900 in 1997–1998. The country is carrying out the priority strategy ‘‘Stop Tuberculosis’’ using DOTS (directly observed treatment, short course) and DOTS-Plus. AIDS incidence in 2004 was 40.1 per one million people, that is, more than one thousand new infections. Although the prevalence of HIV/ AIDS is low in Peru compared with many other countries, new infections are concentrated among the young. The risk of HIV infection increases because of lack of information, although the levels of information regarding HIV have increased considerably in the past decade. Sexual and Reproductive Health Maternal Mortality Peru’s maternal mortality ratio has shown impressive declines in recent years. According to UNICEF, the reported maternal mortality ratio went from 280 for every 100,000 births in 1990 to 162 in 2003. The adjusted maternal mortality ratio, which takes into account unreported deaths, was 410 for 100,000 in 2000, one of the highest in Latin America. In Peru, almost one-third of the deliveries takes place at home and are attended by traditional birth attendants or family members. The Health Care System’s lack of cultural sensitivity is one of the reasons for limited demand for maternity care services. Although some indigenous traditions can be detrimental to mothers’ health, many others are harmless or even beneficial. In departments with greater indigenous concentration, only 10 to 20 percent of births are delivered by skilled health personnel. Another important reason is the lack of economic resources to pay for medical care. Among the poorest quintile, 13 percent of births are delivered by health personnel, compared with 87.5 percent among the wealthiest 20 percent. Poor and rural women also tend to live in remote villages where there is no access to health services. The trip to the nearest facility can take hours or days, including long segments by foot. Understandably, this is a difficult journey for a pregnant woman who is about to give birth. Furthermore, often times rural health facilities are not equipped to handle complications and dealing with medical childbirth emergencies. On top of their limited access to health care, poor and rural women are more likely to present with anemia, malnutrition, premature births, and miscarriages, all of which increase the chance of infection, hemorrhage, or toxemia, the immediate causes of maternal mortality. An
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indirect, though common, cause of maternal death is tuberculosis, which affects mostly the poor. According to UNICEF, almost half of the 19,000 infant deaths that occur annually in Peru are attributable to health problems associated with pregnancy and childbirth. Children who lose their mothers have a higher risk of under-five mortality, are less likely to attend schools, and more prone to live under precarious conditions. Targeted public health program such as the SMI were designed to address the major causes of maternal mortality by expanding access to health care to poor mothers. The SIS provides them with free prenatal, delivery and postnatal care, so long as they can attest to their poverty status. The goal of the program is to encourage women in the poorest areas to use existing health services by offering full subsidy for pregnancy and maternity care, and essential pediatric care. Fertility and Contraception Fertility rates have decreased from 4.3 children per woman in 1986 to 2.4 in 2004. Among rural women, fertility went from 6.3 to 3.6 during that period of time. Urban women had 3.1 children on average in 1986, and now they have only two. Poor women (bottom quintile), however, have 5.5 children on average, compared with 1.6 in the case of wealthy women (top quintile). Nearly one in five women ages twenty to twenty-four was married or in permanent union before she was eighteen. Child marriage reaches 35 percent in rural areas. Teenage fertility rates decreased from 29 percent in 1986 to 13 percent in 2000. In 2004, the proportion of women aged fifteen to nineteen years who were already mothers or were having a child for the first time further decreased to 11.3. Adolescent pregnancy is a problem across the country, although it is more prevalent in rural areas, and it is the third most common cause of death, typically from complications during pregnancy, delivery, and the perinatal period, and from abortion. Table 13.9 shows the percentage of teenagers (fifteen to nineteen years old) who are already mothers or bearing a child for the first time, by selected characteristics. The data come from the National Health and Demographic Survey 2004 (ENDES Continua–2004) and compares the total results with those obtained in 2000. It is important to mention that the sampling in these surveys is biased towards Spanish-speaking women, which have lower fertility rates than indigenous women, marry later, and start having children at an older age. Having said that, 17.8 percent of rural teenagers are already mothers or are about to become mothers, compared to 9 percent in urban areas. Women with only primary education are much more likely to become mothers while in their teens (one in four). With regard to birth control, 44.8 percent of women ages fifteen to nineteen reported using some modern method and 13.2 percent use a
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Table 13.9. Teenage Fertility Rates, 2004 Percentage of Teenage Women (15–19 Years Old)
General Characteristics Age, years 15 16 17 18 19 Area of residency Urban Rural Education Without education Primary Secondary Postsecondary Total (2004) ENDES 2000
Already Mothers
Bearing a Child for the First Time
Total
0.8 2.7 5.1 16.4 26.4
0.5 1.6 2 2 2
1.3 4.3 7 18.5 28.4
206 219 229 228 172
8.2 13.7
0.7 4.1
9 17.8
775 279
9.1 25.2 8.3 2.1 9.7 10.7
0 3.7 1.4 0.9 1.6 2.5
9.1 28.9 9.7 3.1 11.3 13
8 140 757 149 1,054 5,645
Sample Size
Source: INEI, ENDES Continua 2004.
traditional method (typically the rhythm method). Only one of every three adolescents uses any form of birth control in their sexual relationships. Every year, of an estimated one million pregnancies, only 40 percent end in wanted births. Peru has one of the world’s highest rates of abortion, and the numbers are rising. Because abortion is only legal when the mother’s life is at risk, many women who experience unwanted pregnancies seek clandestine abortions under unhygienic, dangerous conditions or with unqualified personnel. It is estimated that 352,000 clandestine abortions are performed annually in Peru (est. 2001), which suggests that there is one abortion for each live birth and that each year 5.2 percent of Peruvian women ages fifteen to forty-nine are likely to have an abortion. One in three women who have had an induced abortion will experience complications, and one in seven will be hospitalized. The risks of complications from induced abortions are much higher for poor rural women (44 percent), than for urban women who are not poor (5 percent). Only half of the women who experience complications will reach a hospital. Of the women treated for abortion complications at public health facilities, about 9 to 10 percent are younger than twenty years old.
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Adolescents are more likely to seek inexpensive, later, unsafe abortions. The main reason given by adolescents for having an abortion was that they did not have a stable partner living with them, but they also wanted to continue their studies, felt too young to become mothers, and feared their parents’ reaction (Ferrando 2002). Sexuality Education There are no family planning services for adolescents, and sexual education in Peruvian high schools is very limited. Being a predominantly Catholic country, it is also not a topic that is discussed openly within the family. The Catholic Church exercises strong influence on the provision of information about sexuality, ‘‘acceptable’’ birth control methods, and sexually transmitted diseases to adolescents. The Sexual Education Program was created in 1996 and trained 40,000 teachers with funding from the United Nations Population Fund (10 percent of the total teaching staff). The program also developed teaching guides and instructional materials. The number of youths who have had sex by age thirteen has tripled in recent years. But since 2000, the Peruvian government has drastically reduced the program’s Sexual Education Program budget. In four years, only 10,000 additional instructors have been trained, and only 4,000 teaching guides have been printed. The program has changed little or not at all in the past years and is now too obsolete to meet the new challenges of Peruvian adolescents. Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Transgendered (GLBT) Youth According to recent survey results from Estudio para la Defensa de los Derechos de la Mujer (DEMUS), Peruvians show high intolerance against sexual expressions of homosexuals. Only 10 percent of the population considers same-sex relations as a valid option, and 50 percent do not recognize equal rights for GLBT. Seventy-five percent of respondents stated that homosexual relations are always wrong, and nearly half were not willing to accept gay friends. More than 60 percent perceive the increase in homosexuality as a sign of moral corrosion, and about half sustain that gay people should not be allowed in the armed forces or to become teachers. Thirty percent think that homosexuality is a mental disease. These prejudices translate into passive and active discrimination against the GLBT members of society. They suffer violence and assault in the streets, and often rejection and alienation from their families and friends. They are denied admission to restaurants, clubs, and other public venues, and their voices excluded from mainstream mass media. However, there is a sector of the population, mostly the young, that has more tolerant and respectful attitudes towards homosexuality. More than 20 percent of people agree with same-sex marriages, and 28 percent
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think that gay couples should be allowed to adopt children. In a public activity carried out in Valentines Day in 2004, gay couples joined the traditional celebration in the Love Park in Lima to share a kiss and make a statement under the slogan ‘‘Love doesn’t discriminate.’’ The municipal police tried to throw them out, arguing that it was a bad example for the children, but the activists received support from the public and were finally allowed to kiss. This is a very small but meaningful step forward. Yet, Peruvian society is predominantly homophobic. There are no statistics that reflect the magnitude of the discrimination against GLBT, nor government policies to stop it. The lack of public policies designed to address this problem is reflective of the dominant conservative values and of the Catholic Church’s influence on sexual education and policies related to reproductive and sexual health. GLBT people are recurrently harassed and attacked by municipal police. Nongovernmental Organizations (NGOs) In July 2001, the approval of national youth policy guidelines was a landmark step toward improving services for young people. The role of NGOs and civil society has been crucial in maintaining a focus on youth and their reproductive health, especially with dramatic changes in the political landscape. Among the most important contributions from civil society and the NGO sector was the conformation of a coalition of youth NGOs to develop reproductive health proposals. The POLICY Project gathered twenty-four NGOs in 2002 to help institutionalize and implement the youth policy guidelines and promote youth participation in policymaking. In 2003, the coalition became part of the advisory committee to the newly formed National Youth Council. In following years it successfully advocated for Ministry of Health guidelines on adolescent health, approved in February 2005. The guidelines promote universal access by adolescents to integrated and differentiated health services, with special emphasis on mental and reproductive health. Another important coalition of NGOs that has played a key role in the defense of women and adolescents is CLADEM (Latin American and Caribbean Committee for Defense of Women’s Rights). CLADEM Peru is a national articulation integrated by Movimiento Manuela Ramos, CMP Flora Tristan, DEMUS, Movimiento El Pozo, Milena Radio, Aurora Vivar, GALF, and members on individual status. Its work focuses on expressing and strengthening the efforts of persons and organizations devoted to the defense of women’s rights in Latin America and the Caribbean from a socio-judicial perspective. REDESS-J ovenes (National Network of Education, Sexual Health, and Development for Youth) is another network of professionals and
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members from various NGOs to foster cooperation in the work to improve levels of access, quality and equity in the education, health, and development of youth, with an emphasis on sexual health. DEMUS (http://www.demus.org.pe) is an NGO that, since 1987, has worked to reduce discriminatory practices and violations of the rights of women, expand the coverage of legal services, and promote gender equality. It provides women with the legal representation they cannot afford, orientation, and psychological support. The two most senior feminist organizations, Flora Tristan and Manuela Ramos, were founded in 1978 and 1979 as nonprofit organizations to advocate for women’s rights and provide services to women. The Centro de la Mujer Peruana Flora Tristan (http://www.flora.org.pe) has as a mission to fight the structural causes that restrain the citizenship of women and works in strengthening women’s political participation, advocating for legal reform and monitoring programs, research, and information. The Movement Manuela Ramos (http://www.manuela.org.pe) works on advising, advocacy, training, research, dissemination, and defense of legal, economic, social, political, and reproductive rights of women. The GLBT Peruvian Network (http://grupoimpulsorglbt.galeon. com), created in 2004, is an umbrella organization that brings together several collectives and groups of mostly young activists in the defense of the rights of GLBT people. The Network and the individual organizations lead activities to fight discrimination and in defense of the rights of GLBT people on several fronts (academic, symbolic, political, and cultural). The movement has taken shape in recent years, bringing together the different agendas represented by its members. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS International Legislation Since Peru’s admission to the United Nations in 1945, the country ratified the International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD) in September 1971; the International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) in April 1978; the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CEDAW) in 1982; and the CRC in 1990. In 1962, Peru ratified the International Labour Organisation (ILO) conventions that relate to medical examination and night work for young persons in industrial and nonindustrial occupations: ILO-77/78 Medical Examination of Young Persons Conventions (1946), and ILO-79/90 Night Work of Young Persons Conventions (1948). In 1996, the government of Peru signed an agreement with ILO to implement activities towards the progressive eradication of child labor. This commitment was
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renewed in December 2002 after Peru ratified the ILO-182 Worst Forms of Child Labor Convention (1999) and the ILO-138 Minimum Age Convention (1973) specifying fourteen years as the minimum age for employment. The agreement required the creation of a National Executive Committee on the Eradication of Child Labor (CPETI), which was established in 2003 and assigned the task of elaborating a national plan to address the issue (published in 2005). In addition, Peru has ratified the Optional Protocol to the CRC on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution, and Child Pornography; the Optional Protocol to the CRC in Armed Conflict; the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Trafficking in Persons; and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. Within the Inter-American system, Peru ratified the American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR or ‘‘Pact of San Jose’’) in July 1978 and the Additional Protocol to the American Convention on Human Rights in the Area of Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (‘‘Protocol of San Salvador’’) in June 1995. National Law: The Code of Children and Adolescents In the context of the ratification of the CRC, the government of Peru issued the Code of Children and Adolescents in June 1993, modified in 2000. The code has four books: (1) Rights and Liberties, (2) National System of Integral Attention to the Child and Adolescent, (3) Family Institutions; and (4) Justice Administration for Children and Adolescents. Children (i.e., from birth to age eleven) can be subjected to protective measures if they violate the law, whereas adolescents (twelve to seventeen years of age) can be processed and punished with a socioeducative measure. The socioeducative measures include a warning, community service, assisted probation, limited probation (requires daily report, in person, to the Adolescent Orientation Service), and confinement to a juvenile center. In 2003, there were 425 adolescents in juvenile centers, of which two were twelve years old and nine were thirteen years old. The code created specialized family courts for minors to process cases of child abuse, neglect, and family violence. Dedicated personnel were to be assigned to the attention of children and adolescents in all areas of the judicial system. However, the Committee on the Rights of the Child expressed concern in 2000 with the lack of enforcement of the dispositions in the code, mainly because child services did not have enough personnel, the detention centers were in very precarious conditions and remained unsupervised, and alternative measures to detention were not sufficiently developed. The 2006 report from the Committee on the Rights of the Child recognized important improvements in the enforcement of the Code through the intervention of the family judges and district attorneys, child defense centers, special police, related ministries, and
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municipalities. International cooperation and grassroots organizations have contributed significantly to the attention, prevention, and promotion of children’s rights. In 1998, the Decrees 895 and 899 on Aggravated Terrorism and Criminal Gang Activity, respectively, lowered the minimum age for criminal charges below that stipulated in the CRC. Decree 895 allowed the trial of adolescents aged sixteen and seventeen in cases of terrorism, and was derogated in 2000 due to strong international pressure. Decree 899, on the other hand, was incorporated as a title in the Code of Children and Adolescents and established prison sentences of three to six years as the only possible punishment for pernicious gang activity. A pernicious or criminal gang is defined by the Code as a group of adolescents between twelve and eighteen years old who meet and act to harm third parties, hurt or kill people, damage public or private property, or cause trouble. The repressive practices against juvenile violence have not yielded results in controlling the problem. In 2000, there were 12,950 gang members in Lima alone, 88 percent of whom were younger than twentyfour years old. In 2003, the Special Commission for the Revision of the Code of Children and Adolescents presented a proposal to eliminate the title about criminal gang activities, but it remains in the Code today. Instead, the draft project presented in Congress recently by another Special Commission that reviewed the Penal Code lowers the age of penal responsibility to sixteen years. In the past years, several laws against family and sexual violence have been issued, including Law 26260 against family violence and Law 26763, which stipulates preventive actions and establishes policies to eliminate violence. The latter stipulated the creation of temporary shelter homes for child and adolescent rape victims as part of the National Program Against Family and Sexual Violence. Administration of Justice to Adolescent Offenders The number of adolescents sentenced to confinement in juvenile centers is increasing every year: from 609 in 1995 to 987 in 2001. About two-thirds of the adolescent offenders are confined to juvenile centers, and only one-third receive a different socioeducational punishment. In 2001, 54 percent of the 1,495 adolescents processed were found guilty and sentenced. The Juvenile Center Administration has eight centers for boys and one for girls. In addition, it has an open-regime center for adolescents sentenced to assisted probation. The lack of juvenile centers in many provinces creates serious difficulties for the children and their families, because those who are sentenced to confinement have to be moved to centers located far away from their home and family. This is even more problematic in the case of teenage girls, who must be moved to Lima, where the only female facility is located.
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Another severe problem in the administration of juvenile justice is the slow pace of the process. In 2000, only 1,722 of the 2,387 teenagers held in juvenile centers had been sentenced, whereas 665 had pending processes. The Ombudsman’s Office reported cases of illegal fees charged to teenagers to receive visits, to have a blanket at night, and to avoid being locked up in their cell during the day. Undocumented Children It is estimated that in 2004 there were more than one million undocumented citizens in Peru. To obtain a National Identity Document, the government requires adequate documentation, which includes a birth certificate and a public utility receipt (e.g., phone, water, or electricity bill). However, many rural households have no access to public utilities, and women in rural areas are not always able to give birth in clinics or hospitals, where they would obtain the live birth certificate. Furthermore, because most of these women are among the poorest in the country, they often decide not to register their children to avoid being fined for not giving birth in a healthcare facility, a measure introduced by the Ministry of Health in an effort to reduce infant mortality. Usually, these mothers also live far away from registration offices, and there are reports of discrimination and mistreatment of them during the registration process. UNICEF calculated that approximately 15 percent of children are not registered, the majority of whom are illegitimate children, children of peasants, or children of undocumented parents. The proportion is much higher in rural areas, and indigenous children are less likely to be registered at birth than non-indigenous children. Unregistered children remain invisible to official statistics that inform government policies and are excluded from access to basic services. Several government agencies have been working in coordination with Oxfam to address this problem, easing the requirements to obtain identity paper and carrying out public campaigns. More recently, the CRC recommended in its the 2006 report the modification of the articles in the Civil Code that create obstacles to the exercise of the children’s right to a name and identity, and maintain discriminatory measures against the so-called ‘‘extramarital children.’’ RELIGIOUS LIFE Religious Composition and Rights Peru has been, since its colonization, officially and by majority a Roman Catholic country, with 81 percent of its population professing this faith (2003 est.). Based on census information from 1993, the National Statistics Institute estimates that Protestants, mostly evangelicals or
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Pentecostals, constitute 7.2 percent of the population, although according to the National Evangelical Council, this would reach 12 percent. Non-Christian religions such as Judaism, Islam, Buddhism, and Shintoism account for 2.5 percent of the population. The relations among religions in Peru are generally friendly. The Peruvian Constitution provides for freedom of religion. All faiths are free to establish places of worship, proselytize, and train clergy. Churches or religious denominations are not required to register with the government or apply for a license. Foreign missionary groups operate freely throughout the country. The constitution establishes the separation of church and state, but recognizes the Catholic Church as an important element in the historical, cultural, and moral development of the nation. Consequently, the state provides the Catholic Church with a special status and preferential treatment in education, taxation benefits, remuneration, and subsidies. In 2003, the Office of Ecclesiastical Affairs was established within the Ministry of Justice, and all churches were invited to voluntarily register to receive tax and other benefits. Increasingly, the government is involving leaders from other major religious groups (namely, evangelical) than the Catholic in high-level commissions to address social and human rights issues. The constitution states that religious education is to be provided in keeping with freedom of conscience, but the General Education Law of 1998 mandated that all schools, primary and secondary, public and private, impart religious (i.e., Catholic) education as part of the curriculum. The new education law, approved in 2003, eliminated this requirement. Religious organizations are also involved in the protection of human rights. Among them are the Episcopal Conference of Action for Peace, a branch of the Peruvian Episcopal Conference (the highest authority in the Peruvian Catholic Church); the Peace and Hope Evangelical Association; the National Evangelic Council; and the Freedom of Conscience Institute. Services to Children All dioceses and parishes offer programs for children and adolescents, from catechesis to breakfast, lunch, children’s kitchens, and health promotion programs. Volunteers, nuns, and priests travel regularly to remote communities to educate parents on child nutrition and health, and to measure weight and size of children. Because they work all over the country, the presence of Catholic personnel in remote communities is sometimes stronger than that of the state. There are no statistics on how many children are placed in orphanages, but a large number of orphanages, shelters for street children, and
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drug-rehabilitation centers for youth are run by religious organizations or have a religious focus to than. In fact, most orphanages are run by Catholic nuns and priests. Besides offering homes to children, many of these institutions also offer breakfast or lunch to children in the (typically impoverished) communities where they are located. The parishes coordinate efforts with the government to support activities, campaigns, and programs targeting at-risk and abandoned children. Given the lack of public resources and personnel, religious congregations are entrusted with the management of government homes for children. The Movement of Working Children and Adolescents Sons of Christian Workers (Movimiento de Ni~ nos y Adolescentes Trabajadores Hijos de Obreros Cristianos) is a nationwide Catholic organization opened to all Christian faiths. The Movement was created in 1978 with the aim of strengthening a movement already created by the working children to protect their rights and attend their needs. The Movement, managed and led by children, slowly spread across the country and beyond its borders. It now offers services to thousands of working children and adolescents across the country and Latin America, including: the educational program or school, which offers an alternative curriculum for working children; the welcome houses, where children can come to eat, play, and receive training in productive activities and sports; and the PRONATS or programs for children working in the street. The emphasis on the leading role of children gives them a voice and helps them learn to articulate their needs, problems, and demands. Fe y Alegrıa schools (http://www.feyalegria.org) are part of a fiftyyear-old Latin American movement for popular education. Located in poor peri-urban and rural communities, these schools offer preprimary, primary, and secondary education with a progressive pedagogical approach. They are typically integrated to the broader community where they operate, also offering adult education, employment training, support for the creation of small businesses, teacher training, as well as community development, health, and other projects. Fe y Alegrıa schools represent an alternative to public education for poor children and work as part of the cooperation between the government and the Catholic Church. In Peru, Fe y Alegrıa began in 1966, with four schools in the outskirts of Lima. Today, there are sixty-four large Fe y Alegrıa schools across the country, four rural networks articulating ninety-seven small schools, and two technological institutes of higher education. They are administered by thirty-seven congregations, with 75,000 thousand students and 2,963 teaching and nonteaching staff. Generally, they offer better-quality education for the same cost or less than public schools. Dropout rates in Fe y Alegrıa schools are Peru are less than half of that in comparable public schools, and their repetition rate is also much lower.
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CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Child Abuse and Neglect In the past years the number of charges of abuse of children or adolescents has increased. The most common forms of child abuse are physical, psychological, child neglect, and sexual abuse. The culture of mistreatment of children is widespread across all socioeconomic sectors, and it is related to socioeconomic stress as well as traditional conceptions of childrearing, authority, and discipline. Recent government surveys revealed that nearly half of the children report being beaten by their parents on a daily basis and consider such practices a natural disciplining method. There are no consolidated statistics on child abuse, but rather scattered figures produced by defense and emergency centers, which only account for reported cases. In fact, the apparent increases in cases of child abuse may not necessarily indicate an increase in their occurrence but in the frequency they are reported, as social and protection services expand and reach more communities. The Emergency Centers for Women (CEM) received 4,195 cases of girls and 1,734 cases of boys in 2005, which together represented 24 percent of the total cases received that year (Table 13.10). The defense centers register around 100,000 complaints, 17 percent of which are related to physical abuse. However, many abuse cases are never reported to the authorities, for many people believe that such problems should be resolved privately. Child abuse is predominantly perpetrated by relatives of the children. In 62 percent of the cases, it comes from their parents or step-parents, and in 13 percent of the cases from other relatives. In such situations, physical and psychological violence are less likely to be reported by children. Several child abuse cases are reported in schools every year as well. Sexual abuse affects children and adolescents disproportionately. In 2005, four in five victims of sexual violence attended by the CEMs was a child or adolescent, and 14.5 percent of the victims reporting physical or psychological violence ranged from birth to seventeen years old. It is estimated that eight in ten cases of sexual abuse are perpetrated by a relative of the victim, and six in ten pregnancies of girls between eleven and fourteen years old are the result of incest or rape. Street Children Street children and adolescents usually come from dysfunctional or reconstituted families from which they run away or are thrown out, and where they are subjected to constant abuse. Most of them abandon school as well, because it turns out to be for the most part incompatible with life in the streets.
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748 1,581 2,295 4,624 29,759 15.5%
Total
Source: CEM’s Case Registry System.
Under 5 years old 6 to 11 years old 12 to 17 years old Subtotal (0–17) Total (all ages) % Children and adolescent cases
Age Groups
374 887 1,842 3,103 26,155 11.9%
Girls
2002
374 694 453 1,521 3,604 42.2%
Boys 844 1,655 2,594 5,093 28,053 18.2%
Total 428 950 2,119 3,497 25,156 13.9%
Girls
2003
416 705 475 1,596 2,897 55.1%
Boys 816 1,995 2,916 5,727 30,280 18.9%
Total
446 1,183 2,397 4,026 27,452 14.7%
Girls
2004
Children and Adolescents Received
Table 13.10. Cases of Children and Adolescents Received in the Emergency Centers for Women, 2002–2005
370 812 519 1,701 2,828 60.1%
Boys
824 2,041 3,064 5,929 24,541 24.2%
Total
457 1,227 2,511 4,195 22,136 19.0%
Girls
2005
367 814 553 1,734 2,405 72.1%
Boys
PERU
Other children are simply abandoned or neglected, and are not taken into homes or shelters because they are at their full capacity or in inadequate conditions. Street children are exposed to drug abuse (mostly glue inhaling), prostitution, delinquency, and other major risks, without access to the minimum health services. They are stigmatized by mainstream society and invisible to public policy. In Peru, the street children that are pick~ pockets are known as piranitas (little piranhas). There are no comprehensive statistics on the number of children living in the streets, and few of them are actually reached by government programs. In 2001, the first census of street children was carried out for Lima and Callao (Vara Horna 2001), interviewing a total of 134 children, most of them boys (77 percent). Children are thrown out from their home for the first time on average between the ages of eleven and twelve (for boys the average is lower than for girls), but some children were living in the streets since they were two years old. Their level of education attainment is directly related to the age of first expulsion from home. The older the children were when they went into the streets for the first time, the longer they stayed in school, and the lower the probabilities of them using robbery, prostitution, or mendicancy to survive. Nearly two-thirds of the children were interviewed in the census robe. In addition, 43.8 percent work, 19.2 percent self-medicate, 17.7 percent are street vendors, and 5.4 percent prostitute themselves. The most frequent survival activities for boys are robbery (70.9 percent), work (44.7 percent), mendicancy (20.4 percent), street vending (11.7 percent), and prostitution (1.9 percent). For girls, the most common activities are street vending and work (40.7 percent in both cases), robbery (33.3 percent), prostitution (18.5 percent), and mendicancy (14.8 percent). When children are able to work legally, they are less likely to get involved in illegal activity. Most children come from relatively large families, particularly those who abandoned their home younger. About 40 percent said their fathers had not completed primary school, and 59 percent had mothers with incomplete or no primary schooling. The majority of them witnessed verbal violence between their parents in the months before their leaving home: 44 percent at least twice a week, and 30 percent almost every day. Over one-third of the children observed violence leading to physical harm between their parents at least twice a week. Child abuse is one of the most common reasons for children to leave their homes, along with feeling they are not loved or wanted. Two-thirds of the children showed interest in maintaining contact with their families. Half of them had had some contact with a relative in the past two days, and girls were more interested in staying in contact. Street children live under bridges, on the sidewalks, in abandoned buildings, and in public parks, and usually sleep in groups to protect each other. On average, according to the census, an average of six to seven
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people sleep together. Nineteen children reported sleeping with ten to fifteen other people, and five children said they slept with twenty or more. On average, children were interned in shelters or homes 3.19 times. Boys are interned more times, but girls tend to stay slightly longer. The median number of days girls stay in a shelter is thirty-six, compared to thirty-three days for boys. Girls also have more positive attitudes towards shelters than boys. Two-thirds of children smoke at least twice a week, and 74 percent drink with that frequency. About glue inhaling, 29 percent do it twice a week, and 62.7 percent do it on a daily basis. Twenty-eight percent of children consume cocaine at least twice a week, and 17.2 percent do other drugs regularly. Four in five children had had sexual relations, 29 percent of them before the age of thirteen. Less than half of them have used a contraceptive method. Among the girls, 45.2 percent have been pregnant at least once, and a third have one or two living children. About their plans for the future, 86.7 percent want to work, 63.7 want to study, and 31 percent want to establish a family. They want to study tailoring, auto mechanics, arts, cosmetology, electricity, or accounting; and they would like to be soccer players, drivers, construction workers, gardeners, carpenters, shoe makers, and so on. Trafficking and Sexual Exploitation Trafficking in persons and sexual exploitation of minors continue to be serious problems in Peru. Commercial sexual exploitation of children and adolescents is expanding alarmingly, especially in popular tourist destinations like Iquitos, Cusco, and Lima; artisan-mining zones such as La Riconada, in Puno; and in ports and cities with high commercial activity like Chiclayo and Huancayo. Between 2002 and 2005 there were 5,000 cases of disappearance or human trafficking reported, 35 percent of which were children. Most cases occur in remote areas, particularly in Ayacucho. Nevertheless, there is not yet in place a statistical system to follow trafficking prosecutions nationwide. The 2004 Country Report on Human Rights Practices, issued by the U.S. Department of State, noted that trafficking to Spain and Japan operate through organized criminal networks, though internal trafficking is a far greater problem. Girls are taken from the Amazon and Andean regions into cities or mining areas to work as prostitutes or maids. Informal networks involved in this trafficking often include boyfriends and even the families of the victims. The 1997 special report on the sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography for the UN Commission on Human Rights mentioned the phenomenon of fleteo, by which boys eight to twenty years old who live at home are prostituted to supplement the family income or buy
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drugs or new clothes. This continues to be a problem not only for children exploited by their families but also for those who are abandoned and living in the streets. In 2004, new laws increased the penalties for rape and for pimps and clients of underage prostitutes. Rape of minors is punished with eight to fifteen years in prison if the victim is between fourteen and eighteen years of age, twenty years to life in prison if the victim is less than fourteen years of age. The revised trafficking statutes now provide punishments for human trafficking with sexual exploitation purposes (including prostitution, sexual slavery, or pornography) from five to ten years’ imprisonment. If the trafficking victim is a minor, the punishment is ten to fifteen years’ imprisonment. Penalties for pimps and clients of underage prostitutes range from four to eight years in prison. The new laws also criminalize Internet child pornography and sexual tourism involving children, and punish those who profit from these activities. Important steps have been taken by the government, in coordination with NGOs and religious organizations, to control sexual exploitation and trafficking of children in Peru, including education programs and shelters for underage prostitutes and police raids of brothels employing underage prostitutes. Children and the War During the 1980s and 1990s, Peru experienced the deadliest armed conflict in its history, with terrorist movements and armed forces immersed in a war that placed peasants and indigenous peoples in the line of fire. More than 69,000 people died or disappeared, and 1.6 million people were directly victimized by political violence, a third of which were children and adolescents. It is estimated that 43,000 children were orphaned by the war. According to the Truth Commission Report, three of four fatal victims from the conflict were indigenous. The generalized situation of terror and insecurity seriously aggravated the already precarious living conditions in the countryside, forcing the massive displacement to the cities. It is estimated that 600,000 people were displaced, among them children orphaned by the war. There are no comprehensive figures, but the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Peru (CVR 2003) has reported 2,952 known cases of crimes and violations against the rights of children, which were perpetrated by government agents, the Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso, or SL), and, to a lesser extent, by the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA). The analysis is based on the cases for which the age was known, but these constitute a little over 60 percent of all registered cases. The database of the CVR shows that 12.1 percent of the deadly victims of the conflict where children. The Shining Path killed 49.7 percent of them, and another 42.2 percent were executed by the state. Often these
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murders were part of incursions into rural communities by the armed forces or SL in which the residents were killed massively without regard of their age, gender, or innocence. Many children also died or suffered severe injuries from mines, grenades, or other explosives installed in civilian areas. About 7 percent of the torture victims with known age were children. The state tortured 70 percent of these children. Many more children were tortured psychologically, being forced to witness extreme violence and abuse perpetrated against their family members and neighbors. There were cases reported in which the children were tortured to force their parents to give information or incriminate themselves. The CVR has registered eighty-five cases of sexual violence against children, 70.6 percent of which were performed by government agents and 18.8 percent by SL. More than half of the girls that were raped were ten to fifteen years old, and 35 percent were sixteen or seventeen. Based on testimonies, the CVR estimates that 13.2 percent of forced disappearances by armed or police forces involved children. In many parts of the country, not carrying the electoral ID was cause of arrest and, later, disappearance. Under these circumstances, hundreds of adolescents were detained. Most detentions and disappearances of children affected sixteen- and seventeen-year-olds. More than half of the detained children were later disappeared. In June 1992 the government approved the Law Decree 25564, which allowed the trial of fifteen- to seventeen-year-olds as adults in military courts and before ‘‘faceless judges’’ who protected their identities by wearing black hoods in court. Many adolescents were illegally and arbitrarily condemned to long sentences based solely in self-incriminatory testimonies obtained through torture. However, the detention of minors was performed even before the approval of this law. Human rights organizations managed to derogate the law in April 1995. The imprisoned adolescents were treated as adults, including prohibition of visits beyond the limits established by antiterrorist law. During the conflict, children and adolescents were recruited by the Shining Path and the MRTA guerrillas, the self-defense committees (rondas), and the armed forces. Every year, adolescents from the poorest sectors of society were caught in raids (levas or batidas) and forced to enlist in the army. The law imposed military service for teenagers ages fifteen to seventeen, but sometimes even younger children were recruited through threats and coercion. Once taken in, these youths would be put under severe discipline regimes characterized by systematic punishment, including beatings, humiliation, torture, and other cruel and inhuman treatment. In exceptional cases, these measures resulted in death. Self-defense committees were community-based organizations to protect villages from terrorist attacks. Although the law established eighteen as the minimum age to be a member of a self-defense committee, by
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1995 there were about 4,000 children who were part of them. Children as young as thirteen years of age already participated in armed activities and confrontations. The Shining Path had a persistent, repetitive policy of forced recruitment of children. Most of them were peasants from rural areas and three in four were boys. Recruited children were seen as the hope and future of SL. When families and communities refused to contribute their quota of children, terrorists would take them anyway, threatening or killing those who opposed. Terrorists went into the schools and recruited the tallest, strongest, and most dedicated students. Teachers who tried to protect their students were murdered. The youngest (less than eleven years old) did not participate directly in confrontations or incursions, but they would be messengers, vigilantes, spies, and also help gathering food, cleaning, carriers, and working the fields. When they turned twelve, they learned to use arms and lances and to make bombs. They were trained to be part of armed actions and some were used as childbombs. The MRTA also used forced recruitment and abduction of children. In fact, during the hostage situation in the Japanese Ambassador’s residency, many of the kidnappers, by then already teenagers, were abducted themselves when children (and were illegally executed by military forces). Following the CVR’s final report, the government has slowly moved toward reparation. In 2004, it provided 793 scholarships to students orphaned by political violence, which cover the costs of education all the way to the tertiary level. In 2005, only 184 scholarships for technical and higher education were granted to orphans from the war. Two and a half years after the publication of the report, there is not yet a reparation program in place. Protection of Children and Adolescents Defense and Emergency Centers The Code of Children and Adolescents created the Child and Adolescent Defense Centers, which began functioning in 1994. These centers are programs of alternative justice that promote and protect the legal rights of children and adolescents through extrajudicial conciliations between spouses, parents, and relatives, regarding child support, custody, and visitation, as long as there are no pending judicial processes on these matters. Settlements adjudicated by these offices are legally binding and have the same force as judgments entered by a court of law. With 1,312 centers, the Child and Adolescent Defense Centers now have nationwide coverage. Municipalities at the district and province levels manage 46 percent of these centers (Demunas), and the other fiftyfour percent is run by local churches, schools, NGOs, and communitybased organizations. The defense centers receive more than 100,000 cases
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per year about child support, child custody, visitation agreements, birth certificate rectification, overdue birth registrations, school enrollment, and arbitrary detentions. In Metropolitan Lima and Callao alone the centers received 87,850 cases in 2003 and 103,749 cases in 2004. The Demunas in particular have become the most important service of attention and protection of childhood at the local level, despite political and economic constraints. Most defense centers are staffed with law students, for only the wealthiest districts can afford to higher professional staff (lawyers, psychologists, and social workers). Although they are recognized in the municipal law and are part of the organizational structure of municipalities, their strengthening depends fundamentally on the political will of elected authorities. Thus, with the change in local governments that followed the 2001 municipal elections, the Demunas suffered a reduction in their allocated resources and loss many of their qualified staff. Similarly, the School Defense Centers, established by the Ministry of Education in public schools, were excluded from the Ministry’s Operative Institutional Plan 2005. In addition, the Ministry of Health has implemented Units of Attention to Child Abuse (Modulos de Atenci on al Maltrato Infantil) in twenty-one hospitals across the country, and the MIMDES launched the Program Against Family and Sexual Violence in April 2001. This program manages thirty-eight CEMs across the country, where services are also offered to child and adolescent victims of physical, psychological, or sexual violence. The program runs ten shelters in coordination with the Beneficence Societies to protect victims of family and sexual violence. National Institute of Family Well-Being (INABIF) The National Institute of Family Well-Being (INABIF) is the unit in the MIMDES responsible for protect and supporting at-risk or abandoned children, adolescents, women, and elderly people. It manages the National System for the Development of At-Risk Population, and coordinates, evaluates, and supervises the performance of the Beneficence Societies. In 2005, 39,731 people were served every month by the INABIF programs, 22,591 of which were in Lima. The INABIF programs include the Street Educators Program (see section on Child Labor), the Centers of Family Integral Development (CEDIF), and the Integral Protection Centers or homes for children and adolescents. CEDIF centers operate in fifteen departments in Peru, though 61 percent of the nearly 32,000 cases received on average per month in 2005 were in Lima. According to the reports from the CEDIFs, the centers received an average of fifty-eight infants (under one), 12,753 children (one to twelve years old), and 4,690 teenagers (thirteen to seventeen years old) every month; 11,094 of them in Lima and 6,951 in provinces. The peak months were during winter, from July to September.
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The Integral Protection Centers are homes, houses, and villages (hogares, casa, and aldeas, respectively) that offer specialized attention to abandoned children and adolescents during a transition period, with the objective of achieving an adequate reinsertion to the family. In Lima, there are twelve such establishments: Aldea San Ricardo, Casa de la Mujer y Promoci on Comunal Santa Rosa, Casa Estancia Domi, Casas Hogar Sagrado Coraz on de Jes us, Casas Hogar San Miguel Arcangel, Hogar Arco Iris, Hogar Divino Jes us, Hogar Ermelinda Carrera, Hogar Ni~ no Jes us de Praga, Hogar San Antonio, Hogar San Francisco de Asıs, and Hogar Santa Rita de Casia. There are another twenty homes in provinces: Hogar Andres Avelino Caceres, Hogar Buen Pastor, Hogar Jes us Mi Luz, Hogar La Ni~ na, Hogar Padre Angel Rodrıguez, Hogar Paul Harris, Hogar Pillco Mozo, Hogar Rosa Marıa Checa, Hogar Sagrado Coraz on de Jes us, Hogar San Jose, Hogar San Juan Bosco, Hogar San Luis Gonzaga, Hogar San Martın de Porres, Hogar San Pedrito, Hogar San Vicente de Paul, Hogar Santa Teresita del Ni~ no Jes us, Hogar Santo Domingo Savio, Hogar Se~ nor de Luren, Hogar Urpi, and Hogar Virgen de Fatima. As mentioned before, several of these homes are run by nuns or priests. During 2005, the Integral Protection Centers received 2,574 cases per month in fourteen departments, almost half of which were in Lima. Of these, forty-eight were infants (under one), 279 were preschool children (one to five years), 900 were children ages six to twelve, and 1,182 were teenagers ages thirteen to seventeen. Among the motives to go to the homes, nearly half of the cases were caused by moral or material abandonment (48.4 percent), 8.9 percent because of economic crises, 8 percent due to physical or psychological abuse, 7.2 percent caused by sexual exploitation, and 5.2 percent had run away from their homes. NGOs There are several other NGOs involved in protecting children and adolescents. Many of them run Defense Centers and participate in the COMUDENAS (Municipal Committees for the Rights of Children and Adolescents). The COMUDENAS constitute the second stage of the Demuna’s work, aimed at developing a national municipal system for the protection and promotion of the child and adolescent. These are permanent bodies that coordinate government and civil society at the community level (schools, health posts, parishes, NGOs) efforts to generate initiatives and contribute to the formulation of public policies to protect children’s rights. The Program Against Child Abuse and Sexual Exploitation is part of the national protection system for children and adolescents and operates under the structure of the COMUDENAS. The program’s lines of action are: (1) developing a legal framework to discourage child prostitution; (2) organizing local networks for the prevention and intervention on the
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issue; (3) organizing a protection network to work directly with prostituted children and adolescents; (4) mass media awareness; (5) coordinated with law and order institutions; and (6) working with children and teenagers through their school municipalities (student organizations in primary and secondary schools). Asociaci on Kallpa promotes healthy work environments for children and adolescents, training social educators to facilitate the process. Asociaci on Kusi Warma focuses on nutrition and protection of babies and children in extreme poverty and particularly in the protection of at-risk children and children victims of abuse. Asociaci on Paz y Esperanza is an evangelical-protestant organization focusing on the promotion of justice and the development of the poor, working with children victims of sexual abuse or political violence. The Center for Psychosocial Development and Advice works with families, communities, and schools to raise awareness on the importance of mental health in children and adolescents, with a focus on the prevention of child abuse and sexual violence. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The majority of Peruvian children entered the twenty-first century in poverty, and too many continue to live with, or die from, hunger. The economic prosperity and growth of the country is not leaking down to the poor, and the likelihood of children having to work full-time is on the rise. Because of widespread underemployment, children live in households where the adults must work several shifts or find many simultaneous jobs in order to support the family. Even so, compared with the previous generations, these children will enjoy increasing access to basic public services such as education, immunization, health, and sanitation. Access to the Internet and other new technologies will also expand and reach sectors that are currently excluded. The children of this century are growing up in a country that places much greater value than ever on its cultural diversity and heritage. Policy efforts are devoted to educate the children in tolerance, understanding, and appreciation of the different cultures and races that form the country. However, intergroup and interpersonal relations in Peru are still heavily guided by hierarchical principles that were set down in colonial times, and children are socialized into a deeply racist, exclusionary society. At the same time, television programming, advertisements, and Hollywood films continue to reinforce the association between whiteness and westernization with ideals of beauty and success. Indigenous children learn early on that more opportunities are given to those who speak Spanish without an accent, the same reason why their parents strongly resist bilingual education in schools.
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The 2006 report from the Committee on the Rights of the Child observed that although political violence and terrorist activities have diminished, these continue to have a negative impact on the lives, survival, and development of children. Furthermore, massive trauma like this does not remain in the victims themselves, but it is transmitted across generations. Today’s youngest children are the sons and daughters of the children of the war, who are not always able to provide the emotional support and protection to their children that they would like. Depression, post-traumatic stress, anger, and anxiety, are some of the scars left by the war in today’s young parents. Many never experienced themselves what being taken care of felt like, and they struggle today to provide their children with what they never received. Some mothers do not breastfeed because they believe that trauma, pain, and anger can be transmitted to children through their milk, and they want to protect them. Past and future are inseparable. The Incas believed that time was circular, and that the past would therefore come back. The risks of another armed conflict in Peru are strong, and the signs easily dismissed. Even after the defeat of the terrorist movements, Peru is far from being at peace. The violence of social inequality, exclusion, and exploitation continue to divide the country and its people, and is the breeding ground for political violence. For the country to prevent such a thing from ever happening again, stronger emphasis in sustainable social policies and particular attention to the well-being of all children is crucial. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings ~ en el Peru. 1st ed. Lima: UNICEF, 2004. This Cortez, Rafael. El Estado de la Ninez is an analytical compendium of several sources that summarizes the situation of Peruvian children. It is a useful reference for analysts and policy-makers, and it is based primarily in two national surveys: the Demographics and Family Health Survey 2000 (ENDES 2000) and the National Survey of Living Standards (ENNIV) for 2001. The analysis looks into the situation of children from different socioeconomic backgrounds and geographic location. Cueto, Santiago, ed. Informe de Progreso Educativo: Peru 2003. 1st ed. Lima: GRADE, 2004. This report provides a comprehensive-yet-synthetic evaluation of the trends and current situation of education in Peru. It offers useful comparisons with neighboring countries, national goals, and past performance of Peruvian education, using as a framework the regional priorities defined by PREAL in 1998. It rates the progress of Peruvian education in a series of key indicators and policies and assigns ‘‘grades’’ based on the best available evidence. Sedlacek, Guilherme, Suzanne Duryea, Nadeem Ilahi, and Masaru Sasaki. Child Labor, Schooling, and Poverty in Latin America. Working Paper No. 32742. Washington, D.C.: The World Bank, 2005. This paper examines the links between child labor, schooling, and poverty in Latin America. In particular, it
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emphasizes two issues: first, research needs to establish the nature of the relationship between child labor and education. For example, it is not clear whether child labor discourages school attendance or if it only lowers the quality of school attainment. Second, child labor and its effect on education do not operate in a vacuum but are both outcomes of complex household-level decisions. The paper concludes that potential interventions that address child labor and low educational attainment include the new breed of targeted conditional transfer programs for human development, such as PROGRESA in Mexico and Bolsa Escola in Brazil. These programs target poor families with children, and they also make cash transfers to the beneficiaries on the condition that their children regularly attend school, raising the returns of child time in school relative to the value of child time in the labor force. Silva, Giselle, R. Panez. Resiliencia en el Ande: Un Modelo Para Promoverla en los Ni~ nos. Lima: Panez y Silva Consultores, 2000. This book develops a framework for the promotion of resilience in the Peruvian Andes based on the field experience in the regions of Ayacucho, Huancavelica, and Apurımac. The book also presents the results of several research projects that were conducted in the area.
Nonprint Resources Documentary Films Certain Emptiness. (Ciertos vacıos). 2004. Directed by Humberto Saco. Produced by Accufilm, Rayo Verde Documentales. This is the situation of three orphans who lost their parents to terrorism and military repression. The documentary explores the sequels of violence lived during childhood. Daughters of War (Hijas de la Violencia). 1998. A videotape by Maria Barea. Produced by Warmi Cine y video. How does a 17-year-old mother and leader of a girl gang survive in a region where violence and abuse has become the norm? In Daughters of War, Peruvian director Maria Barea documents Gabriela’s life in Ayacucho, Peru, the former Maoist guerrilla stronghold ravaged by civil war in the 1980s. As Gabriela’s story unfolds, we witness firsthand the effects that war, drugs, and poverty have had on this generation of youths in Peru and will have on generations to come. Loving Teacher (Cari~ noso maestro). 2003. Directed by Maja Maja Tillmann Salas. Produced by PRATEC. The coming together of the Andean-Amazonic community and the rural school. In the process, teachers and peasants try to change their attitudes to turn the school into a place where children can learn, nicely, the patterns of both worlds, their own and the western/modern one, without undermining their cultural identity. On the Way to School (Camino a la escuela). 2004. Directed by Humberto Saco. Produced by Accufilm, Rayo Verde Documentales. Seven children and a teacher head toward school in the rural Southern Peru, showing the precarious conditions of education in this part of the country. Sounds of Hope (Sonidos de esperanza). 2005. Directed by Raquel Cuarite Valdivia. Tells the story of a group of children and teenagers from the provinces of Peru that with effort and dedication earn the possibility of performing symphonic music through the Child and Youth Symphonic Orchestras. The film is shot in Lima, Huancayo, Arequipa, and Cusco, showing the preparation leading to a big concert in the Cathedral of Lima.
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Peruvian Movies Fallen From Heaven (Caıdos del Cielo). 1990. Directed by Francisco J. Lombardy. Co-produced by Inca Films/Tornasol Films. It is a social look into the difficult reality of the 1980s through three generations of characters. This story of two children pushed by their blind grandmother into a world of violence is based on the tale ‘‘Gallinazos sin Plumas’’ (1955) by Julio Ramon Riveiro. The woman, living in a shantytown in Lima with her two grandchildren, devotes all of her time and energy to fattening a pig she plans to sell to pay for her eye surgery, forcing the children to work in city dumpsters. Go, Run, Fly (Anda, Corre, Vuela). 1994. Directed by Augusto Tamayo. Gregorio and Juliana, two street children who once struggled to survive, are now twenty-two and nineteen years old. They belong to a generation of young people who have to fight and find their way in the middle of a deep crisis with a civil war going on between the army and the Shining Path. Gregorio is trying to earn money for college at a local gas station. Meanwhile, Juliana is busy trying to feed a passel of ghetto children. She meets Gregorio after she fumbles while picking his pocket. They witness a terrorist attack, and when the police confuse them for terrorists, they must run away. Source: Sandra Brennan, All Movie Guide. Gregorio. 1984. Directed by Fernando Espinoza, Stefan Kaspar, and Alejandro Legaspi. Produced by Grupo Chaski. This film recounts a story of an impoverished rural family that migrated from the countryside to the chaos of the city of Lima. Filmed in both Spanish and Quechua, the film cast non-actors in major roles and was shot in the gritty streets and shantytowns of Lima, lending it documentary authority and a sense of ethnographic authenticity. The squalor of ghetto life is hardly relieved by the back-breaking, low-paying jobs open to the family’s father, and he slowly drinks himself to death. Gregorio, the youngest son, tries to find work in the streets, but becomes increasingly distant from his mother, and gets caught up with a tough crowd of street kids (all played by real street children) and is brought into a life of nihilism and fleeting pleasures. Source: Media Rights and Hal Erickson, All Movie Guide. Juliana. 1988. Directed by Fernando Espinoza and Alejandro Legaspi. Produced by Grupo Chaski. Juliana is the story of a young girl growing up in the slums of Lima. She works hard cleaning graves at the municipal cemetery, but her boorish stepfather drinks up all the money she and her mother make. Her brother ran away a long time ago to work with the raffish Don Pedro and a ragtag gang of boys who sing on the city’s buses. When she can’t take her stepfather’s abuses any more, she cuts her hair, dresses as a boy, and joins Don Pedro and his Dickensian gaggle of urchins, who have come from all parts of Peru. Source: Media Rights. Paper Dove (Paloma de Papel). 2003. Directed by Fabricio Aguilar. Produced by Luna Llena Films. A seemingly idyllic childhood is shattered in a nation torn apart by civil war in this powerful drama from Peru. Juan was an elevenyear-old boy living in a small rural community when the town’s corrupt mayor was killed. Local authorities believe that the murderers are part of the Shining Path, an underground revolutionary army dedicated to bringing down the government, and Juan’s father is arrested for suspected involvement with the group. As Juan tries to adjust to life without his father, he’s abducted by Wilmer, a terrorist leader who is grooming children of the movement into a guerilla army. Source: New York Times, Mark Deming, All Movie Guide.
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Web Sites Action for the Children of Peru, http://www.accionporlosninos.org.pe. Ministry of Education, http://www.minedu.gob.pe. Ministry of Health, http://www.minsa.gob.pe. Ministry of Women and Social Development, http://www.mimdes.gob.pe. National Institute of Family Well-being, http://www.inabif.gob.pe/web. National Program against Family and Sexual Violence, http://www.mimdes.gob.pe/ pncvfs.
Organizations and NGOs International Organizations AECI–Agencia Espa~ nola De Cooperaci on Internacional Miguel Dasso 117 San Isidro Lima, Peru Phone: 440 7832 Fax: 221 2300 Email: [email protected] Amnesty International–Peru Enrique Palacios 735 Letra A Miraflores Lima, Peru Phone/Fax: 447 1360 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.amnistia.org.pe UNICEF–Peru Parque Melit on Porras 350 Miraflores Lima, Peru Phone/Fax: 447 1360 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.unicef.org/peru
NGOs Asociacion Huarayo–Madre de Dios Apartado N° 68 Madre de Dios Calle Fierro 525 Cusco, Peru Phone: 084 810089; 084 810093; 084 810096 Email: [email protected] Asociaci on Kallpa Jr. Rospigliosi 105 Barranco
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Lima, Peru Phone: 242 9693 Fax: 445 5521(112) Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.kallpa.org.pe Asociaci on Kusi Warma Av. Los Patriotas 494 San Miguel Lima, Peru Phone: 578 5914 Phone/Fax: 578 2467 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.kusiwarma.org.pe Asociacion Paz y Esperanza Jr. Arnaldo Marquez 845 Jes us Marıa Lima, Peru Phone: 330 2911 Fax: 330 3576 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.pazyesperanza.org CEAPAZ–Centro de Estudios y Accion para la Paz Juan R. Acevedo 330, Pueblo Libre (Alt. 7 y 8 Av. Sucre) Lima, Peru Phone: 463 5000 Fax: 463 2345 Email: [email protected] CEDAPP–Centro de Desarrollo y Asesoria Psicosocial Av. Diez Canseco 796 San Antonio Miraflores Phone: 241 9009 Fax: 241 7096 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.cedapp.org.pe CEDESCONAM–Centro de Desarrollo Social Comunal por los Ni~ nos, Adolescestes y la Mujer - Pasco Huach on Calle 28 de Julio S/n Pasco Phone: 386 0607 Phone/Fax: 063 720251 Email: [email protected] CEPRODEP–Centro de Promocion y Desarrollo Poblacional Jr. Santiago Wagner (Ex. Torre Tagle) N° 2886 Pueblo Libre Lima, Peru Phone/Fax: 461 7919/460 6282 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.ceprodep.org.pe CODENI–Cusco Huayna Capac 153 Wanchaq - CUSCO
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Phone/Fax: 084 236605 Email: [email protected] CODINFA–Consorcio para el Desarrollo Integral de la Ni~ nez y la Familia Andina Santiago Wagner 2886 (Ex Torre Tagle), Pueblo Libre Lima, Peru Phone/Fax: 261 4863 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.codinfa.org.pe COTADENA–Ayacucho Jr. Grau 564 Ayacucho Phone/Fax: 066 812294 Email: [email protected] Fundacion Anar Montero Rosas 166–Barranco Lima, Peru Phone/Fax: 251 5104/251 6845 E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] Web site: http://www.anarperu.org INCAFAM–Instituto de Capacitacion de la Familia y la Mujer General Sta. Cruz 749 Jes us Marıa Lima, Peru Phone: 431 2449 Fax: 431 1947 Email: [email protected] IPP–Instituto de Pedagogia Popular Coraceros 260 Pueblo Libre Lima, Peru Phone: 423 0347 Fax: 431 4960 Email: ipp-ae@chavın.rcp.net.pe Web site: http://www.ipp-peru.org Proceso Social–Centro de Promocion, Investigacion y Difusion Av. Honorio Delgado 148-A, Ingenierıa -San Martın de Porres Phone/Fax: 381 6889 Email: [email protected] Red Para La Infancia–PERU Av. Diagonal 550, Of. 401 Miraflores Lima, Peru Phone/Fax: 242 8118 Email: [email protected] SUMBI Jr. Juan Pazos 105 Barranco Lima, Peru
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Phone: 247 3067 Fax: 477 9727 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.sumbi.org.pe TACIF–Taller de Capacitaci on e Investigaci on Familiar Capac Yupanqui 1082 Jes us Marıa Lima, Peru Phone: 472 5011 Email: [email protected] TAREA–Asociacion de Publicaciones Educativas Parque Osores 161 (antes Parque Borgo~ na), Pueblo Libre Lima, Peru Phone/Fax: 424 0997; 424 7406; 332 7404 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.tarea.org.pe TIPACOM–Talleres Infantiles Proyectados a la Comunidad Martın Perez 866 Magdalena Lima, Peru Phone/Fax : 461 0402 Email: [email protected]
Selected Bibliography In Spanish Comisi on de la Verdad y la Reconciliaci on (CVR). 2003. Informe Final. Lima: APRODEH. CONADIS. 2003. Plan de Igualdad de Oportunidades 2003–2007. Lima: CONADIS. Congreso de la Republica, Constituci on Polıtica Del Per u. 1993. Lima: Congreso de la Republica del Peru. Art. 7. ~ en el Peru. 1st ed. Lima: UNICEF. Cortez, Rafael. 2004. El Estado de la Ninez CPETI. 2005. Plan Nacional de Prevenci on y Erradicaci on del Trabajo Infantil. Lima: Ministerio de Trabajo: CPETI. Cueto, Santiago, ed. 2004. Informe de Progreso Educativo: Peru 2003. 1st ed. Lima: GRADE. Godenzzi, J. 1996. Educaci on e Interculturalidad en los Andes y la Amazonıa. Cusco: Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos Bartolome de las Casas. Instituto Nacional de Estadıstica e Informatica (INEI). 2005a. Encuesta Nacional De Hogares (ENAHO) Anual Mayo 2003–Abril 2004. Lima: INEI. ———. 2005b. ENAHO Continua. Lima: INEI. ———. 2004. ENAHO IV Trimestre, 2003/2004. Lima: INEI. ———. 2003. ENAHO IV Trimestre, A~ nos 2001–2002. Lima: INEI. ———. 2002. ENAHO IV Trimestre, A~ nos 2001–2002. Lima: INEI. ———. 2001. ENAHO 2001, IV Trimestre. Lima: INEI. ———. 2000. Encuesta Demografica y de Salud Familiar, 1996 y 2000. Lima: INEI.
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———. 1993. Censo Nacional De Poblaci on 1993. Lima: INEI. OHCHR–UNICEF. 2004. Compilaci on de Observaciones Finales del Comit e de los ~ Sobre Paıses de Am Derechos Del Nino e rica Latina y el Caribe (1993–2004). Santiago: OHCHR Regional Office and Regional Office for LAC UNICEF– TACRO. Silva, Giselle, and Rosario Panez. 2000. Resiliencia en el Ande: Un Modelo Para Pro~ Lima: Panez y Silva Consultores. moverla en los Ninos. Theidon, Kimberly. 2004. Entre Pr ojimos: El conflicto armado interno y la polıtica de Lima: IEP. la reconciliaci on en el Peru. Trapnell, Lucy. 1996. ‘‘Pueblos Indıgenas, Educaci on y Curıculo: Una Propuesta desde la Amazonıa.’’ In Educaci on e Interculturalidad en los Andes y la Amazonıa, edited by J. Godenzzi. Cusco: Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos Bartolome de las Casas. 165–185. UNESCO–OREALC. 2003. Laboratorio Latinoamericano de Evaluaci on de la Calidad Educativa. 2nd ed. Santiago de Chile: UNESCO. ~ de la Calle. Lima: Vara Horna, Arıstides. 2001. Primer Censo de los Ninos REDENAC.
In English Casassus, Juan, Sandra Cusato, Juan Enrique Froemel, and Juan Carlos Palafox. 2002. First International Comparative Study: Second Report. Santiago: UNESCO. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). 2005. The World Factbook. http://www.cia.gov/ cia/publications/factbook/geos/pe.html. Chacaltana, Juan. 1998. ‘‘A Case Study of Manthoc, the Movement of Working Children in Peru,’’ in Old Enough to Work, Old Enough to Have a Say, edited by David Tolfree. Estocolmo: R€adda Barnen, 151–78. Ferrando, Delicia. 2002. Clandestine Abortion in Peru, Facts and Figures. Lima: Pathfinder International. OECD. 2001. Knowledge and Skills for Life. First Results from OECD Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2000. Paris: OECD. Paxson, Christina, and Norbert Schady. 2005. Child heath and economic crisis in Peru. The World Bank Economic Review 19, 203–224. Sedlacek, Guilherme, Suzanne Duryea, Nadeem Ilahi, and Masaru Sasaki. 2005. Child Labor, Schooling, and Poverty in Latin America. Working Paper No. 32742. Washington, D.C.: The World Bank. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). 2005. Human Development Report 2005. International Cooperation at a Crossroads: Aid, Trade and Security in an Unequal World. New York: UNDP. U.S. State Department. 2005. Peru: Country Reports on Human Rights Practices– 2004. Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. February 28. World Bank. 2005. Peru: Education Sector Review 2005. Washington, D.C.: World Bank.
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URUGUAY Claudia Peralta Nash and Ariela Peralta Distefano NATIONAL PROFILE The smallest country in South America, the Republic of Uruguay is a country of 176,000 square kilometers (68,000 square miles) bounded on the north by Brazil and on the west by Argentina, with the Atlantic Ocean to the east. Uruguay has a population of just more than three million (INEC 2004). Ninety-four percent of the population, who are of European descent, live mostly on the coast in urban areas. The remainder is composed of African descent (5 percent), and Mestizo or European–Indigenous–African stock (1 percent). Currently, life expectancy is relatively high at 76 years (79.2 years for women; 71.3 years for men; see http://www.uruguay.com). Uruguay is distinguished by its high literacy rate, with an adult literacy rate of 98 percent. Migration from rural to urban areas has been the cause of many social and economic problems. Only about 9 percent of the population lives in rural areas. Despite urbanization, the economy remains dependent on agriculture. Agricultural
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production (12 percent of the gross domestic product [GDP]) and the industrial sector (18 percent of the GDP) make up more than half of the country’s exports. Leading economic sectors include meat processing, agribusiness, wood, wool, leather production and apparel, textiles, and chemicals. Although still relatively small, the software industry is growing rapidly. Tourism has also flourished within the past years with the development of resort areas along the Atlantic coast east of Montevideo, which is the capital and also a chief port and economic center. Political and Economic History Uruguay is a republic with three branches of government: Executive, headed by the president (chief of state and head of government); Legislative-General Assembly, which consists of a Chamber of Deputies Senate; and Judicial, which is headed by the Supreme Court of Justice. Elections are held every five years, and voting is universal and compulsory for all citizens eighteen years of age or older. Uruguay gained its independence from Brazil in 1825. Historically, Uruguay has had a stable political development based on a solid system of political parties with a strong popular foundation. Traditionally, it has been known as the ‘‘Switzerland of America,’’ a magic combination of a country able to always assure high levels of well-being and a wise population able to resolve conflicts. In the mid-1950s, thanks to increasing inflation and a changing world economy, Uruguay entered a period of social and political protest, with increasingly violent repression, culminating in a military coup on June 27, 1973 (Caetano 1994). Democracy was finally recovered on March 1, 1985, when Julio Marıa Sanguinetti, the leader of the Partido Colorado political party, became president. On March 1, 2005, for the first time in the history of Uruguay, the center-left party took office. Tabare Vazquez, a member of the party, won the national election in the first round with a majority of the popular vote (50 percent) and was sworn in as president. The new president assumed a country in deep crisis. Economic Situation According to the latest official statistical data, one-third of the Uruguayan population lives in poverty. Fifty-seven percent of the population is four years of age and younger, and more than 50 percent of those younger than eighteen live below the poverty line. Moreover, 50 percent of the people who are undernourished are younger than eighteen years of age. Three hundred thousand people live in conditions of extreme poverty (taking into account localities with more than 5,000 inhabitants) and almost 70 percent of these are younger than thirty years of age (Caetano 1994). Between 1999 and 2002, the second great crisis of the last twenty
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years took place, with a surprising increase in the rate of poverty, especially among minors of five years of age. Social scientists coin this stage infantilizaci on de pobreza, or poverty of infancy (Caetano 1994). One of every six children 6 years of age and younger lives in poverty (Caetano 1994). The gap between rich and poor has grown in the last thirty to forty years. Thus, families in which education level is lower have experienced diminished income potential and capacity, widening their distance from families in whom the education level is graeter. The phenomenon called infantilizacion de la pobreza has marked this inequality in an alarming manner. More than half of the children in Uruguay live below the poverty line with adults who have low education levels, have difficulty finding jobs, and thus experience suspended income. Furthermore, families with children tend to have lower income than families without children (United Nations Programs for the Development of Uruguay). One-person households constitute a very low percentage of those in poverty, whereas homes with children represent almost 90 percent of the total. Studies show that in Uruguay there is a ‘‘young family,’’ or young parents with children living below the poverty level, and an ‘‘aged family’’ (culturally older family defined as family members living together with or without children) living above the poverty line (United Nations Programs for the Development of Uruguay). Demographics The reduction of births and deaths in Uruguay is similar to the demographic behavior of some European countries, causing the present aging of the population structure that has contributed to changes in family structures during the past twenty years (Calvo and Pellegrini 2005). It is during this last period when changes in the composition of the ‘‘Uruguayan family’’ have become noticeable. Cohabitation has become a valid alternative to marriage. There is a high index of divorce, and an increase in the number of births outside marriage (Calvo and Pellegrini 2005). All of these circumstances have impacted not only family structure but also the social role of the family. Between 1981 and 2001, the increase in single-parent homes has been more significant in Montevideo than in the rest of the country (Calvo and Pellegrini 2005). Today’s society is characterized by values of increasingly different indicators between the social sectors (Calvo and Pellegrini 2005), which translates into inequalities between the genders and the generations (Calvo and Pellegrini 2005). An important fact that will mark the future scene of Uruguay is that the greatest population growth is occurring in the poorest layers of the population (Calvo and Pellegrini 2005). Emigration out of Uruguay increased between 1999 and the crisis of 2002. Data show that around 200,000 mostly educated males between the ages of twenty-five and forty-nine emigrated during that time. This emigration
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has created a structural problem in Uruguay that now generates and will continue to generate serious consequences in the future, given that no policy addresses this phenomenon. In general, an emigration of such magnitude in a decreasing and aging population produces a feeling of frustration, and in the collective minds there is the imaginary idea that the future will be achieved better outside its borders (Calvo and Pellegrini 2005). A phenomenon called residential segregation, defined as the degree of proximity of the families who belong to the same social group, has been identified. Thus, a process of homogenization of the population by districts has occurred, which means that those of similar socioeconomic status tend to reside in the same areas. This is more pronounced in Montevideo, where inhabitants of the coastal area have a much greater level of income than those in the west. However, a ‘‘socioeconomic regionalization’’ of Uruguay still does not exist. Studies conducted by the United Nations Development Programme report that, in recent years, the capacities and operations of the Uruguayan vary in relation to the place of residency. Conceptually, operation means the profit of an individual, which he or she is able to make; the level of profit of operations depends on personal, social, socioeconomic, and cultural factors. Capacities mean the diverse options whereupon a person counts to satisfy his/ her operations and the individual freedom for electing operations (Sen 1999). It is important to also consider that Uruguay is emerging from one of the greatest economic crises of its history, deepening the existing situations of poverty despite growth in macroeconomic indicators (United Nations Programs for the Development of Uruguay). Employment of Women and Men The nature, structuring, organization, culture, and gender division of work have changed dramatically since the massive entrance of females into the workforce. The rate of unemployment is much more elevated among women than men and greater among young people ages fifteen to twentyfour (32 percent) than among adults older than 29 (9 percent). New family arrangements have resulted in a majority of single-family households, or couples without children; reduction of the number of marriages, accompanied by a feminization of the aging population, has contributed to an increase of the percentage of women who live alone. The 1996 urban census reports that 7.4 percent of men lived by themselves, compared with 36.1 percent of women (ECH 1997; Gustavo 2005). Single-parent homes headed by a female accounted for 8.2 percent of the total number, whereas 1.2 percent of the total single-parent homes were headed by men. The recession of 1999 and 2002 increased the unemployment level to around 20 percent, causing foreclosure of industries and a reduction of imports and exacerbating the country’s economic crisis and internal debt. In 2002, a loan from the United States resulted in some stabilization, even
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though poverty and unemployment increased. Uruguay’s economy resumed growth in 2003 with a 2.5 percent increase in the GDP. The GDP grew 1 percent in 2004, and a 5 to 6 percent growth is expected for 2006.
OVERVIEW Financial Resources and Programs
KEY FACTS – URUGUAY Population: 3,460,607 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 12.02 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 75.93 years (2007 est.) Literacy rate (age 15 and over): 98 percent (2003 est.) Internet users: 680,000 (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 6,000 (2001 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) rank: 1 (2006 est.) Sources: CIA World Factbook: Uruguay. https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/uy.html. May 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Uruguay. http://hdr.undp.org/ hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_URY.html. May 29, 2007.
There are several national programs and nongovernment organizations (NGOs) that have been implemented to promote the well-being of children in Uruguay. The Instituto del Ni~ no y Adolescente en Uruguay (INAU), or Institute of the Child and Adolescent, previously known as the National Institute of the Minor (Instituci on Nacional del Menor), is the agency that oversees all aspects of life and welfare of minors from conception until they become adolescents. In 2003, its general child welfare mandate covered about 43,000 children throughout the country from postnatal care services to juvenile detention centers. The institute employs 3,600 staff, subcontracts some 490 NGOs, and has a budget of US$1.2 million dollars per month. The institute, created in 1988, is an official body dedicated to the education of children and youth. Its vision is to provide children and adolescents with suitable environments for their moral, ethical, and job development; adequate community involvement; and family integration. Its mission is to organize, design, implement, and carry out policies that ensure the rights of children and adolescents. In 2001 the InterInstitutional Committee was created to prevent and protect children against sexual exploitation. The committee is chaired by INAU, and they have made it a priority to work through specialized NGOs. La Lınea Azul, or Blue Hotline, was created in 1999 to receive calls from abused children and adolescents, relatives, or third parties and to provide immediate support and information. Most of the calls received thus far have been from third parties such as educational institutions, the health sector, and police departments or courts. The lack of phone calls received from children could be interpreted as the lack of awareness among children of what is considered unacceptable treatment and/or behavior, or could be seen as the lack of formal implementation of the program in key locations such as sport centers and educational institutions. However, not all of the calls report violations; many inquire about orientation and support regarding
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family structure and dynamics, as well as inter- and intra-institutional resources. EDUCATION Preprimary Education Uruguay has the highest literacy rate in Latin America at 97 percent in 2004 (www.uruguay.com). Public education in Uruguay is nonreligious and free from kindergarten to university level. In 2001, there were 87,155 children enrolled in public kindergarten. The educational system in Uruguay (with the exception of higher education) is overseen by the National Administration of Public Education, which includes preschool, primary, secondary, and technical education and educator preparation overseen by a Central Directive Advice (CODICEN), and legally bound by the law of Education 15.739 of March 28, 1985, which was enacted by the Programmatic National Commission (CONAPRO). A series of educational reforms with varying levels of success have followed. The proponents considered that many of the main reforms were motivated by political interest, had dissimilar visions, and lacked the participation of all sectors. During 1995–2000 (second term of J. M. Sanguinetti, Red Party), an education reform was presented by the National Administration of Public Education with the following objectives: to improve the social equity and the quality of education while recognizing educators as professionals. Despite the multiparty integration of the CODICEN, these objectives were not implemented during the government of Jorge Batlle, 2000–2005. Beyond the strong controversies that the reform provoked, today its process continues as a tradition of granting the state a central role in the elaboration and execution of educational policies. On October 20, 1998, law 17.015 provided for free preschool education, which would benefit children younger than six years old. Article 4 modified the ‘‘Code of the Child’’ by establishing compulsory preschool education for children four and five years of age and compulsory primary education for children six to fourteen years of age. In 2002, the established goal of compulsory preschool was reached, and in 2003 was put into law. Thus, Uruguay has implemented universal compulsory preschool for children four and five years old, a fact that has tremendous social implications, fundamentally impacting the poorest sectors of the population. Primary Education Primary school, which contains six grades, is begun at age six. In urban areas, four hours of instruction are given per school day (i.e., twenty hours per week), but primary school children may attend up to twenty-five hours
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per week; school is in session 180 days per year. Classes are coeducational, with one teacher for all subjects. In very small areas, there may be only one teacher for all six grades. There are 420,000 students enrolled in primary school, with 40,000 teachers. Private education, by and large Catholic, has an enrollment of 60,000 students, with 6,000 teachers. This results in a pupil–teacher ratio of approximately ten to one for both public and private education. As of the year 2000, 88 percent of the children who started primary school were likely to reach fifth grade. There are sixty full-time schools that are located in the neediest districts in Montevideo to give pupils from broken families access to schools throughout the day, together with food and psychological support. Uruguay already has the funding to extend this service during the next three years by establishing up to 300 schools of this type serving around 50,000 pupils. Uruguay has achieved virtually universal school enrollment. Some 99 percent of pupils ages four to twelve are covered by the system, which has a 98 percent retention rate. Bilingual schools are being implemented in the public sector at full time school, all textbooks—some 400,000 per year—are provided free of charge, and the availability of computers in schools is increasing. Secondary Education General education in secondary schools encompasses six years of instruction divided into two three-year cycles. The first, or basic cycle, is compulsory. Depending on the grade, there are between thirty-two and thirty-six periods of instruction per week and 180 school days per year. After the first cycle, students may enroll in the second cycle, a three-year upper-secondary education known as the bachillerato, which is geared toward university preparation. In addition to the academic track, public technical education schools provide education that is technical and vocational in nature. Although the gross schooling rate for the basic cycle is high (around 85 percent), for the second cycle the estimated completion rate is 35 percent. Six percent of the adolescents living in families above the poverty level drop out of school, but this figure quadruples in families living below the poverty level (one of five adolescents does not attend any public institution). However, it is important to point out that, at this age, children tend to consider education and work as their only alternatives (http://www.uruguay2030.com/LaOnda/LaOnda/268/A1.htm). Higher Education Higher education consists of university and teacher-training colleges. The two main universities are located in Montevideo, the capital. The University of the Republic (also known as the University of Montevideo), founded in 1849, is public. The Catholic University of Uruguay, or Damaso Antonio Larra~ naga, was established in 1984. The public
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university is the most prestigious one, providing free and open education to all those possessing a bachillerato, or certificate awarded when completing both cycles of secondary education. Despite free access, higher education has tended to be limited to children of middle- and upperincome families because of the expense of relocating to the capital. The number of students who attend the universities continues to grow rapidly, from nearly 61,000 in 1988 to approximately 70,000 in 2006. Education for Disabled Children The National Institute of Statistics (Lemez 2005) estimates that there are more than 260,000 people with physical or psychological disabilities, 52 percent of whom live in low-income households. More than 80,000 receive some type of assistance through the Banco de Previsi on Social whereas the Banco de Seguro del Estado aids people who are classified with temporary disabilities. Children and adolescents represent 18 percent of the disabled population, with the majority of them living in the interior. In 2004, there were nearly 9,000 students in schools for the physically and mentally disabled. These schools serve children up to fourteen years of age and parallel the kindergarten and primary schools. They are open between thirty and forty-five hours a week, and the courses cover basic skills as well as provide occupational workshops. Thirty-two percent of students complete the primary level of education, and the number decreases as they progress through higher levels of education. Support for Families With Children Within the past twenty years, an important reform in the arena of education has emerged, called PLAN CAIF because it involves Los Centros de Atenci on a la Infancia y a la Familia, or Centers of Assistance for Children and Families. PLAN CAIF, which provides services for more than 60,000 children, was developed collaboratively among UNICEF, the state, NGOs, neighborhood associations, and religious and lay institutions. PLAN CAIF provides educational, nutritional, health, and development support, as well as multidisciplinary support for the child and family. Its goal is to achieve social equality for children younger than four years of age and their families by helping them overcome conditions of exclusion and marginalization. Children between the ages of two and three spend from four to eight hours, Monday through Friday, at the center, depending on their specific situation. Children between birth and two years of age participate in psychometric workshops once a week, accompanied by a family member. The Community Project works with the family and the community in the socioeducational arena. The purpose of the program is to bring equality to economically marginalized and disenfranchised families in order to promote integration among different
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families. However, only 70 percent of the children come from economically marginalized families, whereas 30 percent come from more integrated sectors of the population. CHILD LABOR In Uruguay, child labor is prohibited until the age of fifteen; from fifteen to eighteen it is allowed, but with limitations. The Ministry of Labor and Social Security is responsible for enforcing the Child Labor Code that protects children. However, the law has been difficult to enforce, given that the majority of child labor occurs informally. Child labor accounts for 40 percent of the total employment in Uruguay. Another problem is that the Childhood and Adolescence Code that took effect in 2004 establishes that a child is a person younger than thirteen years old, and an adolescent a person younger than eighteen (Article 1). However, when referring to work, the Code uses the term ‘‘adolescent,’’ which could be interpreted as any child older than thirteen years of age. Another factor to consider is that when the Childhood and Adolescence Code mentions age fifteen as the age permitted to work given the legal guarantees established, this limit of age admits exceptions. The International Labour Organization (ILO) (Severine 2004) estimates that the recent economic crisis of 2002 has led to an increase in the number of children working in the informal sector: street vending, agriculture, garbage collection, and begging. The ILO estimates that, in 2002, 1 percent of children ages ten to fourteen were working. Children also engage in prostitution. In 2002, the state government of Maldonado (the department with the highest tourism as the result of its coastline) reported that sex tourism and child prostitution had increased in the state. Prostitution also has been reported in rural areas that have a high rate of unemployment. There are mainly two reasons why children work: (1) poverty faced by the families, and (2) restricted access of the educational system. The National Institute of Statistics reported that in 2002 one-fourth of the Uruguayan population, or 750,000 people, lived below the poverty level (23 percent of people and 15 percent of households). Furthermore, in 2002, 13 percent of the urban population not only suffered from insufficient income but also lacked even basic necessities. The distribution of poverty is concentrated in the north of the capital, Montevideo, and the northeast departments. In 2002, almost half of the children younger than six years of age resided in families with incomes below the poverty level, as well as 29 percent of children ages six to eleven, and 26 percent of children ages twelve to seventeen. The last census, conducted in 1996, reported that there are 103,548 adolescents between the ages of twelve and thirteen; 5,092 of them declared they were working or looking for a job. The number of adolescents between the ages of fifteen and seventeen looking for jobs has been estimated at 24,800, and of children aged five to eleven at 2,700. The
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number of adolescents working or looking for a job varies by gender and zone of residence. Men are more likely to work than women, and rural areas have a larger number of adolescents working than do urban areas. HEALTH Health indicators reveal a delay in the evolution of sanitary services, generally explained by the high rate of unemployment dating from the last economic crisis and resulting in a lack of access to health services. Infant mortality had dropped to very low levels, but this downward trend reversed in 2003 (Faral 2005). It is important to note that the rate of infant mortality is greater in public health institutions than among private institutions. According to the United Nations Development Program, Uruguay does not have a consistent manner of reporting data related to mortality. According to the study conducted by UNICEF, Uruguay shows fewer nutritional problems (2004) within the regional context. Statistics from 2002 show a delay in the growth rate of children, with a greater delay in boys than girls. There are no scientific studies that provide a clear explanation for this phenomenon. The studies conducted by the National Administration of Public Education in 2003 showed that there is ‘‘a negative correlation between the educative level of the mother and the delay of growth’’ (United Nations Programs for the Development of Uruguay). According to studies conducted by the World Bank, the economic crisis has meant a decline in expenditure on health services for the Uruguayan population. In Montevideo, 44 percent of the population makes use of the public health system, whereas outside the capital the use of these services doubles. The rest of the population makes use of private services; about 3 percent lack any general health coverage. Uruguay allocates a high percentage of its country’s revenue to health expenses, although that investment has diminished since the crisis of 2002. In 2000, the public expenditure on health accounted for 32 percent of the total expenditure of the country; however, the cost for those who made use of public health services was less than for those who used private services, according to data revealed in 2005. Because of its homogeneous social structure and the impact of its institutional network, Uruguay has very high rates of immunization and vaccination coverage. The official figures are 99 percent immunization coverage against tuberculosis and 93 percent vaccination coverage against measles and DPT (diphtheria, pertussis, and tetanus). Uruguay’s policy towards HIV/AIDS also has demonstrated positive results regarding the overall mortality rate. Between 1999 and 2002, the mortality rate from HIV/AIDS decreased from forty to ten deaths per year. Although incidence of HIV among women (20 percent of cases) has increased in the country, there is a clear predominance of men (80 percent) afflicted. The epidemic strikes increasingly younger people, with peak incidence among those fifteen to twenty-four years of age
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(http://www.un.org/ga/children/uruguayE.htm). Improvements have also been noted with respect to diarrheas and acute respiratory infections, with the mortality rate declining from 33.4 deaths for every 1,000 live births in 1981 to 21.2 in 1989 to 14.5 in 1999 (Ministry of Public Health). Although a significant reduction in the mortality rate, it is figure with which the country is naturally still not content. The fact that 95 percent of the population has access to adequate sanitation and 98 percent to potable water contributes to the satisfactory state of health. The past decade has seen very substantial improvements in infant nutrition through the maternal breastfeeding program and the state’s feeding services. Public schools provide more than 170,000 daily food packets, with a nutritional content of more than 750 calories each. This means that half of the school-age population receives daily food packets. Even so, 3.5 percent of children younger than the age of five suffer from malnutrition, and almost 1.5 percent from severe malnutrition. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Imprisonment On the basis of the 1995 Law of Civil Security, or Ley de Seguridad Ciudadana, children can be arrested by the police for penal offenses. They can also be arrested for status offenses such as vagrancy. Penal offenses committed by minors are mainly crimes such as theft and aggravated theft. Violent theft and bodily harm constitute the majority of registered crimes committed by minors. Grave crimes such as sexual assault and homicide are rare. The age of criminal responsibility is eighteen; thus juvenile offenders are entitled to a specialized juvenile justice system that devises ‘‘educational measures.’’ The approved text of the Childhood and Adolescence Code, Article 86, establishes that privative measures of freedom will only be applied to adolescents sentenced by the judge, responsible for infractions, and when justified by the judge. Also, they can be applied to convicted adolescents who are not complying with the order of the judge. The juvenile criminal system is composed of three specialized judges, four specialized public lawyers, and four specialized prosecutors based in the capital, Montevideo. The rest of the country has no specialized judicial bodies. After an initial pretrial of up to thirty days, children come before the judge in a preliminary hearing in the presence of an attorney and a public lawyer. At the preliminary hearing, the judge decides whether or not to give the child a custodial sentence; if so, she or he is assigned to one of the Centers of the Institute of Juvenile Rehabilitation with minimum or maximum security. Incarceration in the case of children and adolescents is a last resort, according to Articles 91 and 94 of the Childhood and Adolescence Code, and can only be used when requested by the prosecutor, in cases where it is unavoidable: (1) to ensure the
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future appearance of the defendant in court or (2) in case of potential danger to the victim, plaintiff, or witnesses. The maximum duration for this temporary incarceration is sixty days. The maximum sentence that can be given to a child or adolescent is five years; nevertheless it is possible to shorten the length of incarceration at any time if it is considered that the socio-educational purpose or finalidad socieducativa has been achieved prior to the completion the sentence (Falca 2005). According to studies dating from 2003, the average duration of the penal process for youths is twelve months, and incarceration averages between thirteen and fifteen months, which can be lowered to seven when it is replaced by an alternative sentence such as community service (Viana and Perett 2003). NGOs that specialize in childhood and adolescence issues act as partners in the application of the socioeducational measurement when establishing agreements with the judicial system, offering socioeducational alternatives, also called programs of assisted freedom, in place of confinement. The 2003 penal system study on youths in Montevideo reported that fifty-three received confinement, and 7 percent received sanctions without confinement. No special treatment in the confinement of minors and adolescents with psychiatric problems or drug abuse exists. One of the Centers of the Institute of Juvenile Rehabilitation centers of detention is specifically for girls, and the remainder are for boys. The Center for girls, which houses girls younger than fifteen, has security measures in part of its facility (the Desafıo Center) and none in the remainder (the Center of Oportunidades). Six other centers are available for males ages fifteen to eighteen. Reports received from the center and the lawyer inform future decisions concerning the status and detention of the child. The average duration of imprisonment is about a year, depending on the conduct of the child in detention, the people in charge of his/her case, and requests and appeals. It is important to note that the absence of a strong parental commitment on the part of children influences the decision for imprisonment. The Servicio Paz y Justicia or Service for Peace and JusticeUruguay, one of the biggest NGOs in the country, reports annually on the status of youths deprived of liberty in Uruguay. In a 2005 report, the organization announced that the situation of incarceration of youth continues to show several problems regarding treatment of minors, condition of facilities, and processing time frame (although Servicio Paz y Justicia welcomed the changes of authorities in charge). It also showed that several riots took place during the year, indicating that the situation of deprivation of youths’ liberty needed urgent changes (SERPAJ 2005). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The educative level of the Uruguayan population has increased in the past twenty years, but if compared with other Latin American countries across a longer period of time, the growth has been slower (United
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Nations Program for the Development of Uruguay). Uruguay is well positioned as far as its educational development is concerned, based on the provision for generalized primary education imposed in the middle of the twentieth century.46 Although compulsory preschool attendance for children younger than six was achieved nearly nationwide, rates of matriculation from primary to secondary levels of education did not increase. Since the crisis of 2000–2002, matriculation of youths older than fourteen years of age in the secondary public education system grew considerably, especially in sectors with fewer resources. The explanation of such a phenomenon can be the combination of two factors: the education reform that addressed changes in the patterns of attendance (especially among boys older than fourteen), and the lack of labor opportunities for adolescents. According to specialists, it is quite probable that a lack of labor opportunities was the fundamental reason for the rise in persistence in secondary formal education among the underprivileged. The increase in education levels of women must be accounted for by the merit and ambition of women themselves, as no marked changes have taken place in the areas of discrimination and labor segregation. The economic situation suffered within the past few years has impacted the lives of people, specifically the lives of children. Under new leadership, Uruguay is committed to provide stronger educational systems and better working opportunities. The government is committed to helping families who live below the poverty level to achieve better standards of living. Unfortunately, change takes time, thus time will only tell how the children will fare in the future. RESOURCE GUIDE Web Sites Asociaci on Civil Gurises Unidos, http://www.gurisesunidos.org.uy. Since its foundation in 1989, various projects have been carried out to develop educational issues with the children and adolescents whose rights have been seriously affected. Center for Peace and Justice/Uruguay, http://www.serpaj.org.uy. El Abrojo, http://www.elabrojo.org.uy. Nonprofit organization that specializes in using critical pedagogy in economically and socially marginalized neighborhoods with the goal of creating social inclusion. Foro Juvenil, http://www.forojuvenil.org.uy. A partner of the International Youth Foundation Global Network. Ministry of Education and Culture, http://www.mec.gub.uy.
Organizations and NGOs IELSUR Institute of Legal and Social Studies of Uruguay Plaza Independencia 1376, 8th floor
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Phone: (05982) 98 78 03 and 98 58 73 Fax: (05982) 92 16 99 Email: [email protected]
Selected Bibliography Burastero, E., D. Ceriotti, and M. E. Conte. 2005. El r o tulo del alimento como medio de comunicaci on. ¿Se interesan los consumidores motevideanos por la informaci on contenida en el r o tulo de los alimentos? Unpublished master thesis, Escuela de Nutrici on y Dietetica. Universidad de la Rep ublica Licenciatura en Nutrici on. Caetano, Gerardo, and Jose Rilla. 1994. Historia Contemporanea del Uruguay-De la Colonia al Mercosur 1, 113, Fin de Siglo ed., citing Carlos Real de Azua, La Sociedad Amortiguadora. ~ no es Nada. In 20 Anos ~ de Calvo, Juan Jose, and Adela Pellegrini. 2005. Veinte Anos Democracia. Edited by Taurus (Gerardo Caetano, Comp.). 264–266. De Armas, Gustavo. 2005. De la Sociedad Hiperintegrada al Paıs Fragmentado. ~ de Democracia. Cr o nica del Ultimo Tramo de un Largo Recorrido. In 20 Anos Edited by Taurus (Gerardo Caetano, Comp.). 284–294. Falca, Susana. 2005. Privacion de Libertad de Adolescentes 7 Justicia y Derechos del ~ UNICEF. Nino. Faral, Luis. 2005. 1984–2004: Los ‘‘Cl a sicos’’ de la Salud. In 20 A~ nos de Democracia. Uruguay 1985–2005: Miradas Multiples. Edited by Taurus (Gerardo Caetano, Comp.). 194. Ferandez, J. E., and Hugo De Los Campos. 2004. An a lisis de las polıticas y programas socials en Uruguay: la acci on para prevenir y combatir el trabajo de ni~ nos, ni~ nas, y adolescents. Lima, Per u: OIT/Oficina Internacioal del Trabajo. 1–176. Instituto Nacional de Estadıstica y Censo (INEC). 2004. Censo Fase I. http:// www.ine.gub.uy. La Onda, revista electr onica. n.d. Los cambios, no son una reforma educative ni una on 2006,’’ http://www modificaci on, sino simplemente una ‘‘Reformulaci .uruguay2030.com/LaOnda/LaOnda/268/A1.htm. Lemez, R. La integraci on de las personas con discapacidad en la educaci on superior del Uruguay, Montevideo. Uruguay.com, http://www.uruguay.com. L opez, Hierro. 2002. Twenty-seventh special session of the general assembly of children, May. http://www.un.org/ga/children/uruguayE.htm. Servicio Paz y Justicia (SERPAJ). 2005. Derechos Humanos en el Uruguay. Edited by SERPAJ. Informe. 128–129. Severine, J. 2004. Children Deprived of Their Liberty in Uruguay: With or Without Rights? Geneva, Switzerland: World Organization Against Torture. 1–28. Viana, Alicia Deus, and Diana Gonzalez Perett, eds. 2003. Juicios y Silencios Los Derechos Humanos de Ninos y Adolescentes en el Proceso por Infracci on a la Ley Penal en Uruguay, Konrad Adenauer Stiftung & IACI, eds. 21, 35.
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VENEZUELA Eleonora Villegas-Reimers NATIONAL PROFILE Located on the northern coast of South America, Venezuela borders to the north with the Caribbean Sea, to the west with Colombia, to the east with Guyana, and to the south with Brazil. Renamed the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in the new Constitution, which was approved in December 1999, the country has an area of 912,050 square kilometers or 570.031 square miles. With a population estimated at more than twenty-six million in 2005, and a birth rate of 29.9 per thousand, Venezuela is still a country with low population density overall (U.S. Library of Congress 2005). At the same time, Venezuela is the sixth most populous country in Latin America. About 90 percent of the population lives in 20 percent of the land, where all urban areas are located, and 10 percent of the population is distributed among the 80 percent of land that is rural areas. The population of the country is young; approximately 70 percent of inhabitants are younger than age of forty years, and approximately 29 percent are
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younger than the age of fourteen years (The World Factbook 2006). Today’s Venezuelans are the Population: 26,023,528 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 22.52 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) result of mixing of European, inLife expectancy at birth: 73.28 years (2007 est.) digenous or Amerindian (known Literacy rate (age 15 and over): 93.4 percent (2003 est.) in the United States as Native Net primary school enrollment/attendance (2000–2005): American or American Indian), 80 percent and African heritage. Although People living with HIV/AIDS: 110,000 (2006 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) rank: 16 (2006 est.) the Venezuelan census does not ask questions about race or ethSources: CIA World Factbook: Venezuela. https://www.cia.gov/ nic background, it is estimated library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ve.html. May 29, 2007; UNICEF: At a Glance–Venezuela. http://www.unicef.org/ that 67 percent of the popuinfobycountry/venezuela_statistics.html. May 29, 2007; United lation is Mestizo or of mixed Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development race, 21 percent are Caucasian, Report 2006–Venezuela. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_VEN.html. May 29, 2007; World 10 percent are black, and 2 perHealth Organization (WHO) UNAIDS/WHO Global HIV/AIDS cent indigenous. Online Database. ‘‘Epidemiological Fact Sheet on HIV/AIDS and Up until very recently, VeneSexually Transmitted Diseases: Venezuela.’’ http://www.who.int/ GlobalAtlas/predefinedReports/EFS2006/index.asp?str zuela welcomed significant numSelectedCountry=VE. December 2006. bers of immigrants; right after World War II, many immigrants from Europe, in particular Spain and Portugal, made Venezuela their home. In the 1970s and 1980s, partly because of a very strong economy and a stable democratic government, many people from Latin American countries and the Caribbean immigrated to Venezuela. That trend has begun to reverse recently, and a number of immigrants and first-generation Venezuelans are returning to their home countries or those of their parents. The World Factbook reports a zero net immigration rate estimated for 2006, and it was calculated at 0.04 migrants per 1,000 population in 2004. Despite this, in 2004 it was estimated that about four million Colombians (the largest immigrant group) resided in Venezuela, and that about three-fourths were illegal (U.S. Library of Congress 2005). The official language of the country is Spanish, but there are also a number of indigenous languages spoken by many of the different nations of indigenous people who live in the country. It is calculated that about 200,000 of the 316,000 Amerindians who live in the country speak these languages (U.S. Library of Congress 2005). Most of them live in the remotest rural areas of the country. KEY FACTS – VENEZUELA
OVERVIEW Although Venezuela is a country rich in natural resources—oil is its main industry, but there is also production of coffee, sugar, cacao, etc.— it has undergone a long political and social crisis, and currently there are
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high levels of crime and violence, extreme poverty, and a significant gap in socioeconomic status (World Bank 2006), as shown by the fact that 20 percent of the population receives 53 percent of all income, whereas the poorest 20 percent accounts for only a 3 percent share of the country’s total income. Most agree that the biggest negative effect in the country’s development is its polarized political climate. President Hugo Chavez has said that the country is undergoing ‘‘a true process of revolution,’’ which started in 1998. This revolution attempts to move the country towards what Chavez identifies as ‘‘the socialism of the XXI century.’’ Among the many social problems that the country faces, poverty, income inequality, and criminal violence are at the top. In the last few decades, inequality has worsened, and the poor have suffered disproportionately. According to the U.S. Library of Congress country profile for Venezuela, in 2003–2004, 86 percent of the population was living in general poverty, as compared with 66.5 percent in 1989 when 29.6 percent were living in extreme poverty. Analysts point out the high levels of unemployment, underemployment, and lower real wages earned by employees as reasons for this situation. Even though government statistics place unemployment at 15 percent, the U.S. Department of State (2004) estimates that approximately 50 percent of employed adults work in the informal sector. These critical economic conditions have been associated with an increase in violence and discrimination against women, abuse of children, discrimination against people with disabilities, and inadequate protection of the rights of indigenous people. Violence against women continues to be a problem in the country. There are many reports of domestic violence, but reporting ‘‘family matters’’ to the authorities is not approved of in the culture, so the assumption is that there are many unreported cases. Sexual harassment is common in the work place, yet it is not considered a criminal offense. The country is currently undergoing major transformations that are assessed in different ways by the government and those opposed to the government. On the government side, changes are the result of a necessary socialist revolution, a natural response to the inequalities that exist in the country, especially between the wealthiest who are a very small minority and the poor who are the greatest segment of the population and getting poorer with time. The government has argued that after forty years of ‘‘a so-called democracy’’ the opportunities for the poor are still too limited, thus the new focus on the ‘‘new socialism.’’ On the opposition side, and based on data from international organizations, the state of affairs in Venezuela is very critical, and the current process of transformation is such that democracy is at stake. Even though President Chavez was elected by majority vote and re-elected in 2006, many question the validity of those elections. Before he was president, Chavez was the leader of a military coup that almost overthrew the democratically elected
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president in 1992. Since he was elected president, social and political changes that go against democratic values and principles have been common. For example, the annual report for 2006 of the organization Human Rights Watch lists a number of violations of basic human rights in the country and comments on how common these violations have become. Journalists are being threatened and jailed for speaking against the president; laws have passed that threatened freedom of expression, such as the government having a right to control the content of television programs, even closing the oldest television station in May 2007; and the judicial system is not an independent power of the government, as the president and ‘‘his’’ National Assembly appoint all justices to the system. In this same report, Human Rights Watch (2006) documents how the government continues to pursue efforts to discredit Venezuela’s nongovernmental human rights organizations as well as international organizations. The same kind of data, evidence, and conclusions are presented by Amnesty International. In its 2005 report, Amnesty International writes, ‘‘The lack of independence of the judiciary remained a concern. Persistent social and economic inequalities continue to limit access to the economic and social rights of Afro-descendents and indigenous people’’ (p. 1). In February of 2007, the National Assembly granted President Chavez the authority to rule by decree in eleven general areas for eighteen months. This extra power has created an unbalance in the democratic system and structure of the country. Currently reports from the opposition and from the government tend to present divergent data and information, and many international agencies question the validity and truthfulness of the data presented by the government. Because the country is experiencing these rapid and profound transitions at the time of this writing, both types of information will be presented whenever possible. With these many social and political transformations, the nature of childhood is rapidly changing as well. The level of poverty, street violence, and domestic violence affects children in significant ways. Even though there are laws to protect children and adolescents against violence, the U.S. Department of State reports the newly created laws have not been fully implemented. These next sections present information that gives more specific details about children in Venezuela today. EDUCATION Schooling in Venezuela is free and universal from preschool through higher education, and it is compulsory until the ninth grade. Approximately 20 percent of the national budget is assigned to education. The Venezuelan education system is divided into nine years of elementary or basic education, two or three years of secondary education, and three to five years of higher education. There are a number of private schools at
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all levels, all of which must have a license from the Ministry of Education, Culture, and Sports to operate. All elementary and secondary schools must follow the national curriculum in each grade; this curriculum is prepared and distributed by the Ministry of Education, Culture, and Sports to all schools. Currently under consideration, there is a proposal from the government to close all private schools as, according to the president, the responsibility of the education of youth is that of the state, and thus all education must take place in public state-supported schools. School-age children (i.e., six to eleven years old) attend schools in high percentages: 96 percent of girls and 94.7 percent of boys did in 2004. The literacy rate, defined as people age fifteen years and older who can read and write, is 93.4 percent for the total population, divided into 93.8 percent for males and 93.1 percent for females (The World Factbook 2006). However, UNICEF reports that in 2004 an estimated 45 percent of boys and 35 percent of girls left school before completing ninth grade. In addition, the U.S. Department of State reports in the same year that primary and secondary education was chronically underfunded. Data from the U.S. Department of Labor also show that about one million children and adolescents living in the country were not eligible to receive government assistance, including public education, because their births were not legally documented, regardless of the fact that the Organic Law for the Protection of Childhood and Adolescence does not identify the Venezuelan legal citizenship or residency as a requirement to have children’s rights respected and protected. Children younger than the age of fifteen must attend school in any of the scheduled shifts, between 7 A.M. and 6 P.M. The law also establishes that no child younger than fifteen may study in the evening hours as a way to ensure that the main activity of the child is to study. Evening classes at the primary and secondary levels are designed for adult learners, but adolescents sixteen years and older are allowed to register as well. The percentage of elementary schooling for indigenous children is lower than the national average, and it gets even lower for adolescent indigenous girls who drop out of schools in large numbers. Part of this difference is explained by different gender roles for indigenous girls who enter the adolescent years and are expected to take care of younger siblings and do other home chores that are not supportive of their leaving home to attend school (UNICEF 2006). In an effort to reach more indigenous children, the Ministry of Education, Culture, and Sports has begun to implement an ‘‘intercultural bilingual’’ curriculum in elementary and secondary schools in the states with the highest concentrations of indigenous populations (Zulia to the west, and Amazonas to the south). This curriculum builds on the traditions of the different nations and introduces students to different subject matters. There are seventeen universities, both public and private, and more than seventy-four institutes of higher education (community colleges and
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polytechnic institutes) in the country, where the students can choose from more than 180 different fields or professions (Embassy of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in the U.S. 2007). According to the new Constitution, higher education remains free for all. In 1999, higher education was receiving about 35 percent of the education budget, even though it only served 11 percent of the student population (U.S. Library of Congress 2005). However, in 2003, the government withheld budget from most existing universities and opened the Bolivarian University in Caracas with the explicit purpose of attracting students of low-income backgrounds; data showed that at that time, 70 percent of universities students came from the wealthiest quintile of the population. It is estimated that 9 percent of the labor force is university-trained. The government of President Chavez has created a number of ‘‘social missions’’ to help the poor and reduce the social, economic, and educational gaps that exist between the poor and the rich in the country. The impact of these social missions has not been measured to date. The Social Missions that focus on education are: .
.
.
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Robinson Mission, created to eradicate illiteracy by providing educational opportunities for all Venezuelans at all levels. The program uses an ‘‘innovative pedagogical audiovisual system’’ to help all learn. Robinson II Mission, created to provide all Venezuelans with the opportunity to complete at least a sixth-grade education. It includes a lot of audiovisual work but also includes group meetings with a facilitator. Ribas Mission, created to provide opportunity for all who want to complete a high school education regardless of age. Sucre Mission, created to provide the opportunity so that all have access to college. This mission’s work includes not only academic preparation, but also work that the community has to do to support each person to be ready for college.
PLAY AND RECREATION There is a formal recognition of children’s right to play, and many opportunities for children to do so. Given the tropical climate of the country, children could spend most of their play time outdoors. However, in urban areas, the level of street violence is such that most children are not allowed to be outside their homes. In addition, in areas of high population density—most urban and poor areas of the country where the largest percentage of the population live—the space to play is limited. In major cities, there are a few parks and plazas, but in some parks an entrance fee is charged. The country has a coast line that covers many kilometers, and it is quite common to spend weekends and vacation time at
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the beach all year round. There are public beaches throughout the coast line, and many are easily accessed by public transportation from the largest cities. There are also a number of organizations that facilitate children’s participation in sports activities, vacation camps, and other organized forms of recreation. Baseball is very popular in the country, and many of the most popular players have become members of several U.S. major league baseball teams. Soccer is also gaining some popularity recently, as the national soccer team has been playing well enough to compete in international tournaments. It is quite common for groups of children to organize themselves in their own neighborhoods to play these games. It is not unusual, either, that they so without appropriate equipment; thus, any piece of wood may serve as a bat; any object serves as the bases, and many children kick a soccer ball completely barefoot. One unique characteristic of Venezuela is the great emphasis that the country has given to training children and young adolescents in classical music. There is a National System of Venezuelan Youth and Children’s Orchestras, which was founded in 1975 as a social program to improve the quality of lives for all children. This government-sponsored program offers free music classes to any child who wants to participate, and it also offers instruments for free. Approximately half a million children have completed this program, and many of them have come from the poorest families and neighborhoods. There are now about 200 symphony orchestras in the country, one per each state and many that are national orchestras. This program has inspired many similar programs that now exist in other countries of the region. Most Venezuelan holidays have a religious and more specifically Christian origin (such as Holy Week, Christmas, Easter, Day of All Saints, etc.), or a historical basis (Independence Day, Labor Day, Day of the Independence War). October 12, up until recently known as ‘‘the day of the race’’ (a commemoration of the arrival of the Spanish to America and the beginning of the mix of races that make up Venezuelans today) was recently renamed by President Chavez as ‘‘the Day of Indigenous Resistance.’’ On this day, and for approximately the past ten years, a Day of Celebration for Indigenous Children has been organized in a university in Caracas, the capital city, with the support of UNICEF. The main goal of this celebration is to bring children of the different nations of indigenous people together so that the children can meet one another. More than 150 children have participated each year (UNICEF 2006) and the events have been shown on local television for all children to watch. In this way, all children have been exposed to the traditional songs, dances, and poetry of the different groups represented. According to the World Factbook (2006), there were sixty-six television broadcast stations in 1997, and about 230 radio broadcast stations. The U.S. Library of Congress reports that 70.9 per 1,000 population
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own a personal computer, and the number of Internet users totaled more than 1.5 million, or about 6 percent of the population. Unfortunately, the kinds of images of children and women that are presented in television and other media in Venezuela, as well as other countries in the region, are quite negative. Some analysts have pointed to some of the images as supporting a culture where women and children are sexual objects, and thus promoting sexual violence, rape, and prostitution. Even though the current constitution provides for freedom of speech and of the press, and the government has supported this in general, there are reports that freedom of the press has been slowly worsening in the past two or three years. In 2000, a new telecommunications law was passed that established that the government may order obligatory national broadcasts that pre-empt scheduled programming, including children’s programs, a practice the government has used excessively according to some national and international observers. As evidence of that, in 2003 ‘‘the government required all television and radio stations to air as many as 162 hours of speeches by President Chavez and government officials as well as other pro-government programming, compared with only 73 hours in 2002. In his annual message to the National Assembly in January 2003, President Chavez declared the ‘year of the war against the media’’’ (U.S. Library of Congress 2005, p. 21). Also, according to the new Penal Code approved in March of 2005, a person who ‘‘disrespects the president’’ can be punished with six to thirty months in prison, and that includes journalists and other television or radio hosts. In 2005, another controversial media law was passed. ‘‘The government said it would improve standards by banning the inappropriate airing of scenes of sex and violence. But critics of the bill, which also prohibits material deemed to harm national security, said it was an attempt to silence media criticism’’ (BBC News 2006). On several occasions, the government has defended these policies based on the need to protect children and families from inappropriate messages. CHILD LABOR According to the Venezuelan Organic Law for the Protection of Childhood and Adolescence (see section on Laws and Legal Status), no child younger than the age of fourteen years is permitted to work. It also requires that education schedules are flexible to meet the needs of working adolescents. This law also establishes that in special circumstances, children younger than fourteen are allowed to work, but no child younger than twelve years can work more than six hours a day and thirty hours a week. Yet, according to a 2003 study by the Foundation for Social Action, 63 percent of child street vendors worked seven days a week. Also according to the law, children between fourteen and sixteen years of age need the authorization of their parents or guardians before they can sign a work
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contract. An interesting exception to this regulation is that, according to this law, children younger than the age of fourteen can work in public performances, films, theater, radio or television programs, or in commercial advertising, and the law does not establish a minimum age as to when children can begin working in this area. The law does establish that minors may not work in mines or smelting factories, in occupations that risk their life or health or that could damage their intellectual or moral development. This Organic Law identifies the state as responsible for protecting children and adolescents against sexual exploitation, slavery, and forced labor. Perpetrators are subjected to prison from six months to eight years. According to the U.S. Department of Labor, it is the Venezuelan Ministry of Labor and the National Institute for Minors that are in charge of enforcing child labor laws. However, evidence indicates that this enforcement is more effectively done in the formal sector. In addition, the Public Defenders Office works with UNICEF to strengthen the protection of children and adolescents. The Ministry of Education, Culture, and Sports as well as the Ministry of Health and Social Development have projects whose purpose is to strengthen the protection of children and adolescents. According to estimates from UNICEF, about 10 percent of children ages five to fourteen years in Venezuela were working in 2000, and very limited data are available for the most recent years. This 10 percent, although high, is better than the data reported by UNICEF years before: in 1981 the calculations were that 8.5 percent of children were working, and in 1991 that had increased to 13.9 percent. Most of the children who work are involved in agriculture, artisanry, office work, services, and street vending. About 60 percent of girls between the ages of ten and fourteen who work do so as domestic workers (Global March Against Child Labour 2006). Unfortunately, there are also reports of many children involved in begging, prostitution, petty theft on the streets, and drug trafficking (U.S. Department of Labor 2006). Global March (2003) reports that children exploited by prostitution begin at the average age of twelve years. ECPAT International (2003) also reports that children as young as seven years have been found to be sexually exploited, and that of the approximately 40,000 sexually exploited children in the country, 78 percent are girls between the ages of eight and seventeen years. The Foundation for Training in the Investigation of Human Resources estimated in 2004 that about 1.6 million children were working in the country, and that approximately 206,000 were involved in prostitution, panhandling, or drug trafficking. A new government program named after Simon Bolivar’s black wet nurse and nanny ‘‘Negra Hipolita’’ is in charge of providing more opportunities for education and health for street children. This past year, the program was increased to also help pregnant teenagers and youngsters dealing with drug addictions. The U.S. Department of State (2004) reports that Venezuelan children are often trafficked internationally from Venezuela to Western Europe,
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that Brazilian and Colombian girls are trafficked to and through Venezuela, and that internally rural children are trafficked to the urban centers. In terms of military service, the Global March Against Child Labour reports an estimated 2,500 child soldiers who are in the armed forces, even though the minimum age for voluntary recruitment is eighteen years. This is supported by reports from Amnesty International that indicate that in a few occasions, when seventeen-year-olds report to register in the armed forces, they are asked to pass more demanding tests to be admitted and in the end are allowed to enter. Human Rights Watch reports that the number of child soldiers (soldiers younger than the age of eighteen) is small but not insignificant. Amnesty International also report that some Venezuelan children have been abducted by the Colombian guerrrillas (FARC) who use them as soldiers. FAMILY The Venezuelan culture values the family as the basis of society. This is a concept and an idea that is taught to children and adolescents in schools, and one that is respected widely. In Venezuela, family is not defined in the traditional nuclear structure; rather, family is conceived as the extended family and close friends. For example, a family includes not only the parents, but also the grandparents, cousins, aunts and uncles (all related by blood or marriage), and also close friends, such as godparents or neighbors who sometimes are identified as aunts or uncles. Thus, even though national statistics report that the average family includes five members, this only refers to the nuclear family. Many families are headed by females, either the mother or the grandmother. It is common for members of a family to live close to each other, visit each other regularly, and help each other out in times of need. Most Venezuelans spend a lot of their free time with family. It is also common that at least three generations of the same family live in the same household. However, social structures, economic variables, and extreme poverty have had a negative impact in preserving family life and the traditional family structure. It is becoming more frequent and accepted that the members of the younger generations move to other cities or countries where stronger economies offer the promise of better jobs. And it is also more accepted nowadays that many marriages will end in divorce, a process that is legal in Venezuela. The rate of divorce is about 8 percent. In Venezuela, marriage is a free and voluntary act. According to the Civil Code, the minimum age of marriage is fourteen for the girl and sixteen for the boy; however, if the girl is pregnant and the boy acknowledges that he is the father, the age limitations are waived. Children younger than the age of eighteen need the permission of their parents or guardians to marry. If the parents or guardians refuse, the child may go to Juvenile Court to request authorization to marry.
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According to documents of the government of Venezuela (2004), the Bolivarian Government has assumed preschool education as one of its main responsibilities. Through the Simoncito Project, the government provides support and orientation to mothers during pregnancy and after giving birth, and it provides medical care to babies until the age of four years when they enter kindergarten. The government data report that more than 1.5 million children are receiving support through this program. In addition, the Bolivarian Schools, created by the current government of President Chavez, serve school-age children during the whole day, providing them with breakfast, lunch, and snacks; access to sports and cultural activities; and health services on a daily basis. In addition, three other ‘‘Social Missions’’ created by the current government are intended to strengthen families by reducing poverty and unemployment. They are the Vuelvan Caras Mission, which focuses on eliminating unemployment; Habitat Mission, which focuses on improving housing needs; and Madres del Barrio Mission, which supports housewives, mothers, and their families so that they can overcome extreme poverty. No data about the impact of these missions are available to date. HEALTH The Venezuelan Institute of Social Security offers low- or no-cost health care, and this makes the Venezuelan health infrastructure one of the most advanced in Latin America. Despite that, the national healthcare system has deteriorated since the 1990s. State hospitals are inefficient, crowded, underfunded, and very poorly maintained, and although the private hospitals are staffed with qualified staff and are much better in quality, the cost is inaccessible for most of the population. According to the American Red Cross (2006), recent years have seen a decline in proper health care, and as result childhood illnesses have been increasing again. Evidence of the decreased quality of the health system in the last ten years is the comeback of several communicable diseases such as malaria, measles, dengue fever, and tuberculosis. In addition, immunization for measles, for example, was received by 78 percent of children under the age of twelve months in 2002, while it had been 84 percent of the same population in 1999 (U.S. Library of Congress 2005). For children younger than age five years, malnutrition—classified as stunted or wasted, which are the official United Nations categories for malnutrition—is found in about 17 percent of the population. Most of these children live in two of the poorest states of the country (Delta Amacuro and Amazonas). Also, according to the United Nations, 32 percent of the population lacks adequate sanitation. This is especially critical in the rural areas. About five million people in the country live without access to clean and safe water (UNICEF 2006), and the situation is worse
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in the rural areas. Only 48 percent of the rural population and 71 percent of the urban population have access to improved sanitation. The life expectancy at birth is seventy-two years for males, and seventyeight for females. Healthy life expectancy, however, is lower: sixty-two years for males and sixty-seven years for females. Child mortality rate per 1,000 is twenty for males and seventeen for females. In terms of health expenditures, 4.5 percent of the GDP was used in 2003 or about US$231 per capita. The World Health Organization (2006) also reports an estimated twenty cases per 1,000 for the probability of dying for boys under the age of five years, and seventeen cases per 1,000 for females. The UNAIDS and the World Health Organization estimated that, in Venezuela in 2003, about 110,000 people were infected with the HIV virus, including some thousand children. In the same year, 4,100 Venezuelans died of HIV-related infections. In order to improve this deteriorating health condition, the government has created a number of ‘‘social missions’’ focused on health similar to those created with a focus on education. The social missions focused on health are: .
.
.
.
.
Barrio Adentro Mission [Inside the ‘‘Barrio’’ or Poor Neighborhood]: Provides health care to all by creating medical centers, popular clinics, and ‘‘the people’s hospitals’’ among communities that have limited access to health coverage. Barrio Adentro II: Provides more advanced health care, laboratories, technical support, and equipment (such as x-ray machines, ultrasound machines, etc.). Barrio Adentro III: Provides opportunities to strengthen public hospital services and integrate the different systems (those that are part of the Ministry of Health, the Military, and others) to work together. Milagro [Miracle] Mission: Performs free eye surgery for all who need it. It is part of an agreement between the governments of Venezuela and Cuba. Alimentacion Mission: To guarantee all Venezuelans access to good nutrition.
In terms of sexuality education, secondary school curriculum addresses some topics, but mostly the belief in the country is that children and adolescents should receive that kind of education from their families at home. Although 38 percent of women in Venezuela use modern contraceptives, it has been calculated that about 39 percent of all births are to adolescent mothers. Abortion is illegal in the country in all circumstances, except when the life of the mother is at risk. The birth rate is high in the country. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS There are a number of existing laws and organizations that have been created to protect the rights of children and to prevent child labor. Two
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government organizations are of special importance: the Instituto Nacional del Menor or INAM (National Institute of Minors), and the Consejo Nacional de Derechos del Ni~ no y del Adolescente or CNDNA (National Council for the Rights of the Child and the Adolescent). The National Institute of Minors (INAM) is the organization in charge of protecting and advocating for the rights of children and adolescents, enforcing the national policies created by The National Council for the Rights of the Child and the Adolescent (CNDNA) and promoting the strengthening and creation of new opportunities for development. In addition to this national office, there is an equivalent office at the state level and one at the municipal level as well. All of this work is guided by the regulations established in the Ley Organica de Proteccion Integral a la Ninez y la Adolescencia, or Organic Law for the Protection of Childhood and Adolescence, and the different regulations created by each of the states and municipalities. This national law guarantees that all children (from birth to twelve years) and adolescents (ages twelve to eighteen) who live in the country have rights that all must respect, and these rights begin from the moment of conception (CNDNA 2007). This law was formulated in 1998 as a result of Venezuela having signed the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child and having agreed to develop a law that would represent that Convention in national legislation. This law emphasizes the difference between children who have been abandoned (street children) and juvenile delinquents. In addition, according to this law, all children and adolescents must be treated in ways that are appropriate to their developmental stage. The law also states that the responsibility to support and defend the rights of children and adolescents is in the hands of the family, society, and the state. According to the Minors Protection Act, children under the age of eighteen cannot be considered criminally responsible. However, despite these organizations and laws, many children in the country continue to experience some form of abuse. According to Amnesty International Annual Report (2005), ‘‘The UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination expressed concern that persistent social and economic inequalities continued to restrict the enjoyment of economic and social rights by Afro-descendants and indigenous peoples. It noted that indigenous lands and resources continued to be threatened by outsiders. The Committee also expressed concern about child labor, child prostitution, and about slavery in illegal gold prospecting sites in the upper Orinoco and Casiquiare and Guainia-Rio Negro basins’’ (p. 2). RELIGIOUS LIFE Most Venezuelans, around 96 percent, self-identify as Roman Catholics; 2 percent self-identify as protestant, and the other 2 percent as ‘‘other.’’ The constitution of the country protects freedom of religion on the condition that religious practices do not violate public morality, decency, or the public order. Even though the current government of
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President Chavez has tried to limit the influence of churches in social and political areas, for the most part, freedom of religion is practiced and supported. Foreign missionaries require a special visa to enter the country, and recently a group—New Tribes mission—was expelled from the country by the government on the basis that the group was interfering and possibly damaging the indigenous population. Two religious ceremonies—Baptism and First Communion—are treated as major events in the lives of children. Both events are celebrated with family members, friends, and neighbors, and both are considered important social milestones in the lives of children, regardless of the religious importance the family of those children attribute to the rites. Even though the Catholic Church used to have some influence in policies and common practices, its impact has been decreasing. Increasingly families that self-identify as Catholic do not follow the strict doctrine of the church. For example, many marriages are performed by a judge, not a priest; many families use modern contraceptives, something prohibited by the church. In addition, for the past few years, the relationships between the government and the church have been tense, with each side accusing the other of wrongdoing. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The human rights record of the Venezuelan government is very poor. There are accusations of government killings, torture, abuse of detainees, violations of personal rights by wiretapping private citizens and political opponents, reported by many national and international organizations in charge of human rights. Reports of child abuse are rare, but many assume that this is due to people’s fear to having to go to the authorities whom they do not trust, and also airing private family matters to the public, something that is not culturally acceptable. UNICEF and other nongovernmental organizations working with children and families report that many of the cases of child abuse involve incest. In 2005, CECODAP estimated that approximately 15,000 children lived in the streets. Because institutions that help these children were filled to capacity, many of them ended up in inadequate juvenile detention centers. The American Embassy in Venezuela (2006) reports that Venezuela is a source, transit, and destination country for women and children trafficked for the purposes of sexual exploitation. In addition, Brazilian and Colombian women and girls are trafficked to and through Venezuela. Venezuelans are trafficked internally for the domestic sex trade and to Western Europe, particularly Spain. In addition, there are reports that in border areas Venezuelans are trafficked to mining camps in Guyana for sexual exploitation and abducted by the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) to be used as soldiers.
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The government of Venezuela has no proactive law enforcement strategy to combat trafficking. Human rights organizations and police have received some complaints about trafficking, but Venezuelan authorities maintain they have not identified a widespread problem. Draft legislation addressing organized crime could potentially enhance Venezuelan’s antitrafficking efforts. In addition, the government has no policy to protect trafficking victims. The government administers three shelters for battered women, including a telephone hotline, but officials keep no information on whether any trafficking victims find shelter there. The government does not train officials in identifying or rescuing victims. The government does not formally acknowledge trafficking as a significant problem and conducts no information or education campaigns. The government provides some support for programs to empower women economically. To its credit, the government has removed immigration officials involved in human smuggling, which often can be linked to human trafficking. But Venezuela’s long, porous borders facilitate the movement of trafficked persons into and through the country. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Because the conditions of life in Venezuela are changing so rapidly and because the reports presented by the government and by international organizations and the internal opposition parties are so extremely different, it is very difficult to predict with any level of certainty what the next few years will bring to children and families in the country. If the plans presented by the government to date were to be implemented, private schools would cease to exist, poverty would decrease in significant ways, and all children would have a chance to get educated and meet their most basic needs of food and shelter, and families would be protected and supported. If all that were needed was financial resources, these goals should be met easily, as the prices of oil continue to climb, and that is the most important source of income in the country. However, evidence so far shows that financial resources are not enough, that corruption and violence continue to exist and actually have increased, and that the policies of the government attempt against a healthy democracy, where freedom of choice and expression are unsupported. One thing is for sure: much is left to be done so that all children in Venezuela may have a bright future. The support of the international community is a strong need. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Baynham, A. 2000. Insight Guides Venezuela. Insight Travel Guides. Although listed among travel guides, this book offers information about the Venezuelan culture.
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Ellner, S., and D. Hellinger. 2004. Venezuelan Politics in the Chavez Era. New York: Lynne Rienner Publications. This book describes the political situation of the country, analyzing the sequence of events that has brought the country to today’s revolution. It also offers a description of the political situation of the present. Tarver, H. M., and J. C. Frederick. 2006. History of Venezuela. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. This book describes the history of the country from before Columbus came to the Americas until the present. It is a useful book for high school and college students. It offers great detail and explanations of the different social, economic, and historical forces that shaped the country.
Web Sites Embassy of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in the United States of America, http://www.embavenez-us.org. The official web site of the Venezuelan Embassy in the United States. It includes a variety of information about the country and many useful links. Gobierno Bolivariano de Venezuela, http://www.gobiernoenlinea.ve. This web site is the official site of the Venezuelan government. It includes information such as history, economy, social traditions, organizations, official documents, and literature. It also includes very useful and helpful links to sites that include official and historical documents (such as the constitution, current laws, NGOs, government agencies). It also includes information for children, with videos and music typical of the country, a list of common traditional games, etc. Nonprofit Expert.com, http://www.nonprofitexpert.com. Current information about nonprofit organizations that serve Venezuela. UNICEF, http://www.unicef.org. The website for the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund includes a link to the web page on Venezuela. Descriptions of current projects, agencies, contact information, and useful information about the country can be easily found. U.S. Department of State, http://www.state.gov. This is the official web site of the U.S. Department of State. Among its information, there is a web page for Venezuela, with important information about the country (i.e., its history, economy, politics, current events) and links to a number of agencies that work in country.
Organizations and NGOs The organization Red Venezolana de Organizaciones para el Desarrollo Social lists 440 national not-for-profit organizations and many more international NGOs that work in the country. This very detailed list can be found at http://www.redsoc .org.ve. Some of the NGOs listed include the following:
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Asociacion Ayuda a Un Nino Calle Sur 13, esquina Carabobo a Bombona N° 179 San Agustın del Norte (a 3 cuadras de Parque Central) Caracas, Venezuela Phone: þ58 (212) 577-5140 Web site: http://asoayudanino.org Fundacion Empresas Polar 2da. Ave. Los Cortijos de Lourdes Edf. Fundaci on Polar Piso 1. Caracas, Venezuela Phone: 58 (212) 202-75-30 Web site: http://www.fpolar.org.ve Fundacion Museo de los Ninos Parque Central, Nivel Bolıvar Caracas, Venezuela Phone: 58 (212) 575-02-95 Web site: http://www.curiouskid.com Instituto Venezolano para el Desarrollo Integral del Nino Final Av. Guaicaipuro, Qta. El Rosario Frente a la Calle Capure, Urb. El Marques Caracas, Venezuela Phone: 58 (212) 242-11-47 Email: [email protected]
Selected Bibliography American Red Cross. Integrated Management of Childhood Illnesses: Venezuela. http://www.redcorsss.org/services/intl/imci/Venezuela.asp. Amnesty International. 2006. Venezuela: Overview, Covering Events from January to December 2005. Amnesty International. BBC News. Country profile: Venezuela. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/americas/country_ profiles. Central Intelligence Agency. The World Factbook–Venezuela. http://www.cia.gov/ cia/publications/factbook/geos/ve. Consejo Nacional de Derechos del Nino y del Adolescence (CNDNA). http:// www.cndna.gob.ve. ECPAT International. Child Prostitution. Embassy of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in the United States of America, November 2006. http://www .embavenez-us.org. Government of Venezuela. 2004. ‘‘Worst form of child labor–Venezuela: Global March Against Child Labour.’’ In Early Childhood in the Venezuelan Education Sector: Implementing Child Rights. Government of Venezuela. Human Rights Watch. Human Rights Overview: Venezuela. https://hrw.org. United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF). Venezuela. http://www.unicef.org. U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of International Labor Affairs. Venezuela. http://www.dol.gov/ilab.
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U.S. Department of State. 2004. Trafficking in Persons Report–2004: Venezuela. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of State. ———. Country reports on human rights practices. http://www.state.gov. U.S. Library of Congress, Federal Research Division. Country profile: Venezuela. World Bank. Venezuela, country brief. http://web.worldbank.org. World Health Organization. http://www.who.int/countries/ven/en.
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PRINT RESOURCES de Onis, M., E. Frongillo, and M. Blossner. ‘‘Is Malnutrition Declining? An Analysis of Changes in Levels of Child Malnutrition since 1980.’’ Bulletin of the World Health Organization, 78, 1222–33. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). 2006. Social Panorama of Latin America 2005. Santiago, Chile, May. http:// www.eclac.org. Fass, Paula S. 2006. Children of a New World: Culture, Society, and Globalization. New York: New York University Press. Gallant, Maria. 2003. La formacion para el trabajo y los jovenes en America Latina. Santiago, Chile: CEPAL. Hevener Kaufman, Natalie and Irene Rizzini, eds. 2004. Globalization and Children: Exploring Potentials for Enhancing Opportunities in the Lives of Children and Youth. Seacaucus, NJ: Kluwer Academic Publishers. Lawrence, Harrison, and Jerome Kagan, eds. 2006. Developing Cultures: Essays on Cultural Change. New York: Routledge. Moran, Ricardo. 2003. Escaping the Poverty Trap: Investing in Children in Latin America. Washington: Inter-American Development Bank. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. Convention on the Rights of the Child. http://www.unhchr.ch.html.menu3/b/k2crc.htm. Pardeck, John T. 2006. Children’s Rights: Policy and Practice. 2nd ed. New York: Haworth Press. Pinheiro, Paulo Sergio. 2006. World Report on Violence against Children. Secretary-General’s Study on Violence Against Children. United Nations. Population Reference Bureau. 2006. World Population Data Sheet. http:// www.prb.org. Portes, Alejandro, and Ruben Rumbaut. 2001. Children of Immigrant in America: Ethnicities. California: University of California Press. Save the Children. 2007. State of the World’s Mothers 2007: Saving the Lives of Children under 5. Westport, CT: Save the Children. http://www.savethechildren .org/publications/mothers/2007/SOWM-2007-final.pdf. Schady, Norbert. 2006. Early Childhood Development in Latin America and the Caribbean. World Bank Policy Research Working Paper No. 3869.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Schkolnik, Mariana. 2005. Caraterizacion de la insercion laboral de los jovenes. New York: United Nations, ECLAC. Sedlacek, Guilherme, Suzanne Duryea, Nadeem Ilahi, and Masaru Sasaki. 2005. Child Labor, Schooling and Poverty in Latin America. Working Paper No. 32742. Washington, DC: The World Bank. Tompkins, Cynthia Margarita, and Kristen Sternberg, eds. 2004. Teen Life in Latin America and the Caribbean. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. UNICEF and World Health Organization. 2007. Immunization Summary: The 2007 Edition. New York: UNICEF. United Nations. 2005. Violence against Children. U.N. Secretary General’s Study on Violence Against Children. New York: United Nations. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 2007. The State of the World’s Children 2007: Women and Children, the Double Dividend of Gender Equality. New York: UNICEF. ———. 2006. Annual Report. New York: UNICEF. ———. 2006. Progress of Children: A Report Card on Water and Sanitation. http:// www.unicef.org/progressforchildren/2006n5/ ———. 2005. The Convention on the Rights of the Child Fifteen Years Later: The Caribbean. Barbados: UNICEF Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean. United Nations Development Program. 2006. Human Development Report 2006: Beyond Scarcity: Power, Poverty and the Global Water Crisis. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire and New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Vargas-Baron, Emily, and Hernando Bernal. 2005. From Bullets to Blackboards: Education for Peace in Latin America and Asia. Washington, D.C.: InterAmerican Development Bank. Walker, Nancy E., Catherine M. Brooks, and Lawrence S. Wrightsman. 1999. Children’s Rights in the United States: In Search of a National Policy. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
NONPRINT RESOURCES United Nations Children’s Fund [UNICEF]. Video/Audio. http://www.unicef .org/videoaudio/index.html
WEB SITES Caritas Internationalis. Who We Are, http://www.caritas.org/jumpCh.asp?idUser =0&idChannel=6&idLang=ENG. Children International. Homepage, http://www.children.org/home.asp?sid=CA2CA 41C-0B8F-49B4-8070-E73C1B301881. Child Rights Information Network [CRIN]. Caribbean: Latest Resources, http:// www.crin.org/reg/subregion.asp?ID=6. ———. Mexico: Latest Resources, http://www.crin.org/reg/country.asp?ctryID =142&subregID=7.
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———. North America: Latest Resources, http://www.crin.org/reg/subregion .asp?ID=9. Childwatch: International Research Network. What is Childwatch International? http://www.childwatch.uio.no/what_is_cwi/index.html. ECPAT International [End Child Pornography and Trafficking of Children for Sexual Purposes], http://www.ecpat.net/eng/index.asp. Good News, http://query.nytimes.com. International Labour Organization. International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour [IPEC], http://www.ilo.org/public/english/standards/ipec/simpoc. Safe Kids Worldwide, http://www.safekids.org. Save the Children. 2007. Where we work: Latin American/Caribbean, http:// www.savethechildren.org/countries/latin-america-caribbean. United Nations Children’s Fund [UNICEF], http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/latinamerica.html. United Nations Educational, Cultural and Scientific Organization [UNESCO], http://www.uis.unesco.org. United States, Central Intelligence Agency. CIA World Factbook, http://www .cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook. The World Bank, http://worldbank.org. The World Fund, http://www.worldfund.org. World Health Organization [WHO], http://www.worldhealth.org.
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Abortions, Argentina, 13 Adoption: Guatemala, 160; Guyana, 189–90 Afro-Brazilian religions, 44–45 Age of criminal responsibility: Colombia, 77; Guyana, 190; Nicaragua, 230; Paraguay, 258–59 Age of majority: Nicaragua, 232; Paraguay, 258–59 Alcohol use: Argentina, 15; Ecuador, 116 Catholicism: Argentina, 3–4, 16–17; Brazil, 44–45; Chile, 63; Colombia, 75–76, 79; Costa Rica, 98–100; Ecuador, 117; El Salvador, 142; Guatemala, 154; Honduras, 206–7; Nicaragua, 226, 229–30, 232–33; Paraguay, 261; Peru, 307; Venezuela, 353–54 Child abuse and neglect: Argentina, 10, 17–18; Brazil, 45–46; Chile, 64–65; Colombia, 79–80; Costa Rica, 100–101; Ecuador, 118; El Salvador, 143–44; Guatemala, 164–65; Guyana, 192; Honduras, 199, 207–8; Nicaragua, 233–34; Paraguay, 261–63; Peru, 309–18; Venezuela, 354–55 Child labor: Argentina, 4, 9–10; Brazil, 39–41; Chile,
56–57; Colombia, 73–75; Costa Rica, 91–93; Ecuador, 112–14; El Salvador, 131–34; Guatemala, 158–59; Guyana, 185–86; Honduras, 202–4; Nicaragua, 224–25; Paraguay, 247–50; Peru, 300–304; Uruguay, 335–36; Venezuela, 348–50 Child mortality: Argentina, 4, 12; Chile, 52, 59; Costa Rica, 96; Ecuador, 116; El Salvador, 136–37; Guyana, 187; Nicaragua, 228; Peru, 279, 289–90; Venezuela, 352 Child soldiers: Colombia, 74; Guatemala, 159; Paraguay, 262–63; Peru, 314–15; Venezuela, 350 Child trafficking: Chile, 57; Colombia, 70, 79; El Salvador, 143; Guyana, 192; Honduras, 207; Paraguay, 248; Peru, 312–13; Venezuela, 354–55 Christianity: Brazil, 44–45; Chile, 63; Costa Rica, 98–100; Guyana, 190–91 Communicable diseases, Peru, 293–94 Compadrazgo, Honduras, 204 Compulsory education: Argentina, 5; Brazil, 36; Chile, 52; Colombia, 72, 73; Ecuador, 111; Guyana, 180; Paraguay, 243–44; Peru, 284; Venezuela, 345
Definition of a child, Guyana, 186 Diet. See Nutrition; Obesity Disability: Argentina, 7; Brazil, 37; Chile, 53–54; El Salvador, 138–39; Guatemala, 157; Honduras, 198; Nicaragua, 228–29; Paraguay, 246, 253; Peru, 287–88; Uruguay, 334 Divorce rates: Brazil, 41; Chile, 51, 58; Colombia, 78; Costa Rica, 94; Honduras, 204; Nicaragua, 226; Paraguay, 250–51; Uruguay, 329 Doctors Without Borders, Colombia, 76 Domestic violence: Argentina, 12; Brazil, 33; Chile, 51, 58, 62, 64; Costa Rica, 94, 100; Ecuador, 118; El Salvador, 140–41, 143; Guatemala, 156, 159–60; Guyana, 192; Honduras, 208; Nicaragua, 232; Peru, 309–10 Drug trafficking, Honduras, 200 Drug use: Argentina, 15; Brazil, 45; Honduras, 208 Economics: Brazil, 30; Costa Rica, 84; Guatemala, 155–56; Guyana, 178–79; Honduras, 198; Nicaragua, 216; Peru, 274–76, 290; Uruguay, 328 Education: Argentina, 4, 5–8; Brazil, 35–37; Chile, 52–54; Colombia, 72; Costa Rica,
INDEX
87–89; Ecuador, 110–12; El Salvador, 126–29; Guatemala, 156–57; Guyana, 180–84; Honduras, 201–2; Nicaragua, 219–23; Paraguay, 243–46; Peru, 283–88; Uruguay, 332–35; Venezuela, 344–46 Environmental issues: Argentina, 14; Chile, 60; Costa Rica, 96; El Salvador, 136–37; Guyana, 188; Nicaragua, 228; Paraguay, 253; Peru, 292–93; Uruguay, 337 Ethnicity: Argentina, 3, 7; Brazil, 31–32; Costa Rica, 83; Ecuador, 109; El Salvador, 123; Guatemala, 153; Guyana, 177–78; Honduras, 197; Nicaragua, 215; Paraguay, 245, 259–60; Peru, 274, 277–78; Venezuela, 342 Family structure: Argentina, 11–12; Brazil, 41; Chile, 50, 57–59; Colombia, 75–76; Costa Rica, 93–95; Ecuador, 114–15; El Salvador, 134–36; Guatemala, 159–60; Guyana, 186–87; Honduras, 204–5; Nicaragua, 225–27; Paraguay, 250–52; Peru, 304–6; Venezuela, 350–51 Foster/residential care: Argentina, 16–18; Guatemala, 164 Gangs: Costa Rica, 98; El Salvador, 141; Guatemala, 164; Honduras, 200, 209; Nicaragua, 234; Paraguay, 260 Gender differences: Brazil, 32–33, 40; Colombia, 75–76; Costa Rica, 84; Ecuador, 111; El Salvador, 126, 136; Guyana, 184; Honduras, 204; Nicaragua, 217, 221, 226; Paraguay, 245, 250, 259–60; Peru, 285–86 Health: Argentina, 12–15; Brazil, 41–43; Chile, 59–61; Colombia, 76–77; Costa Rica, 95–97; Ecuador, 115–17;
El Salvador, 136–40; Guatemala, 160–63; Guyana, 187–89; Nicaragua, 227–30; Paraguay, 251–55; Peru, 289–300; Uruguay, 336–37; Venezuela, 351–52 Healthcare insurance: Argentina, 14; Costa Rica, 95; Ecuador, 116; El Salvador, 139; Guyana, 187; Paraguay, 252–53; Peru, 292–93; Venezuela, 351–52 Higher education: Chile, 53; Costa Rica, 89; El Salvador, 128; Guyana, 181–82; Nicaragua, 222–23; Paraguay, 244–45; Uruguay, 333–34; Venezuela, 345–46 HIV/AIDS: Brazil, 42–43; Chile, 60; Costa Rica, 97; El Salvador, 138; Guyana, 187–89, 192; Honduras, 199, 208; Nicaragua, 228; Paraguay, 254, 261; Uruguay, 336–37; Venezuela, 352 Homelessness: Argentina, 4, 10, 18; Brazil, 34–35, 45; Colombia, 74; Guatemala, 161–62; Honduras, 208; Nicaragua, 224–25, 234; Peru, 311–12; Venezuela, 354–55 Immigration and refugees, Costa Rica, 85 Immunization: Chile, 59–60; Costa Rica, 96; Ecuador, 115; El Salvador, 137; Guyana, 187; Peru, 291–92; Uruguay, 336–37 Infant mortality: Argentina, 12; Brazil, 41–42; Chile, 59; Costa Rica, 86, 95; Ecuador, 116; El Salvador, 136–37; Guatemala, 161; Guyana, 187; Nicaragua, 228; Peru, 279, 289–90; Venezuela, 352 International Labour Organization (ILO): El Salvador, 131–33; Honduras, 202–3; Peru, 280; Uruguay, 335 Internet. See Television/media/ internet
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Juvenile crime/justice: Argentina, 18; Brazil, 43–44, 46; Chile, 61–62; Colombia, 77; Costa Rica, 97; Ecuador, 117; El Salvador, 141; Guatemala, 163–64; Guyana, 190; Honduras, 208; Nicaragua, 230–31; Paraguay, 256–58; Peru, 281–82; Uruguay, 337 Kidnapping: Colombia, 70; Honduras, 205 Language: Peru, 277–78; Venezuela, 342 Laws and legal status: Argentina, 16; Brazil, 43–44; Chile, 61–63; Colombia, 77–79; Costa Rica, 97–98; Ecuador, 117; El Salvador, 140–41; Guatemala, 163–64; Guyana, 189–90; Honduras, 205–6; Nicaragua, 230–32; Paraguay, 255–60; Peru, 280–83; Uruguay, 337–38; Venezuela, 352–53 Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) youth, Peru, 298–99 Literacy: Argentina, 6; Chile, 53; Colombia, 72; Costa Rica, 90; El Salvador, 126; Guatemala, 156–57; Guyana, 179; Paraguay, 244; Peru, 283–84; Uruguay, 327 Marriage: Argentina, 11; Chile, 50, 57–58; Colombia, 75–76, 78; Costa Rica, 93–94; Uruguay, 329; Venezuela, 350 Maternal health care: Argentina, 12–13; Guatemala, 161; Nicaragua, 228; Paraguay, 255 Maternal mortality: Nicaragua, 227–28; Peru, 295–96 Media. See Television/media/ internet Mental health problems: Nicaragua, 229; Paraguay, 253 Migration: Ecuador, 108; El Salvador, 134–35; Guatemala, 155; Nicaragua, 225–27 Music, Chile, 54
INDEX
National profile: Argentina, 1–4; Brazil, 29–35; Chile, 49–51; Colombia, 69–71; Costa Rica, 83–86; Ecuador, 107–9; El Salvador, 123–24; Guatemala, 153–55; Guyana, 177–79; Honduras, 197–99; Nicaragua, 215–18; Paraguay, 241–42; Peru, 273–78; Uruguay, 327–31; Venezuela, 341–42 Nutrition: Brazil, 43; Ecuador, 115–16; El Salvador, 137; Peru, 290–91; Venezuela, 351
126–27; Guyana, 180; Peru, 286–87; Uruguay, 332; Venezuela, 351 Prostitution. See Sex industry
Obesity, Ecuador, 115–16 Overview: Argentina, 4; Brazil, 35; Chile, 51–52; Colombia, 71–72; Costa Rica, 86–87; Ecuador, 109–10; El Salvador, 124–26; Guatemala, 155–56; Guyana, 179–80; Honduras, 199–201; Nicaragua, 218–19; Paraguay, 242–43; Peru, 278–80; Uruguay, 331–32; Venezuela, 342–44
Schooling system: Argentina, 5–8; Brazil, 35–37; Chile, 52–54; Colombia, 72; Costa Rica, 87–89; Ecuador, 110–12; El Salvador, 126–29; Guatemala, 156–57; Guyana, 180–84; Honduras, 201–2; Nicaragua, 219–23; Paraguay, 243–46; Peru, 283–88; Uruguay, 332–35; Venezuela, 344–46 School violence: Brazil, 37; Chile, 65; Ecuador, 118 Sex education: Chile, 60; Costa Rica, 96–97; Ecuador, 117; Nicaragua, 229–30; Paraguay, 254–55; Peru, 297–98; Venezuela, 352 Sex industry: Argentina, 10, 18; Brazil, 46; Chile, 57, 65; Costa Rica, 98, 100–101; Ecuador, 113–14; El Salvador, 143; Guyana, 189–90; Honduras, 207; Paraguay, 248, 259; Peru, 312–13 Sexual exploitation. See Sex industry Sexuality: Argentina, 15; Chile, 57; El Salvador, 138; Peru, 295–300 Smoking, Argentina, 15 Social cleaning, Guatemala, 164 Special education. See Disability Sports/physical education: Argentina, 7; Brazil, 38; Chile,
Play and recreation: Argentina, 8–9; Brazil, 38–39; Chile, 54–56; Colombia, 73; Costa Rica, 89–91; Ecuador, 112; El Salvador, 129–31; Guatemala, 157–58; Guyana, 184–85; Honduras, 202; Nicaragua, 223–24; Paraguay, 246–47; Peru, 288–89; Venezuela, 346–48 Police violence, Brazil, 45 Political violence, Honduras, 200 Poverty: Argentina, 1–3; Brazil, 34–35; Chile, 49, 52; Colombia, 69–70; Costa Rica, 84; Ecuador, 108; El Salvador, 123–24; Guatemala, 154; Honduras, 198; Nicaragua, 216–17, 226; Paraguay, 241, 243, 248–49, 251; Peru, 274–76, 290; Venezuela, 343 Preschool education: Argentina, 6; Chile, 52; El Salvador,
Religious life: Argentina, 16–17; Brazil, 44–45; Chile, 63–64; Colombia, 79; Costa Rica, 98–100; Ecuador, 117; El Salvador, 142; Guyana, 190–91; Honduras, 206–7; Nicaragua; Paraguay, 251, 261; Peru, 307; Venezuela, 353–54
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54; Colombia, 73; Costa Rica, 90; El Salvador, 130; Guatemala, 157–58; Guyana, 184; Nicaragua, 223; Paraguay, 246, 247; Peru, 288–89; Venezuela, 347 Street children. See Homelessness Teachers: Brazil, 37; Chile, 53; Guyana, 181; Honduras, 201–2 Television/media/internet: Argentina, 8; Chile, 54; Costa Rica, 91; El Salvador, 130–31; Guatemala, 158; Nicaragua, 223–24; Paraguay, 246; Venezuela, 347–48 Twenty-first century: Argentina, 18–19; Brazil, 46–47; Colombia, 80; Costa Rica, 101–2; Ecuador, 118–19; El Salvador, 144–45; Guatemala, 165; Guyana, 192–94; Honduras, 208–11; Nicaragua, 234–35; Paraguay, 263–64; Peru, 318–19; Uruguay, 338–39; Venezuela, 355 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child: Argentina, 5, 9, 16; Chile, 61; Costa Rica, 89–90, 97–98; Ecuador, 112–13, 116–18; El Salvador, 140; Guatemala, 163; Nicaragua, 224, 230; Paraguay, 247, 255, 260; Peru, 278–79, 300–301 Undocumented children, Peru, 283 Vocational education, Nicaragua, 223 Water. See Environmental issues Welfare services: Brazil, 40; Chile, 59; Ecuador, 108; Guatemala, 156, 161–62; Paraguay, 251; Uruguay, 334–35
ABOUT THE EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
EDITORS IRVING EPSTEIN, Professor of Educational Studies at Illinois Wesleyan University, has published two edited volumes, Chinese Education: Problems, Policies, and Prospects (1991) and Recapturing the Personal: Essays on Education and Embodied Knowledge in Comparative Perspective (2007), and has served as an associate editor of the Comparative Education Review from 1988–1998. His interests include Asian education, educational policies involving street children, and issues of social theory. ELEONORA VILLEGAS-REIMERS is Dean of the School of Education and Child Life at Wheelock College in Boston, Massachusetts. She has served as consultant to a number of international organizations such as UNESCO, the World Bank, the Inter-American Development Bank, the Board on International Comparative Studies of the National Research Council, and the Academy for Educational Development on matters related to education, teacher preparation and development, education for democracy, values education, and multiculturalism. Her research and publications include Teacher Professional Development: An International Review of the Literature (2003) and Educating for Democratic Citizenship in Latin American High Schools: A Cross-National Study of High School Civic Education Curriculum (1998), as well as several articles and essays.
CONTRIBUTORS MANUEL BARAHONA MONTERO is a sociologist and professor at the School of Economics at the National University of Costa Rica. He is a consultant to UNICEF Costa Rica in the social sciences. His research focuses on economic development and public policy, areas in which he has published extensively.
ABOUT THE EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
RAMON BALESTINO is an independent consultant specializing in strengthening public sector programs in education, child labor, livelihoods, and enterprise competitiveness. He has a BS in Business from Towson University and a MA in Economic Development from California State University-Sacramento. In addition to having worked for USAID, USDOLILAB, the World Bank, and the Inter-American Development Bank, he served for four years as a Peace Corps Volunteer in Paraguay. LINDA BANKS-SANTILLI is an Assistant Professor of Education at Wheelock College. Dr. Banks-Santilli was an elementary and middle school teacher who received the Golden Apple Award for excellence in teaching from the Boston Public Schools in 1993. She has published in the fields of urban education and special education. ~ PATRICIA CEDENO-ZAMOR is Director, Bachelor of Social Work Program and Associate Professor of Social Work at Wheelock College. Her practice and academic expertise is in the area of immigrant/refugee adaptation and health disparities among socioeconomically diverse groups. CATHY CODDINGTON is the early childhood development advisor for Save the Children in Central America. She has ten years of experience in early childhood development in a variety of settings throughout Central America, Ecuador, and northern California. She holds a masters degree in international education policy from Harvard University. FELICITY A. CRAWFORD is a tenure-track faculty member in the School of Education at Wheelock College in the Teacher of Students with Moderate Disabilities Program, which prepares students seeking a masters of science in Special Education. Her research interests include teacher ideology and the sociocultural context of urban special education. JOERITTA DE ALMEIDA is an Assistant Professor of Education at Wheelock College. Dr. de Almeida lived and worked in Brazil from 1978–1984. While living in Brazil, she started a ‘‘school without walls’’ project that consisted of educational activities in public spaces such as parks and museums. This eventually led to the formation of a small private K-through-12 school, named CEPE, that is now over 30 years old and is located in a small town outside Rio de Janeiro. ALEXANDRA ESCOBAR GARCIA works as an associate researcher for the Observatory of the Rights of the Child and Adolescence of Ecuador, an organization of the civil society that performs research and advocacy with the support of UNICEF and the Observatorio Social del Ecuador. In the year 2004, she was awarded the Japan–Interamerican Development
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Bank Scholarship to continue her masters degree in Development Studies with a concentration in Population, Poverty, and Social Development at The Institute of Social Studies at The Hague, Netherlands. SILVIA FREAN is the Child Protection Technical Specialist at UNICEFCosta Rica. Her research focuses on human rights issues including the protection of children and adolescents, combating sexual exploitation and gender-based abuse. ELLIE FRIEDLAND is Associate Professor of Early Childhood Education at Wheelock College. She has a PhD in Education and the Arts and has published widely on culturally competent and liberatory education, and on teaching and learning through drama. Ellie has worked with public school teachers in Guatemala through a volunteer professional organization, the Guatemalan Reading Association, since 1997. CATHERINE HILL is Associate Dean of the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences and a member of the Department of Education and Human Services at Villanova University, Villanova, Pennsylvania. Her research and writing focuses on children of conflict in Bogota, Beirut, and New Dehli. CYNTHIA HOBBS works with developing countries to design and carry out education reform programs in her post as Senior Education Specialist at the World Bank. She advocates participatory approaches to enhance collaboration and sustainable impact, involving students, teachers, parents, teaching institutions, and government officials in the reform process. She has a BA in Psychology from Bates College and a MEd in International Education from Harvard University. She lived in Paraguay for four years, teaching, advising, and conducting education research, and has collaborated with the Ministry of Education for over ten years. ~ INES KUDO earned her masters of education degree at Harvard Graduate School of Education. She has worked for international organizations such as the World Bank, the Organization of American States, and PREAL, focusing on issues related to indigenous education in Latin America, as well as financing and governance of education in East Asia and Latin America. Prior to her graduate studies, Ms. Kudo worked in Peru as a psychologist in rehabilitation counseling, crisis intervention, child abuse prevention, and strategic planning. EVA SAZO DE MENDEZ is Professor of Evaluation at the Universidad del Valle de Guatemala. She has participated in different international studies and evaluations. She was member of the Comisi on Paritaria para la Reforma Educativa en Guatemala (1998). It is one of the most important projects she has worked on in the effort to improve the exercise of human
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rights for indigenous populations. It was accomplished as part of the Peace Accords. ALBERTO MORA ROMAN is a member of the technical team at the State of the Nation Program, where he participates in the coordination of the State of the Central American Region in Sustainable Development Report (2008). His research encompasses themes in social accountability and social service provision, among others. CRISTIAN MUNDUATE GARCIA is the UNICEF Representative in Ecuador and formerly in Costa Rica. Her work focuses on Human Rights issues in developing countries. MILAGROS NORES is currently a post-doctoral research associate at Brown University. She holds a PhD in Education and Economics from Teachers College, Columbia University, and an MEd from Harvard University. She has published and is interested in education policy and planning, equity and education, comparative education, cost–benefit analysis in education, and early childhood education. RODOLFO OSORIO PONCE is the Program Officer for UNICEFCosta Rica. He was Professor of Social Sciences at the University of Chile and is professor of Sociology and Research Methods at the School of Architecture at the University of Costa Rica. His research focuses on education, youth participation, and indigenous rights. CAROLINE E. PARKER is a Research Scientist at the Education Development Center, Inc. She has conducted research on secondary education in Nicaragua, and her research in the United States focuses on educational access for students with disabilities and English-language learners. ARIELA PERALTA DISTEFANO is a human rights lawyer and the Deputy Director for the Center for Justice and International Law, a nongovernmental, non-profit organization with consultative status before the Organization of American States (OAS) and the United Nations (UN), and observer status before the African Commission of Human Rights. She has published extensively and has participated in seminars in Switzerland, Costa Rica, and Holland. She was awarded the Hubert H. Humphrey-Fulbright Scholarship at American University, Washington College of Law, Washington, D.C., in 2004. CLAUDIA PERALTA NASH is an Associate Professor and Chair of Department of Bilingual Education at Boise State University in Idaho. She has written articles, presented at national conferences, co-chaired Division K-Session 6-American Educational Research Association, and has received
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grants from the from the US Department of Education, Office of English Language Acquisition, the Idaho State Board of Education, the University of California State University-Monterey Bay, and the University of Colorado at Boulder. Areas of research specialization include ethnographic and sociolinguistic research on social construction of knowledge in classrooms, language and literacy in bilingual classrooms, and crosscultural education. KRISTIN ROSEKRANS is the Associate Director for Literacy Programs for the Education Development Center in Ghana. She has worked internationally in education for fifteen years, including ten years in Central America. Her publications include a book on action research and various articles on education policy issues. She holds a masters degree in international education policy from Harvard University. ERNESTO SCHIEFELBEIN has an EdD from the Harvard Graduate School of Education (1970). He served as minister of education in Chile in 1994. He has written widely on Latin American education and was Director of the UNESCO Regional Office of Education in Latin America and the Caribbean (OREALC) in two different opportunities. MARGARITA VELASCO ABAD is the Technical Secretary of the Observatory of the Rights of the Child and Adolescence of Ecuador, an organization of the civil society that performs research and advocacy with the support of UNICEF and the Observatorios Social del Ecuador. She is a professor at The Universidad Central del Ecuador and at the Universidad Politecnica del Litoral. She has a masters degree in public administration with emphasis in social policy. RENATA VILLERS is executive director of ADA (http://www.ada .or.cr), a Costa Rican nongovernmental organization dedicated to teacher professional development to improve the educational opportunities of low-income children. She is a contributor to articles on children’s education. In 2007, she was selected to join the Central American Leadership Initiative as a distinguished leader.
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THE GREENWOOD ENCYCLOPEDIA
Children’s Issues WORLDWIDE
OF
List of Editors and Contributors (To come)
THE GREENWOOD ENCYCLOPEDIA
Children’s Issues WORLDWIDE
EUROPE General Editor
Irving Epstein Volume Editor
Leslie J. Limage
GREENWOOD PRESS Westport, Connecticut x London
OF
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Greenwood encyclopedia of children’s issues worldwide / Irving Epstein, general editor. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-313-33614-0 (set : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33620-1 (v. 1 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33618-8 (v. 2 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33619-5 (v. 3 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33617-1 (v. 4 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33616-4 (v. 5 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33878-6 (v. 6 : alk. paper) 1. Children—Encyclopedias. I. Epstein, Irving, 1951. II. Limage, Leslie J. HQ767.84.G74 2008 305.2303—dc22 2007031312 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available. Copyright C 2008 by Irving Epstein All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2007031312 ISBN: 978-0-313-33614-0 (set) ISBN: 978-0-313-33620-1 (Asia and Oceania) ISBN: 978-0-313-33618-8 (Central and South America) ISBN: 978-0-313-33619-5 (Europe) ISBN: 978-0-313-33617-1 (North America and the Caribbean) ISBN: 978-0-313-33616-4 (Sub-Saharan Africa) ISBN: 978-0-313-33878-6 (North Africa and the Middle East) First published in 2008 Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881 An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc. www.greenwood.com Printed in the United States of America
The paper used in this book complies with the Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National Information Standards Organization (Z39.48–1984). 10
9 8
7 6 5 4 3 2 1
CONTENTS
Preface
Irving Epstein
vii
User’s Guide Introduction
xv Leslie J. Limage
xix
1.
Belgium
Arabella Weyts
1
2.
Bulgaria
Lilia Raycheva
21
3.
Cyprus
4.
Czech Republic
5.
Denmark
6.
Estonia
7.
France
Theophania Chavatzia
41
Lenka Sulov a and Monika Morgensternova 63 L€ otte Rahbek Schou
Dagmar Kutsar and Kairi Kasearu Gabriel Langou€et, Dominique Groux, and Leslie J. Limage
89 113
137
8.
Germany
Doris B€ uhler-Niederberger and Alexandra K€ onig 161
9.
Hungary
Eszter Szu†cs
10.
Ireland
11.
Israel
12.
Italy
Sheila Greene and Liz Kerrins Asher Ben-Arieh and Michal Kimchi Angelo Saporiti, Daniela Grignoli, and Antonio Mancini
189 213 235
253
CONTENTS
13.
Malta
14.
The Netherlands
15.
Norway
16.
Romania
17.
The Russian Federation
18.
Slovenia
19.
Spain
20.
United Kingdom
275
Valerie Sollars Caroline Vink
An-Margritt Jensen
301 325 347
Doina Balahur
Patrick Beary and Irving Epstein 369
Andreja Crnak Meglic and Ruzica Boskic Ferran Casas and Lourdes Gaitan Katherine Pinnock
395 417 443
Bibliography
473
Index
477
About the Editors and Contributors
481
The Six-Volume Comprehensive Index begins on page 379 of the final volume, North Africa and the Middle East
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PREFACE Irving Epstein
The decision to publish The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide involved a number of considerations, but was primarily influenced by an understanding that children were deserving of an encyclopedia solely dedicated to a discussion of the quality of their lives. Although there are many sources that compile statistical information and data about the state of children around the world, we believed that by summarizing much of that information in one format, it would be easier for the general public, as well as students, teachers, and policy-makers, to gain a foundational understanding of the challenges the world’s children currently confront. However, the difficulties inherent in completing a project of this size and complexity raise larger questions about the ways in which we think about children and childhood in an era of globalization, and it is these questions that I intend to address in the following paragraphs. To begin with, it should be acknowledged that the Encyclopedia is both selective and comprehensive. It is selective, in the sense that we have not been able to adequately cover children’s lives in every country or nationstate throughout the world. Due to the prevalence of political, social, and economic conflict and dislocation, it proved impossible to locate experts who had access to the requisite information, and had the time to write about children in certain countries and affected geographical areas. However, the Encyclopedia is comprehensive, insofar as all major aspects of children’s lives: including educational provision, legal status, family life, health, abuse and neglect, play and recreation, and religious affiliation, are covered within each chapter. Together, the chapters give us a clear picture as to how children are treated and cared for within specific countries and geographical areas, as well as their general quality of life in the twenty-first century. The fact that so many of the chapters within these volumes are co-authored speaks to the penchant for disciplinary specialization that characterizes contemporary academic discourse within the social sciences, a tendency that makes it difficult for a single person to master the many facets of childhood that are covered in the Encyclopedia.
PREFACE
It also reaffirms, however, the usefulness of collaboration, in order to better facilitate the framing of a holistic representation of children’s lives. One can certainly raise the issue as to why we need an encyclopedia that is country and region specific in a globalized age. From an organizational and aesthetic perspective, it is reasonable to ask whether this project includes basic redundancies that could be eliminated by adopting a broader, thematic approach. From a conceptual standpoint, it is reasonable to ask whether privileging the nation-state and/or geographic region as a basic unit of analysis makes sense, given the challenges to the longterm viability of the nation-state that globalization tendencies seem to create. My response to both questions is strongly negative, for I believe that issues involving the characteristics of globalization and the nature of childhood can best be understood if they are contextualized. I would therefore reject contentions that an understanding of childhood can be essentialized or that any authentic view of globalization can be formulated through adhering to assumptions that dichotomize the global and the local. By embracing the importance of context, one may indeed at times sacrifice conceptual elegance, and as one reads the various chapters of this volume, no doubt one will find that similar stories are being told in different ways. Certainly, the current legitimacy and long-term viability of certain nation-states and political institutions is implicitly questioned, as the reader learns of their inability to protect children and their complicity in endangering children’s lives. Nonetheless, it is doubtful that within our lifetimes, in spite of the growing prominence of transnational influences we associate with globalization, that the nation-state will dissolve as a basic unit of governance, or that our sense of geographical place will no longer have an impact upon our expressions of personal and cultural identity. Therefore, while the importance of globalization influences upon the twenty-first century lives of children must be acknowledged, and while it is clear that our understandings of childhood are informed through cross-cultural comparison and generalization, the Encyclopedia’s authors reaffirm the importance of focusing upon the lives of children as they are understood within the regional, area, and nation-state framework. This being said, there are a number of issues involving the nature of globalization and childhood that can be noted from the outset. First, globalization has been defined according to radically different terms. For some scholars, it has signified the permanent and inevitable ascendancy of empire, be it Western (Fukayama 1992; Huntington 1996), or in reaction to the self-serving nature of that analysis, Asian (Frank 1998). For others, it has signified both the triumph of neo-liberal liberalism and the decline of the nation-state as a fundamental organizational unit. Proponents of neo-liberalism, with its embrace of a de-regulated capitalism thriving within an environment of privatization, have associated globalization with these policies; critics point to the resulting the decline and
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elimination of social services traditionally provided by the state that such policies have promoted. Widespread international institutional neglect and indifference to the needs of children can certainly be viewed in part as a result of these policies. Regardless of one’s political views regarding globalization, its economic dimensions have been characterized by the increasing power of consumption rather than production as a driving economic force. Global consumption patterns are, by their nature, more difficult to chart and are less subject to hierarchical control, than are traditional patterns of industrial production. The fluid nature of global trade created a sense of decentering that has been observed in other realms too, including the use of technology to create an information age society (Castells 2000), the fluidity with which cultural interactions are transmitted (Appadurai 1996), and the existence of general patterns of flux, mobility, change, complexity, randomness, and contingency (Bauman 2004). The impact of these forces upon the world’s children is graphically portrayed within the pages of this Encyclopedia. Whether it be through the use of child soldiering, an over-reliance upon child labor and its subsequence denial of basic educational provision, engagement in child trafficking and prostitution, or the promotion of child pornography, often through use of the Internet, children in the twenty-first century are increasingly being defined in global terms as consumable and perishable items, to be used, abused, and then discarded by those who are more powerful. Globalization theorists disagree as to whether the effects of these trends are irrevocable or whether the trends themselves need be viewed as rigidly deterministic. What is clear though, is that populations in the developing world are becoming increasingly young; 1.5 billion people throughout the world are aged twelve to twenty-four; 1.3 billion live in the developing world (World Bank 2007). Demographically, a ‘‘youth bulge’’ is predicted, as fertility rates decline. As a result, there will be new pressures for developing countries to integrate their youth into the workforce, encourage more civic engagement, and discourage risk-taking behavior on their part. Most importantly, because of their increasing numbers, youth will have greater opportunities to articulate their own needs within public spaces, to become public self-advocates. The work of UNICEF and other NGOs, in promoting greater child and youth participation in their own affairs, over the past fifteen years, is noteworthy in this regard. The tensions we have noted, between the casual disregard of children’s basic needs and the cynical use of children for personal interest and gain, on the one hand, and the increasing recognition of the potential for child and youth advocacy on the other hand, raise even larger questions as to how basic understandings of childhood are being defined and contested in the twenty-first century. One of the main conclusions one can deduce from a reading of the various chapters of the Encyclopedia is that our understandings of childhood
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express a significant variation as to how childhood is defined, how children develop, and how their interests are protected. Changing biological characteristics associated with childhood and adulthood have had an influence in expanding what it means to be a child in the twenty-first century. In addition, it is clear that notions of childhood are largely social constructions, influenced by such cultural, economic, political, and social factors as the nature of labor markets, demographic trends, the creation and growth of mass education, and the changing notions of patriarchy and family roles and their relationship to the state. No longer can childhood be simplistically expressed as simply a transient state of dependency, defined by the child’s relationship to an adult world that she will eventually enter. Instead, it is important to acknowledge the complexity, ambiguity, and malleability that characterize the category we define as childhood. Archaeologists nonetheless point to the materiality of childhood as being an essential factor in understanding how children have lived their lives, and their emphasis upon the materiality of the child’s body (Derevenski 2000, 3–16) has resonance within the pages of this Encyclopedia as well. Throughout these volumes, one gains an appreciation as to how children’s bodies are abused, violated, harmed, or are in fewer cases protected and nourished. One can find a considerable degree of controversy, associated with how the chronological age of the child is defined, or what constitutes child abuse and neglect, when basic educational provision is satisfactory, or when certain forms of child labor can be considered productive and useful. But, as the chapter authors also emphasize the material nature of childhood, including how children play and negotiate social space, and how they adapt to the conditions around them, they reaffirm the view that it makes sense to examine childhood materiality while acknowledging its ambiguity. Governments, activists, scholars, and experts have been aided in their efforts to document how children live through their use of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and as the Convention has indirectly played a significant role in the construct of the categories of analysis within each Encyclopedia chapter, it is useful to make a few comments about its utility and the process through which it has been implemented. The Convention itself was adopted by the General Assembly on November 20, 1989, and entered into force on September 2, 1990. Two subsequent protocols have been passed that deal with the sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography, and child soldiering. Since its inception, the Convention has become one of the most successful international human rights instruments that have ever been created. Ratified by 192 countries (the United States and Somalia are the only two countries belonging to the U.N. that have failed to do so), it sets standards as to how children’s needs and interests should be defined and articulated. Countries are required to regularly report to the
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Committee on the Rights of the Child, a body charged with implementing the Convention, and NGOs are also encouraged to raise questions of concern with the Committee. As a result of this reporting process, member states have improved their data collection mechanisms for assessing the conditions under which their children live; some states have created ombudspersons and national governmental units specifically designed to protect and address the needs of children; others have made a good faith effort to give older children and youth a formal means of articulating their interests through the establishment of youth parliaments and related institutional structures. Indeed, national constitutions now include specific provisions regarding the protection of children. It is undeniable that the nearly universal ratification of the Convention has been accompanied by increased world attention to the plight of children and in that process, children’s lives have been saved as their interests and needs are being more clearly articulated (Epstein 2005). It is not surprising therefore, that many of the Encyclopedia authors have used information within country reports submitted to the Committee, documenting specific progress in complying with the articles of the Convention, as a basis for assessing the quality of children’s lives within the specific country. The Convention of course is not a perfect document. Scholars have pointed to its contradictory perspectives, with regard to its ambiguous definitions of the chronological age of childhood, contradictory perspectives involving the degree of autonomy that should be afforded the child, the gendered nature of document language (emphasis on child soldiering but not arranged early child marriage, and the lack of attention to the specific challenges girls confront, for example), and its privileging of the protection of children’s political rights over economic, social, and cultural rights as major deficiencies. Nonetheless, its importance and influence as an international instrument is beyond dispute, its significance enhanced through the reporting process to which states voluntarily commit themselves and the responses to state reports offered by the Committee on the Rights of the Child. Although many of the rights enumerated within the Convention replicate those that appear in other international instruments, until the Convention was ratified, the rights of children in particular were merely assumed to fall within larger frameworks that were created for adults. It is perhaps the Convention’s greatest strength that it recognizes the fact that children are deserving of rights due their inherent status. This being the case, the rather progressive sections of the document that argue in favor of children themselves exercising their rights to the best of their capabilities makes logical sense. When examining country reports, the Committee operates from a fundamental assumption that the implementation of children’s rights cannot be viewed as a voluntary or charitable exercise. Bestowing rights to children is not an act of kindness or generosity; it is a state responsibility to secure, protect, and promote such
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rights insofar as they are inherently guaranteed to children on the basis of their humanity. Although the Convention was adopted at a time when the nature of globalization forces was just beginning to be appreciated, its wisdom has stood the test of time at least in one respect. The increasingly harsh circumstances with which many of the world’s children must contend, brought about to some degree by the globalization tendencies we have previously described, reinforce the truism that it is becoming increasingly perilous to their own health, safety, and well-being for children to be forced into relying upon adults to defend and protect their basic interests. They are too often the first casualties of poverty, internal conflict and displacement, and illness; the first victims when widespread social suffering occurs. Thus, the need for children to play an increasingly assertive role in defending and articulating their own interests through public advocacy, given the frequent abdication of adult responsibility in this area, is a theme that is strongly expressed within the Convention and is one that has become more salient through the passage of time. It is our hope that this Encyclopedia will serve a useful purpose by enhancing understanding about children’s lives, the challenges they confront, and the courage they and their advocates express, as they struggle to create a better future during the first decade of the twenty-first century. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide could not have been published without the collective efforts of hundreds of international scholars, a dedicated group of volume editors, and the hard work of the Greenwood Publishing Group editorial staff. Marie Ellen Larcada, who has since left Greenwood, was instrumental in conceiving of the project more than two years ago. But it is acquisitions editor Mariah Gumpert, who through her unlimited patience, laserlike focus, and generous encouragement, is most responsible for the Encyclopedia’s completion. My personal gratitude for her efforts is enormous. The task of generating substantive essays about the lives of children in so many countries and regions was extremely complex but was made easier through the hard work of volume editors Laura Arntson, Leslie J. Limage, Sheryl L. Lutjens, Jyotsna Pattnaik, Ghada Hashem Talhami, and Eleonora Villegas-Reimers. Each volume editor contacted numerous experts and convinced them of the importance of the project, worked assiduously with their authors in editing and revising manuscripts, and framed each volume in ways that have insured that the entire Encyclopedia is accessible and reader friendly. For their efforts and for the efforts of the chapter contributors, I wish to convey my deepest appreciation.
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REFERENCES Appadurai, Arjun. 1996. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Bauman, Zygmunt. 2004. ‘‘A Sociological Theory of Post-modernity.’’ In: Contemporary Sociological Theory, ed. Craig Calhoun, James Moody, Steven Pfaff, Joseph Gerteis, and Indermohan Virk, 429–440. Oxford: Blackwell. Castells, Manuel. 2000. The Rise of the Network Society, 2nd ed. Oxford: Blackwell. Derevenski, Joanna Sofner. 2000. ‘‘Material Culture Shock: Confronting Expectations in the Material Culture of Children.’’ In: Children and Material Culture, ed. Joanna Derevenski, 3–16 London: Routledge. Epstein, Irving. 2005. The Convention on the Rights of the Child: The Promise and Limitations of Multilateralism as a Means of Protecting Children. UNICEF– China, International Forum on Children’s Development, October 29–31. http://www.unicef.org/china/P3_EPSTEIN_paper.pdf. Frank, Andre Gunder. 1998. Reorient: Global Economy in the Asian Age. Berkeley: University of California. Fukayama, Francis. 1992. The End of History and the Last Man. New York: Free Press. Huntington, Samuel P. 1996. The Clash of Civilizations and the Making of the New Order. New York: Simon and Schuster. World Bank. 2007. World Bank Report: Development and the Next Generation. Washington, DC: World Bank.
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USER’S GUIDE
The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide is a sixvolume set covering the world’s most populous regions. . . . . . .
Asia and Oceania Central and South America Europe North America and the Caribbean Sub-Saharan Africa North Africa and the Middle East
All of the volumes contain an introduction to the set from the general editor and a more specific introduction to the volume, written by the volume editor. A copy of the Convention on the Rights of the Child is also printed as an appendix in the North Africa and the Middle East volume. The volumes are divided into chapters organized alphabetically by country or in a few instances by regional name (where countries are grouped together on a regional basis). The following outline includes the sub-sections for each chapter. In a few instances, particularly when information is unavailable or irrelevant to a specific country or region, the sub-section has been eliminated. NATIONAL PROFILE The information gathered for this sub-section may include general demographic information, a summary of recent historical and political change within the country or region, a summation of the general challenges that confront the population, and how they might affect children.
USER’S GUIDE
OVERVIEW A discussion of the issues that affect children within the population, highlighting the general state of their welfare and the changing nature of their circumstances. EDUCATION A discussion of issues of access, literacy levels, drop-out, opportunities for educational advancement, equity and fairness with regard to socioeconomic status, gender, ethnic and religious affiliation, and disability. PLAY AND RECREATION A discussion of popular forms of play, children’s use of toys and the media, their use of technology, sports, games, and other types of recreation. CHILD LABOR A discussion of relevant legislation to protect children, efforts to enforce such legislation, cultural norms, social values, and economic pressures involving the use of child labor, the type of work children are expected to complete, the effects of globalization tendencies upon child labor abuses. FAMILY A discussion of relevant family structures, gender roles within the families, demographic trends regarding family size, effects of divorce, intergenerational relationships, effects of poverty and general socio-economic status upon family organization and behavior, rites of passage. HEALTH A discussion of issues related to infant and child mortality, vaccination and childhood disease, the general quality of medical care provided to children, access to clean water, exposure to air and other forms of pollution, and relevant sex education programming. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS A discussion of how the country’s legal system affects children—what protections they are given under the law, and how legal safeguards are guaranteed. The nature of the juvenile justice system, if one exists, how gang activity is handled, conditions for children and youth who are incarcerated.
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RELIGIOUS LIFE A discussion of prevailing religious practices and their meanings for children, forms of religious training, the role of religious organizations in children’s lives. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT A discussion including statistics that illustrates the scope of child abuse and neglect within the country or region, types of abuse and neglect and the reasons for their occurrence, and preventative measures that have been taken; how specific issues such as child soldiering, child trafficking, and child pornography are addressed. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY A discussion summarizing findings from other sub-sections of the chapter while offering assessments as to future prospects as well as what further measures will have to be taken in order to significantly improve children’s lives in the immediate and near future. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested readings, relevant video, film, and media sources, web sites, and relevant NGOs and other organizations are listed in this section. Whenever possible, sources are annotated. MAPS AND INDEXES A regional map accompanies each volume, and each chapter has its own country or regional map. Each volume includes an index consisting of subject and person entries; a comprehensive index for the entire set is included at the end of the North Africa and the Middle East volume.
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INTRODUCTION Leslie J. Limage
The state of children in European countries is as varied as any region of the world, both within individual countries and across them. While the health, well-being, education, and legal protection of children in some countries are improving, albeit unevenly, these conditions have actually declined over the past twenty years in many parts of Central and Eastern Europe. Child poverty and child abuse are increasingly recognized as problematic in both Western and Eastern Europe. PERSPECTIVES ON EUROPE The region ‘‘Europe’’ is among the most diverse of the five major country groupings recognized by the United Nations system. These regions include: (a) Europe and North America (including Israel); (b) Africa; (c) Asia and the Pacific; (d) Latin America and the Caribbean; and (e) Arab States. This Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide, however, has regrouped countries largely on geographic terms rather than the geopolitical ones recognized by the 192 member nations of the United Nations. The Europe volume includes only countries of continental Europe and Israel, while the United States and Canada are treated in a special volume on North America and the Caribbean. (See tables at the end of this introduction with official lists of United Nations Economic Commission for Europe Member Countries, European Union, and Council of Europe.) What do we mean by Europe? Since the countries that make up this region are extremely diverse in terms of history, political systems, economic development, language, cultural, religious, ethnic and geopolitical traditions, and treaty relations, it is important to discuss this question, even briefly before talking about the complexity of children’s issues and children’s well-being. European countries have, over time, been grouped as Western European, Northern European, Central and Eastern European, Southern European, Nordic, Baltic, Balkan, or categorized as members of
INTRODUCTION
the European Union, Council of Europe, or the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Some countries belong to several of these categories or have changed association over time. For example, France and the United Kingdom are members of the European Union, the Council of Europe, and the OECD, and are considered Western European. A number of countries of Central and Eastern Europe, formerly part of the treaty relations with the ex-socialist countries around the former Soviet Union, such as Bulgaria, Romania, and the Czech Republic, have now acceded to the European Union. The break-up of the Soviet Union in the 1980s led also to the dismantling of socialist systems in the surrounding countries. Northern European countries such as Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Denmark have long had close political, economic, and cultural ties that have been maintained along with their membership in certain regional organizations like the Council of Europe and the OECD. All of these countries, regardless of their geopolitical ties over the past sixty years, are shaped by the shared experience of two world wars, especially World War II. The major international organizations created after World War II, the United Nations System with its specialized agencies and funds, the Bretton Woods institutions (World Bank and International Monetary Fund), the Council of Europe, the OECD, and the political and economic systems in these countries were a direct response to the devastation of war. Most European countries, whether socialist (Central and Eastern Europe) or liberal Keynesian economic democracies (Northern and Western Europe) placed great importance on social welfare policies and well-being available to all citizens. The major scholarly disciplines that grew out of this concern for universal well-being are also the founding disciplines for the subject of this volume, children. The majority of authors in this volume are researchers in social welfare, social indicators, sociology, education, public policy, and law. They are part of this longstanding concern for the well-being of children in Europe, albeit from rather different perspectives. A RIGHTS-BASED APPROACH All the authors in this volume share a rather distinct tradition that began to take shape after World War II, that is, concern for the concept of human rights in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948. It took, however, until 1989 for the particular rights of children to be enshrined in a United Nations convention of its own, the Convention on the Rights of the Child (http://www.ohchr.org). This convention was the outcome of a long and complex advocacy campaign led by the United Nations Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF). UNICEF itself was created after World War II to respond to the plight of children primarily in Europe, and has led worldwide advocacy for children’s well-being since that time (Black 1996).
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INTRODUCTION
The essence of the Convention on the Rights of the Child and efforts of researchers in this volume are well summed up by Ben-Arieh and Kimchi in the Israel chapter: ‘‘There is a gap between children’s position in society and their condition. . . . The ‘culture of rights’ hangs on two terms: one is to maintain one’s own rights and the other is to maintain others’ rights.’’ The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) entered into force on September 2, 1990. The states party to the Convention are bound to report regularly on their own efforts to implement its various articles to the Committee on the Convention on the Rights of the Child in the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (as more fully discussed in the Preface to this Encyclopedia (CRC; http:// www.ohchr.org). Broadly-speaking, the Convention’s articles provide normative standards in four general areas: (a) nondiscrimination (article 2); (b) best interests of the child (article 3); (c) survival and development (article 6); and (d) respect for the views of the child (article 12) (Bradshaw et al. 2006). The development of these normative principles is complex. While the rights of all children are the same, the obstacles faced by children who suffer from one or many forms of disadvantage can be enormous. Thus, each of these principles is difficult to capture, to measure, and to advance through well-targeted public policies. The conceptualization and definition of what is meant by children’s rights and children’s well-being varies from context to context, as do the public policies intended to advance them. This is even the case within countries, as illustrated in the Spain chapter with its highly decentralized and semi-autonomous regions (Casas and Gaitan). Some countries in the Europe region have been greatly influenced by the advocacy of international organizations like the Council of Europe, European Union, or UNICEF in recognizing, defining, and advancing children’s rights in the difficult transition conditions of a postsocialist era as the chapters on Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, and Romania explain. However, some of these countries have also proven among the most successful in ensuring children’s well-being as the case of the Czech Republic illustrates in the most recent UNICEF Innocenti Centre report. (UNICEF Innocenti Centre 2006). Since the European tradition, whether eastern or western, has been one of public policy based on social well-being, it has been less reliant on private enterprise, charities, and NGOs than the United States to provide a significant share of welfare services. However, since the break-up of the socialist systems in Eastern Europe and the economic crises in Western Europe that began in the mid-1970s, social services have been greatly taxed. In all parts of Europe, reliance on civil society bodies, devoted to advocacy, charity, social welfare services, and mediation, have been playing an increasing role. This is all the more so as some significant indicators of well-being have declined. Indeed, life expectancy as well as overall welfare of children and adults alike in Eastern Europe declined during the
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transition from socialism to a mixed capitalistic economic order, although there are indications that they are now improving again (UNICEF Innocenti Centre 2006). As Lilia Raycheva points out in the chapter on Bulgaria, The transition to a civil society and market economy involved a number of issues in children’s welfare. These included the general insufficiency of financial, technological, and professional standards in managing children’s issues. Delayed legislation, aggressive political behavior, and an underdeveloped market also slowed the transition. All this caused rapid impoverishment, high rates of unemployment, and loss of established social benefits like free health care and free education. The difficulties of the transition period proved especially crucial to children’s welfare in the country.
And as Doina Balahur underscores for Romania: After sixteen years of reform, the Romanian system of children’s rights promotion and protection has been proceeding slowly, often undermined by gross and persistent violations of child’s rights. The important accomplishments in this field have been built, mainly, at the express request, under the close surveillance and with the assistance of the European institutions and international organizations.
It is beyond the scope of this introduction to examine these trends in any depth, but it is significant that each of the chapters in this volume chronicle both uneven progress in children’s well-being alongside increasing recognition of child poverty and abuse. No country has truly eliminated the disadvantage faced by children. Measurement and comparison are also problematic. Data across countries is not always comparable (Ben-Arieh et al. 2006; Bradshaw et al. 2006). The authors of a number of country chapters are specialized in social indicators, especially for children’s well-being, and draw our attention to the use and limitations of statistics for public policy formulation.
CHILDREN’S WELL-BEING AND POVERTY A 2007 ‘‘report card’’ by the UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre on children’s well-being in twenty-one industrialized countries (members of the OECD), has taken forward the effort to identify reliable concepts and data to measure and compare child well-being. It uses six headings or dimensions: material well-being, health and safety, education, peer and family relationships, behaviors and risks, and young people’s own subjective sense of well-being. Although it is dependent on the available data under these headings, and a number of the authors in our current volume have advised on this study, it is still a work in progress. However, the UNICEF approach to create ‘‘ league tables’’ of country performance with respect to
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INTRODUCTION
children’s issues, is seen to help advance their cause, however approximate these rankings may be. The main findings include the surprising information that there is no obvious relationship between levels of child well-being and gross domestic product (GDP) per capita. The Czech Republic, for example, achieves a higher overall rank for child well-being than several much wealthier countries including France, Austria, the United States, and the United Kingdom. The United Kingdom and the United States find themselves in the bottom third of the rankings for five of the six dimensions reviewed. All countries have weaknesses that need to be addressed (UNICEF Innocenti Centre 2007). The main contribution of this ‘‘report card’’ for the readers of this volume of the Encyclopedia, however, lies in its contribution to a multidimensional overview of the state of childhood in most of the economically advanced countries of the world. There is a constant need to bring multiple disciplinary approaches to bear on the study of children’s rights and children’s well-being. And, as our Italy chapter points out, it is even difficult to actually clarify in country contexts what we mean by ‘‘children.’’ As Saporiti, Grignoli, and Mancini point out, In Italian, the only term to designate young people between zero to seventeen years old is ‘‘minor’’ (minore), which conveys an idea of inferiority from an adult-centered perspective. The term ‘‘child’’ (bambino/a) usually refers to ten- to twelve-year-olds, whereas the term ‘‘adolescent/youngster’’ (ragazzo/a) refers to those who have passed the age of twelve. Other expressions commonly used are ‘‘childhood’’ (infanzia) and ‘‘adolescence’’ (adolescenza), though they are not used by children or adolescents to define themselves, nor used to define persons close to the legal age.
CHILDREN’S ISSUES IN EUROPE: SCOPE OF THE VOLUME The chapters in the Europe volume do not cover all of the countries that might have been included because of the constraints of size of the other encyclopedia regional volumes. However, the twenty countries included cover the full range of country situations and hopefully, provide the reader with a desire to learn more about the state of children in a specific subregion or country. The countries included in this volume are Belgium (Arabella Weyts), Bulgaria (Lilia Raycheva), Cyprus (Theophania Chavatzia), Czech Republic (Lenka Sulov a and Monika Morgensternova), Denmark (L€ otte Rahbek Schou), Estonia (Dagmar Kutsar and Kairi Kasearu), France (Gabriel Langou€et, Dominique Groux, and Leslie J. Limage), Germany (Doris B€ uhler-Niederberger and Andrea K€ onig), Hungary (Eszter Szu†cs), Ireland (Sheila Greene and Liz Kerrins), Israel (Asher Ben-Arieh and Michal Kimchi), Italy (Angelo Saporiti, Daniela Grignoli, and Antonio Mancini), Malta (Valerie Sollars), the Netherlands (Caroline Vink), Norway (An-Margritt Jensen), Romania (Doina Balahur),
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INTRODUCTION
the Russian Federation (Patrick Beary and Irving Epstein), Slovenia (Andreja Crnak Meglic and Ruzica Boskic), Spain (Ferran Casas and Lourdes Gaitan), and the United Kingdom (Katherine Pinnock). Each country chapter addresses the same set of issues. Each begins with a national profile, and then goes on to an overview section, followed by sections on education, play and recreation, child labor, family, health, laws and legal status, religious life, child abuse and neglect, and a conclusion on growing up in the twenty-first century. The national profile and overview sections of each chapter give various demographic and geopolitical data about the country. Thus, we learn about the distinct histories and change that most European countries have undergone. For example, Germany has undergone five major changes of government in the past hundred years, which have all had their effects on the well-being of German children (B€ uhler-Niederberger). The countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the volume have undergone major political and economic upheavals as well. Other countries, such as Spain and the United Kingdom, have reinforced their decentralized systems over time. The second section on education reviews the state of children’s access to formal education as well as their ability to benefit from the opportunities available to them. For most countries, efforts to improve equality of opportunity and elimination of discrimination are the most significant issues to be addressed. The section on play and recreation constitutes a much more difficult dimension to identify and improve. Many countries have little reliable qualitative, let alone quantitative, information on children’s activities for play and recreation. Some countries, like France, or the former socialist countries, considered children’s access to holidays away from home as an important public policy goal. However, economic disadvantage and restrictive public budgets have made this goal more difficult to advance. The section on child labor is one of the most enlightening parts of this volume. It may be assumed that European countries have eliminated abusive use of children’s work. However, a number of the richer countries are still unable to clearly identify or are unwilling to recognize the extent of young people in undocumented work. In many instances, child labor is part of other problems of disadvantage: refugees, undocumented migration, or family exploitation. The section on health examines measures taken in each country for children’s physical well-being. Again, our chapter authors have found a mixed picture and in some countries, periods of progress have been followed by periods of economic austerity that have undermined health services for children and adults alike. The section on laws and legal status also provides very useful information on the official protection provided to children. However, at the same time, it underscores problems associated with implementation of these rights in practice. The section on religious life may be one of the most controversial to our chapter authors. Many European countries are resolutely secular in their public approach to a private
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INTRODUCTION
matter. Indeed, there are constitutional restrictions on identification of individuals by race or religion in countries such as France. However, while most countries protect freedom of religion, there are others that are reinstating religious instruction in schools. Religion in the public arena remains contentious and increasingly so in the very diverse Europe region. For example, as contrasted with the United States, it is unconstitutional in France to ask or collect data regarding religion, race, or cultural origin. Thus, it is not possible to know with accuracy whether children of second or third generation migrants or minority origin are more or less represented in disadvantaged populations. Also, France defines equality of opportunity as identical treatment. Hence the affirmative action or positive discrimination measures associated with race or cultural origin that are well-known in the United States are treated with skepticism in France. And while religion is part of the school curriculum in the United Kingdom, it is forbidden in the highly-secular French school system (Limage 2001). Many countries of central and Eastern Europe that were strongly secular under socialism have now reintroduced religion in schools under the capitalist democratic systems now in place. Child abuse and neglect are insufficiently recognized in virtually all European countries according to our authors. Great progress has been made over the past thirty years, but not nearly enough as this section chronicles. However, most of the authors are cautiously optimistic in the concluding section of their chapters on ‘‘Growing up in the Twenty-first Century.’’ While they recognize the enormous challenges in identifying, monitoring, and advocating for children’s rights and children’s wellbeing, they also find the opportunities to do so more than ever. In sum, as Casas and Gaitan state for Spain, all volume authors might conclude: The present process of change already requires debate about new rights and new responsibilities. The Convention establishes a series of civil rights for children (above all, articles 12 to 16). Taken as a whole, the recognition of such rights creates new forms of children’s presence in society, new forms in which children assume social responsibilities, new ways for adults to be with children, and to listen to them as competent people and as subjects with rights. Those who have direct responsibility for children, or for childhood policies, understand the importance of such challenges whilst also appreciating the great doubts and uncertainties that it creates. These are, above all, due to the lack of an ‘‘historical tradition’’ of giving a major social participatory role to our child population (Casas 2002). We now have powerful new tools to try to address such challenges.
In conclusion, as volume editor, I would like to express my gratitude and appreciation to all the chapter authors in this volume. They were all patient and responsive. I would like to thank Professor Asher Ben-Arieh
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INTRODUCTION
for his professional guidance in identifying other fine authors to contribute to this volume, as well as his own expertise in examining and measuring children’s well-being. A special word of appreciation is also extended to the Encyclopedia General Editor, Irving Epstein. Professor Epstein provided kind encouragement, support, and advice throughout. Further, all of the authors in this volume join me in paying tribute to the memory of the principal author for the chapter on children’s issues in Italy, Angelo Saporiti. Professor Saporiti (1945–2006), who was very well known throughout the international community of concern for children, passed away while our book was being prepared. We would like to dedicate this volume to his life’s work and memory. In Memory: Angelo Saporiti (1945–2006) Professor Saporiti passed away on July 10, 2006, in Campo Basso, Molise, Italy, where he served as Professor of Sociology in the Faculty of Economics, Universita degli Studi del Molise. He was an active partner in launching sociology of childhood from the mid-1980s. He had a great influence on the concept of what he called ‘‘sociography of childhood’’ and developed new and fruitful ways of representing children statistically. He took an ever greater interest in children’s rights. He conducted studies, taught internationally, and published extensively about this issue.
REFERENCES Ben-Arieh, Asher, and Robert M. Goerge (eds.). 2006. Indicators of Children’s WellBeing. Understanding their Role, Usage and Policy Influence. Social Indicators Research Series. Volume 27. The Netherlands: Springer. Black, Maggie. 1996. Children First. The Story of UNICEF, Past and Present. New York: UNICEF. Bradshaw, Jonathan, Petra Hoelscher, and Dominic Richardson. 2006. Comparing Child Well-Being in OECD Countries: Concepts and Methods. IWP-2006-03. Florence: UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre. Committee on the Convention on the Rights of the Child. http://www.ohchr.org. Council of Europe. http://www.coe.org. European Union. http://www.europa.eu.org. Limage, Leslie. 2001. ‘‘The Purposes of Schooling in France: Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, and Dilemmas of Individual Responsibility and Social Control.’’ In Democratizing Education and Educating Democratic Citizens. International and Historic Perspectives, ed. Leslie Limage, 22–24. New York: Routledge. UNICEF Innocenti Centre. 2006. Overview Innocenti Social Monitor 2006: Understanding Child Poverty in South-Eastern Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States. Florence: UNICEF Innocenti Publications. UNICEF Innocenti Centre. 2007. Report Card 7. Child Poverty in Perspective: An Overview of Child Well-Being in Rich Countries. Florence: UNICEF. United Nations Economic Commission for Europe. http://www.unece.org/.
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INTRODUCTION
Table 1. Member Countries for the Europe Region (United Nations) Albania Andorra Armenia Austria Azerbaijan Belarus Belgium Bosnia and Herzegovina Bulgaria Canada Croatia Cyprus Czech Republic Denmark Estonia Finland France Georgia Germany Greece Hungary Iceland Ireland Israel Italy Kazakhstan Kyrgyzstan Latvia
Liechtenstein Lithuania Luxembourg Malta Monaco Netherlands Norway Poland Portugal Republic of Moldova Romania Russian Federation San Marino Serbia and Montenegro Slovakia Slovenia Spain Sweden Switzerland Tajikistan The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia Turkey Turkmenistan Ukraine United Kingdom United States Uzbekistan
Source: United Nations Economic Commission for Europe. http://www.unece.org.
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INTRODUCTION
Table 2. Member States of the Council of Europe (47) Albania Andorra Armenia Austria Azerbaijan Belgium Bosnia and Herzegovina Bulgaria Croatia Cyprus Czech Republic Denmark Estonia Finland France Georgia Germany Greece Hungary Iceland Ireland Italy Latvia Liechtenstein
Lithuania Luxembourg Malta Moldova Monaco Montenegro Netherlands Norway Poland Portugal Romania Russian Federation San Marino Serbia Slovakia Slovenia Spain Sweden Switzerland The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia Turkey Ukraine United Kingdom
Source: Council of Europe. http://www.coe.org.
Table 3. Member States of the European Union Austria Belgium Bulgaria Cyprus Czech Republic Denmark Estonia Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Ireland Italy Latvia Lithuania
Luxembourg Malta Netherlands Poland Portugal Romania Slovakia Slovenia Spain Sweden United Kingdom Candidate countries: Croatia The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia Turkey
Source: European Union. http://www.europa.eu.
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1
BELGIUM Arabella Weyts NATIONAL PROFILE Belgium became an independent state in 1830. It is a constitutional monarchy, led by a constitutional monarch. The name of the present king is King Albert II (Belgium Federal Portal 2007a). The conversion into a federal state took place in five phases (The House of Representatives 2006a). The constitutional revisions started in 1970 and were finished in 1993. They developed along two main lines. The first line involved language and cultural matters. The concept of ‘‘communities’’ refers to the idea that the people who make up one particular community have strong commonalties, namely their language and their cultural inheritance. In Belgium, the line of the break is between the Germanic and the Latin culture. This explains the three official languages in the country (French, Dutch, and German) and the three respective communities. Economic interests historically inspired the second line, along which federalization developed. Each of the three regions aims for economic independence.
EUROPE
Belgian sovereignty is now divided between five levels of power, each coming with its own particular responsibilities. At the first level, the federal level, there is the King, the federal parliament, the federal government, and the federal institutions. At the second level, the community level, there are the French-speaking community, the German-speaking community, and the Flemish (Dutchspeaking) community (The House of Representatives 2002, 2004a, 2004c, 2006b). The communities are responsible for personal matters, such as culture, education, health and welfare, the use of language and international matters, and scientific policy. Every community has a council and a government. The Flemish community and the Flemish region have a communal parliament and government, because contrary to the Walloon region, there is only one language in the Flemish Region, namely Dutch. In the Walloon region, there are two languages, namely French and German, thus there is a need for a separate administration for the French-speaking community and the German-speaking community. At the third level, the regional level, there is the Walloon region, the Flemish region, and Brussels Capital region (The House of Representatives 2002, 2004a, 2004b, 2006b). The regions are responsible for territory-linked matters, such as regional development, housing policy, rural development and nature conservation, the environment, agriculture and fishing, water policy, employment, the economy, energy policy, public transport and public works, the communes, provinces, and intercommunal societies. Each region has its own government and parliament. The fourth level is the provincial level (Belgium counts ten provinces: five in the Flemish and five in the Walloon region) (The House of Representatives 2006c). And, finally, at the fifth level there are the municipalities. There are 589 municipalities in Belgium (The House of Representatives 2006d). However, trying to accommodate the identities of both the regions and the communities with a federal structure is easier said than done. As complex as this may be, the big advantage is that the population is closely involved in the decision-making process, which in turn results in more defined political structures and a bigger emphasis on quality of life. Demographic Profile The Belgian population consists of three main communities (Belgium Federal Portal 2006). The Flemish live in the northern part of the country and speak Dutch. The French-speaking Walloons live in the southern part of the country, called Wallonia. In the east, there is a small, German-speaking community. And finally, there is the officially bilingual community of Brussels, where the majority of inhabitants speak French.
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BELGIUM
Table 1.1. Population Figures for Belgium for 2006 (FOD Economie 2007) Age, y
Belgium
Brussels metropolitan region
Flemish region
Walloon/ French region
0–19 20–64 65þ Total
2,428,706 6,273,659 1,809,017 10,511,382
244,789 619,470 154,545 1,018,804
1,348,899 3,645,455 1,084,246 6,078,600
835,018 2,008,734 570,266 3,413,978
Belgians are generally modest and discreet. They are hospitable and prefer to enjoy life from the bright side. Nevertheless, they are also a hard-working nation, and the productivity of the Belgian workforce is amongst the highest of the world. Table 1.1 provides some figures for the current Belgian population, with the Flemish region being the most populated. The size of Belgian families is decreasing, as in most other European nations (FOD Economie 2007). The fertility rate is 1.56 children per woman, resulting in an aging population, with over 15 percent of the total population being older than sixty-five years. Life expectancy is seventy-five years for men and eighty-one years for women. There are inequalities between the inhabitants of the different regions, as the Flemish region is more industrial than the Walloon region. Geographic Profile Belgium is situated in the west of Europe, bordered to the north by the Netherlands, to the east by Germany and the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, and to the south and the west by France. Although its KEY FACTS – BELGIUM surface area of 32,545 square Population: 10,511,382 (2006 est.) kilometers makes it a small counInfant mortality rate: 4.56 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) try, its location has made it an Life expectancy at birth: 78.92 years (2007 est.) economic and urban nerve cenLiteracy rate: 99 percent (2003 est.) ter (FOD Economie 2007). Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 99 percent Geographically, Belgium con(2000–2005) Internet users: 5.1 million (2005) sists of three major areas: lower People living with HIV/AIDS: 10,000 (2003 est.) Belgium (up to 100 meters above Human Poverty Index (HPI-2) rank: 12 sea level), central Belgium Sources: Statistics Belgium. Direction generale de la Statistique et (between 100 and 200 meters Information economique. http://www.statbel.fgov.be. July 4, above sea level), and upper Bel2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Belgium—Statistics. http:// gium (from 200 to over 500 www.unicef.org/infobycountry/belgium_statistics.html. April 24, meters above sea level). The high2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Belgium. http://hdr.undp.org/ est point in Belgium is 694 meters hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_BEL.html. April above sea level (Belgium Federal 26, 2007. Portal 2007).
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EDUCATION With the federalization of the Belgian State, education became the responsibility of the communities. The respective education departments of the Ministry of the Communities are responsible for nearly all aspects of education policy, from nursery school to university. There is a traditionally high standard of education of the population (although Flemish students earn higher grades than their Walloon counterparts) so that Belgium can fulfil its role in the new unified Europe (European Commission 1996; Eurydice 2007).
Educational Policy Education is compulsory, but school attendance is not. Instruction at home is sufficient in some circumstances; for instance, children who are ill can be educated in the hospital and travellers’ children by their parents. Compulsory education begins at the age of six and continues until eighteen. Full-time education is compulsory until the age of sixteen. After this, part-time education is compulsory. The Belgian Constitution allows for any person to open and run a school. This has resulted in three large networks of schools. First, there is the community education, organized on behalf of the communities. This provides ‘‘neutral’’ education, which means that the religious, philosophical, or ideological beliefs of parents and students are respected. The second network is that of subsidized official education, which consists of provincial and municipal education, organized by the provincial and municipal authorities, respectively. They provide denominational or nondenominational education. The third network consists of subsidized private schools, run on private initiatives, by private individuals or private organizations. Although some of these schools apply the principles of Rudolf Steiner and some are organized by Jewish authorities, most of them are Roman Catholic. The first two networks are referred to as official or public education; the third network is called private education. The state finances its own schools and subsidizes the others so that education is accessible to all children. State schools are nonselective and by law have to accept all students who want to attend. The two other networks can demand that parents subscribe to the educational strategy of the school. The funds allocated to schools are calculated on the basis of student numbers. Education is, in principle, free. No enrollment fees are charged, but in most schools, students have to buy or rent their textbooks and pay for school meals and transport, provided at reasonable prices.
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The Formal Education System There is a near-universal participation of children in early childhood education provided in nursery schools. Children from all social classes attend nursery school from the age of two and a half until they are six. Nursery attendance is not compulsory and is free of charge. Primary education, which is compulsory and caters to children between the ages of six and twelve, awards children with an ‘‘elementary education certificate.’’ A system of year-long classes is used in primary education, and each class has its own teacher. The teachers are grade-bound and do not move with the children. Secondary education is provided for those between twelve and eighteen years old. Up to the age of sixteen, full-time education is compulsory. After that, those sixteen to eighteen years old can either continue on a full-time or part-time basis. Secondary education is divided into three grades of two years. There is a core curriculum for all pupils but, in addition, there are a number of course-specific subjects, as well as a number of optional subjects. In the second cycle of secondary education, pupils have to choose between one of the four tracks: ASO (academic curriculum), TSO (technical curriculum), KSO (arts and drama curriculum), and BSO (vocational curriculum). In theory, every pupil has a right to choose that tier of education that suits her/him best. In practice, the majority of last-year secondary pupils are in ASO, where the emphasis is on theoretical instruction (which prepares them for higher education or university) or in KSO, providing pupils with general theoretical as well as arts- and drama-oriented instruction, preparing them for immediate entry into the profession after finishing secondary education or continuation in higher education. It is not until they fail their exams and get a negative certificate that some pupils opt for TSO. This provides theoretical as well as technical and practical instruction, which allows for entry straight into the profession on finishing secondary schooling or continuation in higher education. If they fail in TSO, pupils can go on to BSO, where a specific vocational training is provided that permits immediate entrance to the labor market on finishing secondary education. This process is known as the ‘‘waterfall selection process.’’ For many educational professionals, it is an illustration of the fact that this tack system reflects a social-economic inequality that disguises a social selection process within the education structure. ASO prepares for higher and university education, whereas BSO is a qualification leading to the lower positions in the labor market. The education track children are in, therefore, gives a strong indication of children’s social class, as those with highly qualified parents are three times more likely to end secondary
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schooling in ASO than children from working class backgrounds. The latter are five times more likely to end their education in BSO. For those pupils who feel that full-time education beyond sixteen is unbearable, there is the possibility of part-time secondary education. This is referred to as ‘‘part-time vocational education’’ (DBSO). This type of education provides a minimal core curriculum, but the main aim is to learn a profession. These pupils often work part-time, enter an apprenticeship contract, or work in a small family business. They are paid for their labor and are awarded an equivalent qualification to their peers in full-time vocational education.
Education for Children with Disabilities Children with disabilities are provided for in an extensive network of special schools offering education from the age of two and a half up to twenty-one. There are eight distinct types of special education. Type 1 schools provide for pupils with a minor mental disability; type 2 schools provide for children with moderate to serious mental disabilities; type 3 schools provide for children with severe emotional and behavioral problems; type 4 takes pupils with physical disabilities; type 5 caters to pupils suffering from protracted illnesses; and type 6 and type 7 take pupils with visual and hearing disabilities, respectively. Finally, type 8 provides for pupils with severe learning difficulties. Recent years have seen an increase in the number of disabled pupils who attend inclusive education. They are supported in their claims of a right to education in mainstream schools by their parents, human rights organizations, and academics.
Some Critical Thoughts about Education in Belgium In Belgium, a choice can be made between public or private education. However, private schools are predominantly Roman Catholic establishments. They do not usually charge fees but are heavily subsidized by the state. They provide for nearly two-thirds of all pupils. The two statesubsidized official education networks provide for the remainder. The split between private and official schools dates back to 1878–1884 and 1954–1958 when the so-called ‘‘school-battles,’’ based on ideological differences between the church, the liberals, and, in the second case, the socialists, was fought. Because the Constitution allows anyone to run a school, the Catholic establishment wanted their own elitist establishments where religious education was the main subject. The humanist movement, however, felt that children had an equal right to a neutral education, in which a humanist discourse prevailed. Because of the strong Catholic tradition, most parents send their children to the ‘‘private’’ schools. By law,
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the state subsidizes those schools to ensure that parents who were less well off could afford to send their children there. Looking at school attendance figures, theoretically, enrollment in school should be 100 percent, at least for the compulsory part of it. However, dropout rates increase towards the end of compulsory schooling and rates of attendance decrease when compulsion ceases (Nicaise 2000). Participation rates for eighteen-year-olds in education or training or a combination of education/training and work are high in Belgium (91 percent) compared with other European countries (European Commission 1996). However, in 2005, around 12 percent of all eighteen- to twenty-four-year-olds in Belgium did not have a diploma higher than secondary education, nor were they in any form of education or training (FOD Economie 1998–2007a). Underachievement is a phenomenon as old as the idea of schooling itself and has been recognized by teachers since the establishment of compulsory education. The term refers to pupils whose performance is below that of their peers and results in young people leaving school without qualifications or having insufficient skills to take up their place in the workforce. Grade retention or year repetition can be interpreted either as an indication of underachievement or as a means of promoting educational progress. In Belgium, grade retention is commonly used. It indicates academic failure, and grade repetition has been found to occur more for children from the lowest social classes. Dropout, truancy, and exclusion occur in every formal education system. Leaving before the legal school-leaving age, absenteeism without notification or exclusion is particularly acute among students from disadvantaged backgrounds. In Belgium, the real dropout rate is estimated at 2 to 3 percent (Nicaise 2000). In Belgium, there is no formal policy with regard to the school attendance of pregnant girls. It is usually left to the girl (and her parents) and her school to negotiate the best solution. PLAY AND RECREATION Although a lot of big-scale quantitative research has been conducted on the topic of recreation and spare time (Burssens et al. 2004), it is difficult to draw general conclusions because often different age groups are researched, concepts are used in slightly different ways, and differing research methods and analytical methods are applied. Moreover, most studies look at ten- to eighteen-year-olds, which means that too little is known about play and recreation for the younger age groups. The results that are discussed here apply to Flanders only (Burssens et al. 2004; Vettenburg et al. 2007). They indicate that passive-receptive activities, such as listening to music and watching videos or television, are
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the most popular ways to pass free time. These activities take place in the home environment, either in one’s own room or in a friend’s room. However, the older children get, the more outdoor activities also gain in importance: going out for a meal, going to parties, and exercising in sports clubs or individually. Other important aspects of spending free time are organized youth activities and participating in cultural activities, such as theatre, arts, drama, and so on. CHILD LABOR In Belgium, child labor has been prohibited on principle since 1889 (Sanctorum 2006). However, the evolution in mass media and commercials has created a new form of child labor. Therefore, the law in Belgium was amended back in 1992 and 1993. The prohibition of child labor on principle remained, but the possible departures of the law were clearly indicated. This means that strict rules must be obeyed in relation to child labor, concerning duration, rest times, occurrence, and so on. Activities that may harm the educational or psychological development or risk the moral and physical integrity of the minor child (the age of majority is eighteen in Belgium) remain prohibited. For those pupils fifteen and older who need to do apprentice placements in the context of their education, only part-time labor is allowed (FOD Werkgelegenheid, Arbeid en Sociaal Overleg 2006). It is impossible to provide exact numbers for the numbers of children younger than fifteen who are involved in child labor (Hanson 2001). This has to do with a number of factors, the most important being that it is difficult to determine how many children work within, for instance, their own family (family companies), for third parties (seasonal labor, for example), or in special circumstances (e.g., prostitution). FAMILY Around 35 percent of Belgian households have no children (FOD Economie 1998–2007b). As mentioned earlier, the number of children in families is decreasing, although family life is still seen as crucial to a good life. In 2005, around 17 percent of families had one child and a similar percentage had two children. Households with three children made up over 8 percent of Belgian families. Single fathers with one or more children count for just over 6 percent, and single mothers with one or more children account for 16 percent of family households in Belgium. Most children live with their biological parents (Van Nuffel 2004; Van Peer 2005). An increasing number of children nevertheless also live in alternative types of households. There are rising numbers of single-parent households; the number of divorces continues to increase, causing children to live in reconstituted families where children from parents’ earlier
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relationships live together. In addition, many parents choose to live together without being married. As in most other European countries, Belgium is also characterized by the trend that women tend to have fewer children at a later age (Van Peer 2002). Many women have a career first and then, when they feel they have reached their personal goals, start having a family. Research (Audenaert 2006) has also indicated that mothers, even the highly qualified ones, traditionally take the role of child carer in favor of the career opportunities of fathers. Mothers tend to give up their career in order to be able to be there for the children and be part of their life. HEALTH The Belgian health care system is regarded as among the best healthcare systems in Europe (Expatica 2007). As is the case in most countries, the system divides itself into state and private, although fees are payable in both. The existing state scheme allows citizens to choose any doctor, clinic, or hospital they like, in any location and without referral, according to one’s needs in much the same way as private insurance. Healthcare insurance is a part of the Belgian social security system and to benefit, one must join a health insurance fund mutuelle (mutualit e ) or ziekenfonds (mutualiteit). Once employed by a Belgian company, the employee’s contributions and those of the employer are automatically deducted from the employee’s salary by the National Office for Social Security. Citizens are free to choose any company they want. Although most of them are affiliated to a religious or political institution, there is no real difference because reimbursement rates are fixed by the Belgian government. These funds do not cover 100 percent of the expenses; individuals may be compensated for about half to three-quarters of a typical doctor or specialist visit. General practitioners have their private practices or are attached to clinics and hospitals. Patients are free to consult or register with any general physician they like. The same goes for specialist consultants. It may be a decision based on location, language, or recommendation. The majority of dentists in Belgium are private. The Ministry of Health recognizes homeopathy, acupuncture, osteopathy, and chiropractic as reimbursable alternative treatments. The cost will only be covered, however, if the practitioner is registered as a qualified doctor. The national sickness-disability insurance system indirectly promotes the health of children and mothers by reimbursing the cost of certain health services (Weyts 2005). The communities are responsible for their own public health policy and health budgets. Generally spoken, prevention is one of the main aims in health care and focuses on three highly complementary spheres: medical, social, and educational. For children up to the age of six, their prospects, well-being, and health is strongly
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promoted by the communities, and parents or guardians caring for children are assisted with support and advice. For the six- to eighteenyear-olds, preventive measures are carried out through the school system, with regular health checks and, if necessary, social–psychological support for all children in nursery education and those of compulsory school age. Child Welfare Services: Legislation and Policies By law, the communities are responsible for their respective social services for individuals, including all forms of aid and assistance to families and children. Under the Public Services for Social Welfare Acts of 1974 and 1976, every individual is entitled to social services. This includes not only curative but also preventive aid and can be of material, social, medical, socio-medical, or psychological nature. It is provided for by the Openbare Centra voor Maatschappelijk Welzijn (Public Social Services). There are also private centers for general social welfare, recognized and subsidized by the communities. These services are staffed by professionals, often in cooperation with volunteers, and can take various forms: autonomous welfare centers, telephone services, centers for life and family questions, telephone reception centers, victim support, support for women, social development work, and so on. A number of regulations organize voluntary assistance for children growing up in a ‘‘problematic upbringing situation’’ (Antoons and Lammertijn 1990). For disabled children, support is provided through other means. Assistance is, in most cases, provided in the children’s families but, if necessary, the child may be placed in an institution. Welfare policies aim to ensure that the weakest members of society are supported and that every Belgian citizen has an equal quality of life. The starting point is the family. Families who are in need or who face problems of childrearing or childcare qualify for assistance. Special youth assistance in Belgium comprises three sets of services. The first is youth assistance. This is integrated in the youth welfare sector and only takes place on a voluntary basis. The second is judicial assistance for educational problems and offending, both of which lead to enforced aid measures. Central in all decisions made is the concept of the problematic parenting situation, a perspective that views children’s problems in the context of the way they are parented rather than as originating solely from the child or parents. As everyone involved believes that the parenting situation is problematic, any help given is directed at the child and the parents and to anyone else involved with the parenting process (Antoons and Lammertijn 1990). The third service is the Mediation Committee, established to ensure that every effort is made to stop voluntary aid from becoming enforced arrangements. If, however, it proves that certain measures are needed in order to solve a problem and the
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parties involved will not accept them voluntarily, then the committee can recommend enforcement via the Youth Court. Over the last thirty years, changes have taken place in the way residential and foster care are used throughout Western Europe. The trend is clearly to use more foster care and less residential care (Colton and Williams 1997). Foster care in particular has changed in its purposes, practices, and meaning. The idea that the best interests of a child can be ensured by assisting the natural parents to look after their children has transformed the perception of foster carers. They are now more likely to be regarded as sharing the care and responsibilities with the birth parents. In Belgium, where substitute care traditionally has been provided in residential institutions, the use of foster care has grown more slowly. Moreover, an increased use of day-care and support services at home is noticeably used more frequently in Flanders (Ministerie van de Vlaamse Gemeenschap 1999). Substitute care is regarded in a different way in different countries (Broekaert et al., 1996; Vanderplasschen et al. 2006). In Belgium, the perceptions are mixed: children will only be taken away from their birth families if they are at risk, but some families, especially those who live in poverty, experience this as a misuse of power and see it as an additional punishment (Koning Boudewijnstichting et al. 1994). Residential and foster care placements are provided in three types of facilities (Broekaert et al. 1996; Vanderplasschen et al. 2006; Weyts 2005). First, there are the four ‘‘closed’’ institutions run directly by the Flemish Community. These cater for the most difficult 3 percent of separated children. Children are placed there via the Juvenile Court, and the aim is to rehabilitate them with their family and home community or for them to be transferred to a less restrictive residential setting as soon as possible. The regime in these institutions is very restrictive, and their time is highly structured. The age of the young people starts at twelve and goes up to eighteen, with a high concentration of fifteen- to seventeenyear-olds. The reasons for placement in a ‘‘closed’’ institution include serious offending, or intransigent behavior when all other measures have failed or when no other effective placement is available. Second, there are private nonprofit residential homes that are authorized and subsidized by the government. Boys make up 60 percent of the residential population, 56 percent of those in residential care are between thirteen and eighteen years old; one-third have borderline intellectual capacities or a mental disability. More than 70 percent of the children display serious behavior problems. Third, there are foster families. The government has, thus far, not made any attempts to classify foster care services. However, there are specialist services that recruit foster families, match the children to the setting, provide advice for the carers as well as practical help and remuneration, and encourage cooperation between children’s birth parents and foster carers.
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Some parents who realize that they are temporarily unable to look after their children may try to place them with relatives, friends, or private foster carers in the hope of remaining more involved in the decision making about their child than would otherwise be the case. Almost all foster care services place significantly younger children than are found in residential care. Placements also tend to be longer. The availability of placements for younger children is larger than the demand but when it comes to adolescents, the demand for placements exceeds the availability. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The age of criminal responsibility in Belgium is eighteen years. The organization of the juvenile courts has remained in the hands of the national authorities. The main law concerning the treatment of juvenile delinquents is the Act of April 8, 1965, as amended by the Law of February 2, 1994. The juvenile court can take temporary custody measures that leave the minor with the person who had the custody with additional supervision by competent social service, or the minor can be placed either with a trustworthy person or institution or in a public institution for observation and state-supervised education. If it is practically impossible to do so, the minor may be kept in a local prison for a maximum of fifteen days. When this happens, the minor is separated from adult detainees. In Belgium, a person under the age of eighteen is not dealt with under the criminal law but is dealt with on a federal level under the Protection of Young Person’s Act of April 8, 1965, and its amendments in the Communities Decrees. Minors who have committed acts characterized as offenses are brought before the juvenile courts that can order protective measures but not impose punishments. Under the 1965 Act, however, a minor before the juvenile court can be tried as an adult if (s)he was over sixteen at the time of committing the offense and if the court decides that any custodial, preventive, or educational measure would be inadequate. The offender will then have to appear before the competent adult court. This relinquishment of jurisdiction has, nevertheless, to be an exception. In Flanders, there are two community institutions, each with two campuses, and one central cell in Brussels, that cater for children who have committed offenses (Agentschap Jongerenwelzijn 2007). De Kempen is for boys only and has an open campus and a secure campus. De Zande has one campus for boys, with an open section and a secure section and one campus for girls that is secure. The central cell in Brussels is a federal institution, for boys only from the age of fourteen upwards. It is called De Grubbe and is, in actual effect, a youth prison. The installation of this youth prison has caused a lot of protest from professionals in the childcare sector and those active around children’s rights because it was a political decision, made by the Minister for Justice, under public pressure to
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‘‘be tough on youth crime and delinquency’’ (Kinderrechtencommissariaat en Kinderrechtencoalitie 2005; Vandekerckhove 2002a). A minor can be held at a police station for up to twenty-four hours, and provisional custody in prison may only be used if it is practically impossible to find an individual or institution that can receive the minor straight away. According to Co-ordinated Decrees on Special Assistance for Young People (1990), minors have to be fourteen years old before they can be sent to a closed establishment, under federal responsibility, when specified conditions apply: the minor has repeatedly run away from her/his foster family or the open institution (s)he was placed in, and it seems that placement in a closed unit is necessary to maintain the integrity of the minor. This measure can last for three months and can be renewed once for another three months. RELIGIOUS LIFE The Belgian Constitution provides for freedom of religion (U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor 2003). The population is predominantly Roman Catholic. Other government-recognized religions represented among the Belgian population are Islam, Protestantism, Judaism, Anglicanism, and Orthodox Christianity (Greek and Russian). The biggest nonrecognized religions are Jehovah’s Witnesses and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons). Approximately 15 percent of the population does not identify with any religion. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The cornerstone in the legislation that covers children and families is, in accordance with the guiding U.N. Conventions on the Rights of Children (UNCRC) principles, the ‘‘best interest of the child.’’ However, when it comes to the use of violence against children, neither article twenty-two bis of the Constitution, nor the articles concerning physical assault and serious injuries in the penal code, nor the articles concerning mutual respect between parents and children in the civil code, provide judicial grounds for the protection of children against violence (Vandekerckhove 2002b). This means that perpetrators of violence against children still go unpunished, even though a complaint was made against Belgium by the organization Mondiale Contre la Torture (Complaint 21/2003) in 2003, and Belgium was condemned by the Council of Europe for this in 2005 (Vandekerckhove 2005). With regard to the incidence of abuse and neglect in Belgium, registrations of abuse or neglect are recorded by most of the agencies working with children. In Flanders, for example, the Confidential Doctor Centres noted 54.7 registrations per 10,000 children under the age of eighteen in
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2001 (Degrendele 2003). However, professionals agree that this is a large number concerning child abuse and neglect and that much needs to be done to ensure child safety. In 1998, after a horrendous child abduction case, a Belgian foundation called Child Focus, the European Centre for Missing and Sexually Exploited Children, was set up according to the example of the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children in Washington, D.C., in the United States (Child Focus 2007). Since then, twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week, at both the national and international level, the center actively supports investigations in disappearance, abduction, or sexual exploitation of children and tries to prevent and fight against these phenomena. On average, Child Focus deals with 3,000 files per year. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY If one wants to make a judgment of what it is like to grow up in the twenty-first century in Belgium, a number of criteria can be taken into account. Considering the information that was provided earlier in the chapter, Belgium could be judged to be a child- and family-friendly country in a number of respects. Belgium is characterized by a mixture of languages and cultures. By creating its particular federal structure, the country aimed to provide each of the different communities in Belgium with maximal opportunities to respect their own language and culture while at the same time trying to maintain the principles of solidarity and subsidiary, which have characterized the Belgian makeup since its independence in 1830. There is no point denying that there are differences between the Flemish and the Frenchspeaking community, but these differences play mainly at the political level, and Flemish and Walloons tend to get on well in personal contacts. It is clear that Belgium is investing in its education system in an attempt to maintain its traditional high standard of education, thus aiming to safeguard its economic position with a modern, highly qualified work force. Considering play and recreation, there is a lack of knowledge about what it is that Belgian children do in their spare time. The existing research seems to indicate that most children and young people are happy with the opportunities that exist in the field of sports, culture, and recreation. Regarding family life in Belgium, the country is characterized by the same trends that occur in other west European countries. Families are decreasing in numbers, and the composition of households varies enormously due to the rising number of divorces and alternative ways of living. The family is nevertheless still an important value to most Belgians, and family ties are maintained closely. There is no doubt that the health system in Belgium is among the best in Europe, with high-quality services going together with the freedom to
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choose a general physician, specialist doctor, dentist, and hospital against affordable prices. Parents and children experiencing difficulties can rely on an extensive support system in Belgium. For those children who cannot live with their own family, substitute care is provided in close collaboration with the natural parents. This is also the case for minors who have committed offenses; in addition, for this group of young people, efforts are taken to ensure they can return home as soon as possible. However, as is the case in most countries, no systems works perfectly, and in many respects, there is a lot of scope for improvement of certain situations. Belgium spends less than a third (29.4 percent) of its gross domestic product (GDP) on children and families (Eurostat 1998). The responsibility to provide support and care to children lies predominantly with the nuclear family, although universal family allowances are provided irrespective of income. However, recent economic strains have initiated cuts (Hantrais and Letablier 1996), thus the chances increase that more people lose out. When examining indicators related to health, GDP seems to be broadly correlated with infant mortality and life expectancy. Nevertheless, countries with similar GDPs display disparities in mortality figures. For instance, the mortality rates for under-fives have fallen steadily since the 1970s thanks to improvements in nutrition, basic health care, and education (Micklewright and Stewart 1999). The figure for under-five mortality in Belgium stands at 7 per 1,000 live births (Bradbury et al., 2001). However, this does not mean that many unnecessary deaths do not still occur. For example, as a result of a rise in motorized transport, increased violence, and the break-up of traditional social networks, premature mortality is still common in European countries. In Belgium, child poverty remains a problem. When investigating the incidence of child poverty using the overall median poverty line, the percentage is 6.1 percent in Belgium. When poverty is measured against the child rather than the adult median, the number is 4.2 percent for Belgium (Bradbury et al. 2001). Over the years, relative poverty has remained more or less the same in Belgium (Vleminckx and Smeeding 2001). With regard to children in the Belgian communities, responsibility for legislation and policy on children and families rests with a government department with particular responsibility for family matters. In Flanders, for example, there is also a children’s rights commissioner since 1997 and a coordinating minister for children’s rights. On the other hand, many issues remain unsolved. As we discussed under the heading of education, dropout rates, underachievement, leaving school before the end of compulsory school age, and leaving school without qualifications are issues that need to be addressed so that the right to education will
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actually be achieved. With regard to child labor, a number of issues remain unsolved as many children work under illegal circumstances (e.g., prostitution) or miss school because they have to help out in the family business and so on. We also learned about the difficulties that children in trouble with the law experience and how Belgium still fails to protect some of its children effectively from abuse and assault for a lack of effective legislation. Despite these shortcomings, the fact remains that in Belgium, separate bodies do exist to ensure that children’s rights in terms of protection, provision, and participation are met. This is a positive indicator of the attention and respect paid to those children and leaves one to hope that in the long term, attitudes will change for the better and the living situations of all Belgian children will be improved.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Burssens, S., De Groot, H., Huysmans, I., Sinnaeve, F., Van Nuffel, K., Vettenburg, N., Elchardus, M., Walgrave, L., and De Bie, M., eds. 2004. Jeugdonderzoek belicht. Voorlopig sytheserapport van wetenschappelijk onderzoek naar Vlaamse kinderen en jongeren. (2000–2004). K.U. Leuven, VUB en UGent: Onuitgegeven onderzoeksrapport. Micklewright, J., and Stewart, K. 1999. Is Child Welfare Converging in the European Union? Innocenti Occasional Papers, Economic & Social Policy Series EPS 69, Florence, Italy: UNICEF. Nicaise, I. 2000. The Right to Learn. Educational Strategies for Socially Excluded Youth in Europe. Bristol, United Kingdom: The Policy Press. Vettenburg, N., Elchardus, M., and Walgrave, L. 2007. Jongeren van nu en straks. Overzicht en synthese van recent jeugdonderzoek in Vlaanderen. Heverlee, Belgium: Lannoocampus. Vleminckx, K., and Smeeding, T. 2001. Child Well-being, Child Poverty and Child Policy in Modern Nations: What Do We Know? Bristol, United Kingdom: Policy Press. Weyts, A. 2005. Meeting the Needs of Children in Substitute Care. A European Comparative Study of Welfare Services and Education. Gent, Belgium: Academia Press.
Web Sites Belgium Federal Portal, http://www.belgium.be. Eurybase, http://www.eurydice.org. The information database on education systems in Europe. The House of Representatives, http://www.theChamber.be.
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Organizations and NGOs Child Focus in Belgium Web site: http://www.childfocus.be The Flemish Child Rights Commissioner (Kinderrechtencommissariaat) Web site: http://www.kinderrechten.be
Selected Bibliography Agentschap Jongerenwelzijn. 2007. Preventie en hulpverlening aan kinderen en jongeren. Sitemap. http://www.wvg.vlaanderen.be. Accessed April 12, 2007. Antoons, P., and Lammertijn, F. 1990. De welzijnszorg in de Vlaamse Gemeenschap. Voorzieningen en overheidsbeleid. Monographie 6, De bijzondere jeudbijstand. Leuven, Belgium: K.U. Leuven. Audenaert, V. 2006. Besluitvorming bij jonge ouders over de combinatie arbeid en gezin: een hindernissenparcours op weg naar een gelijkwaardige taakverdeling. http://www.cbgs.be. Accessed October 3, 2006. Belgium Federal Portal. 2006. http://www.belgium.be. Accessed October 30, 2006. Belgium Federal Portal. 2007a. http://www.belgium.be. Accessed April 5, 2007. Belgium Federal Portal. 2007b. http://www.belgium.be. Accessed April 7, 2007. Bradbury, B., Jenkins, S., and Micklewright, J., eds. 2001. The Dynamics of Child Poverty in Industrialised Countries. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. Broekaert, E., De Fever, F., and Hellinckx, W. 1996. Orthopedagogische Werkvelden in Kaart. Leuven/Apeldoorn: Garant. Burssens, S., De Groot, H., Huysmans, I., Sinnaeve, F., Van Nuffel, K., Vettenburg, N., Elchardus, M., Walgrave, L., en De Bie, M., eds. 2004. Jeugdonderzoek belicht. Voorlopig sytheserapport van wetenschappelijk onderzoek naar Vlaamse kinderen en jongeren. (2000–2004). K.U. Leuven, VUB en UGent: Onuitgegeven onderzoeksrapport. Child Focus. 2007. About Child Focus. http://www.childfocus.be. Accessed April 11, 2007. Colton, M., and Williams, M. 1997. The World of Foster Care: An International Sourcebook on Foster Family Care Systems. Aldershot: Arena. Degrendele, R. 2003. Kindermishandeling in Vlaanderen. Clientenregistratie bij de Vertrouwenscentra Kindermishandeling. http://kindermishandeling.org. Accessed April 11, 2007. Elchardus, M. Red. 1999. Zonder Maskers. Een actueel portret van jongeren en hun leraren. Gent: Globe. European Commission. 1996. Key data on education in the European Union. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities. Eurostat. 1998. Regional Statistics. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications for the European Communities. Eurydice. 2007. Eurybase. The information database on education systems in Europe. http://www.eurydice.org. Accessed April 8, 2007. Expatica. 2007. Belgian Healthcare System. http://www.expatica.com. Accessed April 11, 2007. FOD Economie-Algemene Directie Statistiek en Economische Informatie, Dienst Demografie. 2007. Structuur van de Bevolking. Bevolking per geslacht en
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leeftijdsgroep. http://statbel.fgov.be/figures/d21_nl.asp. Accessed March 28, 2007. FOD Economie-Algemene Directie Statistiek en Economische Informatie. 1998– 2007a. Enquete naar de arbeidskrachten (EAK). http://statbel.fgov.be/lfs/ default.asp. Accessed March 28, 2007. FOD Economie. 1998–2007b. Rijksregister-berekeningen Algemene Dienst Directie Statistiek en Economische Informatie. http://statbel.fgov.be/figures/ d24_nl.asp. Accessed April 11, 2007. FOD Werkgelegenheid, Arbeid en Sociaal Overleg. 2006. De arbeidsreglementering en het welzijn. http://meta.fgov.be/pd/pdb/nldb14.htm. Accessed November 16, 2006. Hanson, K. 2001. Seminar: Kinderarbeid/Recente ontwikkelingen op internationaal en Belgisch vlak. Documentatiebundel, pp. 6–22. http://www.law.kuleuven.ac.be/ iir/nl/activiteiten/documentatie/KindArbDocu.pdf. Accessed November 16, 2006. Hantrais, L., and Letablier, M. 1996. Families and Family Policies in Europe. London: Longman. The House of Representatives. 2002. Information Sheet. The Communities and Regions competences. http://www.theChamber.be. Accessed April 4, 2007. The House of Representatives. 2004a. Information Sheet. The French-speaking Community and the Walloon Region. http://www.theChamber.be. Accessed April 4, 2007. The House of Representatives. 2004b. Information Sheet. Brussels-Capital Region http://www.theChamber.be. Accessed April 7, 2007. The House of Representatives. 2004c. Information Sheet. The German-speaking Community. http://www.theChamber.be. Accessed April 7, 2007. The House of Representatives. 2006a. Information Sheet. The Dividing up of Competences. http://www.theChamber.be. Accessed April 4, 2007. The House of Representatives. 2006b. Information Sheet. The Flemish Community and the Flemish Region. http://www.theChamber.be. Accessed April 4, 2007. The House of Representatives. 2006c. Information Sheet. The Provinces. http:// www.theChamber.be. Accessed April 7, 2007. The House of Representatives. 2006d. Information Sheet. The municipalities. http:// www.theChamber.be. Accessed April 7, 2007. Kinderrechtencommissariaat en Kinderrechtencoalitie. 2005. Persbericht. Geplande hervorming jeugdbeschermingsrecht schendt de rechten van jongeren. http:// www.kinderrechten.be. Accessed April 12, 2007. Koning Boudewijn Stichting, ATD Vierde Wereld Belgi€e, and Vereniging van Belgische Steden en Gemeenten. 1994. Algemeen Verslag over de Armoede. Brussels, Belgium: Koning Boudewijn Stichting. Michielsens, P. 1995. Secondary Education in The Flemish Community of Belgium. Strasbourg, Belgium: Council of Europe. Micklewright, J., and Stewart, K. 1999. Is Child Welfare Converging in the European Union? Innocenti Occasional Papers, Economic & Social Policy Series EPS 69, Florence, Italy: UNICEF. Ministerie van de Vlaamse Gemeenschap, Departement Onderwijs. 2005. Onderwijs in Vlaanderen. Het Vlaamse onderwijslandschap in een notendop. http:// www.ond.vlaanderen.be. Accessed March 16, 2007. Ministerie van de Vlaamse Gemeenschap. 1999. De Bijzondere Jeugdbijstand in Statistieken. Brussel, Belgium: Ministerie van de Vlaamse Gemeenschap.
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Nicaise, I. 2000. The Right to Learn. Educational Strategies for Socially Excluded Youth in Europe. Bristol, Belgium: The Policy Press. Sanctorum, J. 2006. Tu es heureuse, Lindsay, dis, tu es heureuse? Over kindercharades en nimfenparades in het post-Dutroux-tijdperk. http://www.visionair-belgie. be/artikels/eurokids.htm. Accessed November 16, 2006. U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. 2003. The International Religious Freedom Report 2003. Belgium. http://www .state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2003/24346.htm. Accessed October 2, 2006. Van Nuffel, K. 2004. Gezin en kinderopvang. Married with children. http:// www.jeugdonderzoeksplatform.be. Accessed April 11, 2007. Van Peer, C. 2002. Kinderen krijgen: minder en later . . . Een greep uit het CBGSonderzoek over uitstel van ouderschap in Vlaanderen en enkele Europese landen. http://www.cbgs.be. Accessed October 3, 2006. Van Peer, C. 2005. Vlamingen en hun kinderwens. http://www.cbgs.be. Accessed October 3, 2006. Vandekerckhove, A. 2002a. Beleidsadvies. Samenwerkingsakkoord ‘Everberg’. Stuk 2001–2002/11. http://www.kinderrechten.be. Accessed April 12, 2007. Vandekerckhove, A. 2002b. Beleidsadvies. Nultolerantie voor geweld op minderjarigen. Stuk 2005–2006/6. http://www.kinderrechten.be. Accessed April 12, 2007. Vandekerckhove, A. 2005. Persbericht. Belgie vandaag veroordeeld door Raad van Europa. Lijfstraffen minderjarigen in Belgie nog steeds niet ondubbelzinnig verboden. http://www.kinderrechten.be. Accessed October 3, 2006. Vanderplasschen, W., Vandevelde, S., Claes, C., Broekaert, E., and Van Hove, G. 2006. Orthopedagogische werkvelden in beweging: organisatie en tendensen. Antwerpen-Apeldoorn: Garant. Vettenburg, N., Elchardus, M., and Walgrave, L. 2007. Jongeren van nu en straks. Overzicht en synthese van recent jeugdonderzoek in Vlaanderen. Heverlee: Lannoocampus. Vleminckx, K., and Smeeding, T. 2001. Child Well-being, Child Poverty and Child Policy in Modern Nations: What Do We Know? Bristol, Belgium: Policy Press. Weyts, A. 2005. Meeting the Needs of Children in Substitute Care. A European Comparative Study of Welfare Services and Education. Gent, Belgium: Academia Press.
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BULGARIA Lilia Raycheva NATIONAL PROFILE The process of transformation to democracy and a market-place economy in Bulgaria since 1989 has posed significant social challenges to the population. Dramatic changes occurred in the parameters of gross domestic product (GDP), unemployment rates, standards of living, and real incomes, as well as in social benefits, such as healthcare, education, and care for children. Although Bulgaria joined NATO in 2004 and became a member of the European Union in 2007, the stressing economic conditions of the transition period strongly influenced the infrastructure of the population. According to the latest census in 2001, Bulgaria’s population amounts to 7,932,984 (Bulgarians, 84 percent; Turks, 9 percent; Roma, 5 percent; others, 2 percent). Eighty-four percent profess the Eastern Orthodox faith, while 12 percent are Muslims. The population has decreased by more than 1 million since the last census prior to the period of transition— 8,948,649 (1985). The proportion of urban population has increased to 69 percent,
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primarily as a result of migration from villages to towns. Emigration was particularly significant in this period, over half a million, with most leaving the country being in the twenty to thirty-nine years of age bracket (National Statistical Institute of Bulgaria 2001). Bulgaria is one of the countries marked with an aging population: 2.5 percent for 1950–1955, 2.2 percent for 1975–1980, and 1.1 percent for 2000–2005 (UN 2002). While the fifteen- to fifty-nine-year-old group remains comparatively stable (a little over 60 percent), the number of children under fourteen is sharply declining, while the percentage of people above sixty years of age has nearly doubled. Since the beginning of the 1980s, a stable tendency to decreasing households in the country has been observed. The average number of members per household has also been decreasing. Of all households in the country in 2001, about 2,900,000, a significant proportion, 70.5 percent, are without children. Households with children under sixteen are classified as follows: 18 percent with one child; 10 percent with two children; 1 percent with three children; 0.3 percent with four children; 0.1 with five children, and 0.06 with six and more children (National Statistical Institute of Bulgaria 2002). The negative national increase per 1,000 inhabitants of 5.6 is a disturbing tendency (Strategy for the National Youth Policy 2003–2007). Following the introduction of a Currency Board Arrangement in mid1997, relative financial stability was achieved in Bulgaria, but the process of social stratification and impoverishment of the population was not brought under control. Along with that, the unstable government system encouraged the development of the ‘‘gray economy’’ that gave rise to a thin layer of noveau riche. The tendency towards growing differentiation and polarization of households by income may be expected to continue in the next decade. In 2004, 14 percent of households in the country lived under the poverty threshold, calculated according to the Eurostat relative method. Currently, GDP per capita equals 8,200 leva (Euro 4,200) and the average monthly wage is 326 leva (Euro 167). The high unemployment rate (10.7 percent) creates additional stress to the population (National Statistical Institute of Bulgaria 2004). The monthly cost of living per child varies between Euro 50 and 125 depending on the child’s age (Hristova 2002). Families whose average monthly income is below Euro 100 per family member are entitled to a monthly child allowance of Euro 7.5 per child (Family Allowances Act). The allowance is granted on the condition that the child attends school if he or she is of school age. Such allowances are granted to 1.3 million of all 1.5 million children in Bulgaria. Orphan children are entitled to a monthly pension of Euro 25 (National Statistical Institute of Bulgaria 2004). There are also birth grants and allowances for infants aged younger than two, as well as allowances for disabled and gifted children. Mothers are entitled to a lump-sum birth grant of Euro 100 for a first, second, and third child,
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and of Euro 50 for every additional child. Mothers working under a contract of employment are entitled to a monthly childcare allowance of Euro 50 payable until the child attains two years of age. Mothers who are not employed under a contract of employment before childbirth are entitled to the same allowance, but until the child attains one year of age (Labor Code). OVERVIEW
KEY FACTS – BULGARIA Population: 7,932,984 (2001) Infant mortality rate: 19.16 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 72.57 years (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 98.6 percent (2003 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 95 percent (2000–2005) Internet users: 2.2 million (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 346 (2001 est.) Sources: National Statistical Institution of Bulgaria, 2001; UNICEF. Bulgaria–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ bulgaria_statistics.html. April 24, 2007; World Health Organization (WHO): UNAIDS/WHO Global HIV/AIDS Online Database. ‘‘Epidemiological Fact Sheets on HIV/AIDS and Sexuality Transmitted Diseases: Bulgaria.’’ http://www.who.int/ GlobalAtlas/predefinedReports/EFS2006/ index.asp?strSelectedCountry¼BG. December 2006.
Bulgarian society attaches toporder importance to the supreme interests of the child. The status of the Bulgarian child is formulated by Bulgarian legislation. National legislation recognizes the general principles of the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child and other international conventions, which guarantee the civil, political, social, and cultural rights of children in Bulgaria. Protection of children is featured in almost any national law. It is most prominently formulated by the Child Protection Act (CPA) and by the Rules on the Implementation of the Child Protection Act (in force since July 25, 2003). The rights of the child in Bulgaria are also are protected by numerous normative documents, such as the Constitution of the Republic of Bulgaria, the Family Code, the Penal Code, the Penal Procedure Code, the Social Security Code, and the Labor Code, as well as by many other acts, rules, and regulations. In order to guarantee effectively the rights of children, several ethical codes for self-regulation have been adopted, too. The principle of bringing the action of all public organizations in line with the supreme interests of the child is normatively regulated in their daily work. Among the currently acting programs are the National Strategy for Child Protection (2004–2006); the National Plan for Integration of Children with Special Education Needs and/or Chronic Conditions into the Public Education System (2004–2007); and the Action Plan for Implementation of the National Strategy for Prevention and Counteraction to Juvenile Acts (2003–2006). EDUCATION Education is a traditional value for Bulgarians. Obligatory primary education was introduced in the country in 1891 and obligatory basic
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education in 1921 (Hrusanov et al. 1976). Starting school at the age of seven is compulsory for children, and they are obliged to attend until they are sixteen or until they complete secondary education. Equal opportunities for all children in various genders, ethnic, religious, or economic groups to attend the public schools free of charge are granted. Special measures are taken to educate disabled children, students with chronic diseases, and children who are socially disadvantaged (permanently or temporarily deprived of parental care and a family environment). The educational policy of the Republic of Bulgaria is characterized by active development of new legislation (Public Education Act [1991], Higher Education Act [1995], Professional Education Act [1999], Level of Education, General Education Minimum and Curriculum Act [1999], etc.). There is an institutional and social understanding of the importance of education for all with regard to lifelong education, development of cultural and moral values, and enhancement of the nation’s spiritual heritage. The Public Education Act is one of the major laws providing for the set-up, operation, and management of kindergartens, schools, and servicing facilities. The act is based on the principles of education, which is free of charge, accessible, and compulsory, and on an aspiration to make it universal. However, the fulfillment of the specified objectives is challenged by the growing tendencies to social stratification and deinstitutionalization of family and school. Changing outdated teaching equipment, worn facilities, and old tuition methods in public schools is slow and inconsistent due to the complexity of constant educational reforms. The insufficient funds allocated for education in the national budget are a negative factor for the teachers’ motivation. The conditions for bringing up of schoolchildren have worsened: refectory nutrition, summer, winter, or spring holiday camps, and extracurricular activities have deteriorated. Some traditional social benefits, such as free textbooks and appliances for primary education, school healthcare, and so forth, are gradually being undermined. Irrespective of this and despite the rising cost of living, Bulgarians traditionally do not begrudge spending their money on their children’s education. This attitude is supported by the high literacy level of 98 percent of the entire population. Traditionally, students from high schools are still harvesting the first places in mathematics and sciences. However, a steady tendency to decreasing student numbers is observed, mainly due to the low birth rate. The number of educational establishments likewise declined: in 2004–2005, general and special schools numbered 2,784 (295 primary schools, 1,877 basic schools, 21 lower secondary schools, 167 upper secondary schools, and 424 combined lower and upper secondary schools), or 1,806 less than in 1990–1991, the year right after the changes. The number of schools that were closed down or transformed was much higher for rural than for urban areas. Vocational schools (including art
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schools) have slightly increased: 500 (2004–2005) to 497 (1990–1991). In view of the optimal use of the existing municipal school base, teaching is organized in two shifts because of lack of school space, a morning shift from 7:45 A.M. until 1:00 P.M. and afternoon shift from 1:30 P.M. until 7:00 P.M., with two school terms and three vacations in a school year. Introduction of private schools in the country started in 1992–1993. In 2004–2005, private general and special schools numbered fifty-six, and there were forty-three private vocational schools. The relevant equipment and technical backup of the education process is substantially better in private schools compared to that in the public ones. Both public and private schools follow uniform educational plans and issue equally legitimate certification for an educational level completed. Almost all teachers, 98.8 percent, have higher education. The majority of teachers, 83.0 percent, are women (National Statistical Institute of Bulgaria 2003). A disturbing trend in the period of transition is school dropout. Poverty at family or municipality level is named as one of the major factors, as well as affiliation to different ethnic minority groups (Roma, Turks), place of residence (city ghettoes and isolated rural areas), quality of education, and ineffective regulation. The direct connection of crime rate among adolescents to lack of education is also shown. School dropout has proven a powerful factor for getting into a risk group. Unregistered children usually belong to marginalized parents living outside the framework of the normal social relations and institutions. The School Boards of Trustees are one of the earliest forms for protection of the interests of children in school. They are usually composed of parents and prominent municipal functionaries who can and are willing to contribute to upholding the needs and interests of students. Almost all Bulgarian schools have Boards of Trustees, but not all of them are registered. The Chitalishta have been known in Bulgaria since the years of the Bulgarian National Revival as institutions of enlightenment and culture. Their work does not target only the children, though one can say that children are their major customers. Work in most Chitalishta is aimed at expanding the knowledge and culture and at enhancing the talent and abilities of children from the municipality in which the respective institution is located. The Sports Federations and Associations, which mainly target the promotion of one or another sport, engage in disseminating the principles of physical culture and in creating conditions for training and physical development not only of children, but mostly for them. Despite the economic difficulties, special efforts are made for modernizing the school system and training. Positive measures are taken towards priority objectives, such as high quality of teaching, civics education, early foreign language training, introduction of new information and communication technologies, variety of vocational training, and diversity of higher education. While preserving the traditions and the cultural
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heritage, efforts are made to harmonize Bulgarian education with European dimensions. PLAY AND RECREATION The well-being of children living in a municipality depends to a great extent on the development and architectural plans of the settlement. Communications, commercial services, and transport links are all being improved. Although children in big cities benefit from good school transportation, they are gradually being deprived of playing and sports grounds due to growing urban construction. Regulations for protecting children in the social environment are constantly being introduced. Selling alcohol and tobacco products in the shops within a radius of 200 meters near schools is forbidden. A licensing regime is introduced for discotheques and computer clubs to protect children outside the school. Access of children to such places is limited depending on their age. Quite frequently, however, the rules adopted are not followed by the children or by the controlling persons. All this often turns the public space into a hostile environment for the children. The virtual world, which merges time and space and offers provocative amusement possibilities, is of great interest to Bulgarian children. Various studies show that children spend a substantial part of their time watching television programs, playing computer games, and surfing the Internet. The new media and information technologies have, without a doubt, positive effects on children’s maturing and development. According to the facts, however, the audiovisual and cyber space is not yet a safe shelter for the children. The most widely spread communication technical device in Bulgaria is the television set, which can be found in 97.3 percent of households. During the last decade, satellite dishes (7.9 percent) were replaced by cable TV (59 percent), and today each second household is a subscriber to a cable operator. The technical methods for filtering television programs with harmful contents are not yet popular in Bulgaria, and the culture of preventing children from seeing this harmful television influence is still at an embryonic stage. The liberalization of the country’s audiovisual market gives the children who live in a household with cable television the chance to watch, apart from the three national terrestrial programs (BNT, bTV, and Nova televizia), a variety of foreign satellite and Bulgarian cable television programs. Currently, there are more than 300 radio and television programs distributed throughout the country (Bulletin of the Council for Electronic Media 2005). The supply does not guarantee the possibility of wide options. The quantitative supply provides reduced quality, lack of variety, and a limited choice. In the context of television production for children, such a mixed situation speaks of at least two disturbing tendencies:
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reduction of children audience’s possibilities for educational and personal development through television and its transformation into a consumer commodity. The problem gets even worse for children with intellectual, mental, and physical disabilities. They are not included in any audience frame, and no television station produces programs specially designed to satisfy their specific needs. The approach of the Bulgarian television stations toward children as a whole is subordinated mainly to the entertainment function, and less to cognitive and educational issues. The insufficient production of educational programs in the country raises the issue of the extreme commercialization of the television landscape. Good-quality content appropriate for children is not often found. Also, because of lack of sufficient family control, children are subjected to the risks brought about by the spectacular cheap film productions full of sex and violence, which account for the major part of the movie program of the Bulgarian television stations, especially distributed by cable. Ever since 1997, when the Internet was officially introduced in the country, its market has been expanding at encouraging rates. Nowadays, 14.6 percent of households have personal computers at their disposal. Data show that 15.9 percent of the population between sixteen and seventy-four years in Bulgaria are frequent Internet users (National Statistical Institute of Bulgaria 2001). It provides possibilities for developing additional services, such as online games, multimedia applications, and so on, which are extremely attractive to children of all ages. All children have the right of equal access to new information technologies; of education in competent and responsible behavior in the Internet; of access to Internet materials that are of social and cultural benefit to the child; of freedom of speech and information through the new information and communication technologies; of protection against harmful content in the internet; of protection against exploitation or against being involved in illegal activities through the network. All students in Bulgaria, regardless of the specificity of the school they attend, have the opportunity to get basic education and skills of working with modern information technologies. Teaching disadvantaged children, especially those with physical or mental disabilities, however, is still challenging. The young Bulgarians often perceive the virtual world of the Internet as a compensation for the live dialogue and entertainment they are lacking. They enjoy exchanging e-mails, chatting in chat groups, and playing games. The main possibilities for children’s access to the Internet are outside their homes through the paid computer clubs and public places for free access to the Internet. A special program for respecting children’s rights in the virtual world is adopted. It is initiated and administered by the State Agency for Child Protection and is supported by nongovernmental organizations developing their projects on the subject.
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Mobile communication is fast entering the everyday life of the Bulgarian population. Mobile telephones are accessible to children in families with an average monthly income of over Euro 75. Usually, these children receive their first mobile telephone when they are ten to eleven years old. From a strictly functional point of view, mobile phones are used for providing greater ease for the parents by potentially constant mobile connection with the child; communication with peers, which most frequently is not pragmatic and has the clear character of a game (SMS fashion); using the entertainment functions of the mobile unit for minielectronic games (especially at the beginning), frequent change of melodies, composing own melodies, change of display’s layout, using decorative panels and other fashionable accessories for the mobile telephones, and so forth. The information which children receive from the television screen or from the Internet increases their average intelligence coefficient. Despite the allegations that illiteracy abounds, that children do not read books, that they are wasting their time and this is bad for their health, the surveys show explicitly that in the cyber era, children are much more practical, know more, and adapt to their environment much easier. Furthermore, being acquainted with the virtual world, which to a great extent is an imaginary projection of everyday life, makes children feel important and integrated subjects of the real world. Quite often, Bulgarian children apprehend the audiovisual and the cybernetic space as a shelter, where they feel free from the daily stress, fear, and loneliness. The television set, the computer, or even the mobile phone screen provides them with the opportunities for dialogue and social contacts, which they are missing, or which are insufficient to them in the real world. CHILD LABOR The general economic crisis accompanying the social transformation processes in Bulgaria during the last sixteen years has a substantial impact on every family’s budget planning. Usually the main part of the modest monthly income is used for satisfying physiological and everyday necessities, while there is hardly any money left for clothing, vacations, and entertainment (National Statistical Institute of Bulgaria 2004). The Bulgarian legislation ensures special protection of child labor through the relevant provisions of the Labor Code. These provisions have been adopted in keeping with the International Labor Organization Convention on the Minimum Age and the U.N. International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights to which Bulgaria is a party. The Labor Code envisages special protection of persons under age with regard to labor relations. The minimum age for admission to employment is sixteen years. It is prohibited to hire children to do night and extra work. According to the country’s legislation, children above fifteen have the right
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to work under reduced working schedule for up to seven hours a day and up to thirty-five hours a week. The employer has to provide a healthy working environment and labor conditions. Minors have the right to work in the field of arts, provided their parents are completely acquainted and agree to the nature and conditions of the work. All children who wish to work must have work permits in which the types of activities that may be performed by the child must be stated (Labor Code, article 304–305). The Regional Labor Inspectorate issues that document. According to recent data, 6.4 percent of all 1,294,000 Bulgarian children work voluntarily in the private sector. Their labor is mainly employed in the fields of tourism, services, agriculture, and transport. A total of 43.3 percent of working children receive Euro 5 to 15 for their monthly labor, and the rest receive more than Euro 15 (National Representative Survey 2002). It is much more regrettable that some children are forced to perform hard labor, to beg, or to prostitute. This has a negative effect on the performance of their school obligations, and such children quite often remain at a low education level. Exploitation of child labor and treatment of children as a source of cheap labor is gradually being introduced into the transforming Bulgarian society. Most working children are hired without work permits, against the requirements of the Labor Code. The discrepancies confirm the rumor that almost all working children are employed illegally in the gray economy sector and work without any civil and labor rights, and moreover, during the time they are expected to be at school. FAMILY The Constitution of the Republic of Bulgaria adopted in 1991 provides for special protection of children, as well as of family and motherhood (Article 14); for equality of children born out of and in wedlock; for special protection by the state and society of abandoned children (Article 47, paragraphs 1–5 of the Constitution). The provisions of the Constitution are directly applicable. The provisions of the Family Code regulate relations between parents and children, institutions of adoption, and guardianship/trusteeship. The social anomie that has spread over Bulgarian society during the last sixteen years manifested itself most clearly in the crisis of values. The difficult transition has left its destabilizing imprint on family life as well. Looking back in time, it can be noticed that marriage or family, respectively, was Bulgarians’ key value during the socialist era, with the difference, however, that a purposeful government policy supporting and stimulating marriage was carried out then. This policy contributed to ensuring the social value of caring for children’s well-being. Prior to 1989, parents made extensive use of childcare in creches until the age of
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three, and in the kindergartens until children were of school-age, all for token charges. The lack of such a social policy today, as well as the hardship of the transition, substantially alters Bulgarians’ orientation towards a family life. The number of marriages has decreased while divorce levels have risen. The number of children living with only one parent increased as a result. Usually, the rights of raising and bringing up the children are awarded to the mother. Data from the latest population census show that 24.5 percent of households with children have a single parent (unmarried, widowed, or divorced). Twenty-one percent of children in Bulgaria are raised by only one parent; 17 percent by their mothers, and 4 percent by their fathers (National Statistical Institute of Bulgaria 2004). The two-child family model of the recent past has given way to the contemporary one-child model. This, however, does not mean that children are not a value any more. The need for children, on the contrary, is quite a stable phenomenon, and for the majority of Bulgarians, parenthood is an important condition for feeling fulfilled and happy. The social transformation processes place the children–parent relationship in a very delicate and complex situation. Keeping close to the patriarchal values quite often places the child in a disadvantaged position in relation to elderly family members, who guide children’s development and plan their priorities. This guardianship continues long after the childhood years. Intensive living and stress, accompanied by poor financial status, regretfully, do not encourage the establishment of harmonious family relations. Children are all too often witnesses to conflicts between their parents, or even worse, to violence, most frequently against their mother or against themselves. More and more young families or couples living in so-called ‘‘free unions’’ postpone childbirth for reasons connected to their professional careers. Matching their professional responsibilities with raising children turns into a problem for almost all parents working in the private sector, and to a lesser extent, for those working in the public one. Children in families in which both parents work are either raised by their grandparents or they spend a predominant share of their days in childcare and educational institutions. Cases where the child stays at home with a governess are relatively rare. Attendance in kindergartens and creches is not compulsory and depends on the parents’ wish and resources. That is precisely why this service is not entirely free of charge. One part of the cost of kindergarten attendance is borne by the parents and the other by municipalities. Weekly, all-day, and half-day municipal childcare institutions operate in the country. Private kindergartens, which are competing successfully with municipal kindergartens because of offering better conditions, are an alternative for as yet a very limited number of parents. There are also
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remedial (for children with health care problems) and special (for handicapped children) childcare centers The past few years have seen a continuous decrease in the number of kindergartens due to low birth rates and the unsuccessful efforts of central and local government to use material and financial resources more effectively. The number of children attending Bulgaria’s 3,301 (26 of them private) kindergartens in 2005 was 76.3 percent of all children aged three to six years (National Statistical Institute of Bulgaria 2003). The second widespread family employment model is the one in which one of the parents remains at home and fully takes the responsibilities connected to the children, while the other one is working. It is mothers that usually commit themselves to household and children, as long as the share of permanently jobless women is higher that that of men (Osnovni rezultati ot nablyudenieto, 2003). Even in this case, some of the preschool-aged children attend nurseries or creches. The worst case for children is to live in the lowest income bracket family with both parents unemployed. These are most frequently minority group families, usually Roma, and the outcome for their children is extremely unfavorable. The children from the lowest income bracket families whose parents are already unable to satisfy their everyday and physiological needs are exactly the ones that are the most frequent victims of family or street violence. They have either been put up in a foster home or they live in the street, prostituting and committing petty crimes. The unstable family atmosphere pushes many children between six and eighteen years of age to look for tranquility and comfort outside their home. The growth of the number of homeless children is an extremely painful and topical problem in Bulgaria. It is quite common for these children to be treated as objects, as victims of circumstances. They can neither choose their family nor their society. On the contrary, they are obliged to conform to their parents’ choice or to the choice of those who are taking care of them. Actually, social transformation has had the greatest effect on children’s well-being. HEALTH The Bulgarian Constitution recognizes the right of citizens (including children) to health insurance guaranteeing accessible medical care and free use of healthcare services under conditions and procedures defined by law. Since 1990, the state monopoly in healthcare has been discontinued, by virtue of amendments to the Public Health Act and the regulations of its application. Private institutions and private medical practices are allowed alongside public healthcare establishments. Prior to the political changes in 1989, free healthcare was one of the most valuable social acquisitions. Now one seldom comes across schools
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with a school doctor, dentist, and psychologist who were mandatory under the previous system. Under the new conditions, health insurance funds are accumulated in the National Health Insurance Fund. According to the National Framework Agreement on healthcare, all fees for medical treatment of children are covered by the national budget via the Ministry of Health. All immunizations and medical analyses are also free of charge (National Framework Agreement 2003). In addition, surveys have shown that the number of children with poor health has increased, owing to neglected preventive health care and uncontrolled social problems. Thus, nearly 14 percent of children and adolescents suffer from some chronic ailment or lasting physical impairment. Tobacco smoking and alcohol consumption are grave youth health problems. The share of smokers in the fifteen to twenty-four years group has doubled in the last decade. Nearly half of the young people in the fifteen to twenty-four years group have tried hard alcoholic drinks (including 18 percent who do this on a regular basis). Every tenth young person under eighteen years of age has already tried some kind of narcotic drug. The enhanced crime incidence in the country and use of narcotic drugs by school-aged children, phenomena totally unknown under the previous system, compelled the boards of trustees to vote special protection measures at the schools. In the larger towns, security companies guard schools and kindergartens. The cost of this service is borne by the parents or by the municipality, as in the capital city, where a municipal security company provides the service. It is usual for youth to start their sexual life early. Young people in the seventeen to eighteen years group already have had sexual experience (65 percent), but only 35 percent of them have used condoms. Early pregnancies grow steadily in number. Childbirth and abortions in the fifteen to nineteen years group account for 77 per 1,000 people. The spread of HIV/AIDS and sexually transmitted diseases has increased, and 7 percent of the registered cases are in the fourteen to nineteen years group (Strategy for the National Youth Policy 2003–2007). Bulgaria has traditions in the management of the childcare institution system, including handicapped children. In 2001, the year of the last census, there were 332 childcare institutions, which provided such care for 31,102 children or 1.93 percent of the child population. The numbers are high because placement in an institution is still virtually the only form of assisting families in Bulgaria who are incapable of rearing their children. The SOS Kinderdorf Program has already been in existence for ten years (SACP 2002). Charity collection for supporting children’s hospitals and children’s medical treatment has become a common practice in recent years. During the last two years, the Bulgarian Christmas campaign, patronized by the president and widely supported by the media and the citizenship, has collected considerable charitable funding.
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LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The National Report on Followup to the World Summit for Children gives a thorough outline of the guarantees that current Bulgarian legislation offers for protection and promotion of the rights of the child. The Child Protection Act stipulates the rights, principles, and measures of protection of the child. The basic principles defined in the act are as follows: consideration of the right of the child to preserve his or her identity; ensuring the rights of the child to be raised in a family environment; primary consideration for the best interests of the child; special protection for children at risk or children of prominent talent; selecting persons to be directly involved in activities related to child protection according to their personal and social merits and taking care of their professional training; and exercising control over the effectiveness of the adopted measures. The act also defines the measures of child protection: assistance, support, and services in a family environment; placement with a family of relatives or close friends; placement with a foster family; placement in a special institution; and police protection. This act determines the child protection bodies, that is, the State Agency for Child Protection and the municipal social services. The provisions of the Family Code also ensure strong protection of the rights of children in the management of their property. According to the Persons and Family Act, legal action, instead and on behalf of persons who have attained the age of fourteen years, shall be undertaken by their legitimate representatives, parents, or guardians. Persons between fourteen and eighteen years of age may undertake legal actions with the consent of their parents or guardians, but may also engage in ordinary small transactions for their current needs and use, at their discretion, and to dispose of what they have earned by their own work. Many different programs, projects, and initiatives, dedicated to sports activities at school and university, to education, computer literacy, the commitment of teachers to extracurricular activity of students (including the handicapped), of HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment, and curbing tobacco smoking, as well as involving the young people into the process of the country’s accession to the European Union are under way. RELIGIOUS LIFE The Confession Act (2002) recognizes religious freedom as a fundamental right and declares that all religions are free and equal before the law. Parents, guardians, and custodians are entitled to bring up their children in their own religious faith. On the other hand, minors can join religious communities only with the explicit consent of their parents or guardians. The Orthodox Christian Faith is the traditional confession in the Republic of Bulgaria (84 percent). Another 12 percent practice the
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Muslim faith, and there are about twenty other religious communities registered. Besides the official Bulgarian language, other languages can be used in the church services and performance of different religious rites, according to the traditions of the respective religious community. The registered religious communities may set up healthcare, social services, and educational establishments. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The Juvenile Delinquency Act regulates the preventive functions of the state in the efforts to counter juvenile delinquency and antisocial conduct through an educational and social influence, as well as restriction, of punitive repression and its replacement by out-of-court educational measures in keeping with the U.N. Minimum Standard Regulations. The law envisages a system of prevention of and response to children’s anti-social behavior aimed at mobilizing all resources, that is, volunteers and nongovernmental organizations concerned with the humane treatment of children in conflict with the law. That system comprises a Central Commission (under the Council of Ministers) and Local Commissions for Combating Anti-Social Behavior of Minors and Underage Persons, social/pedagogical boarding schools, and homes for neglected children. A new draft was made of the Prevention of Breaches and Crimes of Minors and Underage Persons Act, improving considerably the structure and functions of the relevant bodies in that field, as well as the procedure of consideration of cases in the municipal commissions dealing with minors and underage persons. The challenges of transition proved particularly difficult in terms of the rise of antisocial acts by minors. There is an alarming trend of steady increase of antisocial acts and offenses committed by minors. These offenses include running away from home, vagrancy, and begging, followed by use of narcotic drugs and alcohol, as well as early prostitution. Theft tops the list of the crimes. There are shocking reports of murders committed by minors, although few in number. As alarming is the trend towards an increasing number of children victims of various crimes. Theft and robbery top the list, followed by intentionally inflicted bodily injuries. Occasional instances of child pornography, coercive homosexuality, and trafficking in persons are also upsetting. Most antisocial acts committed by minors and violence of which they are victims are triggered by badly safeguarded public spaces such as discotheques. The Child Protection Act (Article 11) explicitly provides for the right of the child to protection against violence, involvement in activities detrimental to his or her physical, mental, moral, and educational development, as well as against methods of upbringing that abuse his or her
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dignity, and against violence and influence that is in conflict with his or her interests. The act (Article 11, paragraph 3) envisages protection of children from exploitation such as begging, prostitution, disseminating pornographic material, and obtaining unlawful material income, as well as against sexual violence (Article 5, paragraph 2). An extremely alarming and topical issue in Bulgaria under transformation is the increasing number of homeless children, or children with severely violated basic rights, or those who have been deprived of them, often by their own parents. These children are found begging, participating in petty street theft, and peddling drugs or prostituting. They are victims both of vandal acts of violence on the part of skinheads, owing to their predominantly Roma extraction, and of police high-handedness, owing to the fact that their rights were not regulated. Unfortunately, the harassment of homeless children continues even after the adoption of the Child Protection Act and after ratification of a number of international conventions on this subject. Homeless children live in parking lots, wayside pubs, markets, and bus or train stations. They often move from place to place looking for food or running away from the police, which makes it difficult to establish their exact number. They don’t attend school and remain illiterate and uneducated. Protection of their life and their rights is not a government policy priority yet. Some nongovernmental organizations carry various programs for ensuring temporary shelter for them and for satisfying their urgent needs (SACP Bulletin 2002). The public attitude to the rights and status of children in a disadvantaged physical and psychic position is similar. Infringement of the rights of handicapped children is often due to the fear and inability of society to apprehend even their appearance, followed by the problem of extra responsibilities imposed by the presence of a child in a disadvantaged health position in society. The consolation is that a great number of the nongovernmental organizations engage in intensive development of projects aimed at focusing public attention on the problems of handicapped children, on changing misguided attitudes, and finally, on recognizing the right and status of these children as equal persons. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The transition to a civil society and market economy involved a number of issues in children’s welfare. These included the general insufficiency of financial, technological, and professional standards in managing children’s issues. Delayed legislation, aggressive political behavior, and an underdeveloped market also slowed the transition. This resulted in rapid impoverishment, high rates of unemployment, and loss of established social benefits like free healthcare and free education. The difficulties of the transition period proved especially crucial to children’s welfare in the
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country. A stable negative trend in the birthrate has been observed since 1989. Family and school as the traditional mainstay in children’s lives have dramatically lessened their significance, especially in cities. The growing influence of television through numerous broadcasting and cable outlets combined with the invasion of the new information and communication technologies tend to shape the everyday existence of children. Drug addiction, alcohol and tobacco products consumption, aggressiveness, antisocial behavior, and the insufficiency of role models for the youth population all constitute major challenges with serious consequences for the Bulgarian society undergoing transformation. It is a sad truth that although the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Protection of the Child Act, as well as some other ratified documents, provide for a number of children’s rights and for mechanisms for their observance, the Bulgarian children in reality constitute one of the most underprivileged social groups. They are treated more like objects for moralizing and education than like subjects in interpersonal relations, whether in the family or in society. Thus, the easiest way out of this situation for them is to assume the position of a victim by adopting aggressive and antisocial models, which most juveniles and minors choose to do. The conclusion based on this data is that the major attitude in the transformed Bulgarian society is that children should be raised, brought up, and educated in line with the norms and values set by parents, teachers, and educators, while the idea of the child as an independent personality responsible for its own choices is finding its place with difficulty. Nevertheless, education as a traditional value for the Bulgarians remains one of the comparatively stable areas in children’s positive developments. Investing in children’s education is for most parents the best care for their future. The substantial attempts towards the improvement of social well-being are encouraging signs in the transforming Bulgarian society, so as to make it a comfortable and secure home for the children.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Bulgaria, Government of, State Agency of Child Protection Bulletin. Jensen, An-Margritt, Asher Ben-Arieh, Cinzia Conti, Dagmat Kutsar, Maire Nic Ghiolla Phadraig, and Hanne Warming Nielsen, eds. 2004. Children’s Welfare in Aging Europe. Trondheim, Norway: Norwegian Centre for Child Research at NTNU, pp. 469–526. Raycheva, Lilia, Katya Hristova, Dessislava Radomirova, and Rossen Ginev. Bulgaria: Childhood in Transition. Available at http://www.svt.ntnu.no/noseb/ costa19/nytt/Welfare/Vol%ZOII/bulgaria.pdf.
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Organizations and NGOs Government Organizations The Agency for Social Assistance Web site: http://asp.mlsp.government.bg The Agency for Youth and Sports Web site: http://www.youthsport.bg The Chief Labour Inspectorate Executive Agency Web site: http://www.gitl.government.bg The Council for Electronic Media Web site: http://www.cem.bg The Council of Ministers of the Republic of Bulgaria Web site: http://www.government.bg The Ministry of Culture Web site: http://www.culture.government.bg The Ministry of Education and Science Web site: http://www.minedu.government.bg The Ministry of Foreign Affairs Web site: http://www.mfa.government.bg The Ministry of Health Care Web site: http://www.mh.government.bg The Ministry of Internal Affairs Web site: http://www.mvr.bg The Ministry of Justice Web site: http://www.mjeli.government.bg The Ministry of Labour and Social Policy Web site: http://www.mlsp.government.bg The National Assembly Web site: http://www.parliament.bg The National Centre for Health Information Web site: http://www.nchi.government.bg The National Committee for Prophylaxis of AIDS and Sexually Transmitted Diseases Web site: http://www.ncaids.government.bg
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The National Council on Narcotic Drugs Web site: http://www.ndc.government.bg The President of the Republic of Bulgaria Web site: http://www.president.bg The State Agency for Child Protection Web site: http://www.scap.government.bg NGOs
The topic of child welfare is in the focus of interest of the civil society in Bulgaria. The Register of Non-Profit Legal Entities kept by the Ministry of Justice (www.mjeli.government.bg) features more than 1,200 civil society formations whose major activity targets the creation of conditions for a better childhood and for respect and consideration of the rights of the children. Several groups of organizations stand out differentiated by their status: NGOs with a general activity profile related to children, professional associations in specified fields, sports federations, and school boards of trustees. There are few NGOs in the Register engaged with the problems of ‘‘problemless’’ children, who are brought up in a two-parent family, go to school or kindergarten, manifest no antisocial behavior or drug addiction, who are not subjected to violence, and so on. The Register focuses its efforts on helping the development of such children and their families. A unique trait in the profile of that association is its experience in protecting the rights of the children during television watching and Internet use. The Association of Parents coordinates the National Child Network in Bulgaria developed in cooperation with 44 NGOs working on child problems, with the support of the State Agency for Child Protection and UNICEF–Bulgaria. Selected Bibliography Action Plan for Implementation of the National Strategy for Prevention and Counteraction to Juvenile Acts. 2003–2006. http://www.stopech.sacp.government. bg/?sid¼professional_bg&pid¼0000000074. Accessed January 31, 2007. Child Protection Act. 2000. http://www.paragraf22.com/pravo/zakoni/zakoni-d/ 31973.html. Accessed January 31, 2007. Confession Act. 2002. http://www.paragraf22.com/pravo/zakoni/zakoni-d/ 74857.html. Accessed January 31, 2007. Constitution of the Republic of Bulgaria. 1991. http://www.parliament.bg/ ?page¼const&lng¼en. Accessed January 31, 2007. Convention on the Rights of the Child. 1989. http://www.unhchr.ch/html/ menu3/b/k2crc.htm. Accessed January 31, 2007. Family Allowances for Children Act. 2002. http://www.paragraf22.com/pravo/ zakoni/zakoni-d/17291.html. Accessed January 31, 2007. Family Code. 1985. http://ials.sas.ac.uk/links/Bulgaria/FAMILI.doc. Accessed January 31, 2007.
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Higher Education Act. 1995. http://www.paragraf22.com/pravo/zakoni/zakoni-d/ 23.htm. Accessed January 31, 2007. Hristova, K. 2002. Kolko ni struvat dezata? [How much do the children cost]. Roditeli [Parents] magazine, February. Hrusanov, G., D. Denev, I. Apostolov, S. Chernev, and M. Andreev. 1976. Pedagogics. Sofia, Bulgaria: Nauka I izkustvo Publishing House. ILO Convention on the Minimum Age. 1973. http://www.ohchr.org/english/ law/ageconvention.htm. Accessed January 31, 2007. Labor Code. 1987. http://www.paragraf22.com/pravo/kodeksi/kt.html. Accessed January 31, 2007. National Framework Agreement. 2003. National Health Insurance Plan. 2000. http://www.nhif.bg/eng/default.phtml. Accessed January 31, 2007. National Plan for Integration of Children with Special Education Needs and/or Chronic Conditions into the Public Education System. 2004–2007. http:// www.stopech.sacp.government.bg/?sid¼professional_bg&pid¼0000000074. Accessed January 31, 2007. National Representative Survey. 2002. ‘‘Child Labor Problems under Transformation Conditions in Bulgaria.’’ Institute of Sociology, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences. National Statistical Institute of Bulgaria. 2003. http://www.nsi.bg/SocialActivities/ Education.htm. Accessed January 31, 2007. National Statistical Institute of Bulgaria Census. 2001. http://www.nsi.bg/Census/ Census.htm. Accessed January 31, 2007. National Statistical Institute of Bulgaria. 2004. http://www.nsi.bg/ZActual/ New-empl.htm. Accessed January 31, 2007. National Strategy for Child Protection. 2004–2006. http://www.stopech.sacp. government.bg/?sid¼professional_bg&pid¼0000000074. Accessed January 31, 2007. Osnovni rezultati ot nablyudenieto na rabotnata sila ot vtoroto trimesechie na 2003 g. [Basic Results from the Surveillance of the Work Force in the Second Quarter of 2003]. Penal Code. 1968. http://www.paragraf22.com/pravo/kodeksi/nk.htm. Accessed January 31, 2007. Penal Procedure Code. 2005. http://www.paragraf22.com/pravo/kodeksi/ npk.html. Accessed January 31, 2007. Public Education Act. 1991. http://www.paragraf22.com/pravo/zakoni/zakoni-d/ 107.htm. Accessed January 31, 2007. Public Health Act. 2005. http://www.paragraf22.com/pravo/zakoni/zakoni-d/ 3999.html. Accessed January 31, 2007. SACP Bulletin. 2002a. Detsa na Ulicata. [Children in the Street], No. 1. SACP Bulletin. 2002b. Detsa v spetsializirani institutsii [Children in Specialized Institutions], No. 2. Strategy for the National Youth Policy. 2003–2007. http://www.youthdep.bg/ base/str2007/pdf. Accessed January 31, 2007. UN Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. http://www.hrweb.org/ legal/escr.html. Accessed January 31, 2007. United Nations. 2002. World Population Ageing 1950–2050. Department of Economic & Social Affairs/Population Division. New York: United Nations Publications. Vocational Education and Tuition Act. 1999. http://www.paragraf22.com/pravo/ zakoni/zakoni-d/44444.html. Accessed January 31, 2007.
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CYPRUS Theophania Chavatzia NATIONAL PROFILE Cyprus is the third-largest island in the eastern Mediterranean with an area of 9,251 square kilometers (Government Web Portal 2006). Due to its strategic geopolitical position at the crossroad of three continents, it has since antiquity attracted great political powers that have successively conquered the island. Cyprus gained its independence only in 1960 but some years later, in 1974, suffered yet another invasion by Turkish troops who still occupy a great part of its land. The early years of independence were characterized by sustained growth and economic development. The shift from agriculture to the development of industry and the business and services sector led to important demographic and social changes such as high rates of urbanization and the participation of women in the labor market. The Turkish invasion in 1974 and occupation until today disrupted the socioeconomic development of the island and caused severe economic and social problems. About one-third of its territory was lost, more than 225,000 persons were displaced, 30 percent of the economically active population became unemployed, and emigration was massive. During the years following the invasion, efforts were directed toward reactivating the economy, resulting in a high level of development and growth,
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with Cyprus rating 29 according to the Human Development Index (Human Development Report 2006). Cyprus had a total of 854,300 inhabitants in 2005, of which 220,888 were children and young people under the age of nineteen. The estimated composition of the population by community at the end of 2004 was Greek Cypriots 656,200 (76.8 percent of total population), Turkish Cypriot community 87,900 (10.3 percent), and foreign residents 110,000 (12.9 percent). The total population figures do not include illegal settlers from Turkey who, according to estimated arrivals in the occupied area, are at about 150,000. In 2005, the number of births decreased slightly to 8,243 from 8,309 the year before, giving a crude birth rate of 10.9 per 1,000 people. Cyprus has one of the lowest proportions of extramarital births in Europe. In 2005, only 361 children were born out of wedlock, constituting a mere 4.3 percent of the total number of births. The total fertility rate for 2005 was calculated at 1.42. Expectation of life at birth was estimated at 77 years for males and 81.7 for females for the period 2004–2005. Single-parent families were estimated at 5.7 percent of the total number of households (Social Welfare Services 2003). Infant mortality was estimated at 6.89 infant deaths per 1,000 live births in 2007. There are no homeless in Cyprus. Even though more than 225,000 people lost their homes and became refugees within their own country after the Turkish invasion in 1974, they were rapidly provided with shelter and later they were granted permanent housing by the state. Also, within the Department of Social Welfare Services, the Service for Families and Children implements general preventive actions and policies for families and children. These include preventive services, child protective services, adoption services, daycare services, and juvenile delinquency services. Moreover, as part of the benefits and allowances scheme, there are special social provisions for families and children (Government Web Portal 2006). The child benefit is granted to every family residing in Cyprus with at least one child, provided that parent(s) and child live under the same roof. Benefit is payable to the parent or guardian until the last child reaches the age limit (Ministry of Justice and Public Order 2004). Furthermore, the mothers’ allowance is provided for mothers who have had at least four children and have ceased to be entitled to child benefit. There also exists a special educational grant for families with students in higher education (Government Web Portal 2006). In terms of legislation, the Children’s Law, the law that provides for the prevention of violence in the family and protection of victims, the Combating of Trafficking in Persons and Sexual Exploitation of Children Law, the law to provide for adoption, the Law on the Protection of Young Persons at Work, and the International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention on the Worst Forms of Child Labor and Minimum Age, among others, act as a protective framework for children within families. Cyprus is also a signatory to relevant international conventions, such as
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the Convention on Protection of KEY FACTS – CYPRUS Children, cooperation in respect to intercountry adoption, and Population: 788,457 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 6.89 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) the Convention on the Rights of Life expectancy at birth: 77.98 years (2007 est.) the Child. In fact, the latter, Literacy rate: 97.6 percent (2003 est.) according to the constitution, Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 95 percent has superior force to any domes(1996–2002) tic law. In addition, the ProtecPeople living with HIV/AIDS: Less than 1,000 (1999 est.) tion of Maternity Law aims to Sources: CIA World Factbook: Cyprus. 2007; UNICEF. Cyprus–At a ensure maternity rights (Social Glance: Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ cyprus.html. April 24, 2007. Welfare Services 2003). Also, the bill on family mediation introduces the institution of family mediation to all family cases, including parental care, maintenance of children, alimony, and property relations between spouses (Ministry of Justice and Public Order 2005). In general, statistical data focusing on children themselves and issues concerning their lives seem to be lacking or are out of date. In accordance with the Children’s Law, children in this study are referred to as human beings that are less than eighteen years old. It is also important to note that information in this chapter covers only the free part of the island, which is under the control of the Republic of Cyprus (Republic of Cyprus 1956). OVERVIEW Since independence and the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus in 1960, there has been a consistent state policy for the welfare of its citizens, especially children. Key achievements include the total elimination of malnutrition and of major infectious diseases, and a significant reduction of diseases including thalassemia and infant mortality. Cyprus can be considered a child-centered society, and children’s welfare is safeguarded by law but especially by the societal culture. The Republic of Cyprus has consistently pursued a policy of active promotion and protection of children’s rights and has ratified the major international instruments for the protection and development of children. The amelioration of the child’s position over the last decades is a result of the general progress in the living conditions of the whole population. The state places emphasis on safeguarding the rights of children regarding provision, protection, and education. Special attention and support is given to children in need or at risk, where the state intervenes in order to ensure the safety and well-being of the child. Great emphasis is placed on personal development and educational achievement. Children in Cyprus are entitled to free education at all levels, which is compulsory until the end of lower secondary level (Office of the Law Commissioner 2003; Committee on the Rights of the Child 1996).
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The vast majority of children in Cyprus enjoy a high quality of life and live in caring and protective environments. In general, the main protective institution for the child remains the family. In effect, families are sensitive to the child’s well-being, and parents attend to the child’s biopsychological and socioeconomic needs. At the same time, the increasing number of single-parent families due to divorce forces children to learn to live outside the traditional upbringing environment of the unified family, which may result in psychological trauma and other reactions. Also, despite their low rates, incidences of domestic violence do occur, which the state tries to address with both corrective and preventive measures. Children are protected against attack or abuse of any kind. The rate of crimes involving children, by or against them, is fairly low but severely punished. Although incidents of child abuse are reported, they are isolated cases. However, with the advancement of information and communication technologies and new societal practices, new forms of child abuse are lurking for which awareness-raising and attention needs to be developed among children and their parents or carers. The high quality of housing and school environment, as well as preventive health services such as vaccinations and immunizations, contribute to children’s good health levels and the general absence of preventable diseases. Also, the mild weather conditions for the most part of the year favor outdoor play and other activities. Among the children’s most popular activities are visiting or going out with friends, excursions to the sea or the mountain, sporting, and other social activities. There are several mechanisms that allow for children to express their views. Among those is the Children’s Parliament for which children are elected from schools. The Children’s Parliament holds national meetings quarterly to discuss issues related to health, security, and the rights of the child (Committee on the Rights of the Child 2006). But, in general, it seems that the decision-making system needs to allow more space for children to express their opinion and needs and to participate more in decision-making processes. The Turkish invasion and the military occupation of 37 percent of the island’s territory brought about increased social problems and adverse consequences for the children of Cyprus. More than 1,500 people, of which twenty-six are children under the age of sixteen, have been missing since the Turkish invasion and as a direct consequence of it (Press and Information Office 2006). The invasion displaced more than 225,000 persons, including a large number of children, and caused violation of their rights. There are more than forty enclaved Greek-Cypriot children in the occupied areas who face several obstacles such as free movement (from and to the occupied areas) and access to higher education and learning materials. Children of refugee parents cannot access the homes of their parents or benefit from their property in the occupied areas, while children of the
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enclaved live under questionable conditions and have to choose between living with their parents or their education. As a consequence of the Turkish invasion and occupation of part of its country, the government of Cyprus is not in a position to exercise control over all its territory and consequently cannot ensure the application of the United Nations (UN) Convention on the Rights of the Child and other international instruments for all the children of the island, and especially Greek-Cypriot children in the occupied areas. The government’s difficulties in that respect were recognized by the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination and the Human Rights Committee (Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women 2006). Despite the Vienna III Agreement that stipulates that the Greek Cypriots and Maronites, who remained in the occupied part of Cyprus, would be free to stay, be reunited with their families, and given every help to lead a normal life, including facilities for education and for the practice of their religion, as well as medical care by doctors of their own community, it is evident that a number of violations of human rights are taking place in the occupied areas (Press and Information Office 2003). In fact, the European Court of Human Rights finds Turkey guilty of human rights violations of the enclaved, during and after the invasion and occupation of the northern part of Cyprus (Press and Information Office 2005). In its judgment on May 10, 2001, in the case of Cyprus vs. Turkey (application no. 25781/94), the Court found Turkey guilty, by sixteen votes to one (the Turkish vote), of fourteen violations of the European Convention of Human Rights (Government Web Portal 2006). Of these, seven violations concerned the living conditions of the enclaved people in the Turkish-occupied area of Cyprus. More specifically, the court held that Turkey committed the following violations in regard to of Greek Cypriots living in northern Cyprus: .
.
.
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Violation of Article 9 (freedom of thought, conscience, and religion) concerning the effects of restrictions on freedom of movement, which limited access to places of worship and participation in other aspects of religious life. Violation of Article 10 (freedom of expression) in so far as school books destined for use in their primary school were subject to excessive measures of censorship. Continuing violation of Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 in that their right to the peaceful enjoyment of their possessions was not secured in case of their permanent departure from that territory and in that, in case of death, inheritance rights of relatives living in southern Cyprus were not recognized. Violation of Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 (right to education) in so far as no appropriate secondary-school facilities were available to them.
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Violation of Article 3 in that the Greek Cypriots living in the Karpass area of northern Cyprus had been subjected to discrimination amounting to degrading treatment. Violation of Article 8 concerning their right to respect of their private and family life and their home. Violation of Article 13 by reason of the absence, as a matter of practice, of remedies in respect of interferences by the authorities with their rights under Articles 3, 8, 9, and 10 of the Convention and Articles 1 and 2 of Protocol No. 1 (European Court of Human Rights 1994).
EDUCATION Since independence, education has been a high priority for the Cypriots, due to better employment opportunities and the high quality of life attributed to it. This explains the remarkable decrease in the illiteracy rate, from 41 percent in 1946 and 25 percent in 1960, to merely 3 percent in 2001 (Statistical Service 2006). Access to all levels of education, including higher education, is provided free of charge, and education is compulsory from basic and until the end of the lower secondary cycle (Republic of Cyprus 1993). The educational system in the country is determined by both local and international factors. The local context includes political priorities and social values, such as the restructuring of the economy and the increase of the competitiveness of the country, the need for stability, social justice, and development and quality of life. At the international context, issues such as developments in science and technology, the information society, globalization, and other important socioeconomic changes influence the educational curriculum. At the pre-primary level, state kindergarten schools cater to approximately 64 percent of preschool-aged children from middle- or lowincome families. Admission criteria are based on yearly income and family status (working, single-parent, or refugee families). Private kindergarten schools cater to children not accommodated in the government sector. Kindergartens cater mainly to the emotional and social development of the children but are also concerned with environmental and health education, as well as aesthetic development. Special efforts are being made for children with special needs and their full integration and participation. Primary education has a six-year cycle and aims to help students acquire a deeper understanding and respect toward people of their own as well as of other nationalities, religion, and sociocultural status. It seeks to enhance communication, cooperation, and acceptance of people with different mental and psychological abilities. Primary school teachers organize individual teaching activities of various levels in order to meet the
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needs of all children, including the gifted and the talented. Furthermore, a variety of activities are organized in music, art, drama, physical education, and athletics. Secondary education offers another six-year program of instruction for children aged twelve to eighteen. Having a general education orientation, it is compulsory for the first three years up to the age of fifteen. In the last few years, the curriculum follows a more flexible and diverse orientation, catering to individual inclinations, aptitudes, and interests. Attendance is compulsory for the successful completion of graduation requirements. At the end of the lower secondary cycle, children can either choose to continue their academic studies in the Lyceum or follow technical and vocational education with different orientations. Free access to public schools continues to be provided for all children until the completion of upper secondary education (three years), at around the age of eighteen years. Educational and vocational guidance is provided by specially assigned counsellors in each school. Also, in an effort to provide students with an opportunity to experience actual work conditions in the field of their interest and in response to a growing interest for linking secondary schools with the business world, since 1988, students in the second year of Lyceum can participate in internships for one week in a business establishment of their choice. At the tertiary level, education is still provided free of charge, but due to the limited absorbing capacity of the national tertiary educational institutions and the limited offer of study fields, many young people have to continue their studies abroad. In 2004–2005 there were 19,296 Cypriot students studying abroad compared to 14,170 students studying in Cyprus for 2003–2004 (Statistical Service 2006). The cost of studying abroad is mainly privately covered. As a compensatory measure, the government provides educational grants to all tertiary students that cover a part of their total expenses. Parallel to the public system, a number of private educational institutions offer all levels of education. Private education fees are not subsidized by the state and are paid entirely by parents. Although private secondary schools maintain a considerable degree of independence in their operation and curricula, most of them are registered with the Ministry of Education and Culture and comply with certain curriculum and facility requirements mandated by law (Ministry of Education and Culture 2006). Public expenditure in 2004 on all levels of education, amounted to Cypriot pounds (CYP) 499.3 million and accounted for 15.7 percent of the government budget and 6.9 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP). The government subsidizes children’s programs operated by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), which constitute 37 percent of state grants. Parents continue to contribute to the education of their children, especially in secondary education institutions, by paying for school
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supplies such as textbooks, stationery, personal computers, school uniforms, or others. Education is highly valued and despite the financial burden, most parents urge and expect their children to continue their education at the tertiary level. Private expenditure on education went up to CYP167,881 in 2004–2005 (Republic of Cyprus 2006). The Constitution of Cyprus prohibits discrimination of all forms. With respect to gender, efforts to enhance nondiscriminatory gender education include the revision of textbooks used in schools and the introduction of the subject of ‘‘Domestic Science’’—scientific and technological knowledge and achievements—to both boys and girls. The Training and Education of Children with Special Needs Law of 1999 provides for the integration of children with special needs into ordinary schools, except for very serious cases who are educated in special schools. Education for children with special educational needs is also provided at home if children are absent from school for a long period due to health problems or if they are treated at government hospitals. There are also special schools for children with severe special educational needs. These schools are staffed with the necessary personnel, such as speech therapists, special teachers, and work therapists (Republic of Cyprus 1996). Technical and vocational education comprises seventeen specializations designed to prepare students for qualifications in various industrial and technical fields, as well as the services sector. At the same time, the apprenticeship scheme for students sixteen to eighteen years old who are in technical high schools enables a part-time attendance in theoretical subjects, together with practical training (Office of the Law Commissioner 2003). In-service training seminars are organized by the Cyprus Pedagogical Institute in cooperation with the Ministry of Education and Culture to help teachers acquire new ideas and improve their teaching competence. Special programs are organized with the purpose of effectively meeting all the needs of exceptional children, including the gifted and the talented (Cyprus Pedagogical Institute 2005). The right to secondary education for Greek-Cypriots in the occupied areas is violated since there are no secondary schools available. Primary education is provided by the Ministry of Education, but secondary education is not allowed for the Greeks and the Maronites. As a result, a number of children face the dilemma of having to choose between their education and their parents since they can only attend secondary school in the free area under the control of the government of the Republic of Cyprus. They either live in a boarding house run by the state (only for boys) or with relatives. In 2000, the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, in its consideration of the report submitted by Cyprus, reports about fifty-seven children whose fundamental rights are violated in the occupied areas by Turkey due to their ethnic origin (fifty-six Cypriots and
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one Maronite). Forty-two children are separated from their families in order to receive secondary education in the government-controlled area (thirty-four Cypriots and eight Maronites). Twelve students that attend third-level education are not allowed to visit their parents in the occupied area (Committee on the Rights of the Child 2000). CHILD LABOR The legal framework has been strengthened so that every child is protected from exploitation. Employment for children under the age of fifteen is prohibited. This is also reinforced by the law on compulsory education, which ensures that every child until that age is at school. Apart from the new Law on the Protection of Young Persons at Work, a number of relevant international instruments have been ratified by the Cyprus government that have greater force than any domestic law (Ministry of Labor and Social Insurance 2005). These include most ILO Conventions, including the Convention on the Worst Forms of Child Labor and Minimum Age Convention (ILO 2006). The labor inspection service of the Department of Labor and the Police are responsible for the effective enforcement of the existing legislation (Ministry of Labor and Social Insurance 2003). While the law allows children between the age of fifteen and sixteen to be engaged in apprenticeships for the purpose of learning skills, children’s employment is not generally encouraged. The share of the fifteen-tonineteen age group in the economically active population in 2005 was only 7.6 percent (Republic of Cyprus 2006). This can be attributed to the fact that after graduating from high school, children pursue studies at the higher level. Of fifteen- to nineteen-year-olds, 1.8 percent are economically active; they mostly use their money to meet personal needs such as entertainment and clothes, or they save it. A very small number of working children, usually from families with long-term economic problems, contribute directly to the current family expenditure. Parents, however, are unlikely to accept a direct contribution to the family expenses from their children. Generally, parents are not in favor of allocating heavy tasks to their children because they expect their children to enjoy a carefree childhood while concentrating their efforts on their education. Children are nevertheless expected to clean and tidy up their rooms or contribute to daily domestic tasks. Older children often look after their younger siblings, especially in families with both parents working (Kouloumou). In general, Cyprus does not face problems regarding child exploitation, confirmed also by police data. This is most likely attributed to strict legal frameworks and primarily due to strong family ties and positive and protective attitudes toward children. The Combating of Trafficking in Persons and Sexual Exploitation of Children Law provides for the protection of
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women and children. Under this law, modern slavery, the trafficking of children, the exploitation of women and children by prostitution, and the use of children for the production of pornographic films and other publications are considered serious offenses entailing severe punishment. An important provision of the law is the appointment of a guardian for the protection of the victim. There are no incidents of sale of children in any form in Cyprus. The Convention for Protection of Children and Cooperation in Respect of Inter-country Adoption was ratified by Law No. 26 (III). In cases of adoption, the procedure laid down by the relevant law is always authorized by the court and is strictly followed, and no sale transaction can occur (Committee on the Rights of the Child 2000; Office of the Law Commissioner 2003). FAMILY Cyprus has a strong legal protective platform in family legislation regarding children. This includes among others, the Children Law, the Adoption Law, the Relations between Parents and Children Law, and the Family Courts Law, which are in conformity with the Convention on the Rights of the Child. The legislation is especially attentive to the needs of vulnerable children. For example, social insurance legislation provides for the payment of benefits for orphans while in the case of the children born out of wedlock; their rights are secured by the Family Law and the Children Law. The responsibility for raising the children lies mainly with the mother. In households with working mothers, this responsibility is shifted to the grandparents or other individuals. According to data based on the Labor Force Survey 2001–2002, 70.2 percent of children live in families with working mothers, who constitute 47.4 percent of the female labor force (Statistical Service 2006). The significance of family is generally accepted as the immediate environment of cultivating basic and major values, such as respect for one another, love, responsibility, cooperation, and so on. Current family values are still based on traditional values, but at the same time, it is also generally observed that family today undergoes a lot of pressure and a process of change. According to research carried out in 2003, titled ‘‘The Current Situation of the Cypriot Family,’’ there has been a significant change in the traditional role and obligations of the children. Cypriot families today are more child-centered in contrast with the past, when children were expected to help with family chores both inside and outside the house. According to the same study, the majority of the families is considered to be democratic with reference to children, and they are protective when the safety of their children is in danger. There are very close relationships
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between the nuclear and the extended family. Cypriot parents are very much concerned with the material care of their children, so it is not unusual for parents to financially support their children even after they get married. The state shows a great commitment in supporting the child and the family. It might be worth noting the increase of the support provided by the state to family and child, from CYP53 million in 2000 to more than CYP133.7 million in 2003, taking up 11 percent of the national social support. The major increase was in family subsidies, especially the child allowance benefit, under the Child Benefit Law, which increased 150 percent between 2002 and 2003 for families with three or more children (Statistical Service 2006). The Department of Social Welfare Services implements general preventive actions and policies for families and children. Such actions include family and individual counseling for families at risk and public assistance in the form of money payments and services (Social Welfare Services 2003). HEALTH Cyprus is developing a national children’s environment and health action plan. A National Committee on Environment and Children’s Health (NCECH) has been appointed to coordinate and promote actions related to the Budapest outcomes (Health and Environment Alliance). Total expenditure on health services as a percentage of GDP increased from 5.7 percent in 1998 to 6.2 percent in 2004. According to health statistics, the quality of health services is considered to be generally good and improving. Infant mortality rate has declined significantly in the last two decades, going from 12 per 1,000 live births in 1985 to just 3.5 in 2004. In the public sector there are five general hospitals providing in-patient pediatric care, as well as outpatient general pediatric clinics, which children can be referred to or have access to for pediatric consultation directly. The private health sector is more developed than the public with 178 of 220 doctors working in this sector (Statistical Service 2006). Child psychiatrists and clinical psychologists work under the Mental Health Services. A center for primary and secondary prevention for drug and alcohol abuse was established by the Mental Health Services, although no central statistical data can be provided. At present, it covers the Nicosia district and offers programs for individuals and families, including high-risk groups (Ministry of Health 2003). School Health Services (SHS) are also in place, with the main objective of the prevention of illness, as well as the promotion of health and wellbeing of students through early detection and care of health problems, development of healthy attitudes and behaviors, and ensuring a healthy environment and prevention of infectious diseases at school. The main
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activities of SHS include screening tests, prevention and investigation of infectious diseases, vaccinations, and health education (Ministry of Health 2003). The government spent 45,827,232 CYP in provision for people with disabilities in 2005, though special information on children is not provided (Republic of Cyprus 2006). Also, school psychological services are offered to children with learning or behavior problems, as well as inservice training for teachers on educational psychology (Ministry of Education and Culture 2006). The majority of children enjoys improved housing conditions and lives in bigger and better-equipped houses compared with previous generations, thanks to the amelioration of the economic and living standards. The majority of Cypriots live in houses (about 75 percent of dwellings), most of them with a yard and a garden, and only 16.9 percent of the population live in apartments. As a result of their misplacement by Turkish troops in 1974, a number of families live in refugee housing estates provided by the state. When it comes to households with children, almost all had refrigerators, color televisions, and washing machines. Almost 100 percent of households with children have piped water supply and kitchen and bathroom facilities. According to the 2001 Population Census, 42 percent of the conventional dwellings have central heating, heaters, or heating units. One of three households has a personal computer (32.5 percent) and one of five (19.3 percent) has an Internet connection (Statistical Service 2003). It could be assumed that a great number of these households include children since they are more likely to use new technologies than older people. In the case of future mothers, in order to protect the health of a working woman during pregnancy, the Protection of Maternity Law provides for sixteen weeks of maternity leave, after which she is entitled to one hour off work for six months after giving birth, without any income being held back, to take care of and breastfeed her child. The law also prohibits possible dismissal of a working woman during and because of her pregnancy. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Existing national legislation is extensive, including among others the Children’s and Young Persons Law, the Violence in the Family Law, the Parents and Children Relations Law, and the Adoption Law (Social Welfare Services 2003). Cyprus has also ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and signed the Declaration on the Survival, Protection, and Development of Children adopted by the World Summit in 1990. Cyprus is also a party to many international conventions, including the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction and the European Convention on the Recognition and
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Enforcement of Decisions Concerning the Custody of Children (Council of Europe 1980; Hague Conference on Private International Law). There is an ongoing effort to keep legislation, policies, and programs for children in Cyprus in line with international instruments. Constitutional or legislative provisions ensure the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms of every person in the Republic, including provisions specifically applicable to children and young offenders. The age of majority is eighteen years when a person acquires the right to vote (Government Web Portal 2006). The total number of juveniles involved in the commission of offences during 2004 was 300, of which 293 were boys and 7 were girls. More than half of juveniles involved in the commission of offenses (58 percent) were fifteen years old, 23.7 percent were fourteen years old, and 13.3 percent were thirteen years old. The rest (5 percent) was in the age group ten to twelve years. The vast majority were living with both parents, in urban or greater urban areas. In 2004, 299 juveniles involved in the commission of offenses were proceeded against, and 263 were convicted. In addition, eighteen convicted juveniles admitted having committed additional offenses that were taken into consideration by the court in passing sentence (Statistical Service 2006). Also, according to police data, there were 498 cases of juvenile offences (serious or minor) in 2005. The rate was slightly higher compared with last year (460), but one of the lowest in the last five years (Cyprus Police). Most were students between fourteen and sixteen years old who lived with their parents in urban settings. Several provisions are taken for the special treatment of child offenders (under the age of fourteen) and young persons (ages fourteen to sixteen). The age of absolute noncriminal responsibility is ten years, whereas administrative measures were taken that decriminalize offenses committed by children under the age of sixteen years. A child between the ages of ten and twelve years is not criminally responsible for an act or omission they were not aware of. For cases resulting in conviction, the court usually issues a probation order instead of sentencing the child. The child will be under the supervision of a probation officer for a specified period. Decriminalization of offenses committed by children has been applied since 1977. Administrative procedures are used as an alternative measure to the child’s exposure to court proceedings. Such cases are heard by a juvenile court while measures are taken that a child will not appear in the courtroom but will give testimony while sitting in a different room. Children under the age of sixteen years who commit minor offenses are diverted from prosecution and are treated as children in need of care, protection, and rehabilitation (Social Welfare Services 2003). Children under the age of fourteen cannot be sentenced to imprisonment in any case, while the imprisonment of young persons is avoided if they can be suitably dealt with in a different manner. The police ensure that the
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parents or guardians are informed. Young people in detention are encouraged to improve the level of their education and vocational training and participate in recreational activities and sports. Regular contacts with their families and home leave are provided together with psychological, psychiatric, and welfare services, and support (Kouloumou). Cyprus is not facing any problems regarding trafficking or other form of sexual exploitation of children, but great emphasis is placed on this matter for preventive reasons. Similarly, the problem of street children does not exist in Cyprus. Nevertheless, the Director of Social Welfare Services is empowered to take into his care children who are in need of care and protection and place them in foster families or children’s institutions. RELIGIOUS LIFE The majority of the population in the free areas of Cyprus is Christian Orthodox (94.8 percent). According to the Population Census 2001, the remaining population belongs in the following religious groups: Roman Catholics (1.5 percent), Church of England (1.0 percent), Maronite (0.6 percent), Muslim (0.6 percent), Armenian (0.3 percent), and other (1.3 percent) (Republic of Cyprus 2003). The Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus provides for freedom of religion. This right is generally respected in practice, and there are constitutional or legal bars against religious discrimination. However, in 2001, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that the Government of Turkey was responsible for imposing restrictions on religious freedom on Greek Cypriots and Maronites living in the occupied areas (Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2006; U.S. Department of State 2006). The transfer of the religious faith to children lies with the family, with the mother as the main bearer of religious values according to traditional practices. Attending church services is the most prevailing religious practice for children. A 1998 opinion poll indicated that about 48 percent of Greek Cypriots attended regular church services, whereas 49 percent attended only major religious holidays, such as Christmas and Easter, or other ceremonies, such as weddings and funerals. Growing up, there are no specific religious expectations from children other than following their parents to church when possible (Research and Development Center of Intercollege 2004). Some children also participate in several activities organized by churches, such as excursions, sports events, or church camps. The church or other religious organizations may organize various fundraising or other activities for philanthropic purposes in support of children in need (U.S. Department of State 2005). The government requires children in public primary and secondary schools to take instruction in the Greek Orthodox religion. Parents of
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children of other religions may request that their children be exempted from attending instruction and religious services. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Though limited, the problem of child abuse exists in Cyprus. Forty-six cases of child abuse were reported to the welfare department in 2004, while 272 children were taken into the care of social services. One hundred seventy-one of those children lived with foster parents, while 106 were housed in same-sex institutions. According to the welfare department, the majority of cases, which are increasing compared with previous years, were linked to domestic violence, alcohol abuse, and parents suffering from psychological illness. The police reported that there were thirty criminal prosecutions pending before the courts concerning child abuse and/or sexual exploitation at the end of that year. The Violence in the Family Law provides for the protection of victims, including the establishment of a fund for assistance to victims of violence and the establishment and operation of shelters for victims. The issue of domestic violence, though relatively small, seems to be on the increase. Police data for 2005 report 120 cases in which children under eighteen were victims of domestic violence. The majority (seventyseven) were girls (Cyprus Police 2006). The Social Welfare Services provide counseling and financial assistance, informing victims of the existing services and making referrals with their consent. Also, the Pancyprian Welfare Council and the Advisory Committee for the Prevention and Handling of Violence in the Family offer preventive services and fight against domestic violence. The Social Welfare Services offer child protective services, the aim of which is to provide protection and care to children whose physical and psychological integrity is in danger due to inadequate family care and/or other factors. In cases where a family cannot cope with the protection and care of a child, the Director of Social Welfare Services is empowered by legislation to take the child into his/her care and to assume parental rights. The child may then be removed from the biological family and be placed in a foster family or a group foster home. Simultaneously, counseling and social work services are provided to the family of the child in order to facilitate the earliest possible return of the child to his/her family (Social Welfare Services 2003). Furthermore, in accordance with Interpol, crimes such as child pornography, child prostitution, rape, and other forms of child sexual abuse are all covered in the Cypriot legislation in the Convention on Cybercrime, Law 22(III)/2004 and Combating Trafficking in Human Beings and Sexual Abuse of Minors Law. The law foresees severe punishment for these offenses, including imprisonment and life imprisonment in the case of rape. Offenses against morality, which regulate matters and activities
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regarding the sexual exploitation, sale, trafficking of human beings, and abduction of children, are punishable with imprisonment of up to fifteen years or a fine up to CYP15,000, or both (Interpol 2006). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Compared with previous generations, there has been considerable progress in the lives of children in Cyprus today. The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child also recognizes this in the concluding observations of its most recent periodic report. While they request more autonomy, children also receive more pressure regarding their academic achievement and social success. Children today live under healthier and safer environments, and their needs and rights are better recognized and addressed. They receive improved care, access to health services of higher quality, and more and better educational opportunities. They enjoy better standards of living than the previous generations; they possess more personal durable goods and have more pocket money. Their parents are more educated and better off and provide more for them. There are no expectations for children to contribute to the family budget. On the contrary, fewer responsibilities are placed on them regarding domestic tasks and caring of siblings. This leaves them with more free time to devote to their education and recreation. Furthermore, unlike the previous generations, children today spend more time with their friends and enjoy various activities during their free time. They have the opportunity to participate in social, cultural, and sports clubs. They are also better in using new technologies and new methods of communication, thus they have more opportunities to enhance their access to knowledge in various fields, and they are expected to succeed academically (Kouloumou). At the same time, the diverse and ever-changing environment in the era of globalization poses greater challenges and pressure for better performance and adaptability and increases the need for better guidance, support, and protection. Although families in Cyprus are still relatively child-centered, social developments at the international and domestic level have challenged traditional family roles. The increasing complexity of family problems, family violence, break-up and reconstitution of families, urbanization, the repercussions of the mass media, and modern technologies are among the issues of increasing concern for Cyprus, as in the rest of Europe. New factors, which sometimes go beyond the ability of the family to control, influence children’s way of life, attitudes, and values. Children today experience radical changes in traditional values and practices. More children experience the divorce of their parents, and they live in single-parent families. They are exposed to new threats and challenges, such as drug abuse, violence, or other forms of exploitation that
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Type of Rights Age
Civil/Political
Economic/Social
0–3
Right to a name Right to citizenship Right to a nationality Right to privacy Right to a guardian in legal procedures
Right to state support and protection Right to parental physical and emotional care Right to child benefit Right to economic benefits from the Social Security Schemes as dependants of their parents Right to health care servicesa Right of all children with disabilities to state financial assistance and care Right to open a bank accountb Right to own property Right to adoptin
3–15
Right of the child to express its views and be heardc Right to complain regarding abuse or neglect Right to education (compulsory) (5–15) and to special education (compulsory) (5–18) Legal age of criminal responsibility (10) Right to obtain an Identity Cared (12)
Right to work: Age of 3–15 Age of 15 and above Right to contribute to the social insurance fund Right to free education (5–18) and to free special education (5–21) Right for legal representation in the criminal process (10)
16
Age of sexual consent Right to marry with written parental consent (16–18) Right to choose a religion
Right to enter night entertainment places such as club, disco, etc. (16)
17–18
Right Right Right Right
Right to buy alcohol (17) Right to buy tobacco (18)
to obtain a driver’s license to vote to obtain a passport to marry
a
Based on income criteria, approximately 80% of the population has the right to use the public Health Care Services. Children under the age of 18 cannot make any bank transactions except deposits. Parents are not allowed to manage their children’s property and accounts without a court order. c Although this right is ensured with the ratification of the UN Convention, the only explicit references in domestic laws are made in the cases of parental custody, adoption, and criminal responsibility. b
come with advancements, such as that of new information technologies, globalization, and others. The Social Welfare Services offer preventive services that aim to support families in adjusting to new and changing roles. Counseling and other services are provided to families at risk or in crisis at the earliest possible stage of problem emergence (Social Welfare Services 2003).
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There seems to be the need for more guidance for children. Also, children need to be consulted and participate more in decision-making, especially about issues that concern their lives. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Kouloumou, Toula. 2004 ‘‘Children’s Welfare and Everyday Life in Cyprus: A Family Affair with Intergenerational Implications.’’ In Children’s Welfare in Ageing Europe, Volume 11, eds. A.-M. Jensen, A. Ben-Arieh, C. Conti, D. Kustar, M.N.G. Phadraig, and H.W. Nielsen, 644. Trondheim, Norway: Norwegian Centre for Child Research. http://www.svt.ntnu.no/noseb/costa19/nytt/ welfare/Vol%20II/cyprus.pdf. Accessed December 2006. Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. 2003. Office of the Law Commissioner: Cyprus Second Periodic Report Implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. http://www.unhchr.ch/html/ menu2/6/crc/doc/replies/wr-cyprus-2.pdf. Accessed June 2006. Press and Information Office. 2005. The Cyprus Problem: Results of Invasion. http://www.cyprus.gov.cy/moi/pio/pio.nsf/All/2BAA147846E3D0D8C2256D6 D001E84F8?OpenDocument. Accessed April 16, 2006. United Nations. Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (Thirty-fifth session). 2006. Concluding comments of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women: Cyprus. http://www.unhchr.ch/ tbs/doc.nsf/898586b1dc7b4043c1256a450044f331/9a80c8bf5025ab65c 125723e003c821d/$FILE/N0638461.pdf. Accessed January 2, 2007.
Web Sites Advisory Committee for the Prevention and Handling of Violence in the Family. Official Webpage, http://www.familyviolence.gov.cy/cgibin/hweb?-V¼index&_ FSECTION¼20000&-dindex.html. Centre for Administrative Innovation in the Euro-Mediterranean Region. Welfare in the Mediterranean Countries: Republic of Cyprus, http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/ groups/public/documents/CAIMED/UNPAN018966.pdf. Council of Europe. European Convention on Recognition and Enforcement of Decisions Concerning Custody of Children and on Restoration of Custody of Children. Luxembourg, 1980, http://conventions.coe.int/Treaty/en/Treaties/Word/ 105.doc. European Commission. Eurobarometer 2003: Youth in New Europe, http://ec. europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/cceb/2003/2003.1_youth_analytical_report_ en.pdf. European Environment and Health Committee. Cyprus, http://www.euro.who.int/ eehc/implementation/20050527_1. Accessed June 29, 2006.
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Government Web Portal. About Cyprus, http://www.cyprus.gov.cy/portal/ portal.nsf/All/9E78C19E842F1DD9C2256ED60038B3BA?OpenDocument. Accessed December 27, 2006. ———. Benefits and Allowances. 2006, http://www.cyprus.gov.cy/portal/ portal.nsf/All/F3059371B3AB9D40C2256EBD004F3BD6?OpenDocument. Accessed December 27, 2006. ———. Cyprus Problem–Enclaved, http://www.cyprus.gov.cy/portal/portal.nsf/ All/91D3 E5F38C7D9775C2257029003402BD?OpenDocument. ———. Voters Election Information, http://www.cyprus.gov.cy/portal/portal.nsf/ All/F597D3D3D2A4BF5AC2256FA3002FB9C8?OpenDocument&a¼1&z. Hague Conference on Private International Law. Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction, http://www.hcch.net/index_en.php?act¼conventions. text&cid¼24. Health and Environment Alliance. Healthier Environments for Children: Cyprus, http://www.cehape.env-health.org/rubrique.php3?id_rubrique¼36. International Labour Organization. ILOLEX: Database of International Labour Standards, Ratifications, http://www.ilo.org/ilolex/english/newratframeE.htm. Interpol. National Laws: Cyprus, http://www.interpol.int/Public/Children/ SexualAbuse/NationalLaws/csaCyprus.asp. Kouloumou, Toula. Children’s Welfare and Everyday Life in Cyprus: A Family Affair with Intergenerational Implications, http://www.svt.ntnu.no/noseb/costa19/nytt/ welfare/Volpercent20II/cyprus.pdf. Ministry of Education and Culture. Cyprus Pedagogical Institute, http:// www.pi.ac.cy/. ———. Educational Psychology Service, http://www.moec.gov.cy/edu_psychology/ index.html. ———. Official Web page, http://www.moec.gov.cy/. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. International Organizations and the Cyprus Question, http://www.mfa.gov.cy/mfa/mfa2006.nsf/All/90ADC505C94B392BC22571EA 00271CC6?OpenDocument. Ministry of Health. Mental Health Services, http://www.moh.gov.cy/Moh/ moh.nsf/mental_en/mental_en?OpenDocument. ———. Social Health Services, http://www.moh.gov.cy/MOH/moh.nsf/school_ en/school_en?OpenDocument.
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Ministry of Justice and Public Order. Cyprus National Report on the Implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action (1995) and the Outcome of the TwentyThird Special Session of the General Assembly (2000), http://www.mjpo.gov.cy/ mjpo/mjpo.nsf/All/272D8502A49817C2C22570D000452EE8/$file/CYNational Reportpercent20Beijing10Final.pdf?OpenElement. ———. Cyprus National Report on the Implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action (1995) and the Outcome of the Twenty-Third Special Session of the General Assembly (2000), http://www.cities-localgovernments.org/uclg/upload/docs/ CYPRUS_English.pdf. Ministry of Labor and Social Insurance. Legislation, http://www.mlsi.gov.cy/mlsi/ mlsi.nsf/dmllegislation_en/dmllegislation_en?OpenDocument&Start¼1&Count¼1 000&Expand¼3. ———. Mission, http://www.mlsi.gov.cy/mlsi/mlsi.nsf/dmlmission_en/dmlmission _en?Open Document. Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. Office of the Law Commissioner: Cyprus Second Periodic Report Implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu2/6/crc/doc/ replies/wr-cyprus-2.pdf. Police Statistics. Annual Number of Incidents of Domestic Violence by Type 2001– 2005, http://www.police.gov.cy/police/police.nsf/All/B837BE6404195BB1C22571A A0042CC15/$file/Domesticpercent20Violence_en.pdf. ———. Juveniles involved in the Commission of Offences (Serious and Minor) during the years 2000–2005, http://www.police.gov.cy/police/police.nsf/All/ D877779864BEF71DC2257178001ACB78/$file/Juveniles.pdf. Press and Information Office. The Third Vienna Agreement. August 1975, http://www.moi.gov.cy/moi/pio/pio.nsf/All/9A6B0EFBA6455875C2256D6D00 30D232?OpenDocument. ———. Annual Report 2000, http://www.mlsi.gov.cy/mlsi/sws/sws.nsf/All/ ECFFC834FD28B3D3C2256E7E00201A38/$file/Annualpercent20Reportpercent 202000.pdf?OpenElement. ———. Legislation, http://www.mlsi.gov.cy/mlsi/sws/sws.nsf/dmllegislation_en/ dmllegislation_en?OpenDocument&Start¼1&Count¼1000&Expand¼1. ———. The Cyprus Problem: Results of Invasion, http://www.cyprus.gov.cy/moi/ pio/pio.nsf/All/2BAA147846E3D0D8C2256D6D001E84F8?OpenDocument. ———. Missing Persons, http://www.cyprus.gov.cy/moi/pio/pio.nsf/All/72ACF 3CE7B2D0FE6C2256D6D001EAE31?OpenDocument.
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Republic of Cyprus. The Care and Education of Children with Special Needs Law, http://www.moec.gov.cy/eidiki/nomothesia/Nomothesia_Npercent20_13(I)_ 99.pdf. ———. The Children’s Law, http://www.mlsi.gov.cy/mlsi/sws/sws.nsf/All/ 86CD3D9C9F22BACEC2256E7E004D60F2/$file/Childrenspercent20Lawpercent 201956.pdf?OpenElement. ———. Cyprus Second Periodic Report Implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu2/6/crc/doc/replies/ wr-cyprus-2.pdf. ———. European Court of Human Rights: Case of Cyprus v. Turkey (Application no. 25781/94.), http://www.cyprus.gov.cy/moi/PIO/PIO.nsf/All/5CFDB55E726 D86C1C2256DC3007953BB/$file/Applicationpercent20nopercent2025781_94.pdf? OpenElement. ———. The Free and Compulsory Education Law, http://www.moec.gov.cy/ nomos/dorean.htm. ———. The Protection of Maternity Law No. 100(I)/97, http://www.mlsi.gov.cy/ mlsi/dl/dl.nsf/All/C3384B03F20D08E6C2256E7E0051E5C7/$file/Maternity..doc? OpenElement. ———. Statement by the Representative of Cyprus the 3rd Committee on Agenda item 115: Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Children, http://www.un.int/ cyprus/child56.htm. Research and Development Centre of Intercollege. Results of the Survey: Today’s situation of the Cypriot family. Research for the Family Advisory Committee, 2004, http://www.google.fr/search?hl¼fr&q¼sociology.orgþcyprus&meta¼. Social Welfare Services. Families and Children, http://www.mlsi.gov.cy/mlsi/sws/ sws.nsf/dmlfamilies_en/dmlfamilies_en?OpenDocument. Statistical Service. Census of Population 2001, http://www.mof.gov.cy/mof/cystat/ statistics.nsf/All/B7493AFE7CC36B25C2256D48002F312B/$file/CENSUS percent20OFpercent20POPULATIONpercent202001-VOL.1.pdf?OpenElement. ———. Criminal Statistics 2004, http://www.mof.gov.cy/mof/cystat/statistics.nsf/ All/DDDC96BBCFE5B619C22570F300329BA6/$file/CRIMINAL%20STATISTICS% 202004.pdf?OpenElement. ———. Demographic Report 2005, http://www.mof.gov.cy/mof/cystat/statistics. nsf/All/1A87FF0C4E254CC1C22571FE002D4AD4/$file/DEMOGRAPHICpercent 20REPORTpercent202005.pdf?OpenElement.
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———. Health and Hospital Statistics 2005, http://www.mof.gov.cy/mof/cystat/statistics. nsf/All/41E94F8FC0989C8FC225726100270937?OpenDocument&sub¼3&e¼. ———. Labor Force Survey 2005, http://www.mof.gov.cy/mof/cystat/statistics.nsf/ All/73E4514C7364C6ACC22570CA0031B762/$file/LFS_2005.pdf?OpenElement. ———. Labour Statistics 2004, http://www.mof.gov.cy/mof/cystat/statistics. nsf/All/329F792B6EB8E3E1C2257111003442E9/$file/LABOURpercent20STA TISTICSpercent202004.pdf?OpenElement. ———. Labor Statistics, 2006, http://www.mof.gov.cy/mof/cystat/statistics.nsf/ labour_en/labour_en?OpenDocument. ———. Social Welfare in Cyprus: Expenditure 2000–2003. January 2006, http://www. mof.gov.cy/mof/cystat/statistics.nsf/All/D59484A2A6DF8DCAC225712A002FC464/ $file/SOCIALpercent20PRODECTIONpercent202000-2003.pdf?OpenElement. ———. Statistics of Education 1985–2005, http://www.mof.gov.cy/mof/cystat/ statistics.nsf/All/3299C37CAF28A821C2257115003CCB7B/$file/EDUCATIONCY_STUD_ABRD-EN-070606.xls?OpenElement. ———. Statistics of Education 2004/2005, http://www.mof.gov.cy/mof/cystat/ statistics.nsf/All/D2278E2DFF1CE3A2C225707A002A7798/$file/EDUCATION_ 0405.pdf?OpenElement. United Nations. Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (Thirty-fifth session). Concluding comments of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women: Cyprus, http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/898586b 1dc7b4043c1256a450044f331/9a80c8bf5025ab65c125723e003c821d/$FILE/N0638 461.pdf. ———. Committee on the Rights of the Child. Consideration of reports submitted by states parties under article 44 of the convention Second periodic reports of States parties due in 1998, Cyprus, http://www.hri.ca/fortherecord2003/documentation/ tbodies/crc-c-70-add16.htm. ———. Committee on the Rights of the Child: Summary record of the 309th meeting: Cyprus. 07/06/96. CRC/C/SR.309. (Summary Record), http://www.unhchr. ch/tbs/doc.nsf/(Symbol)/6d2a62b0daeef327c125635d00447b5f?Opendocument. ———. Press Release: Committee on the Rights of the Child Reviews Second Periodic Report of Cyprus, http://www.unhchr.ch/huricane/huricane.nsf/view01/61D AD889BF091DFDC1256D2E002631CA?opendocument. United Nations Development Programme. Human Development Report 2006, http:// hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/country_fact_sheets/cty_fs_CYP.html. U.S. Department of State. Cyprus, International Religious Freedom Report 2006, http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2006/71375.htm. Accessed December 27, 2006.
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CZECH REPUBLIC Lenka Sulov a and Monika Morgensternov a NATIONAL PROFILE In November 1989, the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia ended with the so-called ‘‘Velvet Revolution.’’ On January 1, 1993, Czechoslovakia was peacefully divided into two independent countries: the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic. In the following years, the Czech Republic joined the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) (1994), signed the affiliation agreement with the European Union (1995), and joined NATO (1999). The Czechs have now completed the transformation of the formerly centralized state system into a parliamentary democracy and market economy. The Czech government is committed to children’s rights and welfare. The Czech Welfare System includes three main forms of state aid: social insurance, state social support, and social assistance. The social insurance system includes unemployment, sickness, disability, and retirement benefits. The state social support system provides general financial assistance to both
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the employed and nonemployed, with housing and parenting expenses as well as other forms of family support. The benefits are not dependent on labor market status, but some of them are means-tested. The social support and insurance systems are backed up by social assistance schemes that provide a safety net for low-income individuals or households. The main emphasis of family support is placed on state social support benefits. They include the child allowance, parental allowance, social allowance, housing allowance, foster care allowances and grants, birth grant, and funeral grant. For the purposes of the state social support system, the family is defined as a group of parents and dependent children living in a common household. A dependent child is understood to be any child yet to complete their school attendance obligation, as well as any child that is preparing for a career or has a disability, up to the age of twenty-six. The regional and municipal authorities, as well as a large number of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), provide the majority of social services. The Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs regulates their activities through methodological instructions and inspections to ensure compliance. Social services include matrimonial and prenuptial counselling; the so-called ‘‘early intervention’’ services focusing on families with young children whose development is at risk due to a disability or negative environment influences; ‘‘respite’’ or ‘‘relief’’ care services intended for families that look after disabled children or other family members; personal assistance services; daily services centers; asylum homes for mothers with children; and institutional social care. The state provides a wide range of social support benefits. (For more information in English, see http:// www.mpsv.cz). The population of the Czech Republic includes 10.2 million inhabitants. A total of 1.5 million children up to fourteen years old live in the Czech Republic. There are 9.6 live births per 1,000 inhabitants (Czech Statistical Office 2004). Despite a natural tendency for the population to decrease, the actual rise in total population is only due to counterbalancing inward international migration. From the viewpoint of long-term international comparisons, the fertility of Czech women remains low. In the Czech Republic, the fertility rate is 1.2 (2004). The average annual rate of decline is 2.9 percent (1990–2004). (The State of the World’s Children 2006). The principal ethnic majorities in the Czech Republic are Czechs and Moravians. The Czechs account for 90 percent of the population, while Moravians account for 4 percent. Of the Czech population in 2001, the proportion of children aged zero to fourteen years was 16.1 percent, 14.6 percent of the Moravian population. The largest minority ethnic group in the Czech Republic is, after the Moravian population, the Slovak ethnic group, which accounts for 2 percent of the entire population.
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Of the Slovak population, the proportion of children aged zero to fourteen was 3.6 percent in 2001. Other ethnic minorities include the Romany ethnic group (0.3 percent of the population, of which 30.5 percent was children aged zero to fourteen); Polish (0.6 percent of the population, of which 7 percent was children aged zero to fourteen); German (0.4 percent of the population, of which 4.4 percent was children aged zero to fourteen); Ukrainian (0.2 percent, of which 9.5 percent was children aged zero to fourteen); Hungarian (0.1 percent, of which 3.7 percent were aged zero to fourteen; Vietnamese (0.17 percent, of which 19 percent was aged zero to fourteen); and other minorities (figures for the year 2001, from the Czech Statistical Authority 2004). The most populous age groups, as measured by the percentage of persons (‘‘age index per 100 persons’’) aged zero to fourteen years, are the Romany and Vietnamese populations. The age structure of the Romany population is influenced by high fertility in Romany women, whereas the age structure of the Vietnamese population is influenced by a high percentage of Vietnamese people of productive age (80 percent). The Romany population has the highest proportion of young people aged under eighteen years (around 51 percent) and the lowest proportion of people older than retirement age (around 7 percent). The proportion of Romany children in the total child population in the Czech Republic is 4 percent. In the Romany population, a typical family has many children, often extramarital children. This is, among other reasons, due to fathers and mothers living, more often than in the majority population, as cohabiting unmarried couples (Czech Committee for UNICEF 1996). The issue of the Romany ethnic minority in the Czech Republic is serious. The Romany ethnic group was not officially recognized until 1989. At present, approximately 160,000 to 250,000 Romany people live in the Czech Republic. This is an unofficial number, as many prefer not to define their nationality as Romany, and this is without a doubt partly due to fear of discrimination. Very low numbers of Romany people attend the high schools and universities. A constant source of criticism remains the unsatisfactory conditions for education among members of the Romany community, which constitutes the majority of students from socially and culturally disadvantaged environments (Millennium Development Goals Report 2004). The number of foreigners living in the Czech Republic increased after 1989. At the end of 2003, according to the Czech statistical authorities, around 240,400 people of foreign origin lived in the Czech Republic with legal permission. Around 1 percent of students attending primary schools was of foreign origin. The boom period for asylum seekers, or immigrants, who were using the Czech Republic as a transition land started in December 1989. The first refugees came mainly from Romania and the former Soviet Union. Asylum, which the Czech law terms ‘‘official refugee status,’’ was granted to 1,358 people before November
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1995. There were 230 children aged less than eighteen years and 131 young people aged eighteen to twenty-six years in the refugee camps before May 31, 1994. In the refugee camps, Czech language courses are provided to children and adults. In each refugee camp, children’s playgroups are established and led similarly to nurseries/preschools. Most children of preschool and school age attend the playgroups (Czech Committee for UNICEF 1996). The current character of population development is chiefly determined by the fall in birth rates, particularly in women of the lowest fertile age. In this age category, a new model of reproductive behavior, characterized by a deferral of first marriages and childbirth, is starting to assert itself. This is causing concern about further population development. Although the current low fertility (total fertility 1.16 in 1998) is mostly regarded as temporary, its revival is only expected to be partial, with a rise to 1.32– 1.55 by the year 2020. During the 1980s, reproductive behavior in the Czech Republic was marked by a high fertility rate at the start of the reproductive period and a concentration of fertility in a narrow age span. Most children were born to married couples (91.4 percent in 1990) of which the proportion of children born within eight months of marriage was high (the proportion was about 55 percent of all legitimate first births in the 1980s). A twochild family model prevailed—in 1990 the total fertility rate was 1.89. In the 1990s, the total number of children born plummeted (the absolute number of live births fell by 29.9 percent between 1990 and 1997), and 1997 and 1998 merely brought stagnation. The supposition has thus far been confirmed that people will put off having children until they are older and that there will be an incalculable increase in the number and proportion of childless women. Although the two-child model continues to dominate family planning, it is fair to assume that fewer women will fulfill their plans than in the past unless the present population climate changes. This depends on a number of factors, including whether it is demonstrated that the current low marriage rate is mainly the result of marriages being deferred to a more advanced age. Another important aspect is the stabilization of the socioeconomic situation in the Czech Republic to an extent that would allow in particular young families to have sufficient material security. Last but not least, there is a question mark over whether the current high value placed on marriage and motherhood will persist and whether the overall climate in society will support the merging of women’s interests in the private sphere (as parents, wives, etc.) and in the public sphere (as active participants in economic and social life). Having children means fulfilling the meaning of life for most couples. They see their children as their continuation. At present, the size of nuclear families is decreasing, and more and more often there are families with an only child. This is caused by the change of the status of women in society, where their education and employment is increasing and their
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TABLE 4.1. Proportion of Children in the Population (%)
0–14 years
1950
1961
1970
1980
1991
2001
24.0
25.4
21.2
23.4
21.0
16.2
Source: National Report on Family (2004).
dependency on their partner is decreasing and the pressure for harmonization of the family and professional interests is rising. The changes in the economic system of the society have contributed to the situation. The free market environment increases the requirement for job performance and work hours often at the expense of the time spent with family and raising children (National Report on Family 2004). Regarding the level of fertility, the Czech Republic is among the countries with the lowest results, well below the sustainable level of reproduction. In 2003, the fertility rate was 1.18 (number of children born to one woman) (National Report on Family 2004). While the reduction in natality has put the Czech Republic behind the states of western and northern Europe in total natality indicators, the increase in age at the time of first childbirth has not been so sharp and, in this indicator, the Czech Republic still adheres to the Eastern European model of reproduction. The average age at time of giving birth rose from 24.7 to 26.7 in the 1989–1998 period, and the average age at time of giving birth to a firstborn rose from 22.5 to 24.3. At the same time, the interval between marriage and the birth of the first child and the interval between the birth of the first child and additional children have increased by five months and six months, respectively, from 1990 to 1997. Further increases in the differentiation of procreation are expected in the coming years; that is, a more even spread of fertility over various age groups from twenty to thirty-five years of age. Another change in the reproductive behavior of Czech women is the growing number and proportion of children born out of wedlock, even though in European terms the current proportion is low to average. The Czech Republic is seeing a confrontation between liberal attitudes, influenced by the markedly secularized environment and the traditional inclination towards legal partnership and parenthood. Some unmarried mothers are the pioneers of a relatively new lifestyle, in which the traditional link between marriage and motherhood is not perceived as binding or the only correct alternative; some later marry the father of their child. The number of such cases is growing, while since 1994 the proportion of firstborn children born within eight months of marriage and ‘‘shotgun weddings’’ has fallen. Pregnancy of the female partner, therefore, remains a reason for getting married, but not necessarily before the birth of the child. Nevertheless, almost half of all first children are still born within
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eight months of marriage. The proportion of such children rose from 50.6 percent to 56.4 percent between 1991 and 1994 inclusive, and subsequently fell to 48.1 percent in 1997. Birth rates in unmarried women continued to rise until 1994. Despite the subsequent fall, the absolute number of children born out of wedlock rose by 54 percent in 1990–1998. At the same time, the numbers and proportions of second children born outside wedlock also rose. Although it is not clear to what extent this is an expression of the growing numbers of unmarried cohabiting couples and to what extent the children are children of single mothers, this development is perceived as indicating that the new model of reproductive behavior is becoming more widespread. The fall in abortion rates is a favorable indicator of changes in family behavior (this should be assessed against the background of the fact that for a number of reasons, induced abortion was formerly used as a possible method of contraception). The number of induced terminations of pregnancy for every 100 children born fell from 82 to 48 in 1990–1997. While in 1990 induced abortions formed 42 percent of all pregnancies, in 1997 the figure was just 30 percent. They are most often undergone by divorced and widowed women, women living in informal unions, and overall by women that already have two children. For a long time, the proportion of miscarriages has hovered around the level of 11 per 100 children born, which is evidence of a stable state of health of women of reproductive age. The changes mentioned in overall rates of abortions and miscarriages are chiefly the result of the growing use of contraception as a family planning tool. Efforts to promote the use of contraception have yielded good results in recent years—in 1997, 38 percent of women used contraceptives under medical supervision (compared with 21 percent in 1992), three-quarters of which used hormonal contraception. Contraceptives are not covered by general health insurance, but they are generally accessible. Younger and more educated women use them more than older and less educated women. Further developments in natality will depend on whether deferred marriages will later be concluded and whether the deferral of children will (or will not) change into a refusal to have children; in other words, whether the marriage rates for single women and the intensity of KEY FACTS – CZECH REPUBLIC fertility will shift into more Population: 10,200,000 (2004 est.) advanced ages with the core Infant mortality rate: 3.86 deaths/1,000 live being in the twenty-five- to births (2007 est.) twenty-nine-year-old age group Life expectancy at birth: 76.42 years (2007 est.) of women. This expectation is Literacy rate: 99 percent (2003 est.) Internet users: 5.1 million (2005) supported by the latest data—in 1997, the fertility of women aged Sources: Czech Statistical Office, 2004. over twenty-five rose slightly.
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EDUCATION Adult literacy in 1998 was 99.9 percent. The length of school attendance in 1998 was 13.5 years (Human Development Report, 1999, p. 224, source: Czech Statistical Office, Statistic Almanac of the Czech Republic 1999). Almost all people in the Czech Republic receive schooling in the early stages of their lives. (Millennium Development Goals Report 2004). The educational system of the Czech Republic includes preschool and school establishments, elementary schools, elementary art schools, training and vocational schools, secondary/high schools, special schools, higher professional schools, and universities, provided they are incorporated into the network of schools and preschool and school establishments (Basic Facts on the Czech Republic according to Czech Statistical Office 2004). The government provides free and compulsory education to all up to the age of 15. (Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2005, released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labour 2006). Of people in the age group six to twenty-three years, 57.9 percent are students. Primary schools enrollment ratio is 93.4 percent; for secondary schools it is 69.1 percent, and for universities it is 25.9 percent. Of total university students, 36.2 percent are students of natural sciences and technology (Human Development Report, 1999, p. 224, source: Czech Statistical Office, Statistic Almanac of the Czech Republic 1999). Besides the institutionalized educational system mentioned earlier, importance of the after-school activities/playgroups provided for children and young people that are organized, for example, through so-called Houses of Children and Youth or through nonprofit organizations, should not be neglected (National Report on Family 2004). In the Czech Republic (2002–2003) there existed 5,552 nursery schools, 3,961 primary schools, 343 grammar schools, 800 secondary technical schools, 24 universities, and a number of other secondary technical schools and industrial schools (Czech Statistical Office 2004). Over 85 percent of children of appropriate age (three to six) attend nursery schools. Attendance at such schools is voluntary and paid (Millennium Development Goals Report 2004). The number of children attending a pre-school establishment is 278,859 (2002). Besides offering all-day childcare, the preschools also provide the option of half-day or less than half-day childcare (National Report on Family 2004). Mandatory school attendance begins at the age of six and lasts for nine years, corresponding with the duration of primary school education. Less than 2 percent of children do not complete primary school (Millennium Development Goals Report, 2004). In the Czech Republic, the wide dispersion of towns and villages requires a large network of schools (National Report on Family 2004). Primary schools were attended by 994,130 children in 2004 (Czech
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Statistical Office 2004). The average number of students attending one school is less than 100. The curriculum content of elementary schools is defined by the Standard of the Elementary Education (National Report on Family 2004). A total of 98 percent of elementary/basic schools graduates enroll at one of three types of secondary schools. In the 1999–2000 academic year, less than one-fifth of them enrolled at general secondary schools (grammar schools), less than two-fifths entered technical secondary schools, and more than two fifths entered vocational secondary schools. On the whole, the Czech Republic shows one of the highest proportions of secondary school students in the OECD countries (Millennium Development Goals Report 2004). The institution of secondary education has a relatively long tradition in the Czech Republic. Grammar schools were traditionally a domain of the prominent convents (Jesuits, Piarists), whereas the business schools, technical schools, and vocational secondary schools were mostly founded by the state (National Report on Family 2004). The UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) reported a primary school enrollment rate of 90 percent during the period from 2000 to 2004. Most children continued through to a secondary school. There were no statistics available on Romany ethnic group attendance rates. PLAY AND RECREATION In the Czech Republic, the general attitude toward children is subject to transition from so-called child-centrism (when everything is subjugated to the child’s interests) toward the dominance of the individual interests of all members of the society. However, it is still possible to claim that, for the majority of Czech children, living conditions are in harmony with their specific needs at any given age. This means that they have sufficient space for the predominant activity (at least at preschool age), for play and subsequently for the realization of various hobbies associated with active relaxation. The majority of Czech children enroll in preschool establishments at around the age of three years, where the care is provided by professional staff and where they have optimum conditions for spontaneous play and play development. The school as an institution is also equipped for various forms of after-school leisure and hobby activities. It is necessary to say, however, that the ability of schools to provide such service is better in villages and smaller towns than in cities, where the fast lifestyle and larger number of students leads to the necessity for schools to reduce such services. Besides these, there are a number of specialized activities organized for children and youth of various ages, including longer-term summer camps with specialized aims that are funded by parents. For underprivileged children, there is a possibility of receiving social aid from the state for such activities.
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CHILD LABOR Act No. 65/1965 Dig., Labor Code, as consequently amended, based on the Labor Code, protects all employees, including children, pregnant women, nursing mothers, mothers up to the ninth month after childbirth, and adolescents. According to Article 11 of the Act, Section 2, ‘‘Labour of individuals under 15 years of age or older, before they have completed compulsory school attendance, is prohibited. Such individuals may perform only artistic, cultural, advertising or sport activities under conditions set in a special legal enactment.’’ The same clause is included into Act No. 435/2004 Dig. on employment. The Labor Code, in Articles 132 and onwards, covers in general the protection of workers against factors that can endanger their health. Pregnant women, nursing mothers, mothers up to the ninth month after childbirth, and adolescents are subject to even stricter limitations. The work of adolescents is regulated with respect to their mental and physical immaturity by Article 167. The Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Education are entitled to determine work activities and workplaces banned to adolescents and to determine under what conditions adolescents may exceptionally perform those activities within the framework of vocational training. The Communist regime that was in power from 1948 effectively abolished child labor, partly as a direct program and partly as a by-product of other measures, particularly the liquidation of private enterprises, including its smallest forms, such as petty craftsmen and peasants. It was exceptional in its consistency even among the Eastern Bloc countries. The need for children to serve as helping hands disappeared along with the liquidation of family farms and trades. There were only two types of child work tolerated: work performed within the framework of vocational training and professional activities of children in art (the latter applying only to a negligible number of children). Vocational education in continuance of compulsory school attendance related to children aged sixteen to eighteen years old. The first year was mostly devoted to theoretical training. Practical work increased in the second year, and prevailed in the third year, when it may have represented up to 80 percent of a full eight-hour shift of an adult employee. In general, the employment of adolescents in high-risk workplaces was banned. Some exceptions have been specified by legislation within the context of necessary training of adolescents for their future vocation, provided that the practical training is performed under qualified supervision, working hours are limited, and health protection is guaranteed using personal protective equipment. Some work was performed by school brigades—obligatory school campaigns of about two weeks’ duration, organized for ideological reasons and predominantly in agriculture. Such work did not pose any risk to health of children or adolescents. After the
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upheaval in 1989, the situation changed very slowly. In agriculture, family farms represent a small proportion. Economic pressure forces integration into larger units, where child labor does not practically come into consideration apart, of course, from children doing daily chores at home or in the garden, which is usually not considered as child labor. Compulsory school attendance plays a significant role as a safeguard against child labor. Since 1961, the length of compulsory school attendance in the Czech Republic has been nine years, usually from six to fifteen years of age (Article 36, section 1 of Act No. 561/2004–School Act). There is a close link between school authorities and the social care institutions, which immediately deal with possible excesses incidents. Of course, this does not hold during holidays. Nevertheless, considering the earlier mentioned insignificant number of small family enterprises and farms, the extent of child labor during holidays is likely to be negligible. With the liberalization of society in 1989, a steep increase in the crime rate coincided with steep growth in the exploitation of children for illegal income and activities. The public health protection authorities have no information about such activities. These problems are the competence of the police and other authorities conducting criminal proceedings. In any case, the scope of these activities is not likely to be alarming due to the compulsory nature of school attendance, as mentioned earlier, and a quite strict system of inspection that applies. It should be stressed that along with its limited scope, the problem applies mainly to the socially deprived segments of the population. There were 12,086 cases of child criminality and 16,730 cases of juvenile’s criminality (Human Development Report, 1999, p. 225, source: Czech Statistical Office, Statistic Almanac of the Czech Republic 1999). The protection of pregnant women and nursing mothers against health risks at work is well guaranteed in the Czech Republic. This is associated with a relatively good social security system in the country. A significant proportion of pregnant women take sickness leave because of ‘‘pregnancy at risk.’’ Very few women resume work shortly after childbirth. The current situation concerning child labor, work of adolescents, and occupational risks for pregnant women and nursing mothers in the Czech Republic is considered good and is not perceived as a problem to be solved (Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2005). FAMILY That more and more young people are deferring marriage is confirmed by the rise in the average age at the time of first marriage and the changing indicators for first marriages. The average age at which single women get married rose by 4 years and, in single men, by 3.6 years between 1989 and 1998. The fall in the indicator of ‘‘premature’’ marriages after 1990 can be regarded as positive. In 1997, 1.8 percent of women
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between fifteen and nineteen years old inclusive were married. In general, however, the fall in marriage rates is raising concerns for further developments in birth rates and a fall in the natural reproduction of the population. The decline in marriage rates at a young age has not yet been compensated by an increase in middle and older age marriages. A new phenomenon in the period from 1989 to 1996 was a one-third fall in the marriage rate of divorced people; however, in 1997 this indicator rose. Another feature of the current trends is a greater differentiation of demographic behavior. Approximately five marriage and birth models have been created in the Czech Republic in recent years: .
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Marriage at a young age, followed quickly by the birth of the first child and then other children Marriage at a young age with children following at a later time after marriage Marriage at a more advanced age, with children following shortly after or possibly even preceding marriage Marriage at a more advanced age, with the birth of children being deferred to a later date Long-term or lifelong childlessness and rejection of marriage, which is manifested in the establishment of informal unions and may result in a ‘‘late’’ birth or even later marriage
Although it is difficult to identity what social position corresponds with which strategies, their very existence is evidence of the diversity of values, strategies, and aspirations of today’s young men and women (Human Development Report 1999). While the statistical data documents a decrease in marriage rates, sociological surveys have not confirmed any major changes in declared attitudes toward marriage. In Czech society it has always been, is now, and will most likely continue to be, the most preferred form of partner cohabitation and childrearing environment. Attitudes toward marriage derive from the traditional social importance attributed to it and also from the fact that, for women, marriage also constitutes material security. In recent years, however, the ratio of pros and cons has been changing in its subjective perception (and at least partly objectively as well). The ‘‘prestigious’’ standing of married women is disappearing; the social status of divorced women has lost its former tinge of inequality, and the status of single mother is also becoming less disdained. Today, decisions on marriage and starting a family are freer but are also more responsible acts. Greater emphasis is now placed on providing for the family by one’s own endeavor (or possibly with the help of the extended family) than before. Views differ on the influence that the increase in women’s emancipation has on their familial and marital behavior, however. The main point is the conflict between the demands for a harmonious and stable family
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and the demands on emancipated women asserting their individual rights. If the tension that is emerging here is not duly met by support for the reconciling of men’s and women’s family and work duties and interests, women’s emancipation may contribute to changes in demographic behavior. This fact has not been appreciated sufficiently. Sociologists warn that modern individualism (that is functional in the production sphere) brings constraints in the sphere of human reproduction. The extreme consequences are unstable families and declining birth rates (Human Development Report 1999). A further increase in the number of informal unions is estimated to come from the fall in the marriage rate and the growth in the proportion of children born outside marriage (there is no accurate information about how many of them live in incomplete families and how many with both parents unmarried). The large majority of demographers and sociologists do not, however, think it very likely that in the current social–cultural and material conditions unmarried cohabitation will become a more widespread alternative to formal marriage. Even though it is growing, it is more likely to function as a transitory phase before marriage (‘‘trying out marriage’’) or as a way of resolving the partnerships of divorced or widowed people. Unlike the less well-established type of unmarried cohabitation, the existence of one-parent families has already become a fixed part of the demographic picture of the Czech population. The number and proportion of single-parent families has continued to rise over the last thirty years, mainly with a divorcee as the head of the family in place of a widow or a widower. In 1996, 67 percent of single mothers were divorced, 15 percent widowed, and 10 percent unmarried; in men it was 58 percent, 28 percent, and 5 percent, respectively. In 1996, an average of 1.53 children lived in one-parent families and 1.76 in two-parent families. Single-parent families as a whole are perceived as a group socially at risk, achieving demonstrably lower incomes than complete families. However, their living conditions are partly dependent on the nature of their relationship with their relatives and other social factors. Improving the care for the truly needy is prevented by the fact that there is insufficient information on all the forms of cohabitation in which lone parents live with their children and of the various paths in life of lone parents. In the previous decades, the following factors were regarded as the main reasons for the decline in marriage stability: strengthening of individualistic interests and emotional aspects among the motives of marital behavior, ‘‘premature’’ marriages of immature couples, the large number of conceptions out of wedlock (pregnant brides), and the insufficient supply of good contraceptives. Today, much has changed in this area and marriages are being deferred. Lower divorce rates could thus be also attributed to more cautious attitudes toward getting married. Apart from a short-term fall in divorces in young marriages (up to three years old), this has not been confirmed, however.
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The key causes of the high divorce rate are constant. They include a high level of tolerance in society for divorce and the relatively easy legal access to divorce. If, before 1990, the total divorce rate did not exceed the 38 percent level, since 1996 it has exceeded 40 percent. In that year the divorce rate index reached its record of 61.4 percent permitted divorces for every 100 marriages. As in previous years, the highest specific rate of divorce throughout the 1990s has been found in the twenty to twenty-nine age group. From the point of view of the duration of marriages, the third to the sixth year after marriage continue to be critical. During the 1990s, the proportion of divorced marriages with children fell by 2.6 percent to 66.9 percent in 1998, of which divorced marriages with more than one child account for 27.9 percent. Two-thirds of divorce applicants are women; nevertheless 90 percent of failed marriages tend to be terminated by agreement between the two partners. The consequence of these phenomena is an increase in the number and proportion of single-parent families and divorced people in the population. In 1998, 13 percent of men from thirty-five to fifty-nine years of age were divorced (8 percent of all age cohorts); 15 percent of women in this age cohort were divorced (10 percent of all age cohorts) (Human Development Report Czech Republic 1999). HEALTH In the Czech Republic, a highly developed health and medical services system is maintained for children, accessible to all. The Czech Republic has a well-developed system of preventive medical checks for children, from birth up to the age of eighteen years. The infant mortality rate stood at 3.4 infant deaths per 1,000 live births, 3.86 per 1,000 live births in the year 2007 (UNICEF). Levels of child mortality in the first year of life have been steadily decreasing in the Czech Republic. Over the last eleven years, levels have dropped by almost two thirds. In the early 1990s, of 1,000 live births, almost 11 infants died, but by 2001, when the lowest level was attained, this figure had dropped to 4. Thanks to its current low figures, the Czech Republic finds itself below the EU average (4.7 per 1,000 in 2000) and, along with the Scandinavian countries, among the top European countries (Millennium Development Goals Report Czech Republic 2004). Infant mortality has decreased in every phase of early life. The rates in the first month of life (the so-called neonatal mortality from day 0–27) and at postneonatal age (28– 364 days) have decreased. This means that mortality has not simply been deferred to the postneonatal period as a consequence of neonatal sickness. Also, perinatal mortality, including the number of stillborn children and deaths of children during the first week of life (0–6 days) has also decreased. The proportion of children who died in childbirth showed more than a 50 percent decrease compared with 1990. The current rate of 5.2 per
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1,000 is also below the EU average (6.4 per 1,000) (Millennium Development Goals Report, the Czech Republic 2004). In the Czech Republic, there is a sophisticated, widespread, and complex system of vaccination of children that in certain cases is always managed centrally by the state, and in other cases individually by the child’s pediatrician in accordance with their age. All vaccination is funded by the state. The vaccinations that depend on parental decision are, in some cases, partially funded by health insurance. The Czech Republic implements an immunization program based on the vaccination calendar. The proportion of children vaccinated against measles, German measles, pertussis, and tuberculosis is consistently high. Throughout the 1990s, it never dropped below 95 percent (Millennium Development Goals Report Czech Republic 2004). The Czech Republic has a forty-year tradition of monitoring congenital malformations. At present, more than 300 children out of 10,000 live births are born with congenital malformations. The frequency of congenital malformations is closely connected with accurate and complete reporting. The increase of the relative numbers in the 1990s is a consequence of higher quality diagnostics and also better statistical evidence. The most frequent defects are cardiac malformations (40 percent). Congenital malformations represented 37 percent (in 2000) of the causes of child mortality in the first week of life. There is still no sufficient information on the occurrence of the CAN syndrome (the syndrome of the maltreated, abused, and neglected child). Reports by pediatricians on suspected violence against children remain deficient and sharing of information, and coordination of approaches by specialists and nonstate organizations are still lacking (Millennium Development Goals Report Czech Republic 2004). The increasing number of women without perinatal care, related particularly to increasing immigration from regions not providing this care, can represent a potential problem for the maintenance of low mortality rates (Millennium Development Goals Report Czech Republic 2004). The favorable trend in abortion rate continued also in the first quarter of 2005. The total number of abortions dropped by 500 (to 10,200) compared with the first quarter of 2004. Legally induced abortions accounted for two-thirds of the total number of abortions. Almost eighty percent of legally induced abortions are performed within eight weeks of commencement of the pregnancy (Czech Statistical Office 2004). The estimated number of people living with HIV in 2003 is 800 to 4,900. The number of children (zero to fourteen years) with HIV is not known (UNICEF 2006). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The Czech Family Law results from the tradition of several law systems, especially the Roman Law and the Canonic Law. Its present form is mainly
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determined by law No. 94/1963 Coll. ‘‘About Family’’ (as restated in subsequent regulations), law No. 40/1964 Coll. ‘‘Citizen Law,’’ (as restated in subsequent regulations), and on the law No. 359/1999 Coll. ‘‘About Social-Legal Child Protection’’ (as restated in subsequent regulations). The second part of the Family Law, called Parental Responsibility, regulates a complex of rights and responsibilities when caring for minors that includes healthcare, as well as physical, emotional, mental, and moral development; during the child’s representation in matters for which they are not fully competent; and during the management of their possessions. Parents are obliged to rigorously protect the interests of their child, to manage their child’s behavior, and to supervise their child appropriately to the degree of their development. Parents have the right to use appropriate parenting tools, but they have to be very particular about not injuring the dignity of their child. Chapter Two of the previous part of the Family Law regulates the Social-Legal Child Protection (§41 and §42). This implies the protection of the child’s right for healthy development, proper upbringing, and the protection of rightful interests of the child; for example, the protection of the child’s possessions. Social–legal child protection is carried out by competent authorities and by municipalities as they investigate cases of endangered or disturbed child development or childcare and take measures for elimination of the causes and consequences of these problems, and in particular measures that aim to protect the child against physical and psychological violence and neglect. The area of social–legal child protection was included in the Family Law as it was necessary to take up the constitution of the Convention on the Rights of the Child and also as there was no valid law about social–legal child protection at the time. This legal groundwork enabled the competent authorities, institutions, and persons to implement this protection and by doing so to fulfill the Convention on the Rights of the Child, other law regulations, and the international liabilities of the Czech Republic. Furthermore, the second part of the Family Law regulates the conditions of suspension, limitation, or divestiture of parental responsibility; consignment of the child to other caregivers than a parent; determination of parenthood; adoption, guardianship, and consignment of the child to foster care or institutionalized childcare. In the third part, alimony regulates the mutual alimentary obligation of parents, children, and other family members; the alimentary obligation of a married couple during their marriage but also after the marriage has ceased to exist; and the claims of an unmarried mother. The main aspect of the social–legal protection is the child’s interest and welfare. Social–legal protection is mainly understood as the protection of the child’s rights for prosperous development and proper childcare, the protection of the child’s rightful interests, including the protection of their possessions, and action toward repairing the dysfunctional family.
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The Social–Legal Child Protection Law has been valid since April 1, 2000. It regulates a very sensitive area of human life and, therefore, it was founded on policies that respect the principles regulated by the Constitution of the Czech Republic, the Fundamental Rights and Freedoms Bill, and by Convention on the Rights of the Child. These principles are: .
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The responsibility of the state for protection of children from physical or psychological violence; and protection of their healthy physical, psychological and moral development with full respect for parents as the carrier of the parental responsibility unless the rights or development of the child is endangered. The authorities with the general responsibility for the protection of children’s rights and interests are the authorities of social–legal child protection as defined by law. The leading principle of child protection is preventive action, which should prevent disturbances in family relationships that endanger the healthy and prosperous development of the child. The protection of children against social–pathological events. A new conception of observation of the development of children living outside their own family. The definition of rules for mediation of adoption and foster care. A comprehensive definition of rules for cooperation with other countries in issues of social-legal child protection with a foreign aspect, provision of necessary conformance with the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and of cooperation in case of international adoption. The definition of actions by which nongovernmental organizations, represented by physical and legal persons, participate in social–legal child protection.
It also includes a number of regulations that aim for higher levels of protection and rights for women and men, mothers and fathers, in labor relations concerning pregnancy, childbirth, and subsequent childcare, maternity/paternity leave and maternity benefits, parental leave, pregnancy and maternity benefits, breastfeeding breaks at work, overtime work, business trips beyond the region of the workplace or the place of residence, and shorter working hours. Social–legal child protection is provided by the municipalities, the Ministry of Labor and Social Issues, the Institute for International Child Protection, and by other physical and legal persons if put in charge of social–legal protection. (Persons put in charge may provide social–legal child protection consultancy services; provide services specialized in child protection against harmful influences and in their prevention; found institutions of
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social–legal child protection; provide educational and consultancy services, within an institution which those persons founded, or for foster parents during their foster parenting; observe the foster parenting. Social–legal protection focuses on children: . .
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Whose parents have died. Whose parents do not fulfill the duties resulting from their parental responsibility, or who abuse or do not exercise those rights. Who were consigned to the care of other physical person than a parent, if this person does not fulfill the duties resulting from the consignment of the child to their care. Whose parents lead an idle or immoral life; abuse alcohol or other drugs; are involved in prostitution; commit criminal offences or, if when they are under fifteen years of age and committed an offence that would be treated as a crime in people over fifteen years of age, repeatedly or systematically commit offenses or in any other way threaten citizens or community. Who repeatedly escape from parents or other physical or legal persons responsible for their childcare. On whom a criminal offence was committed endangering their life, health, dignity, or possessions or there is a suspicion that such an offence was committed (syndrome of maltreated, abused, and neglected child ¼ syndrome CAN).
The care for these children includes assistance with overcoming adverse social conditions and childhood influences to facilitate their integration into society and worklife. RELIGIOUS LIFE In the Czech Republic there are two groups of children—children coming from religious families, where the majority are of Roman Catholic or Evangelical/Protestant Christian religion; and children coming from atheistic families. The country has freedom of religion and, therefore, religion is left completely to each family. The degree of religiousness varies depending on the locality, both generally among citizens of the Czech Republic and, therefore, in children as well. Among the Czech majority, most people do not espouse a religion. Only 31 percent of the Czech population profess religious beliefs (84 percent of them are Catholics). Among the ethnic minorities, the Polish ethnic group is the most religious (79 percent of Polish ethnic group and 52.6 percent of Romany ethnic group profess religion). As an example of local variability in religiousness, the population of Moravia is more religious than the population of the Czech countries. Also, people living in the countryside tend to be more religious than
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people living in the big cities. No exact numbers regarding the religiousness of the population or scientific research on this issue could be obtained. Following the year 1989, many church activities emerged specializing mostly in children, their education, and the organization of leisure activities for them. However, there are no signs of distinctive changes regarding this issue, and the Czech society as a whole is quite indifferent towards religion compared with neighboring countries such as Poland, Austria, or even Slovakia. Church activities are generally perceived as positive. In schools there are no compulsory religious classes, and only in some localities are those classes offered as an elective subject. Church activities in past years were highly concentrated on strengthening the importance of family. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Czech law prohibits family violence, physical restraint, sexual abuse, and other forms of abuse of minors. The Committee of UNICEF notes the efforts of the government in its aims to increase the protection of children from various forms of abuse and neglect, including sexual abuse, such as the amendment to the Act on Misdemeanours (Law No. 360/ 1999 Coll.) and welcomes the significant efforts by NGOs in this respect. The committee is, however, concerned that certain groups of children, such as Romany children, are specifically targeted, and that a very small proportion of reported cases of suspicion of abuse and neglect are investigated. It is also concerned about the lack of an integrated system of services, and that problems of child abuse and neglect are often addressed solely in an ad hoc manner by NGOs (UNICEF Country Report 2003). The government of the Czech Republic pays great deal of attention to all of those issues, and recently, attention has been given to the issue of commercial sexual child abuse (http://www.mvcr.cz). In 2000, the government passed a resolution on the National Plan of a Battle against Commercial Sexual Child Abuse, which suggested steps for tackling this problem. During previous years, the number of persons involved in prostitution in the Czech Republic increased greatly. Although there is a high number of girls and boys aged less than eighteen years among these persons, there exists nearly no relevant information about them (http://www.iustin.cz–Association of Justice for Children). Official statistics, however, completely fail to tally with the real situation in the Czech Republic, which is monitored by nonprofit organizations. This situation is, above all, due to child abuse and neglect of children having a latent form. In 2004, police investigated 676 cases, resulting in 555 convictions under child abandonment and endangerment laws. NGOs estimated that approximately 50 children die annually from domestic violence (Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2005).
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Many NGOs and associations specialize in issues relating to child abuse and neglect. They benefit from the aid of professionals such as psychologists, social workers, and lawyers. For Czech society, this issue is very sensitive, and the Czech government is trying to attend to these issues in the best possible way. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY In addition to the quality of healthcare, greater importance should be given to nutrition consultations, prevention from smoking during pregnancy and, particularly in the case of younger generations, drug abuse prevention. A number of specific tasks and activities aimed at achieving this goal are contained in the document entitled ‘‘Long-term Program of Improving Health Conditions of the Population of the Czech Republic— Health for Everyone in the 21st Century,’’ approved by the Government of the Czech Republic in October 2002. This document represents a national implementation of the program WHO Health 21 elaborated for the European region. The Romany ethnic group faced disproportionately high levels of poverty, unemployment, inter-ethnic violence, and illiteracy. Despite constitutional prohibitions against discrimination, there was no framework to implement those provisions in the civil or criminal law. The Romany ethnic group continued to face discrimination from potential employers and local and school officials, with only incremental improvements in recent years. (Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2005)
The Committee of UNICEF (UNICEF Country Report 2003) welcomes the implementation of strategies aimed at promoting Romany children’s rights to healthcare services and inclusion in education. The committee also welcomes Romany NGO participation in promoting the rights of their children. However, it remains concerned about the negative attitudes and prejudices among the general public, media representations, incidents of police brutality, and discriminatory behavior on the part of some persons who are working with and for children, including teachers and doctors. In conceiving family policy, the problem of the growing variability of family (and nonfamily) structures is also encountered. Population behavior in the Czech Republic is moving closer towards the western European model of family behavior, but also retains its own specific features. The variance found between the constantly high esteem in which the family and married life are held on the one hand and the fall in marriage and birth rates on the other hand suggests that the current situation and trends are temporary. At the same time, there will be a lot of economic and social–cultural factors affecting further developments, which make population predictions very complicated. This is one of the reasons that the Czech Republic has in recent years not formed a family
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or population policy (Human Development Report Czech Republic 1999). It is evident that family policy cannot be limited to social benefits, nor to a population policy based on support for the family in terms of facilitating behavior affecting the birth rate. The situation today is such that while ensuring the quality of life of families, above all those that are socially disadvantaged (which is the subject matter of the state social policy), the complex goals of family policy have not been explicitly formulated and the importance of population policy is generally called into question. The latest step towards creating and implementing a profamily policy is the government resolution from July 1999 for establishing institutional bases for resolving the problems of children and families. The socioeconomic changes in the 1990s also led to a break from the long-term trends in demographic behavior and have speeded up the process of the diversification of paths and strategies in life. From the 1950s to the 1990s, family behavior in the Czech Republic was characterized by high marriage rates (around 90–95 percent in men and 96 percent in women), with people starting a family and having their first children at a young age. The 1990s brought acceleration to the changes that had begun slowly in the previous decade, that is, a fall in marriage and birth rates. Despite some fluctuation, divorce rates have again risen slightly. Even more young people are deferring getting married, which is confirmed by the rise in the average age at the time of the first marriage and the changing indicators for first marriages. The average age at which single women get married rose by four years in 1989–1998, and by 3.6 years for single men (Human Development Report 1999). Basic facts for the year 2004 according to the Czech Statistical Office, regarding family life in the Czech Republic, are as follows: the Czech Republic had on average 5 marriages per 1,000 inhabitants; 3.2 divorces per 1,000 inhabitants; 64.3 divorces per 100 marriages; and the total fertility rate was 1.23. In the first quarter of 2005, 31.4 percent of all live births occurred outside marriage, in contrast to 30.2 percent in the first quarter of 2004 and 30.6 percent in 2004. Thus, the continuous trend in the increase of the proportion of children born to non-married women, which started in 1988, continues in 2005 (Czech Statistical Office 2005). RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings in English or French Barto nova, D. 1998. ‘‘Les tendances concernant l’interruption volontaire de grossesse dans la Republique tcheque.’’ In AUC–Geographica 2, 33–41. Barto nova, D. and J. Kocourkova. 1997. ‘‘Reproductive behaviour of Population in the Czech Republic in the 1990s.’’ In AUC–Geographica Supplementum.
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Burcin, B. and T. Kucera. 1998. ‘‘L’importance de la migration en Republique tcheque.’’ AUC–Geographica 2: 125–32. Cernohorsk y, P. 1996. Schools under Scrutiny. Prague, Czech Republic: Phare, Praha, UIV: OECD/CERI. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. 2005. Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 2006. Drbohlav, D. 1996. Czech Republic and International Migration (in Czech). In Geographical Organisation of Society Transformation Processes in the Czech Republic, Hampl, M. et al., eds. Prague, Czech Republic: Praha: Faculty of Science, Charles University. Horakova, M. 1999. Migration in the Czech Republic. Prague: Research Institute for Labour and Social Affairs. Human Development Report. 1999. Statistic Almanac of the Czech Republic. Prague, Czech Republic: Czech Statistical Office. Human Development Report Czech Republic. 1999. Research Institute for Labour and Social Affairs. Kalibova, K. 1998. ‘‘Les changements de la divorcialite en Republique tcheque.’’ AUC–Geographica 2: 89–97. Kalibova, K. 1999. Romany Population in the View of Statistics and Demography (In Czech). In: Romany Population in the Czech Republic (1945–1998). Prague, Czech Republic: Praha: Socioklub, pp. 91–114. Kotacka, L. 1997. Education and Equity in the OECD Countries. Paris: OECD. (Vzdelanı´ a socialnı´ spravedlnost v zemı´ch OECD). Phare-Res, Praha, UIV 1998. Machonin, P. 1996. ‘‘Modernisation and Social Transformation in the Czech Republic.’’ Czech Sociological Review 4(2): 171–86. Millenium Development Goals Report. 2004. Czech Republic. United Nations Development Group.http://mdgr.undp.sk/DOCUMENTS/MDG_Czech_GB_5.pdf. (Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs National Report on Family. 2004. MPSV CR of the Czech Republic). OECD. 2003. Low Fertility Rates in OECD Countries: Facts and Policy Response. Paris: OECD. Pavlı´k, Z., and M. Kucera, eds. (1994–2001 yearly in Czech, 1996 and 1999 also in English) Population development in the Czech Republic. Prague: Department of Demography and Geodemography, Faculty of Science, Charles University. Poikonen, J., P. Pitk€anen, M. Morgensternova, and L. Sulov a. 2005. ‘‘E-lectra— e-Learning for Intercultural Teaching Competence (Vycvikovy program interkulturnı´ch dovednostı´ formou e-learningu).’’ Pedagogika 55: 286–90. Population Development in the Czech Republic. 1990–2002. Prague: Department of Demography and Geodemography Fakulty of Science Charles University. Rychtarı´kova, J. 1996. Contemporary Changes of the Czech Reproduction Character and the International Situation. Demografie 2: 77–89. Sulov a, Lenka. 1997. Caract e ristique des relations familiales dans le contexte des changements sociaux de la soci e t e tcheque. Milieux, groupes et d e veloppement sociopersonnel de l’enfant. Editions Universitaires du sud, Toulouse, pp. 115–18. Sulov a, Lenka. 1997. New Complete Abstraction of Education for Marriage and Parenthood at Elementary and High School. Child Sexual Abuse and Sexual Violence, Supplementum from East-West Conference, Prague 1996. Prague: MPSV.
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Sulov a, Lenka. 2003. Les experiences du jeune enfant daus les ereches eu Republique Tcheque. In: M. de Leonardis et al., eds., L’enfant dans le lien social. Perspec es. tives de la psychilogie du d e veloppement. Ramouville: Er Sulov a, Lenka. 2003. Les exp e riences du jeune enfant dans les cr e ches en R e publique tcheque. L’enfant dans le lien social. Toulouse: GROFRED. Sulov a, Lenka, and Chantal Zaouche-Gaudron. 2003. P r eds kolnı´ dı´t e a jeho sv et – L’enfant dans l’age pr e scolaire et son monde. Praha: Karolinum. Sulov a, L., M. Morgensternova, and I. Gillernova. 2004. The changes in the transforming society and their impacts on the Czech family structure and dynamics. In: ESFT International Congress. Abstracts. ESFR p. 103. Sulov a, Lenka, and M. Morgensternova. 2002. Contextual Influences on Equality and Women Perception in the Czech Republic. Women, Work & Health, Book of Abstracts, III. Stockholm, Sweden: International Congress, p. 139. Sulov a, Lenka, Stefan Bartanusz, and J. Le Camus. 2003. ‘‘L’incidence de la culture sur le langage des meres et des peres: Comparaison entre parents tcheques et parents francais.’’ Pratiques Psychologiques. UNESCO. 1995. Early Childhood Care and Education (Basic Indicators on Young Children). 1995. Paris: UNESCO Education Sector.
Suggested Readings in Czech Alan, J. 1993. Etapy zivota o c ima sociologa. Praha: Panorama.3. Anal y za vzd e l avacı´ politiky. 2002. OECD. U. e republiky do roku 2020 (Outlook for the 1998. V CS y hled v y voje obyvatelstva Cesk Development of the Population of the czech Republic for the Year 2000). Prague: y statisticky u rad. Cesk kolu, Demograficky vyvoj a populacnı´ politika. 1990. Zaverecna zpra va hlavnı´ho u stav socialnı´ho rozvoje a prace. Praha,Vyzkumny u e republice. 1996. Situa Deti v Cesk c nı´ anal y za. Czech Comittee. UNICEF. Dunovsky, J. 1980. V y chova d e tı´ v n a hradnı´ rodinn e p e ci. Praha: Avicenum. a lnı´ pediatrie. Praha, Avicenum. Dunovsky, J., Egges, H. a kol. 1984. Soci Dytrych, Z., Z. Matejcek, and Z. Sch€ uller. 1977. Necht e n e d e ti. Zpr a vy c. 34. Praha: VUPs. Dytrych, Z. a kol. 1987. Mlad e rizikov e rodiny. Zpr a vy c. 83. Praha: VUPs. Dytrych, Z., Z. Matejcek, and Z. Sch€ uller. 1977. Rozvodov e chov a nı´ a man z elsk y nesoulad. Praha: VUPs. Dytrych, Z., Z. Matejcek, Z. Sch€ uller, and V. Prokopec. 1987. Porozvodov a adaptace a mo z nost jejı´ho ovlivn e nı´. Praha: MPSV-CSR. Fristenska, H., and A. Sulitka, A. Pru˚vodce pra vy prı´slusnı´ku˚ narodnostnı´ch mensin e republice, Praha. v Cesk Habanova, P. 2006. Specifika soucasne rodiny z hlediska socialne pra vnı´ ochrany detı´, DP, Univerzita Hradec Kralove, Pedagogicka fakulta (vedoucı´ prace L.Sulov a). e republiky v roce 1998 Kucera, M. and M. Simek. 1999. ‘‘Vyvoj obyvatelstva Cesk (Development of the Population of the Czech Republic in 1998).’’ Demografie 41(3): 169–83. Machonin, P. et al. 1969. Ceskoslovensk a spole c nost (Czechoslovak Society). Bratislava: Epocha. Matejcek, Z. 1992. D e ti a rodina. Praha: SPN. Matejcek, Z. 1981. ‘‘Deti z rodin alkoholiku˚.’’ Psychpatlogia diet’at’a 16.
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Matejcek, Z., and Z. Dytrych. 1994. D e ti, rodina, stres. Praha: Galen. Matejcek, Z. 1994. Rodina vlastnı´, nevlastnı´ a n ahradnı´. Praha: Portal. Matousek, O. 1993. Rodina jako instituce a vztahova sı´t’. Praha: Avicenum. Morgensternova, M. 2005. Vliv kultury a adaptace dı´t e te na cizı´ kulturnı´ prost r edı´’’. In: Sulov a, L. Probl e mov e dı´t e a hra. Rozdı´ly v soci a lnı´m chov a nı´. Raabe: Praha, pp. 1–14. Mozny, J. 1990. Sociologie rodiny. Brno: Blok. Narodnı´ zpra va o stavu predskolnı´ vychovy. 2000. (Thematic review of early child OECD. hood education and care policy), MSMT CR: e republiky 1990–2002. Praha: PrF UK. Pavlı´k a kol. 1990–1992. Popula c nı´ v y voj Cesk e republiky 1994–1998 (Population DevelopPrF UK. 1995–1999. Populacnı´ vyvoj Cesk ment of the Czech Republic 1994–1998). Prague: Prı´rodovedecka fakulta UK. skova, T., ed. 2001. Mens iny a migranti v Cesk e republice. Praha: Portal. Si Smolka, P., and J. Kovarı´k. 1996. Sou c asn a rodina. Praha: MZCR. Sulova, Lenka. 1996. Extremne mlada manzelstvı´, Osobnost’ a rodina v problemovej situacii, Zbornı´k prı´spevkov z konferencie, Bratislava, Centrum poradenskopsychologickych sluzieb pre jednotlivca, par a rodinu, pp. 55–6. ek v rodine in: Vyrost, J., Slamenı´k I.: Aplikovana socialnı´ Sulov a, Lenka. 1998. Clov psychologie I., Praha: Portal, pp. 303–43. Sulov a, Lenka, and K. Rosenbaumova. 2002. Nektere aspekty vlivu sledovanı´ televize psychol., roc.46, c. 3, p. 225–233. na dı´te, Cs. UNICEF. 2005. The State of the World’s Children 2006. UNICEF. UNICEF Country Report 2003 Committee on the Rights the Child, Consideration of the Reports submitted by the state parties under artikle of 44 of the convention. http://www.osn.cz. Zverina, J. 1992. L e ka r sk a sexualita. Praha: HþH.
Web Sites y statisticky u rad, http://www.czso.cz. Cesk Migration Online, http://www.migraceonline.cz. Ministerstvo prace a socialnı´ch vecı´, http://www.mpsv.cz. Ministerstvo vnitra, http://www.mv.cz. Ministerstvo zahranicnı´ch vecı´, http://www.mzv.cz. Narodnı´ monitorovacı´ stredisko pro drogy a drogove zavislosti, http://www.drogyinfo.cz. United Nations Information Centre Prague, http://www.osn.cz. Ustav pro informace ve vzdelavanı´, http://www.uiv.cz. http://www.uzis.cz. Ustav zdravotnickych informacı´ a statistiky CR, e republiky, http://www.vlada.cz. Vlada Cesk
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Organizations and NGOs Aperio–spolecnost pro zdrave rodicovstvı´ Smilovsk eho 5, Praha 2, 120 00 Na Vyslunı´ 2628 a Lı´pa 470 06 Cesk Phone: 420 606 950 922 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.volny.cz/cspdtilia y vybor pro UNICEF (Czech Committee for UNICEF) Cesk Elisky Peskove 741/17 150 00 Praha-Smı´chov Phone: 420 257 320 244 Fax: 420 257 320 244 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.unicef.cz Detske krizove centrum, o.s. (The Crisis For Children, NGO) V Zapolı´ 1250/21, Prague 4, 14100 Phone: 420 241 480 511 Fax: 420 241 483 853 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.dkc.cz Diakonie ceskobratrske cı´rkve evangelicke (The Diaconia of the Evangelical Church of Czech Brethren) Belgicka 22, Prague 2, 12000 Phone: 420 222 512 245 Fax: 420 222 518 783 E-mail: [email protected] Fond ohrozenych detı´ (The Fund for Children in Need) Na porı´cı´ 1038/6 110 00 Praha-Nove Mesto Phone: 420 224 236 655 Fax: 420 224 236 655 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.fod.cz Helping Hands, Nadacnı´ fond Seydlerova 2451/ 158 00 Prague-Stodu˚lky Phone: 420 251 613 237 Fax: 420 251 613 237 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.helpinghands.cz Informacnı´ centrum neziskovych organizacı´, o.p.s. (Information Centre of NGOs) Male nam. 458/12
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110 00 Praha-Stare Mesto Phone: 420 224 239 876 Fax: 420 224 239 875 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.neziskovky.cz Nadace nase dı´te (Our Child Foundation) Ustavnı ´ 91/95, 181 21 Prague 8 Phone: 420 266 727 933 Fax: 420 266 727 911 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.nasedite.cz Zivot detem (Civic Association Live to Children) ´cany u Prahy, 25101 Politickych vez nu˚ 1233, Rı Phone: 420 284 840 516 Fax: 420 284 840 519 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.zivotdetem.cz
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DENMARK L€ otte Rahbek Schou NATIONAL PROFILE Denmark (the official name is Kingdom of Denmark) is a small country. Its total area is 43,094 square kilometers, and it includes the Faroe Islands and Greenland. Toward the end of the tenth century, Denmark was united into a single kingdom. It has been an independent kingdom ever since, and is thus one of the oldest states in Europe. Its form of government is a parliamentary democracy, with a royal head of state. The first Constitutional Law began in 1849. Margrethe II has been the Queen of Denmark since 1972, and the Prime Minister since November 2001 has been Anders Fogh Rasmussen. The Parliament (the Folketinget) has one chamber and consists of 179 members, two of whom are elected in Greenland and two in the Faroe Islands. A total of 36.9 percent of the Folketinget are women. The first female minister was nominated in 1915, and in the same year, women got the vote. A total of 33.3 percent of the ministers in the government are women. June 5 is the Constitution Day.
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Denmark is a member of the European Union, NATO, and the United Nations. The proximity of Germany has traditionally oriented the country south but ties of history and close cooperation with Sweden, Norway, Finland, and Iceland, with which Denmark enjoys a passport union, also link Denmark to the north. The population stands at about 5.4 million (2005). Eighty-five percent of the population live in towns. The metropolitan Copenhagen region counts roughly 1.7 million inhabitants (2004). The second-largest city is ˚ rhus, with 293,510 inhabitants (2004). A More than 90 percent of the population is of Danish origin. In southern Jutland, there is a small German minority. An increasing number of immigrants from countries with completely different backgrounds make heavy demands on the society and the Danish way of life. A total of 1.5 percent of the immigrant population are from Turkey. In addition, immigrants originate from Asia, Africa, and the Scandinavian countries and from former Yugoslavia. In 2005, foreign citizens represented 8.5 percent of the population. Denmark is nationally and culturally very homogeneous. The main language is Danish. A total of 83.1 percent of the population was baptised into the established Evangelical Lutheran church. In addition, there are 60,000 Roman Catholics, 200,000 Muslims, and 8,000 Jewish people. The system of production is capitalist (economic liberalism) with private ownership of businesses and production. The state and other public authorities, however, exercise a considerable regulatory control and provide comprehensive services for the citizens. Denmark is a developed industrialized country, the standard of living is high, and the differences between rich and poor are less than in many other countries with which Denmark is traditionally compared. Denmark has an open economy, and trade with the rest of the world is of great importance. Imports and exports of goods and services thus represent respectively about 29 percent and 37 percent of the country’s gross national product (GNP) (1999). Around 70 percent of the foreign trade is with the other countries in the EU. The remainder is divided among a very large number of trading partners of whom the United States and Norway are the most important. Of the population group of working age, the labor force makes up 80 percent. This rate of economic activity is among the highest in the world, which is due to the very high proportion of working women in Denmark (74 percent in 1999). The growth of women in the labor market increased in the 1960s and derived especially from changes in the pattern of gender roles and living arrangements. Trends suggest that the rate of economic activity of women of all age groups is a couple of percentage points below that of men. A particular Danish characteristic is that women retain their links with the labor market after having children. The rate of unemployment in 2005 was 5.1 percent.
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Denmark has set up arrangeKEY FACTS – DENMARK ments for insuring its citizens in case of illness, unemployment, Population: 5,427,459 (2006) Infant mortality rate: 4.45 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) and old age. Citizens are entiLife expectancy at birth: 77.96 years (2007 est.) tled to service benefits covering Literacy rate: 99 percent (2003 est.) housing, daycare, health care, Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 100 percent and home help among others. (2000–2005) These are often free or Internet users: 3.763 million (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 5,000 (2003 est.) subsidized. Human Poverty Index (HPI-2) rank: 5 The Scandinavian welfare model is often used as a general Sources: Statistics Denmark. http://www.dst.ak. April 7, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Denmark–Statistics. http://www.unicef. term for the way in which Denorg/infobycountry/denmark_statistics.html. April 24, 2007; mark, Sweden, and Norway have United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human chosen to organize and finance Development Report 2006–Denmark. http://hdr.undp.org/ hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_DNK.html. their social security system, April 26, 2007. health services, and education. The basic principle behind the Scandinavian model is that social benefits should be given to all citizens who fulfill the conditions without regard to employment or family situation. Married women have rights of their own independent of their husbands. The largest share of the financial burden is financed from general taxation based on a tax model that has a broad basis of taxation and a high taxation burden. More than twothirds of the total expenses of the state are financed by taxes against only one third for the EU countries in general. (1997). It implies that Denmark has one of the highest tax rates of the EU countries. Besides public service benefits, several hundred voluntary and humanitarian organizations, crisis centers, visiting arrangements, and so forth can be found. The Danish society has seen a decline in fertility. The percentage of children below the age of eighteen has declined from 31 percent of the population in 1960 to 22 percent in 2001. Only 28 percent of adults have children living at home compared with 1980, when it was 36 percent. A small minority of children live in the metropolitan area. Nine percent of all children have a foreign background, but 40 percent are Danish subjects. Most of these children live in the metropolitan area. OVERVIEW The Danish model is characterized by a public and often free service made available for the citizens. Thus, both health service and education are free. The publicly supported daycare institutions for children include creches (zero- to two-year-olds), nursery schools (three- to six-year-olds), afterschool recreation centers (six- to ten-year-olds), and out-of-school arrangements for pupils at the folkeskole. In addition, there is local
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authority daycare, in which children are looked after in private homes. In addition, there are special social arrangements like family care or residential care for small or teenage children. About 1 percent of all children are placed outside their own home. The number of children in daycare institutions has increased significantly from 1990 to 2000; the total number of children enrolled has increased to 78 percent due to the fact that both parents go out to work. In addition to a rapid growth of daycare centers, the number of creches, nursery schools, after-school recreation centers, and out-of-school arrangements increased from 5,300 in 1990 to 7,200 in 2000. The greatest growth has been in the number of after-school recreation centers, from 800 to 1,800. A total of 76.4 percent of all children between zero and nine years old attend some kind of daycare institution. Among three- to five-year-old children, 92.3 percent attend daycare. Parents’ payments account for 30 percent of the operating costs at a maximum, and for economic and social reasons children can get a free or partly free place. A new law on curriculum in daycare institutions has been passed; however, teachers have criticized the intentions of the law. They fear that daycare institutions might follow the instructional schooling model so that children will lose their future possibilities of play and self-determination. EDUCATION Literacy Level During the 1900s, education became a key concept in the social debate in Denmark. The background has first of all been the specialization within science and economic life. Since the 1960s, the goal that all students must have an education qualifying for a profession has been given a high priority in Danish education policy. Also, considerations of the social and political stability have been balanced. All must see themselves and other people as citizens in a democratic society. The concept of education leading to qualifications is often supplemented with nonexaminable teaching by way of adult classes and popular education. Education in 2007 is defined as lifelong education in a flexible system, where in principle the content is constantly under revision. Education expenditure has risen since the 1950s, from about 2 percent of GNP to about 7 percent in 1995. In the OECD countries, 24 percent of people on average between twenty-five and sixty-four have finished a higher education (2002). With a 28 percent rate, Denmark has one of the highest participation rates in the OECD. The highest participation is found in Canada, the United States, and Japan. The lowest rates are found in Turkey, Portugal, and Italy. In 2004, 64 percent of the thirty- to sixty-nine-year-olds had education
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qualifying for a profession with predominance of men. Younger educated people have higher qualifications than their parents. A child starting in nursery school in Denmark in 2002 will study full-time for about 16.1 years on average before finishing higher education qualifying for a profession. The Education Structure Basic Education In Denmark, there is compulsory education, an obligation to teach one’s child between the age of seven and sixteen, but not compulsory school attendance. Whether education is received in the publicly provided municipal school, in a private school, or at home is a matter of choice, as long as certain standards are met and an adequate range of subjects provided. Basic education is provided either by the local authority folkeskole or the private elementary schools, which have the same structure and which are known as ‘‘independent elementary schools.’’ The aim of the school is more than just to ensure that children and young people acquire certain knowledge. It is also to convey to them the central values of Danish outlook on life and society and to see to it that they become able citizens in society. Specific aims of the folkeskole are as follows: .
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The folkeskole shall—in cooperation with the parents—further the pupils’ acquisition of knowledge, skills, working methods, and ways of expressing themselves and thus contribute to the all-round personal development of the individual student. The folkeskole shall endeavor to create such opportunities for experience, industry, and absorption that the students develop awareness, imagination, and an urge to learn, so that they acquire confidence in their own possibilities and a background for committing themselves and taking action. The folkeskole shall familiarize pupils with Danish culture and contribute to their understanding of other cultures and of man’s interaction with nature. The school shall prepare the students for active participation, joint responsibility, rights, and duties in a society based on freedom and democracy. The teaching of the school and its daily life must therefore build on intellectual freedom, equality, and democracy.
The folkeskole comprises a one-year nursery class, a nine-year basic school, and a one-year tenth class. The nursery class and the tenth class are not covered by the compulsory education requirement, but almost all children attend the nursery classes. The folkeskole is a unified school in which there is no streaming at any level.
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The local authorities have the ultimate responsibility for the folkeskole, including appointments, financial frameworks, and curricula. Every school has a board of governors in which parent representatives are in the majority. The Primary Education Act determines the curriculum, while the Minister of Education, in accordance with the law, draws up regulations concerning the aims of the different subjects. The board of governors determines the principles for the school’s activities, draws up proposals for curricula, and approves teaching materials that are made available to the students without payment. The head teacher has the educational and administrative responsibility for the school, while the teachers enjoy a considerable degree of freedom concerning contents and teaching methods. A new law is on its way. Increasingly, international comparative reviews have set the agenda for initiatives in Danish education where assessments, mandatory testing, and academic achievements will be the focus of schooling in the future. Intensive assessment and detailed curricula will put pressure on the progressivist thinking and practice that has influenced schooling through the 1900s. In Denmark, there are about 3,000 schools and other educational establishments: 1,700 are elementary folkeskole, and 400 are free independent schools that teach 13.5 percent of all children. The state and the local authorities cover 75 percent of the expenditure of the independent schools. One hundred fifty-seven children are home schooled (2006). As an alternative to the top classes of the folkeskole, pupils can choose to go to efterskoler (continuation schools) that are private boarding schools for fourteen- eighteen-year-olds. As a supplement to the folkeskole, students in this age group can also attend municipal day continuation schools for a general training, with an emphasis on practical and social subjects. Postcompulsory Education Postcompulsory education can be general or vocationally oriented, and students are normally sixteen to nineteen years old. General upper-secondary education can comprise three years at a gymnasium (upper secondary school) or two or three years attending a further education course leading to the Studentereksamen (upper secondary school leaving examination) or a two-year course leading to the Hjere Forberedelseseksamen (hf–Higher Preparatory Examination). These do not provide vocational training, but they qualify for further training. Postcompulsory education also includes two to three years of vocational training at the upper secondary school level: Hjere handelseksamen (hhx–Higher Commercial Examination) and Hjere teknisk eksamen (htx–Higher Technical Examination). These examinations qualify for both the labor market and further training.
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Vocational education and training (EUD), which is three to four years long, prepares students through alternating school tuition and practical training for skilled work in the labor market. There are just under 100 individual courses covering some 200 special subjects. Further and Higher Education These branches of education are divided into short, medium, and long-term courses of further and higher education, lasting, respectively, for up to three years, three to four years, and more than four years. The short-duration further education courses include spheres such as training as laboratory technicians, training in market economy, and as computer specialists. Entrance requirements are schooling up to upper secondary school level or vocational training. The medium-duration further education courses, which in most cases presuppose an upper secondary level education, include training as journalists, teachers in the folkeskole, educationalists, librarians, and nurses. The universities’ three-year bachelor courses (BA and BSc) are included in this group. Long-duration further education courses that include courses leading to the degree of kandidat (roughly equivalent to MA or MSc) in arts, social studies, science, medicine, food science, technology, theology, and business economics are taken in universities and other institutions of higher education. As a supplement to the courses leading to degree of the candidate, there is a three-year research training leading to a PhD degree. In the case of both youth and further and higher education courses, there is provision for scholarships and study loans from the State Education Grant and Loan Scheme (SU). Students are entitled to support when they have reached the age of eighteen, are of Danish nationality, and are actively engaged in studies. Adult Education Labor market courses are vocationally oriented courses designed jointly by the state and the parties in the labor market, with a view to improving labor force qualification. Open education is organized by vocational schools, universities, educational institutes, and so on, and is available both to those in work and to the unemployed, with both full-time and part-time courses on offer. Almen voksenuddannelse (AVU–general adult education), in-country training centers, courses, and tests are offered in general individual subjects on the levels of the folkeskole final examination, hf, and grammar school. The object of these courses is to supplement basic schooling or to prepare or improve examination results giving access to further or higher education.
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Folk High Schools Folk high schools are ‘‘free boarding schools,’’ offering teaching in general subjects for adults. There are no examinations in these schools, which decide the intellectual or practical contents of their subjects for themselves. Like free independent schools and continuation schools, the folk high schools are part of the tradition of popular education going back almost 200 years. Part of the tradition in popular education is represented by nonformal adult educational courses run by adult associations, evening schools, and university extension courses. Children with an Ethnic Background Other Than Danish In 2005, 68,000 immigrant students attended the Danish schools. In that year (2005–2006), the number of immigrant pupils in the schools declined for the first time to 9.87 percent. Most immigrant pupils come from Turkey (18.5 percent), followed by students from Iraq (6.8 percent), Somalia (6.0 percent), and the EU countries (5.8 percent) as origin. According to the law, all immigrant students must take language classes if needed. Research shows that most students with an ethnic background other than Danish are pleased with schooling, are able to speak Danish, and have contact with Danish children when they begin school. Still, 20 to 30 percent of the students have problems. In general, pupils with another ethnic background than Danish feel more comfortable if their parents have more than seven to eight years of schooling. The number of immigrants and descendents of immigrants beginning postcompulsory education after basic education is the same to a great extent compared with other Danish young people. Still, there are twice as many dropouts among young people with a background other than Danish compared with other Danish young people. The main problem is the 60 percent dropout rate in vocational education and training. Disabled Children Disabled children are given several compensatory possibilities. The goal of the special courses offered these children is integration of handicapped persons into the unified education instead of segregation. PLAY AND RECREATION Reviews of the adolescence of schoolchildren demonstrate that the majority of Danish children live in traditional nuclear families (about 75 percent of thirteen- to fifteen-year-olds live together with both biological parents). The families are materially well provided. More than 85 percent of the children live in individual houses, and nine of ten schoolchildren
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have their own room with a radio, tape recorder, and so forth. Half of the children have their own television set and computer in their room. Most schoolchildren are free to dispose of their own pocket money, or for the oldest children, of money earned in their spare time. Two-thirds of children work in their spare time. Monthly, boys earn on average roughly DDK1,100 (US$175), girls about DDK7,000 (US$100). Leisure-time facilities for children and young people comprise activities from sport and scouting to politics and music. Weekly, 71 percent of all children attend one or more forms of sports or body culture. Children between ten and twelve are the most active participants in sports or body culture. Active participation in body culture and sports is viewed as a good way of meeting new friends. Clubs, associations, and organizations organize children and young people’s activities after school. The Youth and Adult Education Act provides for financial support and premises for association activities. Denmark has a single sports organization covering several types of disability. After-school recreation centers and out-of-school arrangements for pupils at the folkeskole offer a number of creative and social activities for children between six and ten years old. Normally, the staff are trained educators. It is mandatory for the local authority to offer leisure time activities for children and young people over ten years of age. In recreation centers and youth clubs, children and young people can participate in different activities after school. The activities include music, theater, film, computer, sports and body culture, gymnastics, swimming, and nature and open-air activities. In the clubs, there is a tradition of focusing on being together and good fellowship. Adults are attached to the clubs. Other clubs are for young people, fourteen to seventeen years old. Young people are actively participating in organizing the activities supported by trained educators. These clubs are open in the evenings. The continuation school offers leisure time activities for young people between fourteen and eighteen years old—in some districts, it is also available for young people beyond this age. Besides classes in academic and creative subjects, the continuation school offers classes in Danish language and culture for foreigners, and road safety. Some schools offer extra school tuition. The classes are open after school in the afternoon or the evening. Music schools offer children and young people courses in playing an instrument, singing, and ensemble playing. There are almost 240 music schools. At some schools, musical instruments can be rented. In Denmark, every fifth child plays an instrument, and many sing in chorus. Almost one-third have attended a concert within the last six months. Almost all children go to the movies. Many visit art exhibitions, fewer go to the theater. Many use the swimming baths frequently, and visit the zoo, circus, Tivoli Gardens, and other activities. There are about 12,000 sports clubs and associations in Denmark. In most districts,
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children can join sports like swimming, badminton, football, and athletics. Unpaid adults are in charge of the different teams. Normally, they are fully trained before they become coaches. Cultural organizations and associations deal with theater, music, and art. Some are local and related to a school of music, amateur theater, and so on. At the scouts, children and young people can meet over activities ranging from first aid, cooking over open fire, and hiking, to bible studies and participation in church activities. Some nature and environmental organizations work for an improved contact between nature and children and young people. Another goal is to develop a better understanding of the environment. Several organizations organize exchanges and different types of visit in other countries for young people. In addition, some of the organizations organize cultural activities in Denmark for young people from different countries. The goal of these activities is a more peaceful world through tolerance and cultural understanding. Both nonprofit and profit oriented exchange organizations can be found. Most political parties in Denmark have a section for young people trying to develop their interests in politics. Play and Toys Play is a voluntary and pleasurable form of activity based on inner motivation. Through play, children and young people’s competences and their way of expressing themselves are strengthened and cultivated. Normally, learning is combined with schooling while nursery school stresses the importance of play. Approaches and integration between nursery school and school mirror the endeavors to undermine the different basic attitudes that traditionally occur between nursery school and school. With the designation ‘‘play and learning,’’ the scene is laid for a coordination of activities, staff, and preschool education. Children’s free play is considered to be valuable, although children are looked after most of the time. Many people are of the opinion that children will profit from more free play activities and that it will be to their advantage if toys were less filled with learning design and directions. Many parents and professionals worry about childrens’ fascination with computers and information technology devices. Various Forms of Media Media occupy children’s cultural life in school as well as after school. The consumption of media peaks with the thirteen- to fifteen-year-olds who, according to reviews, spend as much as six hours daily consuming media. Television, cell telephone, computer, radio, and CD are the most popular media.
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According to a European review on the new media landscape (Drotner 2001), Danish children are among the most media-consuming children in Europe. As for personal computer use, Danish children come in second in Europe. Danish nurseries are fitted with every modern media equipment. Mass Media in Denmark A number of mass media are devoted to children and young people in Denmark. The Danish Radio and Television has public service obligations to children too. .
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DR 1, the Department for Children and Young People. This station broadcasts programs that intend to meet the wishes of children and young people of multifaceted information and events. DR has a tradition of letting children and young people produce features and programs in radio and television. The goal of the programs is to promote children’s communicative competence in general. DR 2 Children’s Radio. The station broadcasts daily programs for children suitable for their language and experience and with focus on children’s active participation in the programs. TV 2 B&U. This station produces and broadcasts about twenty hours of television for children and young people three to eighteen years old. Danish productions are given priority. IT. Several cultural Web sites exist for children with proficiency in reading, for example, http://www.boerneavisen.dk, which is a newspaper produced for, with, and by pupils. In addition, the libraries are very active and have several Web sites for children. A portal for child culture has been opened on http://www.boernogkultur.dk
FAMILY Families are under pressure from many sides. A demand for flexibility and readjustment skills precede individuality at the expense of the survival of the family. When both parents work, families with children have less time for contact between parents and children and a greater need for having the children looked after. But with families based on couples living together, it is those with children and more precisely those with small children where the adults spend more time on work and training. However, the growing burden of labor does not seem to have a negative impact on children’s well-being. Divorce About every third child will experience parental separation. Half of divorces occur before the children reach the age of six. Some cases of divorce are due to low income, lack of education, and abuse of alcohol,
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violence, criminality, or mental illness. The number of marriages has declined, but the number of divorces has risen, as has the number of people cohabiting. Ten percent of Danish children live in a family with a biological parent and a stepparent. Fifteen percent live in families with single parents. When parents split up, the mother gets the custody of the child in nine of ten cases. In single-parent families, the unemployment rate is significantly higher. This means economic privation and poorer housing. This goes for single mothers especially. Single fathers tend to be better off. Values and Responsibility Most children thrive and are contented, and most are happy about schooling. During recent years, the impact of parents’ values has been studied and the question of whether different values develop different conditions for children’s development. Upbringing today is less authoritarian than earlier times. Parents today share ideals like independence, responsibility, tolerance, and creativity over old-fashioned virtues like obedience and economy, but the reality might be different. When questioned, the thirteen- to fifteen-year-olds stress values like honesty, obedience, and responsibility. Independence and tolerance are not seen as priorities. In other words, children and parents stress the same values only to a lesser extent. Education for responsibility and participation find expression in a number of everyday situations. Boys find that they have less independence than do girls. The majority of all children decide what clothes they like to wear for school, which friends they like to see after school, and how much homework they like to do. On the other hand, few of the ten- to fifteen-year-olds decide when to be home in the evening. The background of parents does not matter very much for the child’s independence from its parents, although there is a tendency that children show more independence when the parents are career-oriented or have graduated from further and higher education. Children in single-parent families have more duties at home than children in nuclear families. Children’s contribution to domestic work still depends on gender. In general, demands and expectations are not the same for boys and girls. The lack of gender equality might come from the unequally distributed work performance between girls and boys. A minority of Danish children, about 10 percent, live under socially deprived conditions. Parents might have severe mental, social, health, or economic problems, and there might be abuse problems in the family. Defects and serious problems in childhood for boys and girls increase the risk of youth suicide attempts. Boys who live under deprived conditions have an increased risk as a young person to be convicted for juvenile delinquency or rape, and an increased risk of unemployment. It is worth noting, however, that only a small number of the male population is convicted for either violent delinquency or rape. The actual risk of becoming
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a criminal is, therefore, very small. Girls with a similar family background have an increased risk of early pregnancy and of unemployment. Preventive Removal of Children from Their Home In Denmark, the number of children removed from their home is twice as high compared with the other Nordic countries. On the other hand, there are fewer forced arrangements. Children from socially deprived homes get in contact with the social system much faster than children from homes with more resources. According to Danish law, the goal is to keep the family together, and interventions in the shape of professional support are provided. Arrangements like removing the child from its home are viewed as the last resort and only as a temporary solution, but there is a tendency for these arrangements to continue during adolescence. According to the law, the viewpoints of a child must always be considered and given proper weight according to age and maturity. Breaking the Social Inheritance The concept of social inheritance describes the phenomenon that the life of a child will resemble its parents to a certain degree. Normally, the concept refers to the negative aspects. The many hours those children spend in daycare or in school together with professional teachers do not counteract the social inheritance. Children from deprived homes function less adequately compared with children from homes with more resources, and they have more difficulties meeting the demands made upon them when with other children. Children Allowances All families with children under the age of eighteen receive, regardless of income, a fixed tax-free amount of money for each child. The rate is higher for children below seven. Single parents or pensioners can receive raised family allowances. HEALTH Pregnancy Maternity leave is one year. Together, parents have fifty-two weeks maternity leave with full subsistence allowance, equivalent with unemployment benefit. Free medical examinations for expectant mothers take place at the doctor, at the midwife, and at the hospital if that is where the woman plans to give birth to the child. The father of the child can attend all examinations and the birth as well. Most childbirth takes place at the hospital. Guidance and information about prevention and abortion is
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free. The information can be received through the doctor or a number of associations, as well as through telephone guidance. Since 1973, women have a right to free abortion before the twelfth week of gestation. Before the abortion, the doctor will inform the woman about the possibilities of getting support during pregnancy and after the birth. The doctor will also inform about abortion and the risk connected to the operation. According to health statistics in 2004, there were 2,000 abortions practiced on young women between fifteen and nineteen years old. An action program has been initiated by the Ministry of Health Service to reduce the number of induced abortions. Child Mortality Around 1900, women had about four children on average. Today, women have 1.7 children on average. The decline of fertility is due to social and economic conditions, and among other things, that women study and work. Practically as well as economically, it is difficult to have many children, and women today are older when they have children than in the past. The average age for a first child is around thirty years. The free abortion before the twelfth week of gestation and the development of contraceptives like the pill and intrauterine devices have contributed to easier family planning. The number of legal abortions compared with the birth rate is high compared with the rest of western Europe: 15,000 legal abortions and about 6,000 childbirths. Infant mortality is 0.4 percent (2004). The Danish society spent 6.5 percent of its GNP on health service in 1998. Protection from Childhood Diseases via Vaccinations and Medical Care The National Board of Health recommends that children get vaccinated against the following diseases: diphtheria, tetanus, whooping cough, polio, measles, mumps, German measles, meningitis, and disease of the epiglottis caused by the bacteria Haemophilic influenzae type b (Hib). Vaccinations are free and voluntary. Women over seventeen years are offered free vaccination against German measles. Besides the child vaccination program, annual preventive medical examinations are offered children until the age of twelve. When the child goes to school, an extra annual medical examination at the municipal doctor and health visitor is provided. Access to Clean Water Though Denmark has abundant access to groundwater, clean water can no longer be taken for granted. Development has caused shortage of
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water in larger urban areas because of pollution. The limit values are set below the values that might be injurious to health. If the water is found to exceed limits, a medical officer of health will close the place either temporarily or more permanently. Clean water is a joint responsibility. Water, energy, refuse disposal, and nature are topics that are taught in school. Children with Disabilities Disabled persons are citizens on an equal footing with other persons in Denmark. Therefore, disabled persons are protected by the liberties guaranteed by the Constitution and by acknowledgement of their human rights. The EU has developed the so-called ‘‘Charter on Basic Rights.’’ The charter forbids discrimination of any kind when it comes to disabled persons. The charter also stresses the importance of integration of people with disabilities. The charter is not legally binding but a directive on nondiscrimination is. The directive took effect from 2000 and here it is underlined that disabled persons must have equal access to the labor market. For a disabled person, it might be more difficult to discharge one’s rights than it is for persons without disabilities. Therefore, remedial measures are provided by the society to facilitate everyday life and to provide a life on equal footing with the rest of the population. A number of public and private organizations are working to ensure that the rights of disabled persons are put on the agenda. Most districts have child advisers who deal with disabled children. Almost all groups of disabled persons have their own organization where parents with disabled children can get advice and assistance and meet other families in a similar situation. A family with a disabled child receives different types of public support. If the child lives at home, extra expenses can be paid for specially developed footwear, special food, toys, and transportation to and from leisure activities. The purpose is that parents should not suffer a financial loss because of the child’s disability. The amount is the same and therefore independent of the parent’s financial situation. The local authority has an obligation to provide daycare for all children, including children with reduced physical and psychological ability to function. When a disabled child reaches school age, the child’s disability and the total situation of the family determines whether it is possible for the disabled child to use the public school. If required, a special school can be found. A number of different special schools and special boarding schools are spread over the country, but only 1.5 percent of the pupils take special classes or go to special schools.
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Mental Health Care The extension of the activities for mentally disturbed persons is given high priority by the Danish government. People with psychogenic diseases are provided meaningful and coherent activities in the social sector and in the health services. This is also provided to families with children. Over the course of a lifetime, children with parents with psychogenic diseases have increased risk of having these diseases. The interaction between hereditary and environmental factors is complicated, of course, but there is every indication that sick parents’ impact on the social and the behavioral development of a child can be quite significant and that its influence on the person’s mentality and attitude toward other people might have a permanent character. Related to this, the Ministry of Social Affairs has made inquiries about parents’ and children’s own attitudes. Parents express the wish for an early and interdisciplinary effort between psychiatrists, the child psychiatry/child expert, and the caseworker focusing on the need of the total family. The needs of children include talking to a (familiar) grown up person about the disease of one’s father or mother. Children often ask for play activities so as refrain from thinking about the disease of their parents and about the possibility of meeting other children with similar problems. About 11 percent of the pupils in schools and continuation schools develop psychological problems. In public school and higher education, students with mental illness are offered educational and psychological guidance. Female Genital Mutilation In Denmark, female genital mutilation is an offense punished by up to six years imprisonment. Assistance in the performance of mutilation is punished with no regard to the legitimacy of the practice in the country where the act has been committed (Danish Criminal Law Act §245a). Sexuality Education Topics such as health, sex education, and family studies are part of the school curriculum. A goal of these programs is for pupils to understand the factors, effects, and values surrounding health, sexuality, and family life. Children are encouraged to ask questions about sexual orientation. The idea is that the activities in the classroom shall be linked to the students’ own experience and concepts, and thus contribute to the development of engagement and confidence in their own potential and happiness and their all-round personal development in collaboration with other pupils. Education shall endeavor to create opportunities to form critical judgements individually and together with others and to act to promote health.
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The NGO organization Sex and Society has established a telephone line where young people can call and ask questions about sex.
Treatment of GLBT Youth A 1997 Gallup poll showed that 12 percent of all men and about 8 percent of all women in Denmark identified themselves as homosexual. Today, many people dare to live an open life as homosexuals, especially because tolerance in society has been increased, though very few young people are ready to come out. The NGO Association for Gays and Lesbians (LBL) is an interest group that works for political, social, cultural, and industrial equality on all levels in the society for lesbian, gay, and bisexual people. Courses are organized at schools and associations that would like to receive information about homosexuality. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Denmark ratified the European Human Rights Convention in 1953. In 1992, the convention became part of Danish law. In addition, Denmark ratified the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women in 2000. Denmark has a Ministry for Equality. The Ministry focuses on promoting more female leaders in the business world, politics, and research. In addition, focus is on gender equality among ethnic minorities, the fight against the violence that women meet, trafficking of women, and trafficking of children for sexual abuse. Other goals include softening the sexual segregated labor market, promoting equal pay, and creating a better connection between labor life and family life. With special relevance to children’s issues, Denmark has ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. The convention reflects the agreement that children shall be respected as individuals and as independent persons with political, economic, social, and cultural rights. The National Council for Children works to safeguard the rights of children in relation to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. The council is linked with the Danish Ministry of Social Affairs but is politically independent and acts on its own decisions. It was established in 1994, initially as a trial scheme. In 1997, the Danish Parliament decided to make that National Council for Children permanent. The National Council for Children speaks out on behalf of children in the public debate and deals with all aspects of children’s lives and in particular with factors that may have an inappropriate influence on children’s lives and development. Within the past couples of years, for example, the council has worked on issues involving children in divorce, bullying, physical
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punishment, sexual abuse, physical school environment, and inadequate parental care and control. Children in Denmark still ‘‘belong’’ to their parents, and in many contexts they do not have an individual legal status. Denmark has not followed Norway at this point, which prepared the national legislation according to the articles of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. As a result, in Denmark, the rights of parents take precedence over those of children. As children belong to their parents, they also belong to their parents’ social worker. This means that proceedings often take a long time when teachers and health visitors like to intervene—as parents almost unconditionally can block an intervention unless the situation of the child is so bad that preventive removal is required. A humanitarian NGO, Children’s Conditions, recommends that children be given the same civil rights that adults have. Though the right to inflict corporal punishment was abolished in 1997, many children still experience punishment and violence by adults. Through radio and television, several NGOs have brought into focus children who live with punishment and betrayal every day. Telephone guidance on their behalf has started. The age of majority in Denmark is eighteen years. The age of criminal responsibility is fifteen years, which means that young people younger than fifteen years of age cannot be punished according to the penal law. Instead, the social legislation is being followed. In this way, Denmark supports the declaration of intent of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child by saying that interference must aim to strengthen the child and her/his resocialization. Detaining or imprisoning children is dissuaded and must be used only as a last resort and for as short time as possible. Recent reports from the government indicate that mistaken kindness should no longer be shown young people who have committed a criminal offense. Young people must feel the perceptible effects of punishment. At the same time, the Ministry of Social Affairs has announced plans about specially guarded institutions for children as young as twelve years old. Some of these institutions are especially intended for children of ethnic minority origin. If the viewpoints of the government are carried into effect, the impact will be that twelve years will become the de facto age of criminal responsibility. Gangs and Violence Juvenile crime has declined during the last twenty years. The number of crimes committed by young people has declined 35 percent from 1981 until 2000. (Ministry of Justice Report on Juvenile Youth Crime 2001) The number has stabilized these last years. According to criminal statistics, serious crimes among young people have risen. The number of offenses leading to imprisonment has tripled. The rise is mainly due to increased acts of violence. According to the police, the problem is
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concentrated in the larger cities with welfare housing, and it seems that young people with a non-Danish ethnic background are overrepresented (Ministry of Justice Report on Juvenile Youth Crime 2001). An important element in the preventive activities that has been very successful is the so-called SSP—collaboration between the school, the recreation service, social service, and the police. Protection from Sexual Exploitation Measures against the sexual exploitation of children in several fields such as child pornography on the Internet and traffic across borders are internationalized. In order to promote prevention and criminal prosecution, the Ministry of Justice has suggested an expansion of international cooperation with other countries. Danish legislation within this sphere has been updated and harmonized according to the current problems in Denmark. New regulations on the prohibition against the use of models engaging in pornography below the age of eighteen, against possession of child pornography, and on intensified investigations of pornography transmitted through the Internet have been introduced. RELIGIOUS LIFE On January 1, 2005, there were 4,498,703 members of the Danish National Church, the Evangelical Lutheran Church. This figure represents 83.1 percent of the total population in Denmark. According to an expert opinion, 4.5 percent of the population belongs to a non-Christian world religion, of this 3.8 to 4 percent are nominal Muslims. In spite of the high number of members of the National Church Denmark, Denmark must be described as a thoroughly secular society. In Denmark, religion is viewed as a personal matter, meaning that that religious affiliation does not appear in one’s passport, and refugees and immigrants are not registered according to religion. Since the Constitution of 1849, where the principle of religious freedom was introduced, membership in the Danish National Church has been free. Baptism qualifies for membership and for the most part, members are baptized as children. During recent years, many parents have refrained from letting their child be baptized, although they might remain as members of the National Church. Several ministers have noticed that an increasing number of unbaptized children enter preparation for confirmation only after being baptized. Most members of the National Church do not regularly attend services and activities of the church. The churches are visited by a greater number of members only in connection with the most popular festivals like Christmas and Easter, and in connection with baptisms, confirmations, marriages, and funerals.
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To young people at the age of fourteen, a confirmation is a popular festival. Before confirmation, children are educated in Evangelical Lutheran doctrine and practice, and the ceremony in the church is followed by a confirmation dinner in their homes and by parties together with friends. However, formally there still exist certain precepts and decrees relating to a woman’ first visit in the church after delivery. It still is viewed as good form to dress well to attend church, but there are no precepts and rituals or purification in the church. Nonmembers have free access to attend the services. A picture of the Danish National church emerges through the many independent church organizations that in connection with the national church do social work, missionary work, ecumenical work, relief work in other countries, and work among children and young people. Christian studies is part of the school curriculum, but schooling is secular. In spite of this, parents can request to have their child exempted from participation in the lessons. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Conditions of childhood in Denmark have changed radically in recent years. The restructuring of economic and social life in the last decades of the twentieth century has changed the child’s upbringing almost totally from centering around the family to day-care and school. Today, not many countries can match Denmark in so-called distributed care. Denmark has a very strong tradition for progressive and child-centered schooling, with lines going back to the middle of the nineteenth century, and there is a milieu for children in Denmark that very strongly supports or induces self-confidence, belief in one’s own capabilities, and the value of taking a critical stance toward issues. Recently, however, these progressive ideas have been put under pressure. Leading politicians and policy makers emphasize that the Danish school is not prepared for the challenges of tomorrow. Confirmed by the results of international comparative studies, they declare that it is necessary to strengthen academic achievement through standards of performance and high-stakes testing. Voices from critical educators and scholars have been raised against these new ideas for they feel that the ‘‘Danish model’’ still has a big potential. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Andersen, Jrgen Goul. 2006. Immigration and the Legitimacy of the Welfare State. AMID Working Paper Series 53. Aalborg: Aalborg University. The Danish Ministry of Education. 2006. The Danish Educational System 2006. Copenhagen. http://www.ciriusonline.dk/Files/Filer/Publikationer/2006/
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The_Danish_Education_System_-_2006__Second_edition.pdf. Accessed January 2007. The Danish Ministry of Education. 2006. Statistical Yearbook–Education and Culture. Copenhagen. http://www.dst.dk/asp2xml/puk/udgivelser/get_file. asp?id¼9335&sid¼Educ. Accessed January 2007. Denmark. dk: The Official Window. Social and Health Policy: an Overview http:// www.denmark.dk/portal/page?_pageid¼374,520522&_dad¼portal&_schema ¼PORTAL. Accessed January 2007. Denmark. dk: The Official Window. Education and Training. http://denmark.dk/por tal/page?_pageid¼374,520397&_dad¼portal&_schema¼PORTAL. Accessed January 2007. Wulff, Carsten. ed. 1996. Denmark. Copenhagen: The Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Nonprint Resources Brydesen, Lars and Claus rsted. 1970. Danske Billeder. 24 min. Henningsen, Poul. 1935. Danmark (PH–1935). 55 min. Jrgensen, Jacob, and Joao Penaguoao. 1996. Vi er i Danmark. 27 min. Kestner, Max. 2007. Verden i Danmark. 40 min. Leth, Jrgen. 1971. Livet i Danmark. 37 min. Liambas, Pablo. 1993. DK – Filmen med Danmark. 9 min. Lund-Srensen, Sune. 1988. Danish Symphony. 21 min. Ten short film clips tell a story about Denmark—about Geography, The Royal Family, Economy, Environment, Population, That’s Danish, Culture, Greenland, The Faroe Islands, Denmark and the EU. View the films on http:// www.denmark.dk
Organizations and NGOs Danske Skoleelever [The Danish Student Association] Web site: http://www.skoleelever.dk/ Gymnasieelevernes organisation [The Association of Upper-Secondary-Students] Web site: http://www.llnet.dk/files%5Cll-nyt%5C86%5C86-5.pdf The National Council for Children Web site: http://www.boerneraadet.dk/
Selected Bibliography Andersen, Jrgen Goul. 2006. Immigration and the Legitimacy of the Welfare State. AMID Working Paper Series 53. Aalborg: Aalborg University. Christensen, Else, and Mai Hede Ottosen. 2002. Brn og familier: Resultater og perspektiver fra Socialforskningsinstituttets forskning om brn og familie [Children and Families: Results and Perspectives]. Kbenhavn: Socialforskningsinstituttet.
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Christensen, Else, and Dorthe Agerlund Sloth. 2005. Brn med anden etnisk baggrund ved skolestart [Children with another ethnic background than Danish beginning school]. Kbenhavn: Socialforskningsinstituttet. Danish Criminal Law Act§245a, http://http://www.themis.dk/synopsis/index. asp?hovedramme¼/synopsis/docs/lovsamling/straffelov_indholdsfortegnelse. html. Danish Immigration Service and Statistics Denmark. 2005. Statistical Overview 2004. Copenhagen: Danish Immigration Services and Statistics. The Danish Ministry of Education. 2006. The Danish Educational System 2006. Copenhagen. http://http://www.ciriusonline.dk/Files/Filer/Publikationer/ 2006/The_Danish_Education_System_-_2006__Second_edition.pdf. Accessed January 2007. The Danish Ministry of Education. 2006. Statistical Yearbook – Education and Culture. Copenhagen. http://http://www.dst.dk/asp2xml/puk/udgivelser/ get_file.asp?id¼9335&sid¼Educ. Accessed January 2007. The Danish Ministry of Education. 2005. The Danish Vocational Education and Training System. http://pub.uvm.dk/2005/VET. Accessed January 2007. The Danish Ministry of Education. 2003. The Folkeskole (Consolidation) Act. http:// eng.uvm.dk/publications/laws/folkeskole.htm?menuid¼2010. Accessed March 2006. Denmark. dk: The Official Window. Social and Health Policy: an Overview http:// http://www.denmark.dk/portal/page?_pageid¼374,520522&_dad¼portal& _schema¼PORTAL. Accessed January 2007. Denmark. dk: The Official Window. Education and Training. http://denmark.dk/portal/ page?_pageid¼374,520397&_dad¼portal&_schema¼PORTAL. Accessed January 2007. Denmark. dk: The Official Window. Scandinavian Welfare Model. http://denmark.dk/ portal/page?_pageid¼374,520475&_dad¼portal&_schema¼PORTAL Accessed January 2007. Denmark. dk: The Official Window. Church and Religion. http://www.denmark.dk/ portal/page?_pageid¼374,520478&_dad¼portal&_schema¼PORTAL Accessed January 2007. Directorate for Education. 2004. Special Session of the Education Committee: Pilot Review of the Quality and Equity of Schooling Outcomes in Denmark EDU/ EC(2004)4. Copenhagen: Directorate for Education. Ministry of Education. Drotner, Kirsten. 2001. Medier for fremtiden: Brn, unge og det nye medielandskab (Media in the Future: Children, Young People and the New Media Landscape). Kbenhavn: Hst & Sn. Encyclopdia Britannica Online: Denmark Recreation. http://www.britannica.com/ eb/article-33931/Denmark. Accessed January 2007. Greve, Bent. 1999. The Changing Universal Welfare Model: The Case of Denmark Towards the 21st Century. Roskilde: Department of Social Sciences, Roskilde University. A paper from the research program Welfare and Solidarity in Post-Industrial Europe. Gupta, Nabanita Datta, and Nina Smith. 2000. Children and Career Interruption: The Family Gap in Denmark. A˚rhus: Centre for Labour Market and Social Research. Working Paper. Hedetoft, Ulf. 2006. ‘‘More than Kin and less than Kind. The Danish Politics of Ethnic Consensus and the Pluricultural Challenge.’’ In National Identity and the Varieties of Capitalism: The Danish Experience, ed. John Campbell, et al. Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press.
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Hedetoft, Ulf, Bo Petersson, and Line Sturfelt, eds. 2006. Bortom Stereotyperna? Invandrare och Integration i Danmark og Sverige [Beyond Stereotypes? Immigrants and Integration in Denmark and Sweden]. Gothenburg: Makadam. Justitsministeriet. 2001. Justitsministeriets rapport om ungdomskriminalitet [The Report on Juvenile Youth Crime from the Ministry of Justice]. Kbenhavn: Rigspolitiets Trykkeri. Karrebk, Martha Sif., ed. 2006. Tosprogede brn i det danske samfund [Language Minority Children in the Danish Society). Kbenhavn: Hans Reitzels Forlag. Knudsen, L. B. 1999. Recent Fertility Trends in Denmark - a Discussion of the Impact of Family Policy in a Period with Increasing Fertility. Research Report 11 from Demografic Research Center, Odense University. Kurtz, Stanley. 2004. ‘‘The End of Marriage in Scandinavia: The ‘‘conservative case’’ for same-sex marriage collapses’’. The Weekly Standard 02/02/2004, Volume 009, Issue 20. http://www.weeklystandard.com/Content/Public/Articles/ 000/000/003/660zypwj.asp Kyvsgaard, B. 2002. Kriminalitet og national oprindelse 2000. [Crime and National Origin] Kbenhavn: Justitsministeriet. http://http://www.jm.dk/wimpdoc. asp?page¼dept&objno¼61888. Accessed January 2007. Lund-Andersen, Ingrid and Lise Krabbe. 2002. Grounds for Divorce and Maintenance ˚ rhhu: A˚rhus University Department of Private Law. between Former Spouses. A http://www2.law.uu.nl/priv/cefl/Reports/pdf/Denmark02.pdf. Accessed January 2007. McIntosh, James, and Martin D. Munk. 2006. Family Background and Secondary Educational Choices. Changes over Five Danish Cohorts. Kbenhavn: Socialforskningsinstituttet. Working Paper 06:2006. Nielsen, A.M., K. Fink-Jensen, and C. Ringsmose. 2005. Skolen og den sociale arv [School and Social Inheritance]. Kbenhavn: Socialforskningsinstituttet. Pedersen, L., and M. Deding. 2002. Wage Differentials between Women and Men in Denmark. Kbenhavn: Socialforskningsinstituttet. Working Paper 15. Statistisk A˚rbog 2005 [Statistic Yearbook 2005]. http://www.dst.dk/HomeDK/Statistik/ags/Statistiskaarbog.aspx. Accessed March 2006. Togeby, Lise. 2003. Fra Fremmedarbejdere til Etniske Minoriteter [From Guest Workers to Ethnic Minorities]. Gylling: Aarhus University Press. Undervisningsministeriet. 2007. Danmarks strategi for livslang lring [Danish Strategy for Life-long Learning]. Copenhagen: Undervisningsministeriet. Undervisningsministeriet. 2007. Tal der taler. Uddannelsesngletal 2007 [Key Numbers in Education 2007]. Copenhagen: Undervisningsministeriet Undervisningsministeriet. Undervisningsministeriet. 2007. Reform af de gymnasiale uddannelser. Hvorfor og hvordan? [Reform of Upper Secondary Education. Why and How?]. Copenhagen: Undervisningsministeriet. Vikkels Slot, Line and Ulf Hedetoft. 2004. Migrants, Minorities, Belonging and Citizenship: The Case of Denmark. GlocalMig Series 3. Bergen: IMER/University of Bergen (series editor: Hakan Sicakkan). Wulff, Carsten, ed. 1996. Denmark. Copenhagen: The Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
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ESTONIA Dagmar Kutsar and Kairi Kasearu NATIONAL PROFILE General Facts The Republic of Estonia is the northernmost of the three Baltic nations consisting of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. The Baltic Sea provides Estonia’s western border and the Gulf of Finland its northern border. To the east, bordered primarily by Lake Peipsi, is Russia, and to the south is Latvia. Estonia is slightly larger than Belgium, Denmark, or the Netherlands. Estonia is a parliamentary republic. The Parliament (Riigikogu) has 101 members elected for four years. The head of state is the President, who is elected by the Riigikogu for a five-year term. The Prime Minister, the head of government, is appointed by the President and approved by the Riigikogu. The currency of Estonia is the Estonian kroon, EEK. One kroon equals 100 cents (Statistical Office of Estonia [SOE] 2002).
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History in Brief The oldest known settlement in the territory now called Estonia can be traced back to approximately 7500 BC. Since the Middle Ages, Estonia has been conquered and ruled by nations from Scandinavia, Europe, and Russia. As an independent nation, it came into existence in 1918 and has been continuously recognized as a free nation since 1920. Yet, military occupation by the Soviet Union from 1940 (Nazi Germany in 1941– 1944) prevented Estonians from living in freedom for the following fifty years. In March 1991, a referendum was held that supported an independent Estonia. On August 20, 1991, Estonian independence was proclaimed. Since May 1, 2004, Estonia has been a member of the European Union. Nowadays, Estonia is known as a country with an improving economy and a developing civil society. The main change impacting children’s lives in the political arena has been the new rhetoric of children’s agency strongly impacted by the UN Convention of the Rights of the Child that Estonia signed on November 21, 1991. Family Demographics The number of legal marriages has declined rapidly during the last fifteen years, with 4.5 marriages per 1,000 population occurring in 2004. At the same time, the number of unmarried couples has increased. According to Civil Census data from 2000 (SOE 2002), in 14 percent of all families, the core was unmarried, and in all couples living together, more than one-fifth were unmarried (Kustar and Tiit 2003). The rate of children without a father has stayed about 10–15 percent and has remained almost stable since 1990, while the rate of children from cohabiting couples increased from 18 percent in 1990 to 42 percent in 2003 (Kustar and Tiit 2000). Living in any form of extended families is quite KEY FACTS – ESTONIA unpopular in Estonia. Less than Population: 1,370,052 (2000 census) 10 percent of children live Infant mortality rate: 7.0 deaths/1,000 live births (2003 est.) in multi-generational families, Life expectancy at birth: 72.3 years (2007 est.) including families with one Literacy rate: 99.8 percent (2003 est.) Net primary school enrollment: 94 percent (2000–2005) or two grandparents (SOE Internet users: 690,000 (2005) 2000, Population and Housing People living with HIV/AIDS: 7,800 (2003 est.) Census). About 4,000 children experiSources: Statistics Estonia. http://www.stat.ee. July 2, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Estonia–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ ence parental divorce every year infobycountry/estonia_statistics.html. April 24, 2007; Statistical (2.9 divorces per 1,000 populaYearbook of Estonia 2005. Tallinn: SOE. tion in 2003; SOE 2005).This
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figure does not include those experiencing the failure of parental cohabitation, thus the real number of children experiencing parental breakup is much higher. Some of these children maintain contact with the nonresident parent, some get a stepparent, but the majority continue to live in a single-mother family. The probability of moving from a two-parent family type to a single-parent family type before a child reaches adulthood is rather obvious (Kutsar et al. 2004). To conclude, children in Estonia are living in families with a growing variability of structures based on new forms of partnerships. Employment of Women and Men Working full-time for men and women is more widespread in Estonia than in the EU on average. Throughout the European Union, 33 percent of females in employment are working part-time (European Commission 2004). Women in Estonia have not adopted part-time work to the degree favored by women in many parts of Europe. The fact that 53 percent of women with one child usually work more than 40 hours per week is quite striking (Hansson 2001a). For comparison, across the EU, about 53 percent of women with one child work 35 to 40 hours per week. Putting Family and Work into Balance In order to achieve a better reconciliation of work and family life, besides other supportive measures, the state has established a parental benefit (introduced in 2004) aimed to prevent a sharp decrease of family income due to the birth of the child. The parental benefit compensates the opportunity costs (earnings not received due to taking care of the child at home) during the child’s first year of life. A parent raising a child, an adoptive parent, stepparent, guardian, or curator has a right to a parental benefit. Social Partnership Supporting the Work–Life Balance There are no traditions of social partnership in Estonia to promote measures aimed at creating equal opportunities for employees. The state does not intervene in the employers’ decisions as to how to support the work–life balance. However, a competition for designating the most family-friendly company was established to draw attention to family-oriented measures of companies and to motivate other companies to follow these models. Rights of Parents and Children Throughout Estonian legislation, there is a general principle according to which the child’s opinion has to be considered in the matters
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concerning him or her, depending on the child’s age and maturity. A child who is at least ten years old has the right to protect his or her interests, and certain decisions (such as changing the name or adoption) cannot be made without the child’s consent. A child born to parents who are not married to each other has the same rights and duties with respect to his or her parents and their relatives as a child whose parents are married (Teataja 1994). The child who is separated from home and family has the right to receive information about his or her origin, reasons for separation, and questions concerning his or her future. The Family Law Act regulates the mutual obligations of children and their parents, child support and maintenance obligations after parents get divorced, as well as the conditions under which children may be adopted. The adoptive parent may also be released from parental rights and obligations, which will in turn release the child from rights and obligations towards the adoptive parent. However, a child cannot initiate this process. The legal obligations of stepparents are not fixed in law, but cases are processed in the same way as those concerning the legal obligations of biological parents as long as they are deemed to be ‘‘living under the same roof.’’ The Family Law Act is currently under revision, specifically trying to regulate the property rights of the spouses. The new version of the law has created much debate among the decision makers. On one hand, it is reactive to the changing family-related behavior of the population; on the other hand, it is too property-oriented, endangering traditional values of the family and supporting family deinstitutionalization processes in the society. Government-Provided Family Support The Constitution of the Republic of Estonia (RT, 1992, 26, 349) states that ‘‘All children are equal under the Constitution: they cannot be differentiated according to whether they are born in or out of wedlock, are adopted or foster children. This is not only a constitutional right, but also an obligation of all adult society (including parents), to meet children’s rights.’’ Many benefits for families with children are the result of this Constitutional requirement. A universal child benefit paid to every child was introduced in 1992 as the measure reflecting the political will to value all children in the Estonian society, regardless of their parent’s socioeconomic status. Current family support continues to include a variety of allowances and benefits to aid in the raising of children; a one-time allowance for childbirth and an initial allowance to begin an independent life, and a school-year allowance to families with school children, as well as a child’s school allowance. Additional support of needy families is organized by the rural municipality or the city social services departments (Ministry of Social Affairs, http://sm.ee).
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OVERVIEW Changing Nature of Childhood If we compare the subjective universe of a child living in contemporary Estonia in year 2007 with that of a child living in the 1980s, we can see enormous changes at almost all levels in his/her relationship to society. Fewer Siblings Many children today do not have siblings, so their childhood is different in the sense that to find other children, they usually have to leave home and, when at home, the only way to communicate with their peers is by using different communication devices. Less Communication with Grandparents Because more and more women give birth at a later age and because the average life expectancy for women in the year 2003 was 76.9 years, which is considerably higher than the life expectancy for men (66 years; SOE 2005), many children are now at greater risk of growing up without significant participation by their grandparents. This is especially true of their grandfathers, as they have tended historically to start stable conjugal relationships at an older age than women, thus men experience a shorter time as a grandparent. Low attendance in childcare by the grandparents is mostly caused by their engagement in work and living separately from grown-up children. Changing Family Environments: ‘‘Old’’ and ‘‘New’’ Relatives Individual preferences and choices of adults have produced a departure from traditional marriage-based family structures. Children in contemporary Estonia are faced with coping with a diversity of relations between siblings, half-siblings, parents living apart, biological relatives, relatives by marriage or cohabitation of parents, and so forth. As a result, a child in Estonia today may face a situation with ‘‘half’’ or ‘‘step’’ grandparents, uncles, or other biological and ‘‘obtained’’ relatives. A ‘‘Commuting Child’’ In a situation with a high number of divorces and separations on the one hand and the principle shared among adults concerning the best interest of the child on the other, a child may have to commute between divorced or separated parents. Unfortunately, the child’s preferences are not always asked. If the parents are forming their new families, a child from the former
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relationship may stay as ‘‘a relict from past,’’ facing difficulty in identifying him/herself with the mother’s or the father’s new family (Kutsar 2004). More Communication through Virtual Space Estonia has achieved a relatively high level of information and communication technology. All schools and public-sector agencies are connected to the Internet. In the private sector, the coverage is 80 percent. Over half the population own a personal computer, 39 percent have direct access to the Internet, and a majority of employees use the Internet at work (Joint Inclusion Memorandum of Estonia 2004). This situation facilitates children’s access to virtual space in both urban and rural communities. They exchange emails, confirm homework, communicate with parents when they are away, or just use the Internet by staying on MSN-online for hours, or communicating via other communication portals, doing their homework in parallel. Mobile phones have become children’s daily companions. They start owning them when they enter school at seven years old. Mobile phones are the tools for keeping control over the child’s activities when parents are at work. But they are also very important devices of communication among peers. Poverty, Deprivation, and Social Exclusion Children in Estonia are exposed to high risks of poverty. One-tenth of children live in households with no working adults, and almost 40 percent of children have both parents but one only is an income earner. Even children with dual-earner parents can be endangered by income poverty owing to the low level of the parents’ earnings (Kutsar). The poverty research has confirmed that, on average, small children are at a substantially greater risk of ending up in direct poverty than are other children (Kutsar and Trumm, Poverty in Estonia). A survey of children in Estonia (Kutsar 2000) confirmed a statistically significant impact of poor economic conditions as viewed by a child on his/her perceived relative deprivation in economic, social, as well as psychological terms. Living in a poor household restricts a child’s choices among friends and limits access to peer groups, thus determining social exclusion in the child. Social exclusion from peer relations restricts the building of a child’s social capital—participation, belonging, development of networks, mutual norms, and trust. These children with lower economic resources also experience school bullying more often, and they have fewer friends in their own perceptions compared with peers (Vetem€ae 2004.). Paradoxically, despite extensive poverty analyses and the dramatic results of its existence, there is no legal definition of poverty in Estonia, nor has a national poverty line been laid down.
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Children on the Streets (‘‘Street-Kids’’) The number of homeless or street children in Estonia is not large. However, in addition to the group of approximately 100 children without a home or parents, this contingent is also comprised of boys and girls who are members of a family unit, but whose parents do not care for them. These children usually spend time with street gangs instead of going to school. Their social relations are on the streets. Some develop a drug addiction, and others become thieves or beggars. They have few, if any, contacts with adults, parents, school, child protection institutions, or social services departments who have responsibility for these children. Changing Legal Space The Child Protection Act (RT 1992. 28, 370) was passed in 1992 and carried similar ideologies as the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. Both state and private social welfare institutions, courts, and executive and legislative powers have to take into account the best interests of the child as a primary consideration in all cases involving children. This new approach to children as subjects and social agency brought changes in people’s attitudes toward children as minors. Issues of Immigration and Refugees The Estonian state applies an immigration quota that does not apply to citizens of the European Union, the United States of America, Norway, Iceland, Switzerland, and Japan. Thus, children of aliens, for the most part citizens of the Former Soviet Union and persons without citizenship, who live in Estonia on the basis of residence permits, cannot freely reunite their own families, which limits their right to family life (CRC 2002).The amendments made in 1998 to the Law on Citizenship simplified procedures for the naturalization of children of stateless persons, although there are still no legal provisions that make it possible for family members to reunite with a child who has been recognized as a refugee. The committee (CRC 2003) is concerned that the stateless situation of parents, who by virtue of their status, are unable to participate fully in Estonian society, negatively impacts on their children’s integration into Estonian society. Moreover, it is concerned that children of former military and security service personnel and their spouses and families may be denied citizenship. Legal Protection against Exploitation Children in Estonia are protected against exploitation by several laws. The Constitution of Estonia prohibits forced or bonded labor. The Penal Code (RT I 2001. 61, 364) criminalizes enslavement and
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abduction and provides for penalties from two to twelve years imprisonment if the crime is committed against a person less than eighteen years of age. The Criminal Code establishes that sale or purchase of a child is punishable by up to seven years’ imprisonment. The Social Welfare Act imposes the duty to arrange the welfare of children and create an environment favorable for the development of children on local governments who take measures both to prevent cases of mistreatment of children and to provide necessary assistance. According to the Child Protection Act, the child must be protected from all forms of sexual exploitation. EDUCATION Access to Free Schooling The constitution states that education is compulsory and free for children, and the Education Act of 1992 (RT 1992. 12, 192) and the Basic Schools and Upper Secondary Schools Act of 1993 (RT 1993. 63, 892) establish that children must attend school for a period of nine years or until the child’s seventeenth birthday. The Preschool Children’s Institutions’ Act (RT I 1999. 27, 387) regulates pre-education of children. The general understanding in this small country, which has limited natural resources, is that a good education can be the driver of development in the society. There is a social consensus according to which open, international cooperation that is based on new knowledge is seen to promote Estonian culture and science and increase public wealth (Estonian Ministry of Education 2003).
Literacy Levels Much attention has been paid to education in Estonia since the sixteenth century. The first ABC-book in Estonian was published in 1575. In 1726, approximately 10 percent of peasants could read. According to the 1897 Population Census of the Russian Empire, 95 percent of the Estonian population was literate, and according to the 1922 and the 1934 Population Censuses, more than half of the population had completed elementary education and 2.5–4.3 percent had acquired secondary education. The 2000 Census revealed only 26.3 percent of the population without a basic education. The years of independence created a gender imbalance in educational levels, the educational level of women having risen faster than that of men. Also, the number with higher education has increased whereas the number of those with vocational secondary training has decreased (SOE 2004).
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Equal Opportunity for All Children Legal Framework A legal requirement of the Ministry of Education is to provide an education to all children according to their abilities, including children with special needs. Naturally, in order to achieve this goal, all parties involved—the state, schools, teachers, and parents—must fulfil their obligations (Kutsar 2000). Equal Access for Boys and Girls Boys and girls have equal access to education. The Basic and Upper Secondary Schools Act establishes the right to use the school’s buildings, rooms, library, studying, sporting, technical, or other facilities free of charge for extracurricular activities. Students also have the right to participate through their representative in solving problems of school life, to receive information from school regarding organization of education and rights and duties of pupils, as well as primary information about studying possibilities (CRC 2002). Access to Education of Children with Disabilities Depending on the students’ need for special schooling, special assistance, treatment, or upbringing, basic schools and upper-secondary schools may be organized into special schools or sanatorium-schools. When there is no need to further attend a sanatorium-school or a special school, the student may continue studying at his or her previous school (CRC 2003). There are also several centers for disabled children created to offer vocational training and counselling. However, according to UN observers (CRC 2003), the school system as a whole is not prepared to consider the needs of all disabled students. Teachers at ordinary schools need additional training in issues of special education, and special education teachers need more knowledge for integrating children with serious special educational needs into special schools. A serious problem for children with a movement disability is posed by obstacles for moving around due to absence of ramps and lifts. There is a lack of assistants to help them to go to school, treatment institutions, and hobby clubs. Opportunities for Secondary Education and Higher Education or Job Training Access to the various schools depends on test scores, and schooling is very rigorous. Students of secondary schools must pass Ministry of
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Education state exams to gain access to higher education. Students select state exams on the basis of their chosen areas of study at a university or professional school. However, an essay in the Estonian language is compulsory for all students. Compulsory Schooling According to the law, every child is obliged to attend school when he/ she is seven years of age on October 1 until he/she is seventeen years of age or has finished the basic school. The aim of the basic education is to develop the knowledge, skills, and abilities of students so they are able to cope in society and so they are able and motivated to acquire a high school education. Local municipalities finance a sufficient number of schools to ensure every child the opportunity for an education near their home (Estonian Ministry of Education 2003). The responsibility to ensure that children complete their compulsory education lies with the parents. Failing to accept this responsibility may result in punishment, as stated in the Code of Administrative Offenses (RT I 1999. 31, 425). Re-entry of Dropouts The State Audit Office has been critical concerning the options for re-entry to the basic school of dropouts (State Audit Office 2003). Besides attending a basic school, there are two other options to acquire basic education—adult upper secondary schools and prevocational training, with the first providing basic education and vocational schools providing vocational education. Nevertheless, the use of these possibilities is limited. Popularity of Higher Education Involvement in tertiary education has increased since 1994. About 65–70 percent of all eighteen-year-old young people continue their studies, twice as many as twelve years ago. Among these, about 70 percent continue in academic and the rest higher vocational or vocational education studies. Parents in the rural areas have fewer material resources to invest in their children, and the corresponding lack of educational resources considerably reduces their children’s prospects of entering tertiary education compared with children from the cities (Kutsar 2004). Children’s Participation in Decision-making The participation of students in the decision-making processes at school is high because of the active movement of student self-governments in
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Estonia. This means that according to the Non-profit Associations Act (RT I 1996. 42, 811), students can form their own associations/interest groups and via elected students’ representatives, present their opinions and submissions regarding improvement of school life. Most of the schools respect the opinions of students, and usually the members of the student representatives participate in the work of teachers’ council and the board of trustees (CRC 2002). As a positive example, via different forms and representatives, students have been participating in the work of local governments. For example, the representative of the Tallinn Student Council Union is a member of the child welfare committee of Tallinn City Council. At the state level, school students are represented through the Students’ Council, which is an advisory body for the Minister of Education (J~ oe and Oga 2005). Educational Divide Different Types of Schools In Estonia, there are different types of schools with different levels of access for children (in spite of the fact that we have formally free access to schools for all school-aged children). The schools without catchment areas, the elite schools with in-depth teaching of languages, natural sciences, and so on, more often have better qualified teachers, more options for extracurricular activities, higher academic achievement, and offer better career perspectives. The elite schools are located in bigger towns and accept students on the basis of competition. Talented children may not have access to these schools because of rural origin and attendance at lower quality schools or because of their families’ limited economic resources. Parents with low economic capacities (unemployed, socially excluded, poor) are not able to meet their children’s educational needs. They are not able to cover their children’s tuition fees to study arts or attend sports activities. Their economic vulnerability can determine an even greater educational divide for the next generation of adults. School Dropouts One of the major concerns in education in Estonia is the number of school dropouts. The dropout rate is high during the eighth and ninth grades when 1.2 percent and 2 percent, respectively, leave before graduation from the basic school (most often they have exceeded the compulsory schooling age of seventeen). The dropout for children with disabilities is even higher— 6.7 percent in the eighth year and 10.4 percent in the final year of the basic school. Dropping out is more prevalent among boys, accounting for over two-thirds of all dropouts. Every year, approximately 1,000 students drop out of basic school (0.57 percent; Estonian Ministry of Education 2003).
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According to a survey of the State Audit Office (State Audit Office 2003), the reasons for leaving basic school in 2001–2002 study year were as follows: family problems (34 percent); low parenting skills dealing with problem behavior of the child (26 percent); low school attainment (16 percent); health problems (13 percent); conflicts between a child and the teacher (4 percent); exclusion from peers (3 percent); and other reasons (4 percent). As can be seen, the family risks are the greater cause of truancy. Students themselves complained about conflicts with teachers and bad grades. School Bullying According to a survey performed by the Union for Child Welfare in 2001, 47 percent of basic school level students have experienced pushing and hustling as lighter forms of physical violence, 40 percent have experienced teasing or mockery, and 34 percent taking away or hiding things. With about 16 percent of cases, the students of basic school have experienced more serious forms of physical violence, such as hitting and beating during the past month. The results of the study conducted by the Center of Excellence in School Improvement among the school psychologists and social workers in 2001 showed that about 54 percent of the students turning to them have complaints concerning school bullying and about 30 percent of the respondents admitted that children had turned to them with suicidal thoughts. Professional Help at School School psychologists began work at schools at the beginning of the 1980s. (In 1979 the Minister of Education passed a regulation for regulating the work of school psychologists). There are currently close to one hundred psychologists at schools, whose task is to counsel children, teachers, and the school administration. In recent years, local authorities have started employing social workers at schools. PLAY AND RECREATION Children’s Organizations The larger youth organizations are the Estonian Scout Association, the Estonian Guides Association, and the Organization of Successful Children. The Successful Children The Organization of Successful Children (ELO; Edukate Laste Organisatsion; http://www.elo.ee) was founded in 1988, and it was
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the first independent children’s organization in the former Soviet Union. Children from year four to nine in schools form an ELO club, and pupils from years ten to twelve form a junior team. Membership of the ELO is also open to all adults who are eager to learn about a successful way of life and who are also willing to teach it to children. The Scouts The first scout troops started their activities in Estonia in 1912. In 1922, the World Organization of the Scout Movement was created, and one of its founding members was the Estonian Scouts Malev. In 1940, when Estonia was occupied by the Soviet Union, the scouting movement was banned. In 1989, the movement was restored, and in 1995 the Esto€ nian Scout Association (Eesti Skautide Uhing, http://skaut.ee) was founded. Membership is open to all young people in Estonia, with 1,208 male and female members as of 2005 (J~ oe and Oga 2005). The Guides The first groups of guides were formed in Tallinn and Tartu in 1919. In 1940, the organization was banned like the organization of the scouts. Restoration of guides in Estonia began in 1988. Troops and groups began activities in different locations across the country. Two separate guide organizations were formed in 1989, the historically based Eesti € Gaidide Malev and the newly formed Eesti Gaidide Uhendus—in the Congress of 1999 they joined and are now called Estonian Guides Association (Eesti Gaidide Liit, http://gaidid.ee). Information Technology in Children’s Lives A major goal in Estonia is to bring technology into its educational system. In 1996, Estonia initiated ‘‘Tiger’s Leap’’ (Tiger Leap Foundation, http://tiigrihype.ee/eng/tigerleap/) a program for computerizing the education system. The program has multiple goals, including the following: to provide teachers with computer skills; to create a structure of distance schools and continuous education for teachers and students; to link the Estonian educational system with an international information database; and to produce Estonian language multimedia study software. Leisure Time Hobby Schools There are eighty-nine hobby schools in Estonia attended by 10,200 children. Of these, sixty-two are music schools (with twenty specialties);
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nine are art schools (with eight specialties); and eighteen are schools of the arts (including music, graphic art, and dance). In addition, 24,000 children attend fifty-six sports schools, where they are provided with a choice of courses in forty types of sports. Moreover, children partake in activities offered by leisure centers (i.e., hobby, technical, and creative institutions), which are under the direction of the Ministry of Education to various degrees. Altogether, there are more than thirty organizations that support children and youth in the development of their personal interests across the country (Kutsar 2000). Government Sponsorship of Organizations or Facilities For supporting youth programs and projects, the Ministry of Education organizes competitions of programs and projects. Annual grants can be applied for by a youth association that has a membership of at least 500 and whose local units operate on the territory of at least one-third of the counties. Applications for grants are reviewed by the Youth Work Council formed with the decree of the Minister of Education (Estonia Government 2001). Family Recreation The importance of family quality time has increased remarkably and is influenced by the invasion of Western identities and values, including images of a busy, successful, but still cohesive family. To guarantee quality time and to enhance family rituals, commercial enterprises such as movies or McDonald’s intrude on family life, opening up dangers of superficial relationships. An adult can deal with their feelings of guilt or inadequacy as a parent created by their highly pressured life style by labelling time spent with children in commercial enterprises as ‘‘quality time.’’ Money thus functions like a mediator between children and their parents, producing isolation and alienation between generations (Kutsar 2004). CHILD LABOR Existing Laws to Protect Children and Their Enforcement According to the Child Protection Act, the child is protected from economic exploitation and from performing work that is hazardous, beyond the child’s capabilities, harmful to the child’s development, or that may interfere with the child’s education. The Employment Contract Act (RT 1992, 15/16, 241) sets the minimum age for employment at eighteen years, although children fifteen to seventeen years old may work with the consent of a parent or guardian, and children thirteen to fifteen years old may work with the consent of a parent or guardian and a labor inspector.
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The Working and Rest Time Act (RT I 2001. 17, 78) limits the hours that children under eighteen years old can work and prohibits overtime or night work. The Employment Contracts Act does not extend to work on a family farm, family enterprise, or household work. Use of child labor in Estonia poses no problems. In 1999, the labor inspectorate gave its consent for employment of children thirteen to fifteen years of age in 102 cases. In most cases, employment was for the school summer vacation. Working during the summer holidays is increasing. Type of Work Performed by Children Traditionally, children’s work at home is gender-specific. Girls do cleaning and take care of younger kids at home, and boys more often are engaged in reparation works, construction, and so on. In the rural settlement, children help adults with gardening and fieldwork. In the first quarter of 2000, the labor inspectorate (http://ti.ee) carried out targeted checks in eight counties, in 129 businesses and establishments. The checks revealed that child labor was used in theaters, for recording children’s programs, in modelling agencies (in a few instances, there is mediation of minors to foreign modelling agencies and this activity takes place strictly with a written consent of a parent), and in film studios. Working time limits were observed, and payment was on the basis of a contract, which had been concluded either with a child or parent. FAMILY Family Atmosphere According to the UNICEF opinion survey in 2001 (UNICEF 2001) youngsters of age thirteen to seventeen years old were asked their opinions about their relations with parents, friends, and schools. Sixty-eight percent claimed to be happy when spending time with friends, and 60 percent were happy when staying with their families. The relationship with one’s mother was considered to be good more often than the relationship with one’s father. Good relationships with one’s father were reported less in Estonia (69 percent) than in Western European countries (82 percent). This may reflect the vulnerability of the family units (high number of divorces increasing number of children born out of wedlock and missing fathers, and so on). The percentage of children who report that they have no father is higher (6 percent) than in Western European countries (4 percent), which might also explain why there are fewer good relationships with fathers in Estonia than in the Western European countries. The proportion that reported that they had no relationship or did not know their father is also higher in Estonia than in the West.
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Personal Space of a Child Children and adults live in different worlds that mutually impact on each other, and children are able to keep some autonomy of their space. Apart from the permanent need to be cared for and protected, children like to keep control over their own lives by keeping relations with parents and friends separate. This is a strategy designed also to keep control over decisions away from the guidance of parents. Coping with Family Breakdown If parents live apart, they will agree with which parent a child will reside. In the absence of an agreement, a court will settle the dispute at the request of a parent. A parent living apart from a child has the right of access to the child. A parent with whom a child resides may not hinder the other parent’s access to the child. If parents have not agreed in what manner the parent living apart participates in the raising of the child and has access to the child, a guardianship authority or, at the request of a parent, a court, will settle the dispute (RT I 1994. 75, 1326). Family Counseling Family counselling as a service has been available in Estonia since 1980. In 2000, the national help line was opened. Their short number (126) can be called free of charge from all over Estonia. Family conciliation as assistance in resolving family conflicts, especially considering the interests of children, began in 1996. There are currently sixteen operating counselling centers where services are provided by different specialists, such as psychologists, psychotherapists, psychiatrists, sexologists, and speech therapists (CRC 2001). HEALTH Infant and Child Mortality As a result of the joint efforts of gynecologists and obstetricians, both stillbirths and early neonatal deaths have declined in recent years. The survival rate of newborn children with a low birth weight has risen. The infant mortality rate (calculated at a birth weight from 500 g) was 14.8 per 1,000 births in 1995 and 7.0 in 2003 (SOE 2005). An examination of the causes of infant death reveals that the prime cause of death is due to circumstances during the postnatal period, followed by causes relating to birth defects and deaths caused by injuries and poisoning (Kutsar 2004). The main causes of morbidity of children are diseases of respiratory organs, which make up 31 percent of the causes of hospitalization.
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Contraction of allergic diseases has become more frequent. The frequency of contraction of various infectious diseases has also risen, but organization of vaccinations has so far helped to avoid larger breakouts of infections (CRC 2001). Access to Health Care Based on the State Health Insurance Act (RT I 2002. 62, 377), the health insurance costs of children up to nineteen years of age and pupils and students enrolled in daytime study at educational institutions are covered. In addition, a parent, guardian, or caretaker maintaining a disabled child up to eighteen years of age or persons raising a child up to three years old and pregnant women receive unconditional health insurance. Protection from Childhood Diseases via Vaccinations and Medical Care Prophylactic care (with the Minister of Social Affairs regulation of January 16, 1995, prophylactic examinations of children up to seven years old were approved) is aimed at early detection of health disorders, early detection of deviations from the normal, vaccination, and diverse counselling of parents. Vaccinations are made against tuberculosis, diphtheria, tetanus, whooping cough, poliomyelitis, and measles according to the frequency and character set out in the vaccination calendar. Sexuality Education Within the school curriculum, issues of human reproductive health are treated in years four, seven, and ten. Health education is conducted by teachers of different subjects, medical workers, and/or psychologists. Many schools organize classes of sexual education at county youth counselling centers (CRC 2001). Fifteen adolescent counselling centers provide information in the areas of sex, birth control, and human relations to young people. Gynecologists are available if needed, and staff from the centers is often asked to speak at schools about sexuality and human health. Living Conditions In 2001, less than 30 percent of households lived in private houses. Sixty-nine percent of households lived in blocks of flats, 82 percent of urban and 36 percent of rural households, respectively (SOE 2002). Thus, a block of flats, which represents the ideal of Soviet urban planning, is the most common type of dwelling. Usually apartment
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buildings stand near each other, so in these districts there are a lot of children who live close and thus can meet and play with each other. On the other hand, they are typically surrounded by busy traffic routes and have little space that can be safely used as a children’s playground. Schools, kindergartens, and grocery stores are usually located nearby. Unfortunately, data is lacking on how satisfied children of these dwellings are, not only with their accommodation, but also with their surroundings, access to schools, children’s centers, and playgrounds (Kutsar 2004).
Access to Clean Water Estonia is well supplied with drinking water. There is a public water supply system in every city and town. The rural population uses low single wells, bore wells, or shaft wells. State supervision over the quality of water is carried out by the Health Protection Inspectorate (Tervisekaitseinspektsioon, http://tervisekaitse.ee).
LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Legal Age and Status of a Child A child is a person below eighteen years of age (Child Protection Act, RT 1992, 28, 370). Legal status (General Principles of the Civil Code Act, referred in CRC Report Estonia 2001) of children is dependent on the child’s age. Minors under the age of seven have no active legal capacity. On their behalf, transactions are entered into by a legal representative who is a parent, or sometimes also a guardian appointed by the court. Persons between seven to eighteen years of age have limited active legal capacity, and they have the right to enter into transactions with the consent of a legal representative (parent or guardian). If a person who is at least sixteen years of age has married before becoming eighteen, the person who is a minor obtains active legal capacity from the moment of contraction of marriage. Passive legal capacity begins with the birth of the person and ends with his or her death. Everyone with passive legal capacity has ability to inherit, including minors. Protection for Children under the Law No special courts have been established in Estonia for criminal proceedings against juveniles, and these cases proceed in general courts. Unfortunately, there are no judges specializing in juvenile cases or no special procedure for juveniles according to the law, which could take into account their uniqueness. There are only a few special provisions in the Criminal Code for juveniles, which do not enable the fulfilment of all
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international requirements. There are no prosecutors specializing in juvenile criminal matters (CRC 2002). Juvenile Committees The Criminal Code allows that persons under fifteen years of age and in specific cases also under eighteen years of age, who have been under suspicion of a lighter criminal offense (with the maximum level of the sanction being a fine or arrest) to finish the criminal procedure and the case be referred to the county juvenile committee. The sanctions used the most are warning (37 percent), sanctions regarding school order (21 percent), and directing to the specialist for counselling (18 percent; CRC 2001). RELIGIOUS LIFE The major religion in Estonia is Lutheran. But there are a variety of other religions, including Greek Orthodox, Russian Orthodox, Methodist, Baptist, and Roman Catholic. The constitution guarantees everyone the freedom of conscience, religion, and thought. There is no state church and membership in religion is voluntary; there are no special classes at school. The most important religious holiday for children is Christmas. During the Soviet occupation, the traditional Christmas season was limited to New Year’s Eve and New Year’s Day celebrations. Despite these restrictions, many Estonians celebrated Christmas unofficially. Today, celebration of Christmas occurs on Christmas Eve. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The replacement of collectivism with individualism, or communism with capitalism, has led to new and specific social problems that either did not exist before or were not previously seen as problems. Concerning children and young people, the main focus today, however, is on parental abuse and neglect and bullying in schools. The Evidence According to the Child Protection Act, the child must be protected from all forms of sexual exploitation. However, the survey (data from a comparative study carried out with 1,943 respondents aged sixteen to eighteen years in Estonia in 2003; personal communication with Kadri Soo, May 2006) revealed that 31 percent of the interviewed adolescents have experienced at least one episode of sexual abuse during their life— girls three times as frequently as boys, and most frequently at thirteen to eighteen years of age. Sexual abuse occurred very rarely in early childhood, although this may be underreported. The study verified that the
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sexual victimization is determined by the type of parenting style, insecure growing environment, misinterpretations of sexual approaches due to lack of experience, as well as problem behavior of the child or the adolescent. The Reporting It must be noted that the number of sexual offenses committed against children has not grown in proportion with the growth of the crime rate in general. During police operations into brothels, underage girls are found only very rarely, and even in those cases, the girls themselves have lied about their actual age (Estonian Police Board, http://pol.ee). Raising Public Awareness The breaking point was in 2001 when a documentary film ‘‘P€akapikudisko’’ (‘‘Elf Disco’’) on school bullying was presented, which initiated hot discussions among officials and different specialists. After the presentation of the film, the newspapers started to publish articles dealing openly with child abuse and violence in the relations of children. In cooperation with the third sector, increasingly more attention is paid to informing the public about problems of maltreatment of children. The Estonian Union for Child Welfare (Eesti Lastekaitse Liit, http://lastekaitseliit.ee) and the Estonian Children’s Fund (Eesti Lastefond, http:// elf.ee) have carried out several media campaigns to attract the public’s attention to problems of child protection. The topic of mistreatment of children is included in the curriculum of preschool education and general education schools and in the training programs of specialists working with children. The topic is also covered in the curriculum of the Police Academy in order to guarantee that investigative bodies and courts treat appropriately children who have become victims of violence. Care of Abused or Neglected Children Much has been done by introducing child maltreatment as a social problem to the public and by offering practical help to child victims by NGOs, such as the Child Support Centers in Tallinn and Tartu, the Children’s Fund, and children’s hotlines and on the municipal level, children’s shelters. There are also child protection workers trained as social workers in the local municipalities. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Contemporary Estonian society puts children in a double-bind situation. On the one hand, they are expected to be more successful than
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previous generations. Rapidly spreading Western consumerism makes children aware of the efforts they must make themselves to gain success. On the positive side, children learn to work hard and to prepare for a successful career and a ‘‘good life’’ in the future. On the other hand, competitiveness and everyday problems among children deprive them of a safe and carefree childhood with emotional support of close family members and good quality time. School bullying as a form of reaction and drugs as the means of escape from reality are products of a violent and mercenary environment. Children in Estonia continue living in changing family arrangements and make efforts to cope with ‘‘new’’ and ‘‘old’’ relatives. They enjoy moments of the family quality time and are gaining more voice in family decisions. They are getting more representation also in political decisions, having been understood as subjects and as a particular pressure group. For their leisure activities and entertainments, Estonia’s children look to the west. American and European television programs and films hold considerable appeal, and traveling without borders make other cultures more attractive than ever before. They also prefer the clothing styles of the western nations. A number of young people put their energies into organizations that focus on environmental concerns, politics, or other groups that are concerned with improving society. These observations from an Estonian teenager capture the spirit of these young people: ‘‘We are similar to all the teens over the world, and still we have our own originality. All that children want is to enjoy independence and liberty’’ (E-mail interview with teens in Estonia, July 18, 2001, personal communication with Maia Pank Mertz). ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Maia Pank Mertz provided valuable assistance with searching the English-language resource materials that could be of interest for an international reader and made helpful suggestions in revising an earlier draft. The authors are also grateful for her contribution of e-mail materials from interviews that she carried out with Estonian teens in 2001. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Hiden, John, and Patrick Salmon. 1991. The Baltic Nations and Europe: Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania in the Twentieth Century. New York: Longman. Kutsar, Dagmar, Sirje Grossmann-Loot, Anne Tiko, eds. 2000. Children in Estonia. Tallinn: United Nations. Kutsar, Dagmar, Maarike Harro, Ene-Margit Tiit, and Denis Matrov. 2004. ‘‘Children’s Welfare in Estonia from Different Perspectives.’’ In: Children in Ageing Europe, COST A19, Vol 1, ed. An-Margritt Jensen, Asher Ben Arieh,
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Cinzia Conti, Dagmar Kutsar, Maire Nicghiolla Phadraig, Hanne Warming Nielsen. Trondheim: Norwegian Centre for Child Research, 81–141. Paperback and online: http://svt.ntnu.no/noseb/costa19. Lahikainen, Anja Riitta, Tiina Kirmanen, Inger Kraav, and Melre Taimalu. 2003. ‘‘Studying fears in young children: two interview methods.’’ Childhood 10: 83–104. Smith, Graham. 1994. The Baltic States: The National Self-Determination of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Str€ ompl, Judit. 2000. ‘‘The transition in Estonian society and its impact on a girls’ reformatory school.’’ European Journal of Social Work 3(1): 29–42. Subrenat, Jean-Jacques, ed. 2004. Estonia: identity and independence. New York: Rodopi. Taagepera, Rein. 1993. Estonia: Return to Independence. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Nonprint Resources Isamaa ilu [Beauty of the Fatherland]. 2001. Directed by and screenplay by Jaak Kilmi and Andres Maimik. Produced by Anu Veerm€ae. Distributed by Rudolf Konimois Film. (Winner of awards at film festivals of Tallinn, Leipzig, and Amsterdam.) A 56-minute documentary on two different approaches to traditional gender-role socialization of girls, expounded by Anne Eenpalu, leader of the patriotic Kodut€ utred [Home Daughters], and by Tiina Jantson, organizer of beauty pageants. Lepinguga emaks [A contract mother]. 2001. Directed by M€art Sildvee. Produced by Peeter Urbla. Distributed by Exitfilm AS. A 42-minute documentary follows a woman named Tiia who has made a lifelong contract with the SOS children’s village to be a professional mother, and to get paid for it. It is the story of her contract family, of her oldest ward starting his independent life and of a new child, taken from a problem family to a foster family under the care of this professional mother. This mother’s job is to give warmth of heart in every situation to a wild and withdrawn child, to win back this child’s future in human society. P€ a kapikudisko [Elf disco]. 2001. Directed by and screenplay by Jaak Kilmi and € R€ Andres Maimik. Distributed by OU uhm Pluss Null. A 50-minute documentary, guiding an expedition into a world of concealed violence where the victims are children. Focusing on the cases of four children, K€atlin, M€aart, Marek, and Indrek, the film hypothesizes that there is just as much cruelty in the world of children as there is in that of adults, but that this violence is invisible because it is confined to school and the home.
Web Sites Encyclopedia about Estonia, http://estonica.org. Estonian Institute, http://einst.ee. Estonian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, http://vm.ee. Estonian State Web Center, http://riik.ee/en. Institute of Baltic Studies, http://ibs.ee.
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Organizations and NGOs Estonian Children’s Fund Lai 31/ Suurt€ uki 1 Tallinn 10133, Estonia Web site: http://elf.ee Estonian Union for Child Welfare Endla 6–18 Tallinn 10142, Estonia Web site: http://lastekaitseliit.ee Tallinn Child Support Center Asula 11 Tallinn 11312, Estonia Web site: http://lastetugi.ee/index2.php?keel1¼en&id1¼13 Tartu Child Support Center Kaunase pst 11–2 Tartu 50704, Estonia Web site: http://tugikeskus.org.ee/english.html
Selected Bibliography CRC. Additional report to the Convention on the Rights of the Child: additions, comments and submissions of Estonian nongovernmental organizations 2002. Tallinn. CRC. Concluding Observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child, Estonia, United Nations Document CRC/C/15/Add.196. 2003. Eesti Statistikaamet [Statistical Office of Estonia]. 2005. Statistical Yearbook of Estonia. Tallinn, Estonia Estonia Government. 2001. Initial and second report submitted by Estonia under article 44 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, 2001; further abbr: CRC Report Estonia, 2001. Estonian Ministry of Education. 2003. Educational Regulations: 2001. Estonian National Report: Review of National Youth Policy. Tallinn: Ministry of Social Affairs, Joint inclusion memorandum of Estonia. http://hm.ee. European Commission. 2004. Employment in Europe. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities. Hansson, Leeni, ed. 2001. Naine, perekond ja t€ oo€. [Woman, family and work. The summary of a survey financed by the Bureau of the Estonian Minister of Ethnic Affairs]. Available at http://riik.ee/pere, in Estonian. Hansson, Leeni, ed. 2004. Valikud ja v~ oimalused. Arigelu Eestis aastatel 1993–2003. Tallinn: Tallinn Pedagogical University. J~ oe, Heili and Tiiu Oga. 2005. Eestis tegutsevate noorteorganisatsioonide ja noorteorganisatsioonide katusorganisatsioonide uuring. Haridus- ja Teadusministeerium, 52. http://hm.ee/index.php?0&popup¼download&id¼4056. Joint Inclusion Memorandum of Estonia, p. 11. http://ec.europa.eu/comm/ employment_social/social_inclusion/docs/est_jim_en.pdf.
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Kabun, K. 2003. ‘‘Women, work and family life in transition: the case of post-socialist Estonia,’’ Cross-National Research Papers 6(4), pp. 20–26. Kutsar, Dagmar, ed. 2003. Millist perekonnapoliitikat me vajame? Tartu: Tartu University Press. Kutsar, Dagmar, and Ene-Margit Tiit. 2003. ‘‘Changing family structures and alternative paths of family formation in Estonia.’’ In: Cross-National Research Papers. Sixth Series: Improving Policy Responses and Outcomes to Socio-Economic Challenges: Changing Family Structures, Policy and Practice. No 5. European Research Centre, Loughborough University, 52–9. Kutsar, Dagmar, Maarike Harro, Ene-Margit Tiit, and Denis Matrov. 2004. ‘‘Children’s Welfare in Estonia from Different Perspectives.’’ In Children in Ageing Europe, COST A19, vol 1, ed. An-Margritt Jensen, Asher Ben-Arieh, Cinzia Conti, Dagmar Kutsar, Maire Nicghiolla Phadraig, Hanne Warming Nielsen. Trondheim: Norwegian Centre for Child Research, 81–141. Available in paperback and online: http://svt.ntnu.no/noseb/costa19/. Kutsar, Dagmar, and Ene-Margit Tiit. 2000. ‘‘Comparing socio-demographic indicators in Estonia and the European Union.’’ In: Cross-National Research Papers. Sixth Series: Spatio-Temporal Dimensions of Economic Change and Social Change in Europe. No 2. European Research Centre, Loughborough University, 27–34. Kutsar, Dagmar, and Avo Trumm. 2005. Poverty in Estonia. In: Poverty Social Assistance and Social Inclusion—Developments in Estonia and Latvia in a Comparative Perspective. Fafo Research Foundation. Oslo, Norway. Kutsar, Dagmar, Sirje Grossmann-Loot, and Anne Tiko, eds. 2000. Children in Estonia. Tallinn: United Nations. Raun, Toivo U. 2001. Estonia and the Estonians. 2d updated ed. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press. Riigi Teataja [RT] I. 1994. 75, 1326. RT I. 1995. 21, 323. RT. 1992. 26, 349. State Audit Office. 2003. Re-entry of Basic School Dropouts into the Education System. Tallinn, http://riigikontroll.ee. Statistical Office of Estonia (SOE). 2002. 2000 Population and Housing Census, Part VI: Household. Tallinn: SOE. Statistical Office of Estonia (SOE). 2002. Leibkonna Eluj€ a rg. Household Living Niveau 2001. Tallinn: SOE. Statistical Office of Estonia (SOE). 2004. Social Trends. Tallinn: SOE. Statistical Office of Estonia (SOE). 2005. 2000 Population and Housing Census, Part VI: Household. Tallinn: SOE. UNICEF. 2001. Opinion Survey of Children and Young People in Europe and Central Asia. New York: UNICEF. Union for Child Welfare. 2001. Available at http://lastekaitseliit.ee. Vetem€ae, Karmen. 2004. ‘‘On social exclusion among teenagers.’’ BA thesis. Tartu: Tartu University.
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FRANCE Gabriel Langou€ e t, Dominique Groux, and Leslie J. Limage NATIONAL PROFILE France is a parliamentary democracy based on the republican principles of ‘‘liberty, equality, and fraternity.’’ Since the 1789 French Revolution, public institutions aim to offer equality of access and opportunity to all citizens regardless of religion, gender, or cultural origin. The Declaration of Human Rights and those of the Citizen adopted on August 26, 1789, states in its first article: ‘‘Human beings are born and remain free and equal in rights. Social distinctions can only be based on the public good’’ (CNDP 2004). This declaration was the precursor of later declarations of human rights, echoed in the American Declaration of Independence and the United States Constitution, and of course, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted in 1948 by the United Nations. France is a country of great ethnic, religious, and cultural diversity. Its official language is French, although there are a number of regional languages, including Basque, Breton, Catalan, and Corsican. Its population has
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increased in diversity as it has received immigrants and refugees since the late nineteenth century. France is one of twenty-seven member states of the European Union and one of thirty members of the OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development). It is also a member of the Organisation internationale de la francophonie (International Organization of Francophone Countries), which groups fifty-six countries with large French-speaking populations. The population of continental France and its extraterritorial departments (French Polynesia, New Caledonia, Mayotte, Saint-Pierre-etMiquelon, and Wallis and Fortuna) was estimated to be 63,713,926 in January 2007, according to the French National Statistical Agency (INSEE), and the infant mortality rate was 3.37 per 1,000 live births. The birth rate in 2006 was the highest since 1981 and second only to the Republic of Ireland among European countries. The number of births in 2006 was 830,900 for both continental and extraterritorial France. France is well above the overall European average with respect to fertility rates. The number of young people under twenty years old was 15,836.1 million. Life expectancy for women is currently is 84 for women and 77.1 for men. Immigration to France contributes to one quarter of its demographic growth, while it represents 80 percent of the growth of the European Union as a whole. The homeless population is estimated to be approximately 14,600 people, an increase of 3,800 since 1999. Some 105,000 people are thought to live in temporary shelter or mobile homes (traveler people). However, estimates of the actual number of the latter populations need to be treated with caution (Richet-Mastain 2007, and according to the INSEE). Sixty-six percent of households have no children; 14 percent have one child; 13 percent have two; and 6 percent have three (Eurostat 2006). Forty-five percent of children were born outside marriage, KEY FACTS – FRANCE which represents a percentage Population: 63,400,000 (January 2007 est.) above the European average (30 Infant mortality rate: 3.41 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) percent). The proportion of chilLife expectancy at birth: 84 years (women), 77.1 (men) (2007 est.) dren living in a single-parent Literacy rate: 99 percent (2003 est.) family is 8.7 percent. One family Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 99 percent in ten includes two previously (2000–2005) divorced adults. Two of ten are Internet users: 29.945 million (2006) single-parent families. One milPeople living with HIV/AIDS: 120,000 (2003 est.) lion children are raised by a couHuman Poverty Index (HPI-2) rank: 10 ple of which only one of the two Sources: French National Statistical Agency. http://www.insee.fr; members is their parent. In addiUNICEF. At a Glance: France–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/france_statistics.html. April 24, 2007; United tion, the number of adoptions Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development is increasing by approximately Report 2006–France. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ 5,000 children per year. (INSEE countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_FRA.html. April 26, 2007. ‘‘Population’’ 2005)
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OVERVIEW Children begin school at an early age, the majority from three years old, and about 24.5 percent at two years old (INSEE ‘‘Enseignementeducation’’ 2005). Schooling is obligatory from the ages of six until sixteen. However, 2.9 percent of girls and 2.6 percent of boys sixteen years old no longer attend school. A total of 0.7 percent of girls and 1.3 percent of boys of this age are newly arrived immigrants in special reception classes for language and integration. It should also be noted that the number of children living below the poverty line in France is high–1 million children in 2004. Child poverty affected one of four immigrant children (from outside the EU) (INSEE ‘‘Revenus-salaires’’ 2005). The number of homeless children in France is also high. Of one hundred homeless people (without fixed residence or ‘‘sans domicile fixe’’) in 2002, nearly twenty were children. The number of abused children is also significant, since there are 270,000 children who are being cared for by the Protection de l’enfance (child care services), meaning they are victims of mistreatment (UNICEF 2006). Although France has not adopted a national plan of action for childhood within the framework of the initiative ‘‘a world made for the children,’’ it has begun to develop a law reforming the child welfare system. There are three aspects to this draft law: reinforcement of preventive measures, organization of early warning systems, and diversification of types of responsible services for children. There is also a significant number of unaccompanied foreign minors (IGAS 2006). The report of IGAS (Inspection Generale des Affaires sociales) estimated the number of lone foreign minors, maintained in the transit area in the Paris Roissy Airport in 2001, to be 1,416. Of these, 1,100 were allowed onto French territory. Equality of wages between men and women has not yet been achieved. In 2004, the average annual net income was 23,700 euros for men compared with 19,100 euros for women (all socio-professional categories included). Wage difference was 20 percent (INSEE [Institut national de la statistique et des etudes economiques, National Institute for Statistics and Economic Studies] ‘‘Revenus, salaires’’ 2005). Another reliable indicator of the employment inequality between men and women is the unemployment rate. In 2004, there were 2,641,000 unemployed, corresponding with 9.7 percent of the population. Men’s unemployment rate (8.8 percent) is lower than that of women (10.7 percent). This difference of two percentage points corresponds with the European average. The percentage of the active working population is 30.8 percent. Part-time work concerns mainly women, as there were 3,516,000 women working part-time in 2004, whereas there were only 769,000 men.
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Immigrants and Traveler People France has been a country of immigration since the late nineteenth century, and even more so in the 1960s and 1970s, due to declining demographics and the need for low-skilled workers in construction, seasonal agriculture, and other sectors where the French workforce was inadequate or had left because of conditions and salaries. Although official immigration was closed except in regulated instances in the early 1970s, family reunification and clandestine or undocumented immigration across Europe have nonetheless increased the immigrant population. In addition, in the French context, the terminology used to describe children whose parents or grandparents were actual immigrants, adds to the complexity. Although these children were born in France, they are referred to as immigrant children or children of immigrant origin (enfants de migrants, enfants de migrants de la deuxieme generation, and so on), even after two or three generations. (Limage 1981, 2001, 2003, 2007; CERI-OECD 1983). Since 1975, France has organized teacher training, documentation, and information, as well as special measures for the reception and integration of immigrant children in school. The structure that frames these services is called the CEFISEM (Centre de formation et d’information pour la scolarisation des enfants de migrants or Center for training and information on the schooling of children of migrants). In 2002, there were 32,650 foreign students in special reception classes in France (Barthelemy 2007). For the most part, children of migrant or minority origin are integrated in regular mainstream classes. Frequently, the French population has misplaced ideas about these children in terms of school violence and poor academic performance. A study by the Ministry of National Education in 1998 and other research have shown that these children perform as well as other French children and are no more violent than others of similar socioeconomic status (Limage 2003, 2007). Nonetheless, foreign-origin children are much more likely to be found in special education classes (Limage 1982). In fact, the difficulties encountered by these young people are not difficulties directly related to immigration alone, but rather to poverty and precarious living conditions, such as those encountered by travelers, Romanian immigrants, or Roma (gypsy) children. These children’s integration in mainstream classes requires better specialized teacher training and teaching methods adapted to their needs. Above all, there needs to be a commitment by public education actors to ensure that they return to regular classrooms as soon as possible. EDUCATION In France since 1960, obligatory schooling extends from the ages of six to sixteen. The French school system is divided into several levels:
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The nursery school (Ecole maternelle) is nonobligatory. Nearly 100 percent of children from ages three to six attend, but less than one-third of all children under three years attend a creche or other daycare center. elementaire) has close to 100 percent The elementary school (Ecole participation rates. It includes five years of schooling: a preparatory course in one year (CP), elementary course in two years (CE1 and CE2), and middle course in two years (CM1 and CM2). The official programs are identical for all, and national evaluations are regularly carried out. Presently, grade repetition is less frequent than in the past. The college (junior high school or middle school equivalent) lasts four years (from sixth to third class). Theoretically, the ‘‘general’’ schooling is identical (from sixth ‘‘general’’ to third ‘‘general’’). In fact, it may differ because of geographic location, or by choice of electives available in a particular school. Grade repetition remains rather important as a remedial measure. In addition, parallel structures intended to give additional assistance to certain pupils, such as those of foreign origin, may serve a segregation role instead. Finally, orientation may be recommended by teachers toward apprenticeships or more vocational education at the end of the middle school or third class (troisieme), as well as toward exit from the system altogether for overage pupils (sixteen and above who have gone through several experiences of grade repetition). The middle school or college can often be a time of discouragement for young people where underachievement and lack of appropriate support leads to drop out. The lycees (upper-secondary schools with comprehensive, technological, or professional specialized streams that may coexist in the same establishment), after three years (seconde, premiere, and terminale), lead to differentiated baccalaureates: general baccalaureates (science or arts), which give access to all higher education; technological baccalaureates, which lead to short forms of postsecondary education; and professional baccalaureates, which more often correspond to an immediate entry into the world of work. More than 500,000 young people obtained a baccalaureate in 2005, which represents nearly two-thirds of this cohort. More than half of them (54 percent), obtain a general baccalaureate, and enroll in higher education (preparatory classes at the ‘‘grandes ecoles’’ and universities); 28 percent obtained a technological baccalaureate, with three of four of these students starting higher education; the others (18 percent) obtain a professional baccalaureate, and 22 percent continued higher studies. During the academic year 2005–2006 terms, there were approximately 440,000 young people who reached post-baccalaureate studies (more than one young person out of two). Postbaccalaureate studies are divided between the universities and technical university institutes (Instituts universitaires techniques), the preparatory classes at the grandes ecoles (elite competitive entry higher education) (CPGE), and the sections for qualified technicians (STS, sections of high-level technicians). Out of 440,000 young people,
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approximately 65 percent are registered in first year at the universities (including 11 percent at IUT), 9 percent at CPGE, and 26 percent at STS. Public and private schools under contract to the Ministry of Education share almost all pupils between them, from nursery to upper-secondary schools (the private schools without government contracts only provide education for a small number of students). In primary education (maternelle and elementaire), five pupils attend public school for every one attending a private school. At secondary level, four out of five pupils attend public schools. Private education at university level is negligible in France. At the nursery and primary level, the teachers are now more qualified. They are recruited by competitive examination and responsible for teaching all subjects at that level. In 2004–2005, 81 percent of the students preparing for the competitive recruitment examination were women. At the lower- and upper-secondary level, teacher qualifications and diplomas are either the certificat d’aptitude aux professorat de l’enseignement secondaire (CAPES) (or equivalents: CAPEPS, CAPET) or aggregation (degree enabling teaching at college [lower secondary] and lycee [upper secondary] after completing recruitment competitive examination). The latter examination is usually undertaken after university level studies on the equivalent of a master’s degree. In 2004–2005, 60 percent of the students preparing the CAPES were women, the rate of feminization reaching more than 70 percent for the CAPES of arts and dropping to 52 percent for the CAPES of science. Women were less represented in the preparations for the more technical diplomas called CAPET (47 percent), and even less with the CAPEPS (35 percent). The majority of teachers at university level are either professors (19,849) or lecturers (36,124) in 2004–2005. The percentage of women remains very low among the professors (17 percent on average; 12 percent in sciences and 29 percent in arts). It is higher among the lecturers (nearly 40 percent on average; 51 percent in the arts and 50 percent in health sciences, but 31 percent in natural and physical sciences). Teachers have a long associative and trade unionist tradition. In particular, at the primary and secondary level, there are very high rates of unionization. Admittedly, this activism may be decreasing as in many other professions, but appears to remain rather high, in particular, regarding participation in social movements. The high-school student mobilization, as well as that of parents and teachers, on social issues and conditions in schools remains significant. There are also three types of other school partners. The delegues departementaux de l’Education nationale or Departmental or county representatives of the Ministry of Education, are still active. They were created at the time of the French Third Republic and take action on everything concerning life in school (safety, hygiene, teaching materials, transport, and so on). The parent
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associations are also very active in supporting school-related matters, but do not function on the American model of joint parent–teacher bodies. Finally, there is the Ligue de l’enseignement or Education League, which founded in 1866 on the initiative of Jean Mace, today groups 33,000 associations through 102 departmental federations and 22 regional unions, acting in many sectors (holidays, sport, and culture) for greater social solidarity and secular education toward citizenship for justice and peace. Equality and Equality of Opportunity Equality and equality of opportunity have been defined since the establishment of the French Republic in 1789 as identical treatment and access to the same body of objective knowledge for all. This philosophical position has had important implications for the organization of schools, the importance of the national curriculum, and the measures that are taken to ensure that all children are able to benefit from schooling (Limage 1982, 2000, 2001, 2007). The problem of equal educational and social opportunity (or inequality) has largely been present in French sociological work since the period of rapid school expansion and the growth of secondary schools post World War II. Considerable research was devoted to the social reproduction of inequality through the school system (Baudelot and Establet, in Langou€et, ed. 1997; Bourdieu 1970). In addition, among the OECD countries, the performance of French young people fifteen years old is average in reading comprehension, higher than average in mathematics, and average in scientific culture. In other words, mastery of the competencies tested is adequate, but much lower in terms of creativity, generalization, and ability to present an argument (Langou€et 2004). Finally, there is a major development in private tuition, and other forms of learning enrichment, creating a new market that is in direct competition with public services. These support services are likely to increase inequalities in learning for those whose families can afford them and those who cannot. Vocational Education and Training In France, the apprenticeship contract concerns approximately 8 percent of young people from sixteen to eighteen years of age. This type of apprenticeship appears to provide a better introduction to the world of work than does school instruction for the same age group. On the other hand, there are those who question whether the social function of these apprenticeships is actually a system of promotion or simply one of exclusion for the least qualified. The agricultural sector, under the guidance of its ministry, develops a system of vocational training parallel with that of
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the national education. Nearly 173,000 pupils (44 percent girls) were provided with education at the beginning of 2002, primarily in the service sector. Reading and Basic Literacy Needs France discovered the literacy needs of its native French population in the early 1980s as it rediscovered poverty in the country. Until that time, it was assumed that only immigrants and nonnative French speakers had low or nonexistent literacy skills. An interministerial national body was created to address the literacy needs of children and adults alike. Groupe permanent interministeriel de lutte contre l’illettrisme (GPLI) was created in 1983 as a direct result of the recommendations of the Oheix Report on Poverty the preceding year (Limage 1986). At present, this national literacy agency is located in Lyon, France, and is known as the Agence national de lutte contre l’illettrisme. It continues the work of the GPLI in conducting research about literacy needs for children and adults alike. It also has conducted more refined evaluations of the specific nature of literacy competencies among different populations, especially as a result of other international studies of reading comprehension and mathematics skills among young people. The French often ask whether young people read any more. The answer may well be a qualified ‘‘no.’’ They still read, but less and in an unequal way according to sex, social status, or geographical location. Publications targeting young readers encourage the reading habit, but do not seem to reach those whose milieu does not encourage such cultural values. An evaluation undertaken in 2000 with a sample from young people called up for the previously obligatory military service (Journees d’appel de preparation a la defense, JAPD) indicated that 10 percent of young people had serious reading comprehension difficulties and nearly 7 percent were classified as ‘‘illiterate’’ (Bentolila 1996). An evaluation carried out at the time of the JAPD 2003 refines the evaluation of 2000. Only 13.3 percent of young people present at the time had adequate mastery of reading comprehension; 9.6 percent are having difficulties, including 4.6 percent with great difficulties. School Dropouts A report prepared by the Observatory on Childhood in France was presented to the Ministry for the City in May 2000. It showed that approximately 60,000 young people, generally between sixteen and eighteen years old, leave the education system each year without qualification. Since 1995, this number has not been dropping significantly. For Langou€et (2003), these pupils were ‘‘ejected’’ from the school system rather than ‘‘dropping out.’’ Other sociologists, such as Francois Dubet
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and Marie Duru-Bellat, have shown that the compensatory measures taken to keep children in school and ensure that they progress with their age group are largely inadequate, thus it is not surprising that wastage in the form of underachievement, grade repetition, and dropout are not declining in France, let alone in other European countries with a similar approach to remedial education (Dubet and Duru-Bellat 2000). Education of the Disabled In France, the mainstreaming of disabled children has not been as effective or widespread as in some other European countries. Also, efforts toward the social and educational integration of these children leave a great deal to be desired. Seven of ten French young people and more than eight young foreigners of ten attending a Special Section for General Professional Education (SEGPA, Section d’Enseignement General Professionnel Adapte) come from an underprivileged, socio–professional category. Educational integration goes hand in hand with strong social integration and reduction of inequalities, but efforts to date have proven inadequate in France (Langou€et 1999). PLAY AND RECREATION The poorest youth have nearly no access to leisure activities such as travel, holiday camps, and cultural and sports activities. Because leisure constitutes a strong means of socialization for young people, they would benefit from increased access to these activities. Leisure activities help young people become more independent. They also reinforce academic achievement and thus, they are even more important for disadvantaged children. Fewer French children participate in summer and holiday camps since 1995 (Langou€et 2004) Media Research has shown that French children watch a lot of television, but less than their parents (Langou€et 1997). Studies have also shown that new technologies are poorly integrated into school, largely due to inadequate teacher training. It is urgent to establish the complementarity of the media and schools through media education (Porcher 2006). Sport French schools give greater importance to academic subjects than to physical education and sport, despite the strong link between physical well-being and academic performance (Langou€et 1997, 2001, 2004; Linard 1996).
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CHILD LABOR France ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) in 1990, and the Convention of Geneva on the Worst Forms of Child Labor (1999) in 2001. Schooling is compulsory until the age of sixteen. Thus, child labor is strictly forbidden before that age. However, young people enrolled in lower-secondary school (college) or upper-secondary school (lycee) may participate in preapprenticeship and other forms of vocational training regulated by the Ministry of Education starting at fourteen. FAMILY There is a growing debate in France concerning the distinction between the role of the school and that of families. Before the French Revolution of 1789, education took place primarily in the family or in religious institutions. At the time of the creation of a national education system, the state was held responsible for instructing children and imparting knowledge, as well as secular moral values. However, the family was seen as the best educator of religious, political, and social training. The French school is considered by many to neglect its responsibilities concerning a child’s overall education, particularly in terms of moral values. Research concerning new family models shows that the nuclear family is a relatively recent model. The extended family has not been destroyed by the evolution of life styles (unmarried couples, single parents, recombinations). A family policy supporting the poorest exists, thanks to many family welfare measures within the French social security system. The range of support measures includes aid to the family for the employment of an approved maternal assistant, personal assistance with housing, allowance for adoption, family benefits, allowance for a nurse for the children, allowance for young children, allowances for housing, allowance for single-parent households, allowance for parental education, allowance for parental presence, allowance for the beginning of school term, allowance for family support, family complement, adoption leave, financial support for parental leave for education, maternity leave, leave of parental presence, family supplement of treatment, and allowance of special education. There are also tax measures favorable to the family in the form of deductions for dependents and fiscal reductions for childcare. There is also a social action aspect to family benefits (Caisse d’allocations familiales, Family Allowance Fund; CAF), which applies to all families affiliated with the general French social security regime, and more particularly to low-income families in difficulty. However, this only represents 5 percent of the expenditure of the family sector of the social security system. The social action of the CAF more particularly relates to spare time activities for children and teenagers, community support, and
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assistance to parents. Departmental social help is also proposed for the most underprivileged. (The ‘‘departement’’ is a larger administrative unit in France after that of the municipality.) This concerns services financed by the departments and is aimed at disadvantaged children and families, as well as the handicapped. There are also numerous nongovernmental and charitable associations that are active on behalf of family welfare. It is also appropriate, in connection with the family, to examine women’s rights. The law stipulates, in Article 3 of the preamble of the French Constitution of 1946, the equality between men and women: ‘‘The law guarantees to the woman, in all the fields, the equal rights to those of men.’’ In the event of divorce, both parents keep their parental authority, no matter who is entrusted with looking after the child. Thus, for any important decision concerning the child, the noncustodial parent must be consulted. The decisive factor in all decision-making is the child’s best interests. To find out where the best interests of the child lie, consideration is given to parental capacity; satisfaction of the child’s needs; stability of the child’s surroundings; the will to maintain bonds between the child and the other parent; availability of each parent; location of each parent’s residence; the age of the child; and, finally, the child’s wishes. The law does not grant the mother preference as regards responsibility for the child. Thus, for several years, it has been recognized that a child needs both his father and his mother equally. Still, it often happens that a young child is entrusted to the mother, quite simply because she is looking after her or him, while the father provides financial resources. HEALTH Young people’s health in France is generally good, except for the most destitute, where the problems are sometimes acute. Infant mortality is falling. Child mortality in France is 3.7 per 1,000 in 2007. It was 6 per 1,000 in 1994 (INSEE 2007), but remains unequally distributed regionally, and higher than in the north of Europe. Mortality is low with young people but grows with adolescence (accidents and suicides). Consumption of drugs (for example, tobacco and alcohol) appears to be increasing. For example, 18 percent of boys and 6 percent of girls at seventeen years old consumed alcohol in 2005 (O fdt 2005). Young people’s life styles are changing with regard to food (growing risk of obesity), but evolve less with regard to problems involving sexuality (proportion of abortions remaining high). Finally, health policies could be better coordinated between the ministries of education and health. Drugs Young people show greater risk behavior but are still rather receptive to health education. There is increasing drug consumption with age, but
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at the same time, there is a tendency to begin consumption earlier. A comparison between 1993 and 2002 confirms the rise in consumption of drugs that is greater than that of alcohol or tobacco. In 2002, 24.7 percent of girls and 54.6 percent of boys age seventeen have used cannabis. The level of experimenting with cannabis has more than doubled between 1993 and 2002 (O fdt 2005). The average annual increase over the entire period is thus 3.2 points for girls and 3.3 points for boys. Moreover, concerning drug addiction, the debate in France is whether to prohibit consumption or to sanction it. In fact, a better answer is preventive education. Today, there is a reduction in the number of young smokers, but a feminization of nicotine addiction. There is also a strong correlation between nicotine addiction and consumption of other drugs (alcohol or cannabis), a problem that would undoubtedly deserve to be re-examined following research by anti-tobacco campaigns. Finally, consumption of alcohol, and associated consumption point out the need for targeted and preventive actions, specifically targeted at populations at risk and rigorous implementation of the Evin Law No. 91–32 of January 10, 1991 (JO No. 10 of January 12, 1991). Many studies and investigations show that those who take drugs in the broadest sense of the term are more likely to commit acts of delinquency (Senat 2002). One such study also finds that acts of violence often accompany: (a) alcohol consumption: among violent young people, 21 percent drink alcoholic beverages regularly (against 7 percent of ‘‘nonviolent youth’’). Thirty-six percent of those engaged in petty crime drink regularly; (b) the consumption of tobacco: among the most violent, 22 percent smoke daily (against 11 percent of the ‘‘non-violent youth’’). Thirty-two percent of those convicted of petty crime are smokers; (c) consumption of drugs: among the most violent, 16 percent have taken illegal drugs (against 5 percent for ‘‘non-violent youth’’). Twenty-three percent of those convicted of petty crime take drugs regularly. In addition, another study commissioned by the Ministry of Justice among young people between fourteen and twenty-one under the supervision of the services for youth legal protection show a link between illegal behavior and consumption of psychotropic substances. Seventy percent of these young people consume alcohol. At eighteen years old, 49 percent can be considered to be regular drinkers. Sixty percent of these young people have already used drugs (Senat 2002). School Medicine Three administrative circulars published January 12, 2001 (Circulars No. 2001–012, 013, 014), define the school health system. School health programs relate to physical and mental health, harmonious development, good integration, attention to the most disadvantaged,
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protection, and prevention and health education. School nurses are present in lower- and upper-secondary schools. Unfortunately, they are not present in primary schools for children between six and twelve years old. Official health checks at the age of six are actually performed for only 85 percent of children (ONED 2006, 11–13). Although the numbers of doctors have increased, they are clearly insufficient to cover essential needs, in particular for disadvantaged regions. The principal gaps appear to be in follow-up for pupils at risk, absence of coordination between the actors of the medico–social system, and lack of services in rural areas. Poverty The effects of poverty on health and the hopes of health of young people are rather obvious and are, undoubtedly, underestimated. In 1999, it was estimated that there were 1 million children under eighteen years old living in poverty (approximately 650 euros per month in 2003 according to the definition provided by the French National Statistical Institute), or 8 percent of all children (CERC 2004). In addition, in 1997, more than 13,000 children in France were detected positive with lead poisoning and were thus considered to be in serious danger. However, poverty of families and children is still increasing. In 2002, there were 16,000 homeless children (SDF, without fixed residence). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Delinquency The ministries of health, education, justice, and social welfare all have responsibilities for children at risk. Each sector has developed regulated action in its fields of competence since 1945. The ministries of justice and health have undertaken joint action since 1999. The Circular of August 21, 1985, provides for special classes (classes relais) for young delinquents (ONED 2006, 78). Data has been gathered more systematically in recent years regarding juvenile delinquency. This data covers a wider range of deviant behavior than in the past. Thus, it is difficult to actually be sure that violent behavior is increasing, although it strongly appears to be the case. The larger context seems to be a crisis of social services and policies in general as well as a growth in criminality. Delinquency is France is on the increase, but the number of young delinquents is growing at an even greater pace, as is the violence of their acts (Senat 2002). According to an inquiry commission report made to the French Senate in 2005 entitled ‘‘Delinquance des mineurs: la Republique en qu^ete de respect, Rapport de la Commission d’enqu^ete sur la delinquance des
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mineurs’’ (Juvenile Delinquency: The Republic in search of respect, Report of the Inquiry Commission on Juvenile Delinquency), juvenile delinquents are increasingly younger and more violent. French police data indicate that for the entire number of incriminated young people, the proportion of sixteen- to seventeen-years-olds declined slightly ( 2 percent) in 2000; that of fourteen- to sixteen-year-olds remained stable. On the other hand, the number of delinquents under thirteen has increased. The percentage of under sixteen-year-olds represents 12 percent of those arrested by the police and nearly 49 percent of all minors who have been arrested. This phenomenon is especially disturbing since many studies have shown that misdemeanors are more violent the younger the perpetrators. There are a growing number of misdemeanors for children under thirteen years old. Also, the younger the age at the time of the first petty misdemeanor, the more likely that a more serious crime will be committed by the same juvenile later on. Seventy-four percent of young people who have committed a petty crime at twelve years old are more likely to commit a more serious one later on. Nearly half of those whose first crime is committed before the age of thirteen (44 percent) are likely to go on to more serious crime later on. On the other hand, adolescents who commit their first misdemeanor at fourteen years old only represent 15 percent of those who go on to a more serious crime later on. Also, overall juvenile delinquency involves more serious crime in recent years. Data shows a change in the nature of delinquency between 1970 and 2002. The number of minors involved in theft has increased by 37 percent for this period, and the number of juveniles involved in theft with violence, rape, assault and battery, and destruction of public or private property has quadrupled. On the other hand, homicide is a rare occurrence among juveniles. In general, also, juvenile delinquency is becoming more violent and gratuitous. Over the past ten years, recorded juvenile delinquency has increased by 78,153 cases. This increase breaks down into 24 percent for theft, with 31.5 percent being theft with violence; 18 percent involved in crime with destruction or degradation of property; 16 percent for illegal drug trafficking or usage, of which 81 percent for drug consumption alone; and 12 percent for assault and battery. These figures show the increase in violence directed against individuals, representatives of authority, or property. Table 7.1 shows the comparative breakdown for the period 1992 and 2001 of the percentage of minors involved in theft in relation to all minors involved in some crime (decline from 69.7 percent to 49.6 percent). On the other hand, the percentage of minors involved in crimes and misdemeanors against persons nearly doubled during that same period from 8.7 percent to 15.4 percent. The percentage of minors involved in attacks on morals or vice has increased from 1.49 percent in 1992 and 2.29 percent in 2001.
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Table 7.1. Involvement of Minors in Different Categories of Offenses
Total offenses Theft Theft with violence, no firearm Theft without violence Economic and financial misdemeanors Crimes and misdemeanors against persons Homicides Assault and battery Attacks on persons Including threats and blackmail Including attacks on human dignity Attacks on morals/vice Rape Sexual harrassment or other sexual aggression Other offenses Drug-related offenses Drug use Offenses related to foreigners Destruction and degradation of property Other offenses
1992
Percentage of all convicted minors in 1992
98,864 68,911 3,883
100.00 69.70 3.93
46,605 1,759
47.14 1.8
8,552
8.65
55 4,418 2,231 1,363
2001 177,017 87,856 9,531 56.036 5,220
Percentage of all convicted minors in 2001 100.00 4.63 5.38
Percentage variation 1992–2001 79.05 27.49
31.66 2.95
196.76
27,224
15.38
218.33
1.42 4.47 2.26 1.38
46 13,543 7,184 5,294
0.03 7.65 4.06 2.99
16.36 206.54 222.01 288.41
245
0.25
1,062
0.60
333.47
1,476 579 728
1.49 0.59 0.74
4,062 1,275 1,973
2.29 0.72 1.11
175.20 120.21 171.02
19,642 4,160 2,904 1,503
19.87 107.13 2.94 1.52
56,717 16,572 13,035 2,401
32.04 9.36 7.36 1.36
188.75 298.40 348.90 59.70
9,884
10.00
24,158
13.65
144.40
4,095
4.14
13,586
7.67
231.80
Source: French Ministry of the Interior (Ministere de l’interieur) data in Report to the Senate, 2005 (http://www.senat. fr/rap/r01-340-1/r01-340-15html).
With the growing levels of violence in French society since 2001 and in particular, in relation to the suburban violence or sports-events-related violence in 2005, 2006, and 2007, these figures are undoubtedly even greater. Studies of school-based violence, including bullying, racket, insult, abuse, anti-Semitic, and racist attacks are on the increase as well. One interministerial response to delinquency is the extension of special educational arrangements with rigorous supervision of young delinquents (Unites Educatives a Encadrement Renforce UEER) and a better coordination of the interventions of the various institutions (education, police force, and law). In general, however, the accent should be on prevention
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and reintegration of young people. Young people who run away from home may also be considered at risk of delinquency, prostitution, or even suicide, and the problem should not be treated as a minor one. Among the actors in the domain of childhood are three important ones: the Defenseur des enfants (Children’s Advocate), the Observatoire de l’enfance en France (Observatory of the Child in France), and the Observatoire national de l’enfance en danger (Observatory of Childhood in Danger). The Children’s Advocate (Claire Brisset during the period 2000– 2006) is an independent administrative authority (AAI). It was created in 2000 by the Parliament on the model of the ‘‘Mediator of the Republic.’’ It has three principal missions. The first is that it receives individual requests from minors or their legal representatives (1,200 references to the court in 2005). When a complaint appears justified, the advocate seeks to solve the situation or involves the competent authorities regarding social aid and law. The second consists of identifying major questions that pose obstacles to the application of rights. The third mission consists of working out proposals for reforms relating to practices or legislative texts. L’Observatoire de l’enfance en France (Children’s Observatory; Gabriel Langou€et was its administrative and scientific director from its creation until December 2005) is an institution founded in 1998, at the initiative of the General Federation of Public Education Wards (PEP) and the General Mutual Company of National Education (MGEN). Its mission primarily consists of observing young people’s living conditions, the living conditions of minors in France, undertaking research where needed, and public advocacy. The Observatory of Children in Danger is a public interest group created in 2004 for the protection of mistreated children. It regroups the national governmental and departmental institutions and nongovernmental associations for the protection of childhood. Its missions are to collect, analyze, and disseminate studies and examples of good practice in prevention and intervention regarding child welfare. On December 31, 2003, it was estimated that 235,239 minors and 19,790 young people between eighteen and twenty-one years old benefited from at least at least one special measure for children at risk; that is to say, 1.74 percent of children younger than eighteen years old and 0.86 percent of eighteen- to twentyone-year-olds (ONED 2006, 40). Citizenship The role of the school is to encourage mutual respect and tolerance among believers and nonbelievers. However, education for citizenship is undoubtedly the business of all individuals, and not only of the schools. This is even more widely recognized in France because of the rigorous
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separation of religious and political issues from the public school system. Civic responsibility needs to be learned outside of schools to a greater extent than in some English-speaking countries because of the declared neutrality of education in France. There are indeed civics education courses in secondary school and some role for children and adolescents in school governance, but much less than in countries where there are much greater local, community, and parent participation in school governance, management, and daily classroom support (Limage 2001). Citizenship education takes place both in and outside schools. For example, youth assemblies are organized in conjunction with local councils and the national parliament (Le Point sur, 23, 1999). In school, notably in primary school, an effort is made to give children responsibilities through children’s class councils. In lower- and upper-secondary schools, pupils represent their classmates in various school councils, although teachers are the actual decision-makers. RELIGIOUS LIFE France is composed of a large but not necessarily practicing Catholic population. The second major religion is becoming Islam, although it is composed of a wide diversity of Muslim practices. The third major religion is Judaism, and within the Jewish population there are also a diversity of practices. Protestants are less numerous in the country. A large proportion of French people do not practice any religion. Further, it is forbidden to collect official data in France by race or religion, thus it is difficult to quantify religious belonging. In addition, the secular tradition is firmly rooted in all aspects of French society since the 1789 Revolution. Proponents of resolutely secular public institutions and services constitute the majority in this country. There is a strong rejection of multiculturalism if it might lead to isolation into separate identity groups, a dangerous position for society identified as ‘‘communautarisme’’ in French political and social debates. The term ‘‘communautarisme’’ did indeed originate in Anglo-Saxon thinking as an antidote to the individualism of the modern world. However, the French are skeptical of concern with priority attention to ethnic, religious, or other minority groups, for fear that it may lead to further segregation and identity politics, rather than real enhancement of individual human rights and responsibilities in society (CNDP 2004; Limage 2001, 2007) Finally, in France, the public school is secular, as stipulated in particular by the Law of Separation of Church and State (Law of 1905) reinforced by the Law of March 14, 2004, concerning the wearing of any conspicuous religious or political sign (for example, the Islamic headscarf). Religion is considered a private matter in France. This law applies solely to public primary and secondary schools (Limage 2007).
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CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT According to definitions provided by the National Observatory for Decentralized Social Action and the National Observatory for Children in Danger, a child is considered to be mistreated/abused if he or she is a victim of physical violence, sexual abuse, psychological violence, or major neglect with serious consequences for his or her physical and psychological development. A child is considered to be at risk if there are any conditions in his or her daily life that may compromise his or her health, security, morality, education, or well-being, but who is not actually mistreated, notably in the family, due to neglect or intent. A legal decision may be taken to assist the child (ODAS 2005; ONED 2006). The more serious forms of child exploitation concern prostitution, pornography, or pedophilia. Child prostitution in France is noticeably increasing, with numbers estimated at 3,000 to 8,000 children. They are often from Africa and Eastern European countries. Girls often come from Albania, Kosovo, the Ukraine, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, and Russia or from Sierra Leone, Nigeria, Ghana, or Cameroon. Boys are often from Romania, Morocco, or Algeria. But, they are also often French of immigrant origin. The nongovernmental associations that are concerned with these children observe that there seem to be as many French as foreign children and as many girls as boys. They are usually between fifteen and eighteen years old, and some are even younger. The traffic in young people for prostitution has been largely hidden until recently, although it seems to be a growing problem throughout Europe, as well as all other regions of the world (droitsenfant.com; CERC 2004). The third largest form of exploitation is child labor or clandestine work of minors. Potential risks may occur when conditions for apprenticeships are not respected in terms of rights to holiday, hygiene, or health (Langou€et 1997). Labor legislation in France covers apprenticeships, entertainment, modelling, and publicity, and other seasonal or part-time work. However, these conditions are not always respected nor are they reported. In rare cases, they may lead to sexual harassment and other forms of exploitation. These may include long working hours in the entertainment industry, publicity, or modelling; excessive work loads during internships; and exploitation of young foreign children as servants and domestic labor. Mistreatment Marked progress in reducing child abuse was made between 1980 and 1995, reducing caseloads for child abuse. But much more progress is needed, especially in certain regions and in the manner in which child testimony is obtained, often traumatizing the victim. Mistreatment of young people was more frequently reported during the past ten years. Table 7.2 gives an idea of the evolution of that reporting.
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20,000 45,000 65,000
1996 21,000 49,000 70,000
1997 19,000 53,000 72,000
1998 18,500 55,000 73,500
1999 18,300 65,500 83,800
2000
36,000
1995
7,000 3,500 7,500
42,000
1996
7,500 4,000 7,800
47,000
1997
7,700 4,200 7,900
1997
49,000
1998
8,200 4,500 7,400
1998
47,500
1999
8,100 4,800 6,700
1999
48,250
2000
6,600 5,500 5,300
2000
48,750
2001
5,800 5,600 5,500
2001
18,400 66,600 85,000
2001
49,000
2002
5,600 5,900 7,000
2002
18,500 67,500 86,000
2002
52,000
2003
5,600 5,200 7,200
2003
18,000 67,500 89,000
2003
56,000
2004
6,600 5,500 6,900
2004
19,000 76,000 95,000
2004
Source: Observatoire national de l’action sociale (National Observatory for Decentralized Social Action). See http://www.droitsenfant.com/tablemaltrai.htm. and ODAS (2005), Rapport de l’observatoire national de l’action sociale d e centralis e e. Protection de l’enfance. Observer, evaluer pour mieux adapter nos r e ponses. Paris. (Report of the National Observatory for Decentralized Social Action. Protection of Childhood. Observe, Evaluate in Order to Better Adapt Our Response.) http://www.odas.net.
Legal action
Legal action
Physical violence Sexual abuse Serious negligence and psychological violence
1995
1996
Report: a written document submitted to the court concerning either suspicion or evidence of mistreatment
17,000 41,000 58,000
Nature of mistreatment
*
Mistreated children Children at risk Total children in danger
1995
Table 7.2. Reporting of Children at Risk*
EUROPE
The causes of mistreatment are often related to difficult social conditions and, in many cases, to poverty. Early warning and identification of mistreatment is not yet effective in France (ODAS 2005). Other studies have shown that the family remains the primary site of potential child abuse (ONED 2006). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY What will the future hold for French children? Hopefully, they will have a future with fewer inequalities. Social inequality leads to educational inequality (Bourdieu 1970). There is also a close correlation between social segregation, spatial segregation, and educational segregation. French children and teenagers are often aware of these persistent inequalities. Some of them expressed that consciousness in the French suburbs in November 2005 through violence. Later, in early 2006, high school and university students, as well as trade unionists, parent associations, and the general public, protested legislation whose stated aim was to promote equality of opportunity, but was seen to do so through increased security measures, lowering the age for preapprenticeships, and allowing employers to give more precarious firstwork contracts to young people under twenty-five (Limage, forthcoming 2007). School has its own role to play in reduction of inequalities and the encouragement of mutual respect, but so do other social, local, and associative forces (community-based associations, social workers, employment agencies) within the framework of policies worked out on a general level (cities, regions, or the state) and provided with adequate resources to carry out their missions. Europe seems to be attracting more and more young people. The entire world fascinates them. The growing number of requests for Erasmus grants (student exchange program) supports the idea that these teenagers may become European citizens and also citizens of the world. The attraction of foreign languages and the desire to meet others in their countries and to better understand their culture constitute positive signs of openness to others. It is a first step on the road to self-respect, respect for the other, and respect for the world. Here, the educational system has an important responsibility. It has the role of helping young people grow, to find their place in their society, and to become citizens of McLuhan’s ‘‘global village.’’ It needs to teach them solidarity toward the near and the distant. For this reason, good intentions are not enough. Curricula and teacher training in the new millennium may need to incorporate more education toward mutual respect, peace education, and respect for the environment. And a more open and inclusive school system needs to be complemented by a more open and inclusive French society, and all its political, social, cultural, and religious actors.
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RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Limage, Leslie. 1982. Education for Linguistic and Cultural Minorities: the Case of France: Study for the CERI/OECD Project on the Financing, Organization and Governance of Education for Special Populations. Paris: CERI/OECD. UNICEF. 2006. The State of the World’s Children. New York: UNICEF.
Web Sites EUROSTAT, http://www.epp.eurostat.cec.eu.int. The statistical Office of the European Communities, it offers key statistics on the European Union Observatoire de l’enfance en France (Observatory of Childhood in France: http:// www.observatoiredelenfance.org.). Web-site of material until end of 2005 still available. A site that promotes the positive well-being of minors in France. Public Life, http://www.Vie-publique.fr. A government-sponsored web site regarding public policy and services.
Organizations and NGOs Children’s Advocate Defenseur des enfants 104, Boulevard Blanqui 75015 Paris, France Web site: http://www.defenseurdesenfants.fr National Institute for Statistics and Economic Studies INSEE (Institut national de la statistique et de l’etude economique) 18, Boulevard Adolphe-Pinard 75675 Paris Cedex 14, France Web site: http://www.insee.fr (in French and English) National Observatory for Decentralized Social Action ODAS (Observatoire nationale de l’action decentralisee) 250 bis, Boulevard St.-Germain 75007 Paris, France Phone: 33 1 44 07 02 55 Web site: http://www.odas.net National Observatory of Childhood in Danger ONED (Observatoire nationale de l’enfance en danger) B.P. 30302 75823 Paris Cedex 17 France Phone: 33 1 58 14 22 50 Web site: http://www.oversavtoiredenfance.org
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Selected Bibliography Alvin, Patrick, and Marcelli Daniel. 2000. M e decine de l’adolescence Paris: Masson. Angel, Pierre, Richard, Denis, and Valleur, Marc. 2000. Toxicomanies. Paris: Masson. Assailly, Jean-Pascal. 2001. La mortalit e chez les jeunes. Paris: PUF. Baron, Georges-Louis, Eric Bruillard, and Jean-Franc¸ois Levy. 2000. Les technologies dans la classe, de l’innovation a l’int e gration. Paris: EPI-INRP. Barthelemy, Fabrice. 2007. Professeur de FLE; historique, enjeux et perspectives. Paris, Hachette. Baudelot, Christian, and Roger Establet. 1989. Le niveau monte. R e futation d’une vieille id e e concernant la pr e tendue d e cadence de nos ecoles. Paris: Seuil. Baudier, Franc¸ois, Fabienne Bonnin, Claude Michaud, and Marie-Jose Mivervini. 1996. Approche par les pairs et sant e des adolescents. Vanves: CFES. Baudry, Pierre, Catherine Blaya, Marie Choquet, Eric Debarbieux, and Xavier Pommereau. 2000. Souffrances et violences a l’adolescence: Qu’en penser? Que faire? Issy-les-Moulineaux: ESF. Bentolila, Alain. 1996. De l’illettrisme en g e n e ral et de l’ e cole en particulier. Paris: Plon. Bonnici, Bernard. 1998. La politique de sant e en France. Paris: PUF. Bourdieu, Pierre, and Jean-Claude Passeron. 1970. La Reproduction, el e ments pour une th e orie du syst e me d’enseignement. Paris: Les Editions de Minuit. Caille, Jean-Paul. 2000. Qui sort sans qualification du systeme educatif? Ministere de l’Education nationale, DPD, Education & formations, no.57. CERC. 2004. Rapport, Les enfants pauvres en France. Paris: La Documentation franc¸aise. CERI/OECD. 1983. The Education of Minority Groups. An Enquiry into Problems and Practices of Fifteen Countries. Aldershot: Gower Press. Chapireau, Franc¸ois, Jacques Constant, and Bernard Durand. 1997. Le handicap mental chez l’enfant. Paris: ESF. Choquet Marie, and Sylvie Ledoux. 1994. Adolescents: enqu^ e te nationale. Paris: INSERM/La Documentation franc¸aise. Cicchelli-Pugeault, Catherine, and Vincenzo Cicchelli. 1998. Les th e ories sociologiques de la famille. Paris: La Decouverte. CNDP (Centre national de la documentation pedagogique). Ministere de l’education national. 2004. Guide r e publicain. Paris: Delagrave. Collard, Luc. 1998. Sports: enjeux et accidents. Paris: PUF. Coslin, Pierre. 2002. Psychologie de l’adolescent. Paris: Armand Colin. Donnat, Olivier. 1998. Les pratiques culturelles des Franc¸ais. Enqu^ e te 1997. Paris: Ministere de la Culture et de la Communication. Dubet, Franc¸ois. 2001. Les in e galit e s multipli e es, la Tour d’Aigues. Paris: editions de l’Aube. Dubet, Franc¸ois, and Marie Duru-Bellat. 2000. L’hypocrisie scolaire. Pour un coll e ge enfin d e mocratique. Paris: Seuil. Dumazedier, Joffre. 1988. R e volution culturelle du temps libre 1968–1988. Meridiens: Klincksieck. Eurostat. 2006. Theme: Population et conditions sociales. http://www.epp.eurostat. ec.europa.eu. IGAS. 2006. Rapport Immigration clandestine: une r e alit e inacceptable, une r e ponse ferme, juste et humaine, Publication du Senat. INJEP, Les jeunes de 1950 a 2000, Paris. e res. Paris: INSEE. INSEE. 2000. Portrait social. Les jeunes, contours et caract
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INSEE. 2005. Web site on theme Population. http://www.insee.fr. INSEE. 2005. Web site on theme Enseignement-education (Instruction-education). http://www.insee.fr. Langou€et, Gabriel, ed. 1997. L’Etat de l’enfance en France. Paris: Hachette. Langou€et, Gabriel, ed. 1998. Les nouvelles familles. Paris: Hachette. Langou€et, Gabriel, ed. 1999. L’enfance handicap e e. Paris: Hachette. Langou€et, Gabriel, ed. 2000. Les jeunes et les m e dias. Paris: Hachette. Langou€et, Gabriel, ed. 2001. Les jeunes et la sant e . Paris: Hachette. Langou€et, Gabriel, ed. 2003. Les oubli e s de l’ e cole. Paris: Hachette. Langou€et, Gabriel, ed. 2004. Les jeunes et leurs loisirs. Paris: Hachette. Limage, Leslie. 1986. ‘‘Adult Literacy Policy in Industrialized Countries.’’ In Comparative Education Review 30(1): 50–72. Limage, Leslie. 2001. ‘‘The purposes of schooling in France: Liberty, equality fraternity and dilemmas of individual responsibility and social control.’’ In Democratizing Education and Educating Democratic Citizens. International and Historical Perspectives, ed. Leslie Limage. New York: RoutledgeFalmer Press. Limage, Leslie. 2000. ‘‘Islamic Identity and Education: The Case of France.’’ Comparative Education 36: 73–94. Limage, Leslie. 2003. Cultural and Religious Minority Education in France: Limits to Diversity and Equality. In Peace Education and Minority Education in Pluralistic Societies, ed. Yaacov Iram . New York: Greenwood Press. Limage, Leslie. 2006. ‘‘Public Education and Muslim Identities in France.’’ Paper presented at the Symposium on The Politics of Education in the Arab World: Past Legacies, Current Challenges, Georgetown University, March 23–24, 2006. Washington, DC. Linard, Monique. 1996. Des machines et des hommes: apprendre avec les nouvelles technologies. Paris: L’Harmattan. Ministere de la Culture. 1995. Les jeunes et les sorties culturelles. Fr e quentation et image des lieux de spectacles et de patrimoine dans la population franc¸aise a^g ee de 12 a 25 ans. Paris: Ministere de la Culture. Morvan, Jean-Sebastien. 1997. Repr e sentations des situations de handicaps et d’inadaptations, CTHERHI. Paris: PUF. Observatoire Franc¸ais des Drogues et des Toxicomanies (O fdt). 2000. ‘‘Consommations de substances psychoactives chez les 14–18 ans scolarises: premiers resultats de l’enqu^ete ESPAD 1999, evolution 1993–1999,’’ Tendances, no. 6. Observatoire National de l’Action Sociale Decentralisee. 2005. Protection de l’Enfance. Observer, evaluer, pour mieux adapte nos r e ponses. Paris. Available on http://www.odas.net. Observatoire National de la Delinquance (OND). Rapport 2005. First Annual Report. Observatoire National de l’Enfance en Danger (ONED). 2006. Deuxi e me rapport annuel au Parlement et au gouvernement de l’Observatoire National de l’Enfance en Danger: Paris: ONED. O fdt (Observatoire franc¸ais des drogues et des toxicomanies). 2005. Enqu^ e te ESCAPAD. Paris: O fdt. Porcher, Louis. 2006. Les m e dias entre education et communication, Paris: Vuibert. Prost, Antoine. 1992. L’enseignement s’est-il d e mocratis e ? Paris: PUF. Public Life. 1997. La politique de la famille. http://www.vie-publique.fr./. Richet-Mastain, Lucile. 2007. Bilan d e mographique en 2006: un exc e dent naturel record. INSEE Premiere, No. 1118 January.
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Riviere, Jean-Pierre. 2001. Illettrisme, la France cach e e. Paris, Gallimard/Le Monde. Senat. 2002. Rapport de commission d’enqu^ e te sur la d e linquance des mineurs, n° 340 (2001–2002), presented on behalf of the Inquiry Commission by Jean-Claude Carle and Jean-Pierre Schosteck, presented on June 27. Paris: Senate. Singly, Franc¸ois de, ed. 1996. La Famille en questions: etat de la recherche. Paris: Syros, 1996. Thelot, Claude and Louis-Andre Vallet. 2000. ‘‘La reduction des inegalites sociales devant l’ecole depuis le debut du siecle,’’ INSEE, Economie et Statistique, no. 334. UNICEF. 2006. The State of the World’s Children. New York, UNICEF. Zaffran, Jo€el. 2000. Coll e giens, ecole et temps libre. Paris: Syros. Zay, Danielle, ed. 2005. Pr e venir l’exclusion scolaire des jeunes. Paris, Presses Universitaires de France.
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GERMANY € Doris Buhler-Niederberger and Alexandra K€ onig NATIONAL PROFILE German Family Structure in the Twentieth Century Rapid and extreme changes of political regime are characteristic of twentieth-century German history. First was the Empire, followed by the Weimar Republic, then the Third Reich, next the partition of Germany into the German Democratic Republic (the eastern part) and the German Federal Republic (the western part), and finally, a reunited Germany after 1989. Today’s institutions and situations have to be understood against this historical background. After the violence and wars in the first half of the century and the breakdown of the terror-regime of the Third Reich, families were seen as a bulwark of public order—at least in the western part of the country. The same moral credit was given to the churches, and together this formed the basis of a firm traditionalism in family politics and in the overall orientation towards
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family life. This difference still remains between Germany and comparable European countries. The family might have been judged differently, given that Adorno (1973) identified the authoritarian structure of the German family as one of the roots of fascism. And it was exactly this twofold moral enhancement of the family—that of postwar times on top of the powerful patriarchal model (overly stretched and institutionalized in family and motherhood as made sacred in the Third Reich)—that marked the collective mentality so deeply and created resistance against major changes in family life. The effects were different in the so-called ‘‘East’’ and ‘‘West’’ of Germany. The two parts of the country had a different history for more than four decades. While the western part, which had been under the influence of the Western Allies after Second World War, had adopted a capitalist and democratic order, the eastern part, under the influence of the Soviet Union, adopted a socialist order. Private, economic, political, and religious life developed in a very different way in the East, and the malebreadwinner family was not supported, either by laws or institutions or by the dominant mentality. After the breakdown of the Soviet Union, the two parts of the country were reunited in 1989. While the differences were eliminated on the level of law and institutions, they remained considerable as far as family structures and the economic participation of women were concerned. And the fundamental differences in religious orientation, collective mentality, economic development, and wealth–poverty relation in the two parts of the country persisted. Inhabitants and Demographics Germany has a population of more than 82,500,000 (2004), 91.2 percent of whom are German citizens. While the regions of the East had at the time of reunion 16.4 million inhabitants, the population diminished considerably in the following years (2001; 15.1 million), and this tendency has continued (Geissler 2002). Germany’s birth rate has been very low for decades, even compared with other European countries. Age structure is changing, with a growing percentage of elderly people and a declining percentage of children and young people (see Figure 8.1). In 2004, there were 706,000 births and € 818,000 deaths (Statistische Amter des Bundes und der L€ander 2005). The age of women at the birth of the first child is high, on average 29.4 years (Gender Datenreport 2005). The percentage of very young mothers is still very low by international standards, with only 13 in 1,000 girls giving birth to their first child under the age of nineteen (Gender Datenreport 2005). Since the 1970s, women in the West have had between 1.3 to 1.4 children on average, while in the East the birth rate declined drastically after reunion and then only recovered slowly to 1.1 children per woman after 1998 (Gender Datenreport 2005). The birth rate in the
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Figure 8.1. Age structure of Germany (Statistisches Bundesamt 2005. http://www.destatis. de/basis/d/bevoe/bevoegra2.php).
immigrant population is slightly higher but with a tendency towards the average the longer they stay in the country. However, these figures, while giving information about population development, may evoke a wrong impression of family life and the conditions of growing up. The average number of children per woman is the result of a high ratio of childless women: nearly every third woman born in 1965 is forecast to stay childless (Geissler 2002, 404). Meanwhile, German family structure remains patterned quite uniformly—especially in the West with two children, the husband as breadwinner, and the wife working outside the family only part-time, and only if the children are already older. To show it in figures: (1) While in the West, 15 percent of children under eighteen years lived with a single parent in 2003; in the East, this segment amounted to 30 percent (see Figure 8.2). But, the majority of children still live in the traditional family unit: in 2000, around 76 percent of the cohort born between 1970 and 1988 in the West and 68 percent in the East had lived with their biological and married parents up to that point—or until adulthood (Alt 2003). (2) German families are mostly two-child families (see Figure 8.3).
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Figure 8.2. Children under the age of eighteen in different family types, 1961–2003 (Kinder-und Jugendbericht 2005, p. 59).
(3) Mothers abstain from full time wage work, especially in the West (see Figure 8.4). German family sociologists speak, therefore, of the structural rigidity of the German family compared with other European countries especially Scandinavian countries (Strohmeier 2002). In the West, only 25 percent of mothers participate full-time in the labor market, even if the youngest child is already older than fifteen. In fact, women generally decide between a life of professional work without children and a family life, excluding the mother definitely from the labor market.
Figure 8.3. Siblings, children at the age of eight to nine years, and the number of siblings (2002) (Kinder-und Jugendbericht 2005, p. 62).
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Figure 8.4. Employment of women with children (2003) (Kinder-und Jugendbericht 2005, p. 64).
Socioeconomic Status (SES): Poverty, Unemployment, and Social Security Poverty risk is below the European average. Poor households are defined as those with less than 60 percent of the average income, which stands at ¼ C 938 (monthly net income per person weighted by need, i.e., age and total number of persons in household) (Armuts-und Reichtumsbericht 2005). In contrast to occasional mass media hype, homelessness in the sense of living on the street remains—with an estimated number of 5,000 to
Figure 8.5. Quota of social welfare depending on the type of household in 1980 and 2002 (Armuts-und Reichtumsbericht 2005, p. 13).
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7,000 children, juveniles, and young adults—a phenomenon that very rarely concerns chilPopulation: 82,500,000 (2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 4.08 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) dren. In reality, these children Life expectancy at birth: 78.95 years (2007 est.) move between family, foster care Literacy rate: 99 percent (2003 est.) or welfare institutions, and the Internet users: 50.616 million (2006) street, in a mixture of (partially People living with HIV/AIDS: 43,000 (2001 est.) refused) care, abandonment, and Human Poverty Index (HPI-2) rank: 6 truancy. Sources: Statistiches Bundesamt Deutschland. http:// Existential risks in the ‘‘norwww.distatis.de. July 4, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006– mal’’ lifespan are covered by Germany. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ insurances, state support, and nondata_sheets/cty_ds_DEU.html. April 26, 2007. governmental institutions, especially churches; there is a diversified system of health insurances, old-age insurances and pensions, social security, unemployment insurances, child allowances, tax allowances for families, funding and scholarships for higher and professional education, free schooling, institutions for disabled people, and so on. Two life conditions must, however, be mentioned as the main causes of dependence on welfare beyond and despite this diversified system of insurances and general support: these are prolonged joblessness and deviation from the ‘‘normal’’ biography. The unemployment rate, measured according to the concept of the International Labour Organization (ILO) amounts to 9.4 percent, and persons under twenty-five are overrepresented, with 15.5 percent jobless in this age group (Statistisches Bundesamt 2005). The financial consequences of unemployment are covered by insurance, but insurance payment is limited in amount and time, and joblessness, therefore, may end in a life on social welfare. Deviation from the traditional family pattern is the main reason for child poverty. Single mothers are a highly overrepresented category of people living on social welfare, with 26 percent compared with an overall percentage of 4 percent (see Figure 8.5), and while 8 percent of children are recipients of social welfare, more than half of those (55 percent) live with their single mothers (Kinder-und Jugendbericht 2005). As joblessness and single motherhood are the two main risks of poverty, the following groups have a low risk of impoverishment: people with employment, elderly people, and couples with two children (Armuts-und Reichtumsbericht 2005, 3). KEY FACTS – GERMANY
OVERVIEW Childhood in Germany is a phase of life that is governed and protected by law. This happens mainly on four tracks: By the efforts of the state to
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protect and to form families of a certain type, mainly families with a male breadwinner and with a wife as mother and housewife; by the exclusion of children from the labor market; by compulsory schooling; and by laws and institutions focusing on the prevention of dangers and risks children might encounter. A splitting system of taxes, introduced in 1958 and remaining more or less unchallenged since then, means considerable tax reductions for families with one breadwinner, but none if men and women earn about the same amount of money. When it was introduced, it was explicitly legitimated by the ‘‘intention behind family policies of not furthering mothers’ inclinations toward wage work and . . . with the special appreciation of women as mothers and housewives’’ (Langer-El Sayed 1980). In addition, it favors middle- and upper-class families, because tax reductions based on tax allowances for children and the tax splitting system for couples are more advantageous for higher than for lower income groups. A monthly payment for mothers who abstain from wage work (recently part-time work was admitted, too) while their children are less than three years old, together with a very insufficient day care system for children and only half-day schooling (which is universal in Germany), are additional conditions ‘‘not furthering mothers’ inclination toward wage work.’’ As such, they help create the ‘‘normal family,’’ which is evidently still taken to be the prerequisite of a protected childhood. Since the beginning of the twentieth century, children have been virtually excluded from the labor market. In 1903, a law drastically restricted child labor in general, even for family businesses. Since the end of the nineteenth century, absence from school has been punished with fines—and even the imprisonment of parents—and schooling has become universal with the exception of very special cases (today, for example, occasionally the children of refugees, if the legal status is still unclear). After the Second World War, absence from compulsory schooling was decriminalized. Today there are ten years of obligatory schooling. State schools are open for every child, and there are no school fees. For disabled children, special schools and institutions are offered by the state and private institutions (for reference, see ‘‘Education’’). Since the first half of the twentieth century, public commitment toward childhood has also involved laws and institutions protecting children from influences that might compete with the ideal of a protected and prolonged childhood. This concerns violent and sexual contents of films, literature, theater, the consumption of alcohol and cigarettes, sexual contacts with children, the protection of young people in employment, the protection of young people in public life, and so on. All these laws have been frequently revised to avoid new ‘‘dangers’’ and to afford new protections for young people. In 1989, Germany ratified the UN Convention on Children’s Rights.
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EDUCATION Educational Structures Children start school between the ages of six and seven. Figure 8.6 shows the structure of the school system. Kindergarten groups for children from three to six are mainly offered by private institutions, and in 2002 there was an overall capacity sufficient for 92 percent of children (Zahlenspiegel 2005). Attendance at kindergarten remains optional, and parents have to pay a contribution. Schools are mostly public institutions without fees. Child allowances are paid for school students and young people in education until the age of twenty-seven and below a certain parental income level there is additional state support; scholarships and extra support for university studies and professional formation may be paid by private or public institutions. Schools are organized partly by the federal German states, with considerable differences between the various states. Primary school generally lasts four years, and then pupils change to secondary school, which is divided into three tracks, with the ‘‘Hauptschule’’ as the lowest track, ‘‘Realschule’’ as a middle track, and the ‘‘Gymnasium’’ as the track that gives access to university studies if successfully completed after a total twelve or thirteen years of school attendance. In some regions of Germany, there are additional comprehensive schools, but these are quantitatively of minor importance. For disabled children, schools and institutions of special education are offered either by private or public providers, but it is important to realize that today such a schooling background offers virtually no chance of entering the labor market. Social Selectivity and Performance The main problems of the German school system are neither its quality in general nor the costs to parents seeking a thorough education for their
Figure 8.6. School system.
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children. What must be criticized are rather its early selection of pupils and the high level of social selectivity it imposes—despite free schooling and financial support. The school track a young person enters has an important impact on their life chances, given that for higher professional positions, a university degree or at least an advanced level of professional training are indispensable. These avenues are virtually closed to pupils from the ‘‘Hauptschule’’ sector, the lowest track of secondary schooling, especially if they leave without any qualification. The statistics of school careers show that upgrading from a lower track to a higher one rarely happens. The risk of becoming jobless and remaining so for a long time is clearly higher for people from a low educational track (Solga 2002). Due to early tracking, a child’s career is practically decided at the age of ten. The influence of social background on competence and educational achievement was measured in PISA 2000 and PISA 2003, internationally comparative studies of school achievement and cognitive competence of fifteen-year-old students in OECD countries. The effect of social background variables on competence was found to be especially high in Germany (PISA 2003). In 2000, there was only a 3:17 chance for a young person from a blue-collar class background to attend a Gymnasium, while the corresponding figures for a young person from the white-collar class were 1:1 (Baumert and Sch€ umer 2001). Immigrants from Turkey and former Yugoslavia have the lowest record of school success (Prenzel 2003). The results of recent internationally comparative studies have fuelled public discussion concerning the quality of educational achievement. While the PISA results show an overall attainment for fifteen-year-old students around or below the international average of OECD countries, the results for the primary sector measured in the internationally comparative study IGLU were quite favorable (Bos 2003). But in both cases, the influence of social background is high. Girls’ Educational Success Meanwhile, the disadvantages for girls—still very clear in the 1960s and 1970s—have disappeared or even changed into their opposite. At 54 percent, girls are overrepresented in the Gymnasium track, while boys dominate quantitatively in the lowest track, with 56.4 percent of male pupils in ‘‘Hauptschulen.’’ This is even true for girls with a migration background, who rank higher than boys in the respective immigrant groups (see Figure 8.7). Educational Success and Family Structure German teachers tend to believe that ‘‘normal families’’ favor students’ competence while ‘‘deviant family conditions,’’ like mothers’ wage-work and single parenting, are unfavorable (Biermann and Tillmann 2001). As teachers’ judgment about students is one of the important prerequisites for attending one of the higher tracks, their stereotypes concerning the
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Figure 8.7. Educational achievement of German and immigrant school students in 2003 in percent (Gender Datenreport 2003).
conditions of school achievement take on considerable importance. But PISA 2000 shows that such teacher beliefs are erroneous and remain so, despite the eventually self-fulfilling prophecy effect that they might have. Three indicators of family structure have been considered: single parenting, the number of siblings, and mother’s wage-work. None of these shows a significant influence in the expected direction (PISA 2000). PLAY AND RECREATION The long and protected childhood in school and family offers ample opportunities for leisure time activities and play. Public and private institutions provide playgrounds especially in towns, and 35 percent of children mention using them ‘‘frequently’’ (DJI Kinderpanel 2004). Opportunities for various sports, like football, ice hockey, swimming, or tennis are also offered and in a recent survey in North Rhine-Westphalia (the state with the biggest population) 62 percent of children between ten and eighteen said that sports are their most favored leisure time activity (Zinnecker 2002). Public and private institutions also provide opportunities for cultural activities, such as public libraries, music schools, theaters, and concerts for children. While there is a minority of children, children as a whole use such cultural facilities more often than adults (Zinnecker 2002). Although many cultural and sports facilities are publicly supported, they are mostly not free. In urban areas, such activities are available within walking distance or can be reached on public transport, for children living in the suburbs or in rural areas, they are mostly more distant, which means that the children have to be driven in private cars, mostly by their mothers. The availability of time and money is probably one of the reasons why children of higher social classes mention more often, that they share
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leisure time activities with their parents, and in general more time spent together. In a large-scale survey of eight- to nine-year-olds, children from low-income families rarely or never mentioned shared family activities like watching television, doing sports, going to a movie or to the theater with their parents, or playing video games with a family member, and so on. The difference is especially high as regards excursions or trips, and girls from low-income families are the most underprivileged. While only one in four girls from such families mentions making trips regularly with her mother, over 40 percent of boys and girls of higher income families do so (DJI Kinderpanel 2004). Excursions and trips are a middle- and higher middle-class phenomenon. A quarter of boys and girls from low income families state that they have never enjoyed this privilege—neither with their family nor with friends nor alone—while the corresponding figure for children of highincome families is only 12 percent. Meanwhile, lower-class children are more frequently on public playgrounds (50 percent use these frequently compared with only 20 percent of children from higher-income families). And they watch television more frequently alone (DJI Kinderpanel 2004). This means that they are probably free to choose the program, and in playgrounds they may be without surveillance. The children of middle-class families on the other hand are under the control of their parents when they make their trips and excursions and in shared leisure time activities. Middle-class children also may miss the independence and autonomy that their lower-class peers enjoy. But the findings concerning school success show that this protected childhood with much parental time invested is the successful preparation for higher social status (for reference, see ‘‘Education’’). Children are generally quite well equipped to pass their leisure time. Favorite leisure time activities are watching television, which 95 percent of children spend a considerable amount of time doing (see Figure 8.8),
Figure 8.8. Minutes of watching television per day on average (Kinder-und Jugendbericht 2005, p. 643).
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or listening to music, which is one of the ‘‘most favorite activities’’ of 43 percent of children between ten and eighteen years old. Computer and the Internet is one of the ‘‘most favorite activities’’ of 34 percent of children of this age group (Zinnecker 2002) and use of computers and the Internet is still increasing in recent years (see Figure 8.9). Thirty-six percent of children have their own television at age eleven and 81 percent at the age of fifteen (DJI Kinderpanel 2004), and most children have their own room to watch it in (Zinnecker 2002). However, a pet is an important aspect of modern childhood in addition to technical equipment. In the North Rhine-Westphalia survey, over 60 percent of children owned a pet and declared it ‘‘very important,’’ especially to ‘‘have a laugh’’ with it and to share secrets (Zinnecker 2002). CHILD LABOR Up to the age of fifteen—or rather till the completion of full-time compulsory education (mostly ending at seventeen)—child labor is forbidden on principle by the Protection of Young Persons at Work Act of 1976 (revised in 2000) and the Children’s Work Protection Decree of 1998. Some exceptions are conceded: children under thirteen are allowed to take part in artistic performances, if they obtain official permission. Children over thirteen are allowed to work a maximum of two hours daily, children in rural family business three hours daily, but the law insists that there should be no conflict with school requirements. The law even regulates working hours of minors in a youth-specific way after completion of compulsory education. Accordingly, juveniles up to the age of eighteen are not allowed to work longer than eight hours a day or forty hours a week, and night and Sunday working is restricted. But as the authors’ ongoing research on professional formation in crafts and trades shows, this may be ignored by the employer due to economic circumstances.
Figure 8.9. Development of the use of Internet and computer (Kinder-und Jugendbericht 2005: 642).
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Exclusion from the labor market is—historically speaking—the starting point for a long and protected childhood, although children themselves may oppose such protection, which separates them so clearly from the adult status and privilege of earning and spending their own money and participating in what is perhaps the highest valued part of the social world: the economy. A considerable proportion of children have experience of small paid jobs despite the prohibitive laws. The figures mentioned in different surveys are quite diverse, probably due to a different understanding of ‘‘paid work.’’ They vary between 50 percent of children stating that they already have small paid jobs at the age of fourteen (DFG-Forschungsprojekt 2005) and 40 percent of juveniles age seventeen having no experience of paid work (Schneider and Wagner 2004). A youth survey in North Rhine-Westphalia found 33 percent of school-children between fourteen and eighteen working in small jobs, the average working time being five hours a week (SizeSiegener Zentrum f€ ur Kindheits 2005). Interestingly enough, children from families with higher income and higher parental education mention more often take small paid jobs, and ‘‘working children’’ show no worse school achievement than their nonworking peers (Schneider and Wagner 2004). The problem, therefore, does not lie in the detrimental effect of such jobs, even for school, but rather in the fact that they inhabit a twilight zone where payment and remuneration are uncontrolled and show considerable variation (DFG-Forschungsprojekt 2005). FAMILY Family Structure Families in Germany are mostly two-generation families. In less than 1 percent of households, three or more generations—grandparents, parents, and children—live together (DJI 2005). Parents and children are, therefore, the central unit of private life, also economically. Their own income, state support like child allowances, tax allowances, extra support during the first years of the child, and so on, and the additional support from the older generation are usually a sufficient basis for a life without poverty, as long as families do not deviate from the pattern of the ‘‘normal family’’ (see Figure 8.5). As we already mentioned, family policy—with its support of the ‘‘normal family’’ and its lack of day-care institutions—factually favors the model of the male-breadwinner family. Women with children have, therefore, worse chances on the labor market, and international comparisons show an extremely high gap between male and female wages (WSIFrauenDatenReport 2005). Family Life The particularities of the state support system, public facilities, and labor market conditions, which all conserve gender inequality, are the
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framework in which family life takes place and that structure the life chances of men and women and provide the orientation of the next generation. There is a clear division of labor between men and women, in which the responsibility and workload for the household and children are attributed to women and responsibility for the family income mostly to men. This division occurs as soon as there are children in the family. Even if the wife also works outside the home, she does not get additional support in household duties and childcare from her husband. She may be supported by paid domestic help, evidenced by the fact that she reduces her own time investment in the household from more than seven hours daily to five, but she remains clearly more burdened by the duties of household and child care than the husband (Figure 8.10). When children get older, the division turns out to be even more traditional, as husbands now reduce their time investment in child care much more than women (K€ unzler 2001). As the husband is responsible for wage work and income, a woman’s decision to have a second child will depend on the income chances of her husband, even women with a high education follow this pattern. This traditional way of making such a decision differentiates women in Germany from women in France, who decide according to their own chances and plans (K€ oppen 2003.). Future orientations of boys and girls show that this pattern has also been internalized by the next generation. Boys and girls entering professional formation already favor the traditional division of labor as the solution for their own generation’s future family life (see Figure 8.11). But once again there is a clear difference between the West and the East, where the male-breadwinner family has less validity as normative pattern and reality. All in all, this means that despite educational success, and despite laws of gender mainstreaming, there remain clear differences as to
Figure 8.10. Division of labor in families (Statistisches Bundesamt 2003, ‘‘Wo bleibt die Zeit. Die Zeitverwendung der Bev€ olkerung in Deutschland,’’ p. 15).
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Figure 8.11. Future orientations of boys and girls (Mona Granato, and Karin Schittenhelm 2003, ‘‘Wege in eine berufliche Ausbildung Berufsorientierung, Strategien und Chancen junger Frauen an der ersten Schwelle.’’ http://www.sowi-online.de/reader/ berufsorientierung/granato-schittenhelm.htm).
the chances for an individualized biography: girls remain confronted with a decision either for children or a career. Meanwhile, generational relations have changed in a way that has sometimes been summarized under the catchword of ‘‘command household’’ to ‘‘negotiation household.’’ This may be an exaggeration of the real changes in educational patterns, but a measurable change has nevertheless occurred in the attitudes and practices of parents, who now insist less one-sidedly on obedience than in the 1970s, and place increasing emphasis on the importance of their children’s autonomy and free decision (Ecarius 2002). Consequently, juveniles seem to be happier with their parents than ever before. In the representative survey by Shell in 2002, almost 70 percent affirm that they would bring their children up in more or less the same way as they were brought up by their parents, and nearly 90 percent said that they get along with their parents well. And children between ten and eighteen cite their mothers as the most important female model in their life, while the father is only mentioned in second position as male model, after a famous sports personality (Deutsche Shell 2002; Zinnecker 2002).
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Children are becoming more important and central in their families. This is at least a common assumption of German social scientists, although there are few really measurable facts to verify this assumption. But the catch phrase ‘‘parenthood versus partnership’’ has already been coined for the downside of such a development, which might well be that the couple with its clear inequality may be additionally weakened by the increasingly central position of children in the family (Tyrell and Herlth 1994). Divorce The divorce rate is continuously rising but still lower than in the United States or Russia. In one year, there are actually 2.6 divorces per 1,000 inhabitants (see Figure 8.12). This reflects an estimated rate of more than 40 percent of existing marriages ending in divorce. Women more often initiate divorce than men, with 56 percent of divorces sought by women in the West and 62 percent in the East (Gender Datenreport 2005). After divorce, most children live with their mothers. In the West, there are five times more single mothers than single fathers and in the East almost six times more (Gender Datenreport 2005), and a new law of 1998 did not change much. This law eliminated differences between children born and/or living in and out of wedlock and institutionalized shared child custody between fathers and mothers as the regular solution after divorce as well. Men are obliged to provide financial support for their former wives and their children after divorce, and the ‘‘exploited
Figure 8.12. Divorces per 1,000 inhabitants (Gender Datenreport 2003, BMFSFJ. http://www.bmfsfj.de).
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man’’ is a current topic in the mass media, but statistics show that women have a higher loss of available income after divorce than men, especially if the number of people living in the household is taken into consideration. Half of divorced women have an income loss in the year following divorce of 27 percent (if members in the household are taken into account), while the respective figure for half of the men is only 4 percent (Andreß 2005; Andreß 2003). Women’s income loss is not adequately compensated by maintenance payments, and only half of former husbands pay regularly the full amount due. Public support then compensates this shortfall, but the high number of single mothers living in poverty was mentioned earlier. Despite this, women seem to be happier after divorce and judge their situation to have improved, as a recent survey shows (Andreß). HEALTH General health provision and the overall state of health is good compared to other countries. For example the under-five mortality rate is quite low, according to WHO, and the probability of a child born in 2003 dying before the age of five is around 5 per 1000 live births (World Health Organization 2005). Nine regular medical checkups before school age (6þ) are intended to determine whether children deviate from normal development. Physicians strongly recommend to parents that children should undergo these regular preventive examinations, which are free. Besides, the health insurance organizations send recalls to parents for these examinations and cover the costs of some basic vaccinations, for example those against tetanus, diphtheria, and polio. Health insurance is almost universal, officially only 0.3 percent of inhabitants are without such coverage. Even if this figure has been slightly increasing in recent years, health provision remains good and widespread (Frankfurter Rundschau 2005). Nevertheless, social inequality influences the state of health among the inhabitants: there is a social gradient of infant mortality, and also of accidents and injuries, although the connections are not striking. Birth weight is lower for children from underprivileged families than from more privileged ones—this may have an unfavorable effect on the metabolism, for example. Later in their childhood, underprivileged children suffer more often from overweight, headaches, severe asthma, and tooth decay. Empirical research shows the lower the level of education, the higher the risk of potentially unhealthy behavior (Siegrist 2002). But when speaking about the German health system one should be aware of a tendency towards the erection of arbitrary behavioral norms. Minor forms of behavior and development deviancy are sometimes declared pathological when they might just as well be considered common (and in any case frequent) childish behavior, however disturbing and
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bothering in an educational context. This is the downside of a well-developed care system that also constitutes an important and fast growing job market for the therapeutic and diagnostic professions. For example the number of children diagnosed (and undergoing therapy) for hyperkinesis, attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, dyslexia, and behavioral disorder grew rapidly in the second half of the twentieth century and remains high today (B€ uhler-Niederberger 2005). Hyperkinesis is one of the most frequently diagnosed child ‘‘disorders,’’ and once again children from lower-class backgrounds are more often labeled with this sort of ‘‘soft’’ diagnosis of intellectual retardation or behavioral disturbance, implying a medical generalization of middle-class standards and deviation from these (Kinder-und Jugendbericht 2005). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Young people under eighteen years of age, the age of majority, are not subject to criminal law. For those under the age of fourteen, there is no criminal responsibility at all, due to the general assumption, that these children cannot be guilty in the sense of the law. Between fourteen and eighteen years of age, they are subject to the Penal Law Relating to Young Offenders. The difference between criminal law and criminal law for juveniles concerns the punishment imposed. While adults can be punished with imprisonment or fines, the criminal law for juveniles is oriented towards education. ‘‘Punishment’’ may therefore be participation in a social behavior training or reparation work or cleaning up in cases of vandalism. In cases of repeated criminality, more severe punishments may be imposed, ending up in de facto imprisonment as a last resort. But even in these cases, there remains a difference regarding the duration of imprisonment, with a maximum length of ten years. Up to the age of twenty-one and depending on their maturity, young people may still enjoy the leniency and educational orientation of juvenile criminal law. Young people get special judges in any case, and these judges have to be experienced in educational affairs. The insight and repentance of the convicted criminals are more important than for adults in deciding punishment. Special institutions for juveniles are chosen as far as these are available. Police statistics for 2004 show 17.4 percent of suspected persons under eighteen in the group of German suspected persons, while the corresponding figure in the group of foreigners is 13 percent (Bundeskriminalamt 2004). The figure rose until 1999 and has remained constant since, but is difficult to interpret for demographic reasons, police strategies, and so on. The most frequent offense in the age group of children under fourteen is shoplifting, while severe offenses like robbery are rare. Besides the earlier-mentioned Penal Law Relating to Young Offenders, there are other laws aimed at children’s protection and education. An
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‘‘Act Concerning the Protection of Young People in Public’’ has been in force for some decades and was revised again in 2003 (for reference, see ‘‘Overview’’). A new Child and Youth Services Act was passed in 1990 and was an attempt to regulate the interventions of social workers and foster care providers over and above pure social disciplining, with the overall goal of education and individual development. In 1989, Germany ratified the UN Convention on Children’s Rights. RELIGIOUS LIFE Religious life is mainly Christian, with nearly one-third of Germany’s population regarding themselves as Catholic, nearly one-third as Protestant, and nearly one-third not an official member of either of these two big Christian churches, but frequently of Christian background. Only a few citizens belong to other religions, the largest groups being Muslims (4 percent) and Jewish (0.25 percent). Constitutional law guarantees freedom of religion and while the general age of majority is eighteen, minors are already accorded religious majority at the age of fourteen. The Catholic and Protestant churches have considerable influence on public life; they are prominent voices in public debate and represented in educational institutions, social welfare and service institutions, consultation processes during political decision-making, and scheduling of public holidays and working days. Religious symbols like crucifixes, religious paintings, and the ringing of church bells are more or less present in public places and educational institutions; there are considerable differences in these aspects of religious presence and mentality, for instance, between the states of the former German Democratic Republic on the one hand, where they are rare or even entirely absent, and rural regions of southern Germany on the other, where they are most prominent. Children are, therefore, confronted with religion—especially in the version of the two established Christian churches—early in life, at least in the ‘‘West,’’ where churches offer more than 50 percent of kindergarten places (Zahlenspiegel 2005). Religious education is a regular school subject even by Constitutional Law (§7) and is the only school subject mentioned in Constitutional Law. Religious school education is organized separately according to religious denomination. Children may be dispensed from the subject on parental request, or on their own decision after the age of fourteen. Many schools start and end the school year with religious celebrations that may then cross religious denominations. In the states of the East, there is intense public debate about the replacement of Christian religious education with ‘‘ethics’’ that would grant equal attention to different religions, convictions, and philosophies, and foster tolerance and open ways of addressing questions of universal relevance. Important passages of family life and the individual biography are structured or accompanied by religious ceremonies such as christening,
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confirmation, first communion, marriage, and funerals. The calendar of family feasts is defined by the Christian religion: Easter and Christmas are occasions in which families celebrate their belonging together in the mirror and symbolic glory of religious elements. Children are important actors in the scenery of these feasts; they are given presents, but are expected to contribute with longing and happiness and in this way to give splendor and joy to the event. This is even true for nonreligious families and is fostered and sustained by commercial interests. Easter and Christmas without the family, or a family without at least some sort of celebration of Easter and Christmas would be an offense against a collective mentality. As far as the convictions and daily practices of young people are concerned, according to the results of a recent survey in North Rhine-Westphalia, 44 percent of Catholic juveniles between the ages of ten and eighteen years mention praying regularly or occasionally, with Protestants and Muslims being 34 percent and 70 percent, respectively. Among young Catholics, 22 percent declare themselves religiously ‘‘convinced,’’ the figures for Protestants and Muslims being 13 percent and 66 percent, respectively (Zinnecker 2002). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT In 2002, Germany’s legislators enacted a right of children to a nonviolent education (German Civil Code §1631 section ‘‘overview’’). As a result, corporal punishment, mental injury, and other demeaning practices are liable to prosecution. Offenses and crimes committed against children and their punishment are governed by Criminal Law: for example neglect of the obligation to care (§171), abuse, bodily harm, and killing of children (§§221–229), violation, sexual harassment, and sexual abuse of minors (Sexual Criminal Law §§174–184). Abuse, in the sense of torture, severe abuse, and willful neglect, being harmful to health, are punished with imprisonment of not less than six months (§225). The law concerning sexual abuse punishes any sexual activity with children under the age of fourteen years with at least six months’ imprisonment. If the child is physically impaired or even his/her life endangered, the punishment will be at least five years imprisonment. Punishment was legally increased in recent years. Criminal statistics show that children and juveniles are not overrepresented, rather a little underrepresented, as victims of severe offenses: thirty-eight children were murdered in Germany in 2004, which means that less than 10 percent of murder victims were under the age of fourteen years old. With manslaughter, less than 13 percent of the victims were children, with sixty-one children under fourteen killed by manslaughter in 2004. Juveniles (between fourteen and eighteen) have, however, become the most endangered group as regards sexual offenses and are slightly overrepresented as victims of mugging.
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But police statistics on severe crimes and offenses are only one indicator measuring violence against children. The estimated number of unknown cases is much higher, and experts suggest a figure of one in four of all children as victims of considerable or frequent violence, and 10 percent as victims of massive violence (Pfeiffer 1999). According to the UNICEF report, based on an analysis of the World Health Organization (WHO), two children die from abuse and neglect every week. The mortality rate for children under one year of age is assumed to be disproportionately high. As a result of this report, a discussion is ongoing to make regular and preventive medical examinations (see ‘‘Health’’) compulsory to recognize child abuse early and to prevent it (UNICEF Innocenti Centre 2003). There is no duty for medical doctors and psychologists to report cases, as they remain bound by professional secrecy so long as there is no serious danger to the life and health of children or young people. There are special institutions for child victims either for short-term or long-term interventions. But many experts complain that official investigators and judges take insufficient account of children’s situations. Some but not all German states have specialized commissioners in police criminal investigations departments. Children may have to give evidence several times at different stages of the criminal process and be confronted with the perpetrator and this can generate serious stress. Videotaping of children’s statements, which might avoid this problem, is rarely admitted by the courts. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Childhood in Germany is in general not endangered by poverty or by severe shortcomings in the educational institutions, laws, state support, or medical care protecting it. Nevertheless, in a complex society there may be new conditions and structural realignments creating deficient childhoods in certain groups at the margins of society—groups for which the public attention concentrated on ‘‘normal childhood’’ may sometimes not be ensured. But such severely deprived or endangered childhoods remain singular or rare cases, although they may turn into a political issue from time to time and a scandal topic for the mass media. The problem in a country with an institutionalized and highly valued protected childhood has to be identified rather in the very notion of such a ‘‘normal childhood’’ as a guideline for legal and institutional development. Normal childhood is intrinsically bound to social inequality, which is not only inequality of social origin but also of gender, as we have shown throughout our text—and although this concerns mothers in the first place, it also concerns girls and boys and their biographical orientation. Normal childhood is a concept that also fits badly into an individualized society because of the inequality of the age groups, which it
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demarcates so clearly. In this generational order, children are the objects of adult protection and surveillance, and not only of their parents, but of professionals and institutions with their own vision and their own professional market interests and ambitions. Protection and surveillance may be overwhelming and interfere with children’s autonomy and individuality, as was shown with the example of the pathology of minor behavioral deviancy, and of labor protection laws becoming bothersome for juveniles. Another example that should be mentioned here is the new law on shared custody after divorce, which has more or less eliminated children’s right to decide about their family constellation after their parent’s divorce—a capacity they enjoyed under the former law. The law was changed as a consequence of the UN Convention on Children’s Rights. Normative thinking, overprotection, and incapacitation are the problems of normal childhood in modern German society, and they are in various ways intermingled with old inequalities. This will be the imperative for childhood in the coming decades: to find a balance between protection and the right to an individual biography and full participation in society, for children, women, and men. Some precision may be added: A family policy beyond the traditional family pattern has to be found and might easily be financed by the sums now spent on fostering the male-breadwinner family. Protective laws have to be reconsidered, at least for the age group of juveniles, to offer rights to participate in the formation of their own biography instead of protection oriented towards an adult vision of normal childhood. Processes of social selection in the educational system have to be studied and institutional efforts taken to remedy them. These are some of the important next steps in shaping childhood.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Baumert, J€ urgen, Cordula Artelt, Eckhard Klieme, Michael Neubrand, Manfred Prenzel, Ulrich Schiefele, Wolfgang Schneider, Klaus-J€ urgen Tillmann, and Manfred Weiß, ed. 2002. Pisa 2000 - Die L€ a nder der Bundesrepublik Deutschland im Vergleich. Opladen: Leske & Budrich. B€ uhler-Niederberger, Doris. 2005. Kindheit und die Ordnung der Verh€ altnisse. M€ unchen: Juventa. Bundesministerium f€ ur Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend, ed. 2005. 12. Kinderund Jugendbericht. http://www.bmfsfj.de/doku/kjb. Bundesministerium f€ ur Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend, ed. 2005. Zukunft Familie: Ergebnisse aus dem 7. Familienbericht. http://www.bmfsfj.de/Kategorien/ Forschungsnetz/forschungsberichte,did¼48866.html. Deutsches Jugendinstitut. 2004. Kinderpanel, 1. Welle. http://www.dji.de/cgi-bin/ projekte/output.php?projekt¼71.
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Geissler, Rainer. 2002. Die Sozialstruktur Deutschlands. 3rd rev. ed. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag. Larass, Petra, ed. 2000. Kindsein kein Kinderspiel. Das Jahrhundert des Kindes (1900–1999). Halle: Franckesche Stiftung. Zinnecker, J€ urgen, Imbke Behnken, Sabine Maschke, and Ludwig Stecher. 2002. Null Zoff and Voll Busy. Die erste Jugendgeneration des neuen Jahrhunderts. Opladen: Leske and Budrich.
Web Sites Deutsches Jugendinstitut, http://www.dji.de. The German Youth Institute (DJI) is the largest non-university social science research institute in Germany, studying the situation of children, youth, and women. Max-Planck-Institut f€ ur Bildungsforschung, http://www.mpib-berlin.mpg.de. Multidisciplinary research institute on education. Statistisches Bundesamt Deutschland. Datenbank, http://www.destatis.de. Most important statistics of the country. Size–Siegener Zentrum f€ ur Kindheits-, Jugend und Biografieforschung. http:// www.size-siegen.de. Size is a research institute dedicated to the study of children, adolescents and their families. Wassilios, Fthenakis E., and Martin R. Textor. 2005. Das Online Familienhandbuch. http://www.familienhandbuch.de. Online handbook of family life and the bringing up of children. World Health Organization. Child and Adolescent Health and Development, http://www.who.int/child-adolescent-health.
Organizations and NGOs Arbeitsgemeinschaft f€ ur Jugendhilfe (AGJ) Child and Youth Welfare Association M€ uhlendamm 3 10178 Berlin Phone: 49 (0) 30 400 40-200 Web site: http://www.agj.de Research and development concerning welfare. Bundesministerium f€ ur Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend. 11018 Berlin Phone: 01888-555-0 Web site: http://www.bmfsfj.de Ministry of family, seniors, women and youth.
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Deutsches Jugendinstitut e.V. Nockherstr. 2 81541 M€ unchen Phone: þ49 (0) 89 62306 Web site: http://www.dji.de The German Youth Institute (DJI) is the largest non-university social science research institute in Germany, studying the situation of children, youth, and women. Deutscher Kinderschutzbund Bundesverband e.V. Bundesgesch€aftsstelle Hin€ uberstr. 8 30175 Hannover Phone: 49 (0) 511 30 485-0 Web site: http://www.dksb.de Nonprofit association of child protection.
Selected Bibliography Adorno, Theodor W. 1973. Studien zum autorit€ a ren Charakter. Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp. Alt, Christian. 2003. Wandel familialer Lebensverh€altnisse minderj€ahriger Kinder in € Zeiten der Pluralisierung. In Partnerschaft und Familiengrundung. DJI: Familien-Survey 11, Ed. Walter Bien and Jan H. Marbach. Opladen: Leske & Budrich, 219–44. Andreß, Hans-J€ urgen, Barbara Borgloh, and Miriam G€ ullner. 2005. Die Zahlungs€ € moral l€ a sst zu wunschen ubrig. http://www.uni-bielefeld.de/Universitaet/ Einrichtungen/Zentrale%20Institute/IWT/FWG/Scheidung/zahlungsmoral. html. Andreß, Hans-J€ urgen, Barbara Borgloh, Miriam G€ ullner, and Katja Wilking. 2003. € Wenn aus Liebe rote Zahlen werden. Uber die wirtschaftlichen Folgen von Trennung und Scheidung. Wiesbaden: Westdeutscher Verlag. Armuts-und Reichtumsbericht. 2005. Bundesministerium f€ ur Gesundheit. http:// www.bmgs.bund.de. p. 3. Baumert, J€ urgen, and Gundel Sch€ umer. 2001. Famili€are Lebensverh€altnisse, Bildungsbeteiligung und Kompetenzerwerb. In PISA 2000-Basiskompetenzen von € € Schulerinnen und Schulern im internationalen Vergleich. Ed. Deutsches PISAKonsortium Opladen: Leske & Budrich, 323–407. Biermann, Christine, and Klaus-J€ urgen Tillmann. 2001. Der Lehrerblick aufs Eltern€ haus. In Familie–Schulerheft 2000, Ed. Gerold Becker et al. Velber: Friedrich, 114–117. Bos, Wilfried, Eva-Maria Lankes, Manfred Prenzel, Knut Schwippert, Gerd Walther, and Renate Valtin. 2003. Erste Ergebnisse aus IGLU. M€ unster: Waxmann. B€ uhler-Niederberger, Doris. 2005. Kindheit und die Ordnung der Verh€ altnisse. M€ unchen: Juventa. Bundeskriminalamt, ed. 2004. Polizeiliche Kriminalstatistik. http://www.bka.de/ pks/pks2004/index2.html.
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Bundesministerium f€ ur Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend. 2005. Gender Datenreport. http://www.bmfsfj.de/publikation/genderreport/0-einleitung.html. Bundesministerium f€ ur Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend. 2005. 12. Kinderund Jugendbericht. http://www.bmfsfj.de/doku/kjb/doku/data. Bundesministerium f€ ur Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend. 2005. Zahlenspiegel 2005, Kindertagesbetreuung im Spiegel der Statistik. http://www.bmfsfj.de/ publikationen/zahlenspiegel2005/root.html. Bundesministerium f€ ur Gesundheit. 2005. Armuts- und Reichtumsbericht. http:// www.bmgs.bund.de. Deutsche Shell, ed. 2002. Jugend 2002. Zwischen pragmatischem Idealismus und robustem Materialismus. Frankfurt: S. Fischer. DFG-Forschungsprojekt an der TU Berlin. 2005. ‘‘Kinder und Arbeit,’’ Beatrice Hungerland, and Manfred Liebel. http://www.kinder-arbeit.de. DJI. 2004. Kinderpanel, 1. Welle. http://www.cgi.dji.de/cgi-bin/projekte/ output.php?projekt¼71. DJI. 2005. Familie im Spiegel der amtlichen Statistik, Kommentierter Datenreport. http://cgi.dji.de/cgi-bin/projekte/output.php?projekt¼374&Jump1¼LINKS& Jump2¼8#122. Ecarius, Jutta. 2002. Familienerziehung im historischen Wandel. Opladen: Leske & Budrich. Frankfurter Rundschau Online. 2005. http://www.fr-aktuell.de/ressorts/nachrichten_ und_politik/nachrichten/?cnt¼766605. Geissler, Rainer. 2002. Die Sozialstruktur Deutschlands. 3rd rev. ed. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag. Gender Datenreport, Bundesministerium f€ ur Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend, 2005. http://www.bmfsfj.de/publikation/genderreport/0-einleitung. html. Hungerland, Beatrice, and Manfred Liebel. 2005. Kinder und Arbeit. DFG-Forschungsprojekt an der TU Berlin. http://www.kinder-arbeit.de. Kinder-und Jugendbericht, Bundesministerium f€ ur Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend. 2005. http://www.bmfsfj.de/doku/kjb/doku/data. K€ oppen, Katja. The Compatibility Between Work and Family Life—an Empirical Study of Second Birth Risks in West Germany and France, MPIDR Working Paper WP 2004–015, May 2004. http://www.demogr.mpg.de/Papers/Working/ wp-2004-015.pdf. € Kreyenfeld, Michaela, and Johannes Huinink. 2003. Der Ubergang zum ersten und € zweiten Kind. In Partnerschaft und Familiengrundung. DJI: Familien-Survey 11, edited by Walter Bien and Jan H. Marbach. Opladen: Leske & Budrich, pp. 43–64. K€ unzler, Jan, Wolfgang Walter, Elisabeth Reichart, and Gerd Pfister. 2001. Gender Division of Labour in Unified Germany. Tilburg: Tilburg University Press. Langer-El Sayed, Ingrid. 1980. Familienpolitik. Frankfurt a.M.: Fischer. Pfeiffer, Christian, Peter Wetzels, and Dirk Enzmann. 1999. Innerfamilia€re Gewalt gegen Kinder und Jugendliche und ihre Auswirkungen. Forschungsbericht Nr. 80. Kriminologisches Forschungsinstitut Niedersachsen. PISA. 2000. Die L€ a nder der Bundesrepublik Deutschland im Vergleich. http:// www.mpib-berlin.mpg.de/pisa/PISA-E_Vertief_Zusammenfassung2.pdf. PISA. 2003. Ergebnisse des zweiten internationalen Vergleichs, edited by PISA-Konsortium Deutschland. http://pisa.ipn.uni-kiel.de/Ergebnisse_PISA_2003.pdf.
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Prenzel, Manfred, J€ urgen Baumert, Werner Blum, Rainer Lehmann, Detlev Leutner, Michael Neubrand, Reinhard Pekrun, Hans-G€ unther Rolff, J€ urgen Rost, and Ulrich Schiefele, eds. 2004. PISA 2003. Der Bildungsstand der Jugendlichen in Deutschland–Ergebnisse des zweiten internationalen Vergleichs. M€ unster: Waxmann. Schneewind, Klaus A., and Stefan Ruppert. 1995. Familien gestern und heute: ein € Generationenvergleich uber 16 Jahre. M€ unchen: Quintessenz, MMV Medizin Verlag. Schneider, Thorsten and Gert G. Wagner. 2004. Jobben von Jugendlichen beeintr€ achtigt weder Schulleistungen noch Freizeit. DIW@school, 1, 6-7. http:// www.hamburger-illustrierte.de/content/htm/tic/2004/07/27/diw_at_school_ 2004_1.pdf. Siegrist, Johannes. 2002. Gef€ a hrdete Gesundheit bei sozial benachteiligten Kindern und Jugendlichen: Was wissen wir, was k€ onnen wir tun? http://www.gesund heitliche-chancengleichheit.de/?uid¼38f980f7ecacdce3b672bad9e9f83642&id¼ main8. Size-Siegener Zentrum f€ ur Kindheits-, Jugend und Biografieforschung. 2005. Lernen, Bildung, Partizipation. Die Perspektive der Kinder und Jugendlichen. http://www.size-siegen.de. Solga, Heike. 2002. Stigmatization by negative selection. European Sociological Review 18(2): 159–78. € Statistische Amter des Bundes und der L€ander. 2005. http://www.statistik-portal. de/Statistik-Portal/de_jb01_jahrtab2.asp. Statistisches Bundesamt. Pressemitteilung vom 1. M€ arz 2005, ILO-Arbeitsmarktstatistik Januar 2005. http://www.destatis.de/presse/deutsch/pm2005/p0890031. htm. Steinbach, Anja. 2004. ‘‘Wie Paare sich die Arbeit teilen.’’ In Das Online Familienhandbuch, ed. Wassilios E. Fthenakis and Martin R. Textor. http://www.familienhandbuch.de/cmain/f_Fachbeitrag/a_Familienforschung/s_1281. html. Strohmeier, Klaus-Peter. 2002. ‘‘Family Policy–How Does It Work?’’ In Family Policies and Family Life in Europe, ed. Franz-Xaver Kaufmann. New York: Oxford University Press, 321–62. Tyrell, Hartmann, and Alois Herlth. 1994. Partnerschaft versus Elternschaft. In Abschied von der Normalfamilie?, ed. Alois Herlth, Ewald-Johannes Brunner, Hartmann Tyrell, and J€ urgen Kriz. Heidelberg: Springer, 1–15. UNICEF Innocenti Centre. 2003. A League Table of Child Maltreatment Deaths in Rich Nations. http://www.unicef.de/fileadmin/content_media/presse/foto material/Kndesmisshandlung/Innocenti_Report_Card_5-Child_Maltreatment_ Deaths_2003.pdf. World Health Organization. 2005. Child and Adolescent Health and Development. http://www.who.int/child-adolescent-health/OVERVIEW/CHILD_HEALTH/ Mortality_Rates_03.pdf. WSI-FrauenDatenReport, Hans B€ ockler Stiftung. 2005. http://www.boeckler.de/ cps/rde/xchg/SID3D0AB75D-789EF9C9/hbs/hs.xsl/509_57643.html.
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Zahlenspiegel 2005. Kindertagesbetreuung im Spiegel der Statistik, Bundesministerium f€ ur Familie, Senioren, Frauen und Jugend. http://www.bmfsfj.de/ publikationen/zahlenspiegel2005/root.html. Zinnecker, J€ urgen, Imbke Behnken, Sabine Maschke, and Ludwig Stecher. 2002. Null Zoff & Voll Busy. Opladen: Leske & Budrich.
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HUNGARY Eszter Szu†cs NATIONAL PROFILE Social and Economic Information The Austro-Hungarian Empire collapsed after World War I, when Hungary lost two-thirds of its territory, one-third of its population, a large part of its industry, and all its access to the sea. World War II, fought in a large measure to recover these heavy losses, left the country under Soviet domination. Following the 1956 uprising and the decline of the socialist state beginning in the 1980s, the country adopted a milder form of socialism, which collapsed in 1989. Due partially to these changes, Hungary was among the first of the transition countries (henceforth region) to join the OECD in 1996 and accede to the European Union (EU) in 2004. Shock therapy as a means of economic transformation was adopted because of the country’s relatively developed infrastructure, advanced and low-cost human resource capacities, the proximity of extensive export markets, and the fear of communist backlash tendencies. It involved simultaneous decentralization, price, trade, and labor market liberalization, privatization, and industrial restructuring. The immediate consequence was a drastic drop in gross domestic product (GDP), which reached its lowest point in
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1992 and recovered to 1989 levels in 2000 (UNICEF forthcoming). The largest part of extra income is diverted towards debt relief (Gal et al. 2003). Employment of Women and Men In spite of improved macroeconomic circumstances, living standards have not risen, above all because industrial restructuring, from socialism’s artificially full employment to more profitable strategies, meant the decline in employment opportunities. While previously largely unknown, unemployment, of which now about half is long-term, has risen, with only a slight moderation since the economic upturn (UNICEF 2004a, 2001). The share of job loss among women has increased, hence eroding socialism’s high rate of female labor force participation (UNICEF 1999). National unemployment is around 10 percent. However, it is higher in mono-industrial areas, as well as in rural zones, where agricultural cooperatives were disbanded and small farmers could not compete with subsidized products from overseas. Unemployment among the Roma, who, due to their low skill levels, were among the first to be laid off, can reach 60 percent, with some communities registering 100 percent jobless (UNICEF 2004a). As in the majority of industrialized countries, unemployment has hit young people the hardest, with rates for fifteen- to nineteen-year-olds nearly three times that for all people of working age. The inactivity rate for fifteen- to nineteen-year-olds is 10 percent, two times that of Britain and the United States (UNICEF 2000). In an effort to cope with mounting difficulties, involvement in lengthened work activities, second jobs, and ‘‘involuntary entrepreneurship’’ (small-scale private ventures in the absence of alternatives) has increased. Fuelled by the easing of central control over wages along with growing taxation, engagement in the hidden economy has also considerably increased (UNICEF 2001). Income inequality, which had been rising since the 1980s, has widened in the transition phase, with the difference between the lowest and uppermost deciles rivaling that of Western countries (UNICEF forthcoming). In additional to occupational status acting as an important determinant of wage differentials, gender is also a significant influence, due largely to higher rates of female participation in low wage sectors and poorly paid occupations, along with increased sexual discrimination in the labor force (UNICEF 1999). As a result of diminished employment opportunities coupled with eroded benefits and services, poverty has become relatively comprehensive. Measured against percentage earnings less than Purchasing Power Parity (PPP), $2.15 PPP per day, absolute income poverty is limited. However, against the benchmark of $4.30 PPP, it is around 12 percent, and the proportion of those living below the relative poverty line has remained unchanged in the course of the last decade (UNICEF 2004a). In addition to the groups that were poor before the transition, such as
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the elderly, severely disabled, members of large and single-parent households, and the Roma minority, there now exist the new poor, comprised of the working poor, the long-term unemployed, youth seeking entry to the labor force, women on childcare leave, refugees, and formerly institutionalized persons. As generally observed throughout the world, the largest segment impacted by poverty has been children along with youth. The proportion of children living in relative poverty is around 10 percent (UNICEF forthcoming). Government-Provided Support Through a shift from employment-based to welfare allocations, the first elected government had extended the network of social transfers to cushion the population against the adverse impact of reforms. This approach, particularly in light of growing job losses along with aging populations requiring increased benefits, placed a disproportionate burden on the state budget. Hence, the subsequent government adopted austerity policies, including reduction in the duration and generosity of benefits. However, the next government reverted to universal rather than means-tested strategies. Nevertheless, there has been an erosion of social support coverage, due to eligibility exclusion resulting from unemployment and employment without benefits, as well as deterioration in benefit claims due to bureaucratic inefficiencies. The largest part of social support is dedicated to pension schemes (Gal et al. 2003). Homelessness While under socialism, housing and utilities were centrally provided, and limitations such as inadequate size and poor quality of lodgings prevailed and continue to persist. Following the transition, the majority of public housing was transferred to private ownership under favorable circumstances. However, the construction industry declined, and with it the costs of building and interest on loans have increased, as has the price of housing and utilities with the dismantling of state subsidies. As a result, a rising number of tenants are unable to buy and maintain their lodgings. These tendencies, together with the dismantling of public care facilities along with the increase in dysfunctional families, have led to the growth of homelessness. In 1997, in Budapest alone, there were an estimated 6,000 to 10,000 children between twelve and eighteen years old living on the street (UNICEF 1997). Demographics and Single-Parent Families Beginning with the economic difficulties of the 1980s, there was a decline in marriage and birth rates, which, after the transition, mainly
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accelerated. There was a diversification of family formations, including increased cohabitation, single parenthood, and children born out of wedlock. Between 1980 and 1995, the proportion of women fifteen to nineteen years old living with their partners doubled (KSH 1997). Between 1989 and 2004, the share of births to unmarried mothers has increased from 12 to 34 percentage points (UNICEF TransMONEE database, 2006, henceforth TransMONEE 2006. http://www.unicef-irc.org/data bases/transmonee). Greater opportunities with respect to studies, careers, and sexual behavior have had a restrictive influence on family formation. The consequent decline in birth rates led to the population aging and shrinking, rendering Hungary’s demographic tendencies among the worst in Europe. According to predictions, by the year 2020, the national population will be 8 percent less than it was in 1993, with the decline greatest for younger age cohorts (KSH 1997). Nevertheless, for the time being, the population of Hungary is 10,098,000, with 19 percent under eighteen years old (TransMONEE 2006). Government Organizations and NGOs Socialism guaranteed a low but decent standard of living. For this reason and to maintain monopoly, the socialist state eliminated private organizations, foundations, and charities. In the early 1990s, when legal obstacles to civic participation KEY FACTS – HUNGARY were lifted, there was an exploPopulation: 10,098,000 (2005 est.) sion of nonprofit activities, with Infant mortality rate: 6.2 deaths/1,000 live births (2005 est.) many aimed at youth practices, Life expectancy at birth: women, 76.9 years; men, 68.6 years predominantly in sports, educa(2005) tion, and cultural fields (Gal et Net primary school enrollment: 89 percent (2004) People living with HIV/AIDS: 3,200 (2001 est.) al. 2003; UNICEF 2000). However, lack of experience, skills, Sources: TransMONEE 2006 database. http://www.unicef-irc.org/ databases/transmonee; UNESCO 2006, Strong Foundations: and funding, along with continEarly Childhood Care and Education; EFA Global Monitoring ued mistrust and restricted coopReport 2007; UNAIDS, 2006 Report on the Global AIDS Epidemic. eration on the part of society and the state, limit services. OVERVIEW War, Issues of Refugees, and Immigration Although Hungary has not experienced armed conflict since 1956, the turbulence of the region and beyond left an impact on it. Given the country’s geopolitical and socioeconomic position, it received and sent many migrants following the changeover. Unlike in most other countries of the region, the number of immigrants exceeds that of emigrants. Refugees and
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other migrants have come mainly from Europe, above all from Romania, Ukraine, and the former Yugoslavia, many of them ethnic Hungarians, as well as from Asia (principally from China). Hungarians have traveled westwards to study and work for shorter or longer periods. Of all immigrants, 13 percent are under twenty and 15 percent are over fifty years old, making the country’s immigration older than that of most nations (UNICEF 2006a). EDUCATION Compulsory Schooling To better respond to the demands of the labor market, the age of compulsory education was raised from sixteen to eighteen years old, giving Hungary one of the highest school-leaving ages in Europe (Eurydice, National summary sheets on education systems in Europe and ongoing reforms, 2006. http://www.eurydice.org/portal/page/portal/Eurydice/ ShowPresentationND?pubid¼047EN&country¼null&countryreg¼null). Literacy Levels With contemporary life conditions requiring active rather than passive knowledge, the definition of literacy, and with it pupil competence, has changed. While Hungary, along with other transition countries, used to be known for outstanding performance on academic competitions, this has been cast into doubt. According to TIMSS, measuring the math and science competencies of fourth and eighth graders, while Hungarians performed well on the recall of laws, they did poorly on applied questions, although their average was often higher than international mean figures (e.g., Mullis et al. 2004). Moreover, PISA, assessing the reading, math, and science knowledge of fifteen-year-olds suited to real life situations, found that the performance of Hungarian pupils was on the whole lower than the mean of OECD nations (OECD 2004). A priority, promoted by the EU, has been the use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT). Following a central initiative to provide computers and Internet access to all schools along with a special tax fund to help families purchase computers, nearly all schools and three-quarters of school aged youngsters currently own computers, with about 80 percent with Internet connections. However, due to limited skills on the part of educators, their meaningful integration into classroom activities has proven to be difficult (OECD 2005b; UNICEF 2004b). While computer literacy and foreign language competency is lower than in Western Europe, the younger generation is showing signs of catching up (Gal et al. 2003). Access to Free Schooling Given the emphasis placed on education and schooling provided free of charge, coverage under socialism had been nearly universal, particularly
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at preprimary and primary levels, ensuring greater access than in countries of similar economic growth. While still largely favorable by international comparisons, maintenance of this advantage has proven to be difficult. In the interest of cost sharing, combined with better adaptation to demands at the local level, the administration of education has been transferred from central to local authorities, which frequently lack the resources and skills to ensure quality services (Szu†cs, forthcoming). The introduction of fees to be borne by parents and pupils also limits access to schooling, primarily through compromised quality standards, as educational materials and supplementary services are for charge. However, unlike in many of the region’s other nations, enrollment has principally been maintained over the transition years. In kindergarten, net enrollment has remained at 87 percent, and in basic education gross enrollment, recovering from a slight dip after the mid 1990s, is higher than 100 percent, although the net enrollment rate has decreased to around 90 percent (UNESCO 2006; UNICEF 2006b). Regarding serious attendance problems, Hungary is below the international average (Mullis et al. 2004), and upper secondary graduation rates are above the OECD mean (OECD 2005a).
Opportunities for Secondary Education and Higher Education or Job Training Enrollment in post-basic education has expanded over the last fifteen years, reflecting an improved correlation between qualifications and earnings, which, under socialism, had been weak. Between 1989 and 2004, enrollment in upper secondary schools rose by 27 percent and tertiary enrollment by nearly 600 percent, bordering on overexpansion (TransMONEE 2006). In line with the demands of the knowledge economy, underscored by EU policy, enrollment in general secondary and vocational schools has increased, although it is still below the OECD average, with a considerable share of pupils participating in non-degree courses and a high, though declining, portion registered in technical colleges. Within the lifelong learning framework, along with heightened competition between educational providers, the overall flexibility of the system has improved, not only allowing multiple entry and exit points, but also combining academic and vocational tracks, and offering adult education courses, in which participation has increased. However, engagement in continuing education remains low by OECD standards (OECD 2005a). Despite evident dynamism, the quality of education has not in all cases improved, and the match between labor supply and demand is not complete, not the least as a result of profit driven programs on the part of insufficiently regulated schools along with poor cooperation between schools and employers (OECD 2006).
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Equal Opportunities for All Children of Various Racial, Gendered, Ethnic, and Economic Groups While there is usually a mutually reinforcing relationship between educational and socioeconomic disadvantage, gender is an exception, as educational equality between the sexes, accomplished under socialism, has largely been safeguarded. Not only do girls do better than boys in reading (though they do worse in mathematics), but gender parity in favor of women’s enrollment has also increased (UNICEF, forthcoming). With the principal of egalitarianism promoted under socialism, the children of peasants and workers fared better than they did in Western nations. However, they increasingly face limitations in terms of access and quality of provisions. According to international assessment results, a considerable share of variance in pupil performance is explained by a combination of economic, social, and cultural factors (e.g., parental education, occupation, number of books, and other study aids in the home), indicating growing segregation between schools on the basis of socioeconomic background (Mullis et al. 2004; OECD 2004). Encouraged by EU funding, territorial development plans have included the amelioration of educational circumstances. However, limited cooperation between local authorities serves to restrict outcomes. Of aggregate disadvantage, the Roma population manifests the poorest schooling indicators (Barany 2002). Following legislation adopted in the early 1990s, authorizing ethnic minorities to establish schools in their own language and permitting mainstream institutions to operate Roma services, a number of special needs provisions have been implemented. However, due to limited skills and resources, success has been moderate. Education for Disabled Children In line with socialist divisive practices, reinforced by ‘‘defectologist’’ ideologies, children with disabilities have been placed in special schools for the physically and mentally handicapped. While the validity of special schools is debated, the system as it currently stands faces a number of shortcomings, the gravest of which are inadequate admission procedures leading to disproportionate representation of Roma youth, inappropriate monitoring to trace the progress of pupils, and limited quality standards as well as advancement options, notably to post-primary levels (Szu†cs 2004). Beginning with legislation adopted in the early 1990s, permitting the schooling of children with disabilities in mainstream institutions, the number of pupils in regular schools has increased. Slightly more than two-thirds of disabled youngsters attend regular kindergartens, and about one-fifth are in regular primary schools, mostly with milder disabilities, participating in separate classes and lessons (OSI 2005). Nevertheless, inadequate technical and pedagogical conditions render effective integration of these children difficult (Lengyel and Meszaros undated).
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PLAY AND RECREATION Government Sponsorship of Organizations and Facilities With the demise of state censorship, youngsters now have increased freedom to indulge their interests. However, with the closure of activities provided by the state and enterprises, and the transfer of services from central to local authorities, access to programs has diminished. The private sector has become increasingly involved in services, but these are market-oriented and cater to those with the required resources. Although formerly large-scale programs have been broken down into distinct purposes, not all domains are popular. One example is politics, which is often rejected, perhaps as a backlash against socialism, of organized and ideological activities (UNICEF 2000). Family Recreation While under socialism, family retreats, sponsored by work enterprises, were widely relied upon, but services have diminished, not helping to relieve pressures increasingly faced by families (UNICEF 2000). Although since the 1970s, the share of children going on vacation has stabilized around 30 percentage points, an increasing proportion is going on their own (KSH 1996). Between 1984 and 1995, the occurrence of family weekend excursions remained stable, although attendance of cinema and theater decreased (KSH 1996). The most popular leisure activities include watching television, discussion of common interests, and activities outside the home, such as movies and excursions, including increasing foreign travel by those with the means required. Various Forms of Media and Access to Technology With the end of censorship and creation of the free market, access to the media has expanded. In addition to heightened Internet usage, the number of books that have been published has also considerably increased (Gabor So os, Second Secretary, Permanent Delegation of Hungary to UNESCO, private communication, 2006). Through nationwide installation of satellites and cable networks, along with the operation of more public and commercial channels, probably the greatest increase has been in television programming. This is reflected in the change in leisure activities. In the 1960s, the favorite engagement of fourteen-year-olds was reading, but by the late 1990s, it had fallen to tenth place, with the use of computers second, and music, video, television, and movies occu pying fourth to seventh place (Abrah am 2006). Among fourteen-yearolds, 15 percent watch television five hours and 33 percent between three to five hours a day, which is high by international standards, and often
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they are viewing programs alone that are inappropriate for their age (Bathory 1998). Types of Children’s Programming on Television and Theater Since the mid-1980s, a relatively small proportion of television programs have been targeted at specific audiences, with most provisions being for youth, at first due to socialism’s youth-centered and educational aspirations, followed by commercial channels aimed at the niche market of teenagers. Dominant characteristics of these programs involve growth in advertising to generate heightened revenues, along with increased entertainment, primarily through Western inputs, replacing high cultural and educational diffusions. A similar trend exists for books, where consumption of foreign volumes dealing with practical matters has heightened, while preference for classical and informative literature has dropped. Youth literature has practically disappeared, with the exception of fashion volumes (Balazs 1998). As a result of these provisions, together with decreased opportunities to embrace alternative values, there has been a shift in attitudes, with individualism, materialism, and hedonism gaining ground (Wallace and Kovatcheva 1998). Sports and Games With the closure of public facilities and rising cost of private sports activities, along with alternative curricular and leisure priorities, the number of youth who exercise regularly has decreased, with their share lower than in Western countries (UNICEF 2000). In 1997, out of fifteen- to nineteen-year-olds, a little more than half of males and one-third of females participated in some sport (KSH 1997). As a result, youngsters’ physical health and opportunity to participate in communal pursuits have diminished. CHILD LABOR Existing Laws to Protect Children and Their Enforcement In addition to the general rights of workers protected by the Criminal Code together with the Labour Law, the economic exploitation of youth is prohibited under several sections of Hungarian legislation (as well as ILO Convention 182, ratified in 2001). Forced labor of minors is prohibited under the Criminal Code. Employment of minors without the consent of their legal guardians is prohibited under the Civil Code. Employment of minors in work that may be harmful to their health or development is prohibited under the Labour Law. However, violation of regulations is mostly considered as a petty offense, entailing fines that are
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disproportionate to the possible income generated or the danger that is posed. Child Trafficking and Indentured Servitude As a result of heightened numbers of at-risk youth, inconsistent, loose, or poorly enforced laws, as well as entrepreneurs willing to work in relevant sectors, the number of young human trafficking victims has increased. In addition to movement for labor, involvement in the sex industry has also been augmented, with young men and women being brought to Hungary from Southeast Europe and Commonwealth of Independent States nations, and, along with their local counterparts, being trafficked to Western Europe. There are an estimated 200 to 500 girl prostitutes in Budapest alone, with many more working alongside roads. Romanian boys, who dominate male sexual trafficking in Europe and often engage in other pursuits such as begging, are also thought to be present (for more details see, for example, International Organization for Migration [IOM]). Types of Work Performed by Children Although research on child labor is limited, given increased difficulties, it is likely that a number of youth are working, whether through paid or unpaid domestic activities, or outside engagements in agriculture and services, including hazardous and worst forms of child labor (for more details see, for example, International Labour Organization [ILO]). In addition to labor by necessity, there is also a number of youth who engage in work because they wish to gain materially, or because they believe that work is more profitable than scholarly activity (UNICEF 2000; forthcoming). Children Forced into the Military After 1989, when the Warsaw Pact disbanded and Hungary became a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the military began to be reformed. This included a reduction in size, entailing a shift from mandatory to contractual conscription for males over eighteen years old. FAMILY Effects of Divorce, Inheritance Laws, and Customs According to Family Law, in the event of divorce, parents or, in the absence of their agreement, the court, decides on the placement of the child, bearing in mind the child’s opinion. Parents are jointly responsible
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for the guidance of the child, and the parent who is away is obligated to pay maintenance, which, if he/she fails, is deducted from his/her wage. As a result of increased difficulties, child support is oftentimes delayed or unpaid. Nevertheless, nonpayment of alimony, although recently on the increase, has declined compared with 1989 levels. In case of death, succession by will allows for the nomination of successors, while intestate succession transfers assets to children, or, in their absence, the spouse, parents or their children, grandparents or their children, and so on, with inheritance tax rising with the distance of kin relations. Support for Families with Children Socialism encouraged family formation and employment. However, the benefits that facilitated this have for the most part eroded. Since parents are increasingly threatened that if they stay off work too long, they will not be able to regain their occupations, the number of days utilized within the child care leave framework has been less than allowed (i.e., three years). Under socialism, preschool was centrally ensured and, due to a relatively effective early transfer to municipalities, has on the whole been preserved. Given the mounting cost of childcare and increasingly stressful conditions of work, more and more women stay at home, indicating a possible return to traditional gender roles (UNICEF 1999). Maternity benefits include the birth grant, with at least four prenatal medical examinations, maternity allowance for twenty-four weeks and a child care fee until the child is two years old. Family support, which constitutes the greatest part of cash social transfers, includes the family allowance for children less than six years old, depending on the number of parents, number of children and their disability status, and education allowance given during primary and secondary school enrollment. The childcare allowance is transferred to parents who stay home with children under three years old or under ten in the case of disabled youth, and child raising support is given to families with three or more youngsters. Along with other subsidies, child protection support is available to families whose per capita income is at most the equivalent of the minimum old age pension (Government of the Republic of Hungary 2003). Intergenerational Relationships and Obligations Deteriorated socioeconomic conditions make it difficult for parents to look after their children. Between 1984 and 1995, the proportion of young couples receiving financial assistance from their parents decreased from 81 to 57 percentage points (KSH 1996). Heightened unemployment as well as low salary levels combine with an increasing taste for affluent lifestyles and autonomy on the part of youngsters. The authority
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of parents is thus questioned, compounding their diminished ability to offer advice in a world different from the one they had known. One area where parents may help their children is the provision of a roof. The majority of youngsters less than thirty years old reside in their parents’ household (UNICEF 2000). Rites of Passage and Changing Nature of Childhood As a result of intergenerational cohabitation patterns, delayed family formation, and entry to the labor force, the boundary of childhood has been prolonged. However, in other domains, including increased exposure to difficulties to be faced with declining support at younger ages, the period of childhood has been shortened, rendering the experience more complex and difficult. HEALTH Infant and Child Mortality In contrast to adult mortality, which, since the 1960s, has risen to unprecedented heights, mortality for children under the age of five fell by more than half between 1989 and 2004. For five- to nineteen-year-olds, it has decreased by less than half (TransMONEE 2006). Leading factors causing mortality among children under five are congenital anomalies, respiratory and infectious diseases, and accidents. For five- to nineteenyear-olds, they include respiratory, infectious, and parasitic diseases along with accidents, violence, and poisoning. Living Conditions, Including Issues of Air Pollution and Exposure to Toxic Chemicals, and Access to Clean Water Declining health status is related to unbalanced diets, which, though traditionally characteristic of the region, have after the transition become worse, with lowered quality and quantity of food intake, above all due to the rising cost of healthy foods. With capitalism in its early stages, consumer interests are oftentimes unprotected and, with weakened public health controls, vendors frequently try to sell with compromised quality standards. Micronutrient deficiency is of primary concern, including low calcium and iron intake, which exerts a strong influence on the health of expectant mothers, and augments the risk of physical and mental retardation in youngsters. Similar to the rest of the world, obesity has heightened, in spite of counter-campaigning efforts. One positive outcome, perhaps in line with the increase in home produced foods along with awareness-raising efforts, has been the rise in breastfeeding, which under socialism had been largely neglected (UNICEF 1994).
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In addition to poor diets, health status is undermined by the use of substances, which since the 1960s has been steadily on the increase, not the least as a result of mounting stress levels. In part due to the enhanced presence of transnational enterprises using sophisticated marketing techniques, tobacco consumption remains high and is rising among youth, now rivaling Western figures (UNICEF 2000). Among males fifteen to nineteen years old, tobacco was used by one-fifth in 1995, representing a slight decrease from 1985. Amongst females of the same age group, it was used by 14 percent at both dates. However, while males smoked one cigarette more per day, the dose of females increased by three (KSH 1996). Hungary’s rate of alcoholism is among the highest in the world, where, although the consumption of beer and wine is lower than that in many nations, that of spirits is greater. While alcoholism is more frequent among males, it is gaining ground among females, and the number of youth who are drinking has increased, with the amount consumed growing and the age of consumption dropping (UNICEF 1994). Last but not least, with the opening up of borders, diminished social controls and increase in criminal behavior, the consumption of soft and hard drugs, replacing the limited use of solvents, has increased, with the majority of users being young (UNICEF 2004). A particularly grave outcome is the enhanced risk of HIV/AIDS, the occurrence of which has increased over the last fifteen years, although, with the aid of counter-campaigning efforts, rates are not as high as in Western nations or the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) (TransMONEE 2006). Compounding the earlier mentioned causes, ill health is provoked by deteriorating environmental circumstances. While socialism, concerned with heavy industrial production, did not worry much about environmental protection, following the transition, environmental regulations were even less enforced due to cuts in safety standards as well as weakened control measures. In addition, car ownership, often made by secondhand purchase, has increased, omitting particularly noxious fumes. As a result, soil, water, and air quality has diminished, with many areas plagued by pollution levels higher than required standards. Overcrowded conditions, including cramped housing particularly among certain groups, increase the risk of diseases such as tuberculosis, which, though previously eradicated, has recently reappeared. After peaking in the mid-1990s, it is currently receding (TransMONEE 2006). Protection from Childhood Diseases via Vaccination and Medical Care Compounding declining physiological conditions, the rise in morbidity is a result of deteriorating medical provision. From the mid-1940s to the 1960s, health conditions improved, with a faster pace of development than in Western Europe. Improvements in infant and child health were
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particularly outstanding, brought about by the expansion of basic, lowcost, and effective maternal and child services. However, after the mid1960s, this health extensive approach could no longer address newly emergent diseases, requiring sophisticated equipment and expertise. After 1989, health services further eroded, as a result of decentralization, aggravated by mounting pharmaceutical prices. In order to improve efficiency and save resources, outpatient care was established, consisting of an extensive network of mother and child services. Health care is also provided in schools, with the role to screen children for developmental needs and engage in preventive care, including immunization, with virtually complete coverage. As a result, diseases such as diphtheria, measles, rubella, and tetanus have been practically eradicated (TransMONEE 2006). Issues of Access to Good Health Care Despite quality limitations, the Hungarian health care system still ranks among the best in the region, particularly with regards to maternal and child services, characterized by high availability of facilities. This is promoted by a mandatory health insurance scheme, which provides nearly universal coverage both in terms of population and treatment. In addition to those without legitimate residence and work status, restrictions of access primarily impact small and rural locations as well as poor populations unable to afford cofinanced provision, enhanced by informal payment expectations. Incomplete coverage extends to women whose use of medical services has diminished due to lowered fertility leading to fewer health checkups. This also applies to men, who are no longer screened due to decreased military service as well as youth, whose reliance on medical examinations has been lowered as a result of uneven school attendance. Care for Disabled Children Given heightened morbidity coupled with greater recognition of disability, the number of children registered with disabilities has increased. Hungary is among the few countries in the region that reach the disability incidence benchmark of 2.5 percent, as determined by the European Academy of Childhood Disabilities (UNICEF 2005). Institutionalization remains the primary form of care taking, which, though lower than in the socialist period, is still higher than in many Western nations (UNICEF, forthcoming). With growing integrationist tendencies along with policy directives supporting the role of families, the number of children with disabilities staying with their families has increased. However, poor implementation of disability legislation, limited preconditions in place, and persistent prejudice render community care of children particularly challenging.
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Mental Health Care In light of the increased difficulties of contemporary life circumstances, the physical and mental health of children as well as adults has suffered. Along with less positive health status experienced by Hungarian compared with other EU nationals, Hungarians feel less happy than their international counterparts (Alber et al. 2004). With growing recognition of mental health as a public health concern, a novel program to improve child psychological care has been advanced, with the hope to reach EU mental health standards by 2010 (NGO Group for the Convention on the Rights of the Child 2006). Pregnancy Despite increased sexual activity among youth, the incidence of teen motherhood has decreased over the transition years, although the age at which it occurs has been lowered (TransMONEE 2006). In part, this has to do with the prominence of abortions, which, though still very high in comparison with Western nations, has diminished, above all due to heightened availability of alternative contraceptive methods (TransMONEE 2006). Nevertheless, the cultural tolerance of abortion, developed under socialism, has proven difficult to temper. Sexual Education In the light of declining marriage and birth rates, sex education was introduced in the 1970s. However, it continues to be ineffective. Despite general lack of awareness of reproductive health concerns, most teachers do not see a role for themselves in the instruction of such matters. Where sex education, at times within a broader life skills framework, is offered, it is either optional or fails to adequately cover issues, particularly in a style appropriate to the subject and audience concerned (UNICEF 1998). Treatment of Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Transgender Youth Although homosexuality was legitimized in the early 1960s, differences in legislation between homosexuals and heterosexuals are being eliminated with external, notably EU, pressure, as part of human rights guarantees. Until 1978, the age of consent for homosexual sexual relations was twenty years old, followed by eighteen years old, only to be recently lowered to fourteen years old, as required for heterosexual relations. Adopted in the 1990s, Cohabitation Law grants the same marital rights for homosexual as heterosexual couples, except for artificial insemination and adoption. While a degree of awareness raising and community building have existed since the 1980s, given standardizing attitudes, GLBT visibility, particularly of nongay groups, has remained largely limited.
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LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Gangs Beginning in the 1980s, a growing number of children have been spending most of their time on the street, including school dropouts, unemployed youngsters, along with those from socially and economically disadvantaged backgrounds. While under socialist control, crime rates were relatively low, but the collapse of the former order was accompanied by the weakening of authority, and deviance has gained acceptance as a means to get rich quickly. With family and social connections weakened, an increasing number of youth seek a sense of community by joining or setting up groups, as well as participating in organized criminal behavior. Between 1989 and 2004, the number of crimes committed by juveniles rose with a peak in 1992, the majority being property crimes. However, the share of violent crimes has increased, with more and more committed at the instigation of adults (TransMONEE 2006). Protection from Sexual Exploitation Although aiding and abetting of prostitution or living off the wages of prostitutes is considered to be a criminal offense, prostitution was recently legalized. In 2002, legal regulations were altered to comply with the requirements of the UN Protocol against Trans-National Organized Crime to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, including pornographic representation. Consequently, any person producing, financing, acquiring, or possessing pornographic images of minors is guilty of felony, with the distribution of images serving as aggravating circumstance. Hotlines and help desks have been established to assist victims of sexual abuse and trafficking. Imprisonment Based on the recognition that if appropriately taken care of, children have the capacity to reform their behavior, the 1995 Amendment of the Criminal Code has introduced greater leniency in sentencing and punishment for juvenile offenders. Punishment, especially involving deprivation of liberty, can be applied only in the most serious situations and for specified time periods. Moreover, in every instance, it has to be determined whether punishment can be achieved through alternative methods. If a minor is sentenced to imprisonment, the institution must be for juvenile offenders, allow contact with the outside world, and promote education, training, and social rehabilitation as well as facilitate postrelease care for youngsters. As a result, between 1989 and 2004, the number of convicted juveniles rose, and the number of those incarcerated and in correctional institutions dropped (TransMONEE 2006).
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Sentencing for Juveniles Although there is no separate criminal justice system for youth, a host of specific policies apply to minors and juveniles. Below fourteen years old, children cannot be held accountable for committing criminal actions nor be restrained for criminal behavior. Youngsters between fourteen and eighteen years old face more lenient sentencing and correctional procedures than adults. In cases involving the commission of offenses that are not too serious, the law allows for postponement of indictment for a specified time period, after which investigation should be dropped. Pretrial detention is permitted if the juvenile is suspected of having committed a serious criminal offense, and the suspect must be granted special protection during proceedings, including segregation of juvenile and adult offenders, as well as reduction of time between the onset of investigation and sentencing procedures. Age of Maturity According to legislation, unless married, a child is a person under eighteen years old. If a person is above sixteen years old, the legal guardian authority must issue a marriage permit, signifying that adulthood has been reached. Children under fourteen years old have no disposing capacity, while those between fourteen and eighteen years old have restricted capacity and are to be treated accordingly. Adherence and Support for UN Efforts for Children In addition to a host of general conventions related to the well-being of youth, Hungary has ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child without any reservations in 1991. Compounding legislative amendments to accommodate the treaty’s terms, novel structures, such as the Office of the Ministerial Commission Responsible for the Rights of the Child, coordinate the implementation of measures, and the Ministry of Children, Youth and Sport enacts the National Plan of Action. According to the National Report on Child Rights, Hungarian legislation is in consonance with international obligations, although implementation is frequently more difficult. Cutbacks in social and cultural provisions have been accounted for by austerity policies due to economic restrictions, and more recently by a mindset that needs to evolve (Committee on the Rights of the Child 1996; Government of the Republic of Hungary 2003; NGO Group for the Convention on the Rights of the Child 2006). RELIGIOUS LIFE Prevailing Religious Practices and Their Meaning for Children Compounding the general decline of religion since the nineteenth century, the development of individualism along with growing emphasis
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placed on self-realization has not helped to maintain it. The limited degree of religious participation permitted under socialism has escalated its demise. Consequently, though freedom of conscience had been reinstated in the early 1990s, the population, especially youth, is not particularly devout, with 15 percent religiously active and 55 percent nominally religious (Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labour 2003). At the same time, the popularity of alternative ideologies, such as new religious movements and parallel beliefs, has heightened, arguably in search of a sense of belonging and purpose (Tomasi 1999). Religious Training Under the socialist regime, religious education was curtailed, as all denominations, except the four historical religions (Roman Catholic, Reformed, Lutheran, and Jewish), were banned, with only a fraction of their schools allowed to be retained. After 1989, when church property began to be returned and religious education was once again allowed, the number of ecclesiastical schools increased. Given more secure funding, negotiated between the Holy See and the State, along with heightened commitment on the part of parents and teachers, religious schools are often of better quality than public schools (Ferenc B odi, Research Professor at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, private communication, 2005). While religious education is not part of the curricula in public schools, pupils may enroll in extracurricular lessons, with the majority of instruction provided by the four historical religions.
CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Statistics of Various Kinds In the relatively secure socialist state, the definition of children at risk used to include a comparatively small number of orphans and those suffering from abuse. With the questioning of the socialist order around the 1980s, a number of studies revealed existing deficiencies in child welfare in families and after 1989 risk situations have increased. Entry into public care has to do with the rise in poverty and dysfunctional families, rendering the majority of abandoned youngsters ‘‘social orphans’’ (i.e., whose parents are alive but are unable or unwilling to care for them) (UNICEF 1997). Between 1989 and 2005, the actual number of children left without parental care decreased, but the implications of this, given declining child populations and inadequate family conditions, are not necessarily positive. In 2003, there were 110 registered cases of neglect involving basic care, treatment, and caretaking. Serious crimes against children occur above all in the home (Gyermek 2004).
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Care of Abused or Neglected Children via the State or Family In the early socialist years, large-scale public institutions were considered the most suitable way to care for youth. Beginning in the 1980s, economic difficulties and institutional deficiencies combined with an increase in social pathologies to engineer a change in perspective, recognizing the importance of the family in children’s well-being. As a result, there was a shift, influenced by Western models, to small-scale residential care patterns along with an emphasis on placing children in family environments, above all through the cultivation of natural relations. In part due to these measures, the number of children in public care institutions has decreased by nearly half. However, the share of young adults, as well as those with serious illnesses has increased (NGO Group for the Convention on the Rights of the Child 2006; TransMONEE 2006). To a degree, this has to do with the rising inability of those leaving public care to adapt to social conditions, as they must now compete on the open market, while under socialism it was less difficult to find jobs, accommodation, and benefit provisions. To address the situation, care was extended from eighteen to twenty-four years old, which may compound institutional issues, not the least through the risks posed to children by their mixing with young adults. Prior to the 1950s, the overwhelming majority of youth were placed with foster parents. After a thirty-year break, the number of placements again rose, and following a dip in the late 1990s, it recently recovered to 1989 levels (TransMONEE 2006). There are traditional and professional foster carers, the latter of which take more children or those with complex requirements and receive a higher fee for service. In addition to the costs involved, foster parents face housing limitations, insufficient information regarding the children concerned, and inadequate training and professional support. Similar problems impact the adoption of youth, which, although in the initial years following the changeover improved, has declined over the transition years, in part due to the diminishing number of foreign adoptions approved (TransMONEE 2006). However, it appears that there has been a rise in secret adoptions of Roma children by foreigners (UNICEF 1998). Reporting of Abuse and Neglect Hungary’s relatively high number of investigations into the abuse and neglect of children is linked to the tradition of visiting nurses, and the development of social work systems, beginning in the 1980s. Various institutions connected with child protection are in charge of notification in case of child endangerment. Children also have the right to lodge a complaint when their well-being is threatened. However, they are not always
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aware of their rights, prompting recent awareness-raising campaigns (NGO Group for the Convention on the Rights of the Child 2006). While the Parliamentary Commissioner for Civil Rights promotes protection of child rights and the Ombudsperson ensures respect for human rights, poverty and other concerns frequently divert attention from the mistreatment of youngsters. (According to the NGO Group on the Convention on the Rights of the Child [2006], the voice of children is rarely heard in court cases or school governance decisions.) Employers Who Mistreat Children In addition to domestic abuse, in the wake of rising aggression and indecent behavior, youngsters now face heightened risk in a number of sectors, including work. To a degree, this has to do with their overrepresentation in the private sector and in small businesses, where jobs tend to be insecure, with compromised employee rights, safety, and benefits (UNICEF 2000). Penalties for Adults Who Mistreat or Murder Children According to the Child Protection Act, children are entitled to respect for their human dignity, and protection against violence and neglect. In addition, they may not be subjected to cruel, inhuman, or degrading punishment, discipline, or treatment. According to the Criminal Code, in certain criminal offenses, the age of the injured party and whether the perpetrator is the educator or supervisor of the injured party is an aggravating circumstance. These include battery, trafficking in human beings, rape and assault against decency against persons under twelve; homicide against persons under fourteen; and violence of personal freedom, promotion, or prostitution and pandering against persons under eighteen years old. However, with inadequate surveillance and control measures, enforcement of these provisions has proven to be difficult. As a consequence, between 1989 and 2005, the number of crimes committed against children and youth more than doubled (although, in part, this has to do with improved reporting procedures [NGO Group for the Convention on the Rights of the Child 2006]). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Although Hungary has experienced many difficult transformations, the shift from a centrally planned one-party state to a free market democracy has proven more difficult than imagined, with an enormous human cost. It is oftentimes acknowledged that the greatest victims of the changes have been children and youth. On humanitarian, economic, and social cohesion grounds, more attention to youngsters along with increased
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dedication to improvement of socioeconomic and cultural conditions is required. While progress has been made on a number of fronts in recent years, the quality and scale of provisions need to improve, along with effective targeting to the most excluded groups. Only if this happens can children become healthy adults, allowing for a healthy nation, where Hungary can stop suffering for its past and future (see national anthem), and discard its pessimism. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings UNICEF Social Monitor and Regional Monitoring Report series. http://www.uniceficdc.org.
Web Sites Ministry of Children, Youth and Sport, http://www.gyism.gov.hu. Ministry of Education and Culture, http://www.okm.gov.hu. Ministry of Health, http://www.eum.hu. Ministry of Justice and Law Enforcement, http://www.irm.gov.hu. Ministry of Social Affairs and Labour, http://www.szmm.gov.hu.
Selected Bibliography Abrah am, M onika. 2006. ‘‘12-14 eves gyerekek olvasasi, k€ onyv- es k€ onyvtarhasznalati szokasai (Habits of reading, book- and library-use of children 12 to 14 years old).’’ U j pedag ogiai szemle 2006/01. Alber, Jens, Jan Delhey, Wolfgang Keck, Ricarda Nauenburg, Tony Fahey, Robert Anderson, Henryk Domanski, Antonina Ostrowska, Manuela Olagnero, and Chiara Saraceno. 2004. Quality of life in Europe. First European quality of life survey 2003. Dublin: European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions. Balazs, Geza. 1998. ‘‘Van-e hatasa a radi onak a gyermekekre es fiatalokra (Does radio have an effect on children as well as youth)?’’ Gyerekek es fiatalok a m e dia vonzas aban: Tudom a nyos konferencia, 1998. febr. 4 (Children and youth in the orbit of the media: Scientific conference, 4 February 1998). Edited by Lovas, Gy€ orgy and Laszl o Rab. Budapest: Gyermek es Ifj usagi Alapprogram. Barany, Zoltan. 2002. The East European Gypsies: Regime Change, Marginality and Ethnopolitics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bathory, Zoltan. 1998. ‘‘Tanul oink televizi o fogyasztasa egy felmeres t€ ukreben (Television consumption of our students in the light of an evaluation).’’ Gyerekek es fiatalok a m e dia vonzas aban: Tudom anyos konferencia, 1998. Febr. 4 (Children and youth in the orbit of the media: Scientific conference, 4 February 1998).
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Edited by Gy€ orgy Lovas and Laszl o Rab. Budapest: Gyermek es Ifj usagi Alapprogram. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labour. 2003. ‘‘International religious freedom report. Hungary.’’ No information available. Committee on the Rights of the Child. 1996. Consideration of reports submitted by State Parties under Article 44 of the Convention. Hungary. New York: United Nations. Gal, R obert I., Zsolt Mogyor osy, Agota Szende, and Peter Sziv os. 2003. Study on the Social Protection Systems in the 13 Applicant Countries. Hungary Country Study. Budapest: TARKI Social Research, Inc. Government of the Republic of Hungary. 2003. Report of the Government of the Republic of Hungary on its measures adopted for the implementation of the rights recognized in the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Periodic report no. 2-3. No information available. Gyermek-, Ifj usagi es Sportminiszterium (Ministry of Children, Youth and Sport). 2004. Provision of data submitted by the Republic of Hungary under General Assembly Resolution No. 57/190 for the purpose of the preparation by the UN of the report on violence against children. Budapest: Gyermek-, Ifj usagi es Sportminiszterium. K€ ozponti Statisztikai Hivatal (KSH) (Hungarian Central Statistical Office). 1997. ‘‘A gyerekek es az ifj usag helyzete (The situation of children and youth).’’ KSH N e pess e gtudom a nyi Kutat o Int e zet Kutat a si Jelent e sei, 20. Budapest: KSH. uttmu†k€ odes (Children in ———. 1996. ‘‘Gyerekek a csaladban–Csaladok k€ oz€ otti egy€ € the famil–Cooperation between families).’’ T arsadalomstatisztikai fuzetek, 17. sz a m. Budapest: KSH. Lengyel, Maria. and Maria Meszaros. Undated. ‘‘Az egy€ uttneveles jelenlegi helyzete. Egy Orszagos K€ ozoktatasi Intezet (OKI) kutatas tapasztalatai (The Current situation of integrated education—Lessons from a national Institute for Public Education study).’’ No information available. Mullis, Ina V. S., Michael O. Martin, Eugenio J. Gonzalez, and Steven J. Chrostowski. 2004. TIMSS 2003 International Mathematics Report. Findings from IEA’s Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study at the Fourth and Eighth Grades. Boston: TIMSS and PIRLS International Study Centre. NGO Group for the Convention on the Rights of the Child. 2006. ‘‘State Party examination of Hungary’s second periodic report. Session 41 of the Committee on the Rights of the Child. Geneva 9–7 January 2006.’’ No information available. Open Society Institute (OSI). 2005. Rights of People with Intellectual Disabilities: Access to Education and Employment. Monitoring Report. Hungary. Budapest: OSI. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). 2006. Thematic Review of Adult Learning. Hungary. Country Note. Paris: OECD. ———. 2005a. Education at a Glance. OECD Indicators 2005. Paris: OECD. ———. 2005b. Are Students Ready for a Technology-Rich World? What PISA Studies Tell Us. Paris: OECD. ———. 2004a. Learning for Tomorrow’s World. First results from PISA 2003. Paris: OECD. ———. 1999. Towards lifelong learning in Hungary. Paris: OECD. Szu†cs, Eszter. Forthcoming. ‘‘‘I have been let down by it’: Hungarian education management in transition.’’ In Contradictions of Regulation in a Recently
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Decentralized Education System: The Case of Hungary, ed. I. Bajomi and E. Szu†cs. Paris: UNESCO IIEP. ———. 2004. ‘‘Roma education in Central and Southeast Europe: A Review.’’ Working paper prepared for UNESCO IIEP. Tomasi, Luigi. 1999. Alternative Religions Among European Youth. Aldershot: Ashgate. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 2007. Education for Some More Than Others? A Regional Study on Education in Central and Eastern Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States. Geneva: UNICEF Regional Office for CEE/CIS and Baltic States. ———. 2006b. Innocenti Social Monitor 2006. Understanding Child Poverty in South-Eastern Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States. Florence: UNICEF IRC. ———. 2006a. ‘‘Hungary migration fact-sheet.’’ Working paper prepared for UNICEF IRC. ———. 2005. Children and Disability in Transition in CEE/CIS and Baltic States. Innocenti Insights 2005. Florence: UNICEF IRC. ———.2004b. ‘‘The situation of children and young people at the regional level in Hungary.’’ Florence: UNICEF IRC. ———. 2004a. Innocenti Social Monitor. Florence: UNICEF IRC. ———. 2001. A Decade of Transition. Regional Monitoring Report No. 8. Florence: UNICEF IRC. ———. 2000. Young People in Changing Societies. Regional Monitoring Report No. 7. Florence: UNICEF IRC. ———. 1999. Women in Transition. Regional Monitoring Report No. 6. Florence: UNICEF ICDC. ———. 1998. Hope in the Midst of Hardship: The Situation of Children and Families in Hungary. Budapest: Aula. ———. 1997. Children at Risk in Central and Eastern Europe. Regional Monitoring Report No. 4. Florence: UNICEF ICDC. ———. 1994. Crisis in Mortality, Health and Nutrition. Regional Monitoring Report No. 2. Florence: UNICEF ICDC. Wallace, Claire and Sijka Kovatcheva. 1998. Youth in Society: The Construction and Deconstruction of Youth in East and West Europe. London: MacMillan Press, Ltd.
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IRELAND Sheila Greene and Liz Kerrins NATIONAL PROFILE In 1921, twenty-six of thirty-two counties in the island of Ireland achieved independence from Britain. The Constitution, which underpins Irish legislature, was written in 1937, and the Republic of Ireland was politically constituted in 1948 when the new state left the British Commonwealth. The population of Ireland (Republic of Ireland) in 2002 was more than 3.9 million people, the highest level since 1871 (Central Statistics Office 2005, 7). In 2002, the number of children younger than eighteen years was 1,031,031 (Government of Ireland 2005), approximately one-third of the total population. This indicates that Ireland has the highest proportion of young people of any country in the European Union (EU). In 2002, the average age of the population was 35.1 years. The birth rate has been increasing since 1994, after a period of decline, and currently stands at approximately 15.7 per 1,000, which is higher than in most
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European countries. The birth rate is projected to stabilize at around 15 births per 1,000 over the next decade. In 2002, 6 percent of the population was classified as non-Irish; a percentage that has been steadily rising in recent years, changing Ireland from a very homogeneous country to one where there is increasing cultural and racial diversity. It is expected that in the recently conducted national census (2006), which is yet to be analyzed, the percentage will rise to 10 percent. Approximately 24,000 people belong to the Traveller community, an indigenous group of nomadic or quasi-nomadic people. While the majority of children are still reared in families with married parents, the configuration of Irish families has changed dramatically. Cohabiting couples accounted for 8.4 percent of all families in 2002 compared with 3.9 percent in 1996, with 51,000 children living in such families (The All-Party Oireachtas Committee on the Constitution, p. 25). The number of children born to mothers who are not married has increased significantly from 2.5 percent of all births in 1971 to 31.1 percent in 2002, but approximately half of these women are living with a partner and are not parenting alone. One-sixth of all families are headed by a lone parent (154,000 families), with 85 percent headed by females (Department of Social and Family Affairs 2006. p. 17). Yet marriage rates are also on the increase, standing at 5.1 percent in 2003 (The All-Party Oireachtas Committee on the Constitution, p. 24). The Irish economy has been experiencing a period of unprecedented growth, which has earned it the nickname ‘‘the Celtic Tiger.’’ Where unemployment and emigration were distinctive features of the Irish economy for most of the twentieth century, the economy since the mid1990s has been characterized by full employment, immigration, and a growth in GNP. There has been a convergence in Irish living standards since 1990 with those of the best-performing EU member states (Fitzgerald et al. 2005, 5). Yet Ireland is characterized by income inequality and ranks as third highest in ‘‘human poverty’’ in the eighteen countries comprising the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Over 12 percent of children live below the income poverty threshold and experience basic deprivation, compared with 7 percent of the overall population (Central Statistics Office 2005, 14). Children with the highest poverty risk are those living with lone parents, in large families, and with parents who are sick, disabled, or out of work. Fifty-eight percent of Irish women of working age were employed in 2004 versus 76.2 percent of men. Irish women seeking work are more likely to be employed than their male counterparts—they have an unemployment level of 3.8 percent versus 4.7 percent for men—but their average income in 2004 was 11 percent less than that of males. The proportion of women at risk of poverty was 23 percent in 2004 compared with 18 percent for men.
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Since 1921, many of the health, KEY FACTS – IRELAND education, and social care facilities and services utilized by children Population: 3,900,000 (2002 est.) Infant mortality rate: 5.22 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) and families in Ireland have been Life expectancy at birth: 77.9 years (2007 est.) built on the existing operations of Literacy rate: 99 percent (2003 est.) voluntary nonprofit organizaNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 96 percent (2000–2005) tions, particularly religious bodies. Internet users: 2.06 million (2005) These organizations receive state People living with HIV/AIDS: 2,800 (2001 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-2) rank: 17 funding and continue to be managed and owned by the volunSources: Central Statistics Office, Ireland; UNICEF. At a Glance: tary/religious organizations, but Ireland–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ ireland_statistics.html. April 24, 2007; United Nations are increasingly staffed by paid Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report professionals. 2006–Ireland. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ Additional social welfare paydata_sheets/cty_ds_IRL.html. April 26, 2007. ments are paid to unemployed parents with children, and income supplements are available for families in low-paid employment. In 2004, an income-related payment was paid to 80,000 lone parents, with 60 percent of recipients in employment as tapered entitlement can be retained (Department of Social and Family Affairs 2006). Forty-two percent of all lone mothers have paid employment (QNHS 2003). In 2002, one in five children lived in a family receiving a weekly welfare payment. A monthly child benefit is also payable to almost all parents per child regardless of income, and the amount payable has increased significantly since 2000. Despite very high house prices, the desire to own property is strong in Ireland, leading to a very high rate of home ownership by international standards (77.4 percent). Yet, 5.5 percent of children live in unsatisfactory housing, and approximately 50,000 children live in families in housing need (Brooke 2004, 16). Homelessness is also a troubling problem. In 2002, approximately 604 families with 1,140 children were homeless. Most of the families (85 percent) lived in bed and breakfast accommodations paid for by the state (Williams and Gorby 2002, 31). The number of lone homeless teenagers is very difficult to count as they move in and out of homelessness, and data in Ireland do not capture those making no contact with services. The health services have responsibility for homeless youth, and in 2000, 588 children under the age of eighteen were identified as homeless, including sixty-one under the age of twelve years, with family difficulties cited as the main cause (Department of Health and Children 2001, 12). OVERVIEW The 1937 Constitution obliges the state to provide free primary education, and legislation providing for free compulsory secondary-level
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education was enacted in 1968. For parents with low incomes, further financial support is available toward the costs of books and clothing and footwear. Yet a minority of parents choose to send their children to feepaying schools, particularly at second level (ages twelve through eighteen), with 32 percent of pupils in Dublin attending such schools in 2002–2003 (National Economic and Social Council 2005, 162). Feepaying schools are partially subsidized by the state, enabling middle-class parents to afford ‘‘private’’ schooling for their children. University fees were abolished in 1996. Participation at third level in both universities and institutes of technology has improved significantly in recent years, but educational disadvantage is still a feature at third level. The educational attainment of Irish children has increased steadily over the past fifty years, yet an unacceptable one in ten children leaves school without an adequate level of literacy (Educational Research Centre 2006). Child mortality rates are low. The perinatal mortality rate was 8.4 per 1,000 still and live births in 2002 (Bonham 2005, p. 3). This figure was as high at 66 per 1,000 live births in the 1940s. The under-five mortality rate in 2004 was 6 per 1,000 (United Nations Development Programme 2005, p. 250). The average life expectancy at birth is seventy-eight years. The main causes of unintentional injury and death in children under five years are road traffic accidents, fire-related deaths, and drowning, and road traffic accidents and drowning for children aged five to fourteen years. Since the 1960s, terrorist activity has been a feature of life in Northern Ireland, but comparatively little of this activity has spread to the Republic. The worst incident was in May 1974 when thirty-four people, including two toddlers and a nine months’ pregnant woman, were killed in bombs in Dublin and Monaghan. Generally, the last one hundred years in Ireland have been peaceful. Emigration has been a key feature of life in Ireland until very recently. Ireland has had net immigration since 1999. Some immigrants are on work visas, some are asylum seekers and refugees, while others are from the ten states joining the EU in 2004. The scale and speed of migrant flows is evident in figures (National Consultative Committee 2005) revealing that 104,000 new social security numbers were issued to persons from the new EU states alone for the first six months of 2004. In 2004, there were 3,598 applications for refugee status, far fewer than in 2002 when there were 11,634 applications. The status of children of refugees and asylum seekers is as uncertain as that of their parents, and even the exact number of children in this category is imprecise. In 2003, there were 1,619 applications for asylum from children living with family members and 277 from unaccompanied minors. It has been argued that the Irish Constitution protects the rights of parents and the family more effectively than it protects the rights of children (Greene 1994; Shannon 2001). The only defined rights for children
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enshrined in the Constitution are those related to education. The state does have the right to ‘‘supply the place of the parents’’ in extreme circumstances and, although 888 children are in the care of the state, parental rights are rarely fully withdrawn (i.e., by placing the child for adoption). However, in child law proceedings, such as in child custody disputes, it is agreed legal practice to ensure that the child’s interests and welfare take priority over other matters, as outlined in the 1964 Guardianship of Infants Act. In recent years, the state’s failure to protect children from abuse, neglect, and exploitation has been highlighted by a number of public scandals. The Kilkenny Incest Investigation Committee (1993) recommended an amendment of the Constitution to include a statement on the constitutional rights of children. Employers may not employ children under the age of sixteen in full-time work; fourteen- and fifteen-year-olds may be employed in ‘‘light work’’ on a part-time basis only. The experience of childhood in Ireland has changed significantly in recent decades. The pace of change was relatively slow and steady until the last decade of the twentieth century, when Ireland’s economic boom changed the lifestyles of the majority of adults and children (Greene 1994; Greene and Moane 2000). Families in general have more disposable income and more to spend on items and activities that would have been previously available to very few. There are more mobile phones in Ireland than people, and most primary school children have their own mobile phones. The average number of children per family has fallen from 2.2 in 1981 to 1.6 in 2002 (Central Statistics Office 2003), and the prevalence of large families is also on the decrease—38 percent of children lived in families with four or more children in 1981, dropping to 20 percent by 1996 (Fahey and Russell 2001, 58). Religion is a less central feature in family life, and children are more restricted in terms of their freedom to roam the streets and fields. Irish young people no longer experience enforced emigration and can expect to make their home and a living in Ireland as adults. EDUCATION Parents must ensure that children in Ireland are educated from the ages of six to sixteen years, although most five-year-olds are in school, and young people tend to stay in second level beyond the required age. At second level, the curriculum centers around two state examinations: the Junior Certificate taken at the end of the first three years, and the Leaving Certificate, taken, generally, after an additional two years of study. The Leaving Certificate is the gateway to third-level education and some further education courses. A system of state-funded denominational schooling still dominates in Ireland, with a majority of children at the primary and secondary level
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attending Roman Catholic schools. Single-sex schooling remains commonplace in Ireland, with 39 percent of second-level students in singlesex schools (Lodge and Lynch 2004). The period since the 1980s has been one of rapid expansion in educational participation by young people in Ireland, and there is strong satisfaction in the quality of schools and in educational standards and attainment. Between 1980 and 1998, the proportion of young people taking the Leaving Certificate increased from 60 to 82 percent (McCoy and Smyth 2003, 67)—below the government target of 90 percent by 2007. There has been less success in reducing inequalities in educational access and attainment. Official data indicate that approximately 1,000 students do not transfer from primary- to second-level schooling, although this figure is likely to be much higher (Fitzgerald 2004, 34). Eighty-two percent of school leavers obtain the Leaving Certificate, 15 percent leave school with the Junior Certificate as their last official second level examination, and a constant 3 percent leave with no qualifications at all (Department of Education and Science 2004). Males are overrepresented among those who leave school early. The problem of male educational underachievement is widely recognized but poorly understood. International reading literacy tests (Cosgrove 2000) rank Irish fifteenyear-olds fifth of twenty-seven countries, but the study indicated particularly weak reading skills in about one in ten Irish students—a recurring statistic since 1998 in national assessments. Girls have significantly higher average overall reading scores than boys; pupils from the Traveller community achieve lower average scores than pupils from the settled community, while pupils in low-income families have lower average test scores. Third-level education participation is increasing, with 24 percent of young people entering full-time third-level courses in 1980 (McCoy and Smyth 2003, p. 67) rising to 47 percent in 2004 (O’Connell, Clancy, and McCoy 2006, 133–39). The majority of all new entrants were female—54 percent in 2004. The children of higher professionals and farmers continue to be disproportionately represented in higher education, and the children of semi-skilled and unskilled manual workers underrepresented (O’Connell, Clancy, and McCoy 2006, 133–39). Educational attainment is highly predictive of access to further education and employment in Ireland. Unemployment rates are higher among the least-qualified school leavers, with an unemployment rate of 68 percent among those without qualifications. This figure is stark given the national context of high immigration and virtually full employment. Young people leaving school without qualifications can participate in a range of less formal educational and training programs at a later stage. Historically, children with disabilities tended to be educated in special schools, but the policy now is that they should be educated as far as
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possible in an inclusive environment. In 2000–2003 (National Disability Authority 2005, 40–50), three-quarters of children under twelve years of age with special needs were being educated in mainstream national schools with the remainder in special schools. Almost all second-level schools report having one or more students with disabilities. But children with disabilities in Ireland do not benefit equally from education, despite additional supports. Twenty-seven percent of young people ages fifteen to nineteen years with a disability had already finished their education, compared with almost 19 percent of nondisabled people (National Disability Authority 2005, 40–50). There are no data in Ireland on educational participation and performance for minority ethnic groups, with the exception of travelers. Educational participation by the traveling community is very low, with 55 percent of Irish travelers ages fifteen years and over citing primary school or no formal education as their highest educational attainment, and only 2.5 percent having completed upper second-level school (Central Statistics Office 2004, 27). PLAY AND RECREATION Historically in Ireland, there was little recognition of the value of play to children; no national strategy and no structure for play services (Richard Webb & Associates 1999, 38). Playground provision has been inadequate. In 2004, the national ratio of playgrounds to child population stood at only 43 percent of that recommended in the state’s own policy (National Children’s Office 2004, 19). Structured recreation for young people has been rooted in local voluntary community and youth work structures and initiatives. Local playgroups have been providing play and socialization opportunities for children since the 1960s (Whyte 2006, forthcoming). The Irish National Children’s Strategy (2000–2010; Government of Ireland 2000) explicitly recognizes children’s and young people’s right to play and recreation and promised to deliver national play and recreation policies. A National Play Policy (2004–2008) for children up to twelve years of age was developed, and playground provision and refurbishment appears to be increasing. While there is a dearth of research in Ireland on the impact of rapid social, economic, and physical change on children’s play and recreational opportunities, there have been changes in the type and location of play and recreation engaged in due to increased technology use, the substantial increase in the number of cars on Irish roads, the erosion of public space and the countrywide construction boom. Parental concern about traffic and fear of strangers has also reduced children’s mobility. Yet ‘‘traditional’’ activities such as reading, sport, and ‘‘hanging out’’ with friends remain as popular as ever, with some gender and urban/rural differences.
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Organized sport for children and young people in Ireland is conducted within the physical education (PE) program in schools, extracurricular sport in schools, and sports outside of school in clubs such as the Gaelic Athletic Association. Students in primary and secondary schools (Government of Ireland 2000), particularly girls, receive substantially less than the recommended amount of PE and are more likely to engage in extracurricular sports and sports outside the school with 88 percent having such involvement in sports. Six percent of children have very low levels of engagement and enjoyment in their leisure time with, worryingly, low self-esteem and poor body image linked to low participation. In their free time, the vast majority of young people prefer to watch television and listen to music (de R oiste and Dineen 2005, 5). Computer games are very popular but much more with boys than girls. Over half of the young people read regularly in their free time, with females and those in the higher socioeconomic groups reading most frequently. Young people identified a dearth of provision for adolescent recreation. Most young people enjoy ‘‘hanging around outside’’ (de R oiste and Dineen 2005, 5). However, for children living in disadvantaged areas, hanging around can be perceived by neighborhood residents as antisocial behavior, and can become a source of tension between the young people and adults (Byrne, Nixon, Moyock, and Whyte, forthcoming). Television viewing is very popular, with young people in secondary schools watching two to three hours of television per day during the week, and primary school children watching two hours of television (Fahey 2005). Children’s channel options include the Irish national public service broadcaster Radio Tilefish Eire Ann (RTE) with two English language stations and one in the Irish language; two commercial stations; and cable and satellite stations from outside of Ireland. A fraction of RTE’s budget is spent on new indigenous children’s programming. The two Irish commercial channels neither produce nor transmit programs for children. While children’s theater exists in Ireland, there are issues with its financial sustainability, with attendance reflecting the socioeconomic profile of adult theatergoers. However, The Ark cultural center in Dublin is innovative in its programming and undertakes outreach into disadvantaged areas of the city. Young people’s theater companies tend to have both educational and recreational foci to their work. Family recreational facilities include public parks and play facilities, and the cinemas typically show features from the United States and the United Kingdom that appeal to adults and children. CHILD LABOR Irish policy and law seek to limit the time young people spend in employment and increase the length of time spent in formal education,
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alongside ensuring that young people engaged in employment in Ireland are not exploited. The National Children’s Strategy is clear that ‘‘measures will be taken to ensure that benefiting from such opportunities [work] does not interfere with children’s education’’ (Government of Ireland, National Children’s Strategy, 54). The Protection of Young Persons (Employment) Act 1996 prohibits the employment of people younger than sixteen years old in regular full-time jobs, although children between fourteen and sixteen years old can work part-time, with rest periods and limits on hours and time of working based on age and educational participation. A total of 1,836 inspections under the act took place in 2004 (Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment 2005). The number of prosecutions of employers under the act is very low: nineteen in 2003 (Government of Ireland 2005, 162), although anecdotal evidence suggests a higher number of infringements. Approximately 2,996 young people between the ages of fifteen and seventeen provide unpaid personal care to a relative or friend—81 percent for between one to ten hours per week and 207 young people provide forty-three hours plus care per week, often with little support. Despite decreasing agrarianism, the ‘‘family farm’’ still has economic and cultural significance in Ireland. One-eighth of young people in education undertake unpaid work assisting in the family farm or business. More males than females undertake unpaid employment in key examination years (McCoy and Smyth 2004). Given the booming economy and growing consumerism among all age groups, it is no surprise that employment amongst school-going young people is high. In 2004 (Gorby and McCoy 2005), 53 percent of school leavers engaged in paid employment while at school. Most work was undertaken at weekends. Boys are more likely than girls to work regularly (girls work on an ad hoc basis due to their greater representation in childcare), for longer and during the school week (McCoy and Smyth 2004). Forty percent of working students were in the service industry, and a similar proportion were engaged in babysitting work, with the remainder employed in factories and paid farm duties (McCoy and Smyth 2004). The highest proportions of second-level students working part-time (Gorby et al. 2004) tend to be those where the father is an employer/ manager and the lowest where fathers work in farming/agriculture or are unemployed, seeming to indicate that young people are not always working due to inadequate family income. There is a dearth of data on children as workers in the Republic of Ireland, but in research (Leonard 2001, 275) in Belfast, many working children emphasized job satisfaction and access to social networks as the main reason for working rather than income. In Irish research on low-income families (Daly and Leonard 2002, 148–170), all of the children interviewed contributed to the household economy either directly or indirectly; for example, by buying their own clothes.
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FAMILY Until recently, traditional gender roles were strongly maintained in Ireland. Boys and girls were socialized to occupy adult roles conforming to the traditional pattern of men being breadwinners and distant authoritarian fathers and women being ‘‘stay-at-home’’ housewives and mothers. A number of factors have combined to undermine these traditional stereotypes. Education for girls has led to their having aspirations beyond marriage and motherhood, and contraception—which was banned by the Roman Catholic Church and the State—is now widely available, and as a result, childbearing can be postponed and family size reduced. Young women are thus more enabled to pursue education and a career. Starting in primary school, girls are more successful in academic terms than boys, thus putting paid to notions of female intellectual inferiority. More than half of university students are women and, in some universities, women make up over 60 percent of the student population. Nonetheless, ideological notions of ‘‘traditional’’ family remain strong, and women continue to be seen first and foremost as mothers and wives. Teenage girls’ responsibility for domestic chores far outweighs that of boys, and this division of labor appears to be strongly influenced by traditional gender expectations (Leonard 2004, 73–87). Divorce was not permitted under the Constitution until 1997 when it was introduced after a second national referendum. In 2002, 134,000 people or 7.5 percent of those ever married gave their status as divorced or legally separated. Separated people still outnumber divorced people by three to one, but for children both imply parental separation and its range of consequences (Hogan, Halpenny, and Greene 2002). Children, under and over eighteen years old, are entitled to a parent’s estate divided equally between them if there is no will or the will is invalid, and the deceased parent is not married or their spouse is already dead, or one-third of the estate if the deceased parent is married and is survived by their spouse. Both marital and nonmarital children have equal rights to inherit from their parents since the Status of Children Act 1987. Adopted children have the same rights as natural children; however, children to whom the deceased was in loco parentis do not. Information is not available on the number of children under eighteen years who inherit property and are exploited, but anecdotal evidence suggests that children are not well protected (Law Society of Ireland’s Law Reform Committee 2006, 215–216, 226). While the state safety net for the young and the old means that intergenerational responsibility is not as necessary as in other nations, family relationships and connections remain strong in Ireland. Despite changes in the Irish nuclear family and lifestyles, an Irish study on grandparents found that most lived within ten miles of their grandchildren, and, on
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average, saw them at least once a week (Lundstr€ om 2000, 3). A study on children’s experience of parental separation suggested that children and young people whose parents had separated had more opportunity in Ireland to maintain connections with their nonresident parent (typically their father) and also with their grandparents (Hogan et al. 2002). Some commentators feel the family has been ‘‘idealized’’ in Ireland and that, only recently, have some of the more negative aspects of traditional Irish family life—such as unacceptable levels of physical and sexual abuse of children—come to light. The view that children are the property and responsibility of parents means that there has been very little state support for parents. For example, state investment in preschool care and education is very low by EU standards. However, official and public concern with the definition, status, and state of the family is reflected in a government commission on the issue in the mid-1990s, and recent policies designed to ‘‘strengthen’’ the family. A statutory Family Support Agency was established in 2003 and is responsible for a series of locally based family resource centers, funding voluntary organizations providing marriage, child, and bereavement counseling services, and family mediation services. Over 12 percent of children aged up to fourteen years live below the income poverty threshold and experience basic deprivation (consistent poverty), compared with 7 percent of the overall population, and 21 percent are at risk of poverty (Central Statistics Office 2005, 14). One-third of lone-parent families experience consistent poverty (Central Statistics Office 2005, 3). Despite increases, in 1997 Ireland still lagged behind EU-15 and selected industrialized countries in terms of female life expectancy (ranked 19 of 20), male life expectancy (19 of 20), and infant mortality (16 of 20 countries) (Nolan 2005, 18). Perinatal and infant mortality rates are higher in families where the father is an unskilled manual worker or is unemployed and travelers have higher rates of stillbirth, infant mortality, and perinatal mortality (Chief Medical Officer Children 2002, 17). Children from higher social groups take more exercise and smoke less (Gabhainn, Friel, and Cooke 2003). Important transitions in the lives of Irish children are strongly dictated by the school system. Thus, ‘‘going to big school’’ (primary school) at age four or five is seen as a very significant step and the transition to secondary school at age twelve or thirteen is also an important event for children and parents. The two state examinations, which take place at the same time (age sixteen and age eighteen) for almost all children, are also important milestones. For the majority Roman Catholic population, first communion and confirmation are important family-oriented events. At age eighteen, young people become eligible to vote, and eighteen is seen by some as the commencement of adulthood and the end of childhood. But the twenty-first birthday is still seen as a major marker of the transition to adulthood, very often celebrated by a party, special cards, and gifts.
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HEALTH Child mortality rates in Ireland are low, with the perinatal rate at 8.4 per 1,000 still and live births in 2002 and the under-five mortality rate at 6 per 1,000. Every baby born in the Republic of Ireland is entitled to free medical care for the first six weeks and receives health checks though the public health system for their first year. All children in primary school receive medical checks, and primary and preschool children are also eligible for free dental, ophthalmic, and aural treatment. But a lack of resources and capacity in the health services means that there are often long delays in both assessment for and delivery of these services. The main providers of healthcare for children and families are the public and private hospital systems, local self-employed doctors, and local state-provided community care services. Free access to doctor care and medicines is by way of qualification for an income-related medical card, although only 28 percent of the population is covered. Every adult and child in Ireland is entitled to hospital care; those without medical cards must pay fees that can be onerous for low-income families. Long hospital-waiting lists have been problematic since the mid- to late- 1990s. Between 1,182 and 1,406 children awaited in-patient treatment in 2003, the majority for between three and twelve months (Department of Health and Children 2002). The Government target wait time is no more than three months. Over half of the population has private medical insurance, mainly in order skip queues. The state provides for the immunization of the total child population to eliminate such diseases as diphtheria, polio, and measles, mumps, and rubella (MMR). Eighty-three percent of children were immunized for diphtheria and polio in 2002, and MMR vaccinations (73 percent) are decreasing due to parental concerns over the safety of the vaccine—a cause of concern to health professionals. The most common infectious diseases for children in Ireland are gastroenteritis, food poisoning, measles, and meningitis (National Disease Surveillance Centre, n.d.). Ireland’s environmental indicators are positive with serious outdoor air quality problems not existing in Ireland, and the majority of water supplies meet quality standards, although concerns have been expressed about future pollution due to increased traffic (Environmental Protection Agency 2005, 26–36). Voluntary bodies provide long-term residential care for children with disabilities on behalf of the state. In the past, many people with intellectual disabilities were placed in psychiatric hospitals, and while this is no longer considered appropriate, 298 such children reside in psychiatric hospitals. The vast majority of children (8,180, aged nineteen years old and younger) with intellectual disability are cared for at home and receive day services, while approximately 350 live in residential care settings
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(Health Research Board 2005, 37–42). A social welfare payment is available to families caring full-time at home for children with a severe disability. The Irish health system provides psychiatric services for children aged up to sixteen years, and young people aged from sixteen to eighteen years. It is estimated that approximately 18 percent of children younger than sixteen years will experience significant mental health problems, that 3 to 4 percent will suffer from a psychiatric disorder, and that psychological disturbances exist in up to 20 percent of adolescents aged between sixteen and eighteen years (Amnesty International 2003, 13). Difficulties in the availability and suitability of preventative and treatment services for such children and young people in Ireland are evident. The child psychiatric service currently provides treatment for children in outpatient settings, and services are insufficient and poorly geographically distributed. There are insufficient inpatient beds (twenty total). Dedicated adolescent mental health services are virtually nonexistent on a national basis. There are no inpatient beds available for adolescents and only one-day hospital. While it is considered inappropriate, it appears young people do attend adult services, but there is a lack of data on the issue. Sexuality education has been a contentious subject within the context of a primarily Catholic based school system, and the acceptance of the primacy of the parent as educator of the child within the Constitution. A school-based program, Relationships and Sexuality Education (RSE), was introduced in 1995, with modest and varying degrees of implementation. Overall, Ireland is coming to terms with heterosexual child and teenage sexuality, so unsurprisingly the RSE program pays little attention to gay and lesbian, bisexual, and transgender youth (LGBT). A 2006 small-scale study indicates that for young people who were LGBT, being treated differently at school because of their sexual orientation was commonplace (Devlin 2006, 37–8). Services for LGBT youth are virtually nonexistent, with a handful provided through voluntary activity. Irish rates of teenage pregnancy have not increased significantly since the 1970s. Instead, the proportion of teenage births outside marriage has increased. Yet there is a popular perception that such birth rates are on the increase, particularly among very young girls, but in 2003 just 2 percent of all births (58) occurred amongst teenagers under fifteen years (Crisis Pregnancy Agency 2005, 17). Much of the anxiety about teenage pregnancy stems from the association between poor child health outcomes; for example, low birth weight and young motherhood, and the deprivation cycle that young motherhood compounds. There is little information on the practice of female genital mutilation in Ireland. The basis for the assumption that female genital mutilation happens in Ireland is anecdotal, and it is not a practice associated with the majority religions. Circumcision has taken place over the years in
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Ireland for cultural and religious reasons and is less contentious and considered less harmful. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The recognition in the Constitution of the family as the ‘‘natural, primary and fundamental unit group of society’’ with ‘‘inalienable and imprescriptable rights’’ (Government of Ireland 1937, 136), and the definition of the family as the marital family, has meant that children’s rights are subject to some degree to the rights of their parents or families and children from nonmarital families are not afforded the same level of Constitutional protection. A parliamentary committee reporting in 2006 recommended changes to the Constitution in this regard. Up until the 1990s, child welfare and justice were operating within laws and structures inherited from British rule. There was a significant change and expansion in the 1990s in children’s policy including the introduction of the 2000 National Children’s Strategy developed to meet Ireland’s obligations under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), ratified by Ireland in 1992. Within Irish policy and law, the UNCRC is considered to be a source of guidance and moral force rather than hard law. The first Irish State report submitted in 1996 to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child provided a spur to the Irish Government to develop the National Children’s Strategy due to UN comments on the incoherence of Irish children’s policy and structures. The committee also expressed concern at the levels of child poverty and child homelessness in Ireland and recommended that a Children’s Commissioner be appointed. A statutory Ombudsman for Children office was established in 2004. The Ombudsman is charged with vindicating the rights of children as required under the UNCRC and has the power to investigate complaints for or on behalf of children. The Children Act 2001, the main framework for the youth justice system, emphasizes a diversionary and restorative approach with the use of detention as a last resort. The act is being implemented on a phased basis, and system reform includes the closure of Ireland’s main place of detention for young people. However, five years after enactment, many community sanctions provisions have yet to come into effect. There is a constant tension in Irish juvenile justice between the welfare and punishment approaches. Young people can be constructed as a risk to a community rather than at risk within the community. In terms of access to counsel, children tend to be represented by solicitors and a guardian ad litem (GAL). GALs have a role in relation to the welfare of the child under the Children Act 2001, but there is little guidance on their operation, and full provision has not been made for their appointment in legal proceedings (Law Society of Ireland’ s Law Reform Committee 2006, 5). A Children’s Court hears all minor charges against
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children aged up to eighteen years and acts as a point of entry to District and Criminal Courts. The number of recorded offenses committed annually by young people has remained stable over 2003 to 2005 at approximately 20,000, and offenses are generally committed by young males ages fourteen to seventeen. The main offenses committed are alcohol-related, theft, criminal damage, public order, and traffic-related. More than two-thirds of all young offenders are dealt with by means of formal/informal caution (Department of Justice, Equality and Law Reform 2005, p. 9). Age, gender, and level of community deprivation, for example, being young, deprived, and male, are key factors in predicting the likelihood of court appearance and of a custodial sentence (Bacik 2002, 358). In line with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, the child is defined as zero to eighteen years. The age of criminal responsibility is seven years at the time of writing, but is due to become twelve years. Sixteen is the age where children can consent to medical or dental treatment. The age of sexual consent is seventeen years, for both heterosexual and gay acts, and the age of marriage is eighteen years. Sixteen years is the legal age of school leaving and full-time employment commencement. The ability to hold paid employment is considered to be a line that can be drawn to set a definition of an adult rather than a child. Ireland has developed laws since 1995 to outlaw child trafficking and child pornography, and systematic police investigations into the possession of child pornography are ongoing. Statistics do not accurately record the extent of child trafficking, but we know that 10 percent of unaccompanied minors coming into Ireland are the subject of investigation in relation to criminal trafficking or smuggling by adults (Conroy 2003, 2–4). While no hard data exists on the number of children involved in prostitution in Ireland, small-scale local studies provide estimates identifying a significant number of male and female prostitutes under eighteen years, mainly in urban areas. RELIGIOUS LIFE The predominant faith in Ireland is Christian, with the majority of the country (over 90 percent) being members of the Roman Catholic Church. Most of the remaining population belong to Protestant denominations but, as immigration increases, there is a growing number of Muslims and people of non-Christian faiths. The practice of religion has declined markedly in recent years, especially among the young. Ireland is fast becoming a more secular society, although the practice of religion remains higher than in many other northern European states. Despite increased secularization, religious organizations continue to play a strong and influential role in the life of children in Ireland. Children are primarily taught in schools with a Catholic ethos, owned and
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managed by religious orders, and receive Catholic religious education. The preparation for Roman Catholic religious milestones such as the first communion and confirmation is undertaken by the schools. Local community activities in which children are involved, for example, voluntary work or outings, are often organized through local Catholic ‘‘parishes’’ or local religious-based voluntary organizations. The Irish national television and radio broadcaster calls people to prayer twice a day marking a Catholic belief. In the past in Ireland, it would not have been uncommon for young people to consider entering Catholic vocations; that is, the priesthood or religious orders. Now there are very few entries to seminaries and convents, and religious orders are selling property and lands due to the reduction in size of the religious community. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The mandatory sentence for child murder in Ireland is life imprisonment. Five adults were convicted in 2003 of the homicide of children, one of whom was less than ten years old and four who were between eleven and twenty years of age (Central Statistics Office 2003, 134). However, these figures do not reflect the sad occurrence in Ireland in recent years of situations where parents have taken both their children’s and their own lives. In a national representative study from 2002, almost one-third of women and one-quarter of men reported experiencing some level of sexual abuse in childhood (McGee, Garavan, de Barra, Byrne, and Conroy 2002). Yet a small number of all sexual offenses reported to the police involve eventual conviction of the abuser—131 of almost 2,000 in 2004 (An Garda Siochana n.d.). Fifty-three percent of all those serving sentences in 1997 for sexual offenses had offended against children, and they were serving on average a shorter sentence than those convicted for sexual offences against adults (O’Sullivan 2002, 178). A Sex Offenders Act was introduced in 2001 and includes a sex offender’s register. In 2000, there were 8,269 cases of reported child abuses with 3,085 confirmed and 778 nonabuse or unconfirmed. The remainder were inconclusive or assessment was ongoing (Fitzgerald 2004, 68). The Children Act 2001 makes it an offense for a person who has the custody, charge, or case of a child to willfully assault, ill-treat, neglect, abandon, or expose the child or to cause or procure or allow the child to be assaulted, ill-treated, neglected, abandoned, or exposed (Government of Ireland 2005, 9). Convictions are low—five in 2004. It is noteworthy that the corporal punishment of children by their parents is not against Irish law. However, should a parent cause injury to a child, a prosecution may ensue. For many years, the corporal punishment of children and young people by a school teacher was considered appropriate and effective discipline.
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The Non-Fatal Offences against the Person Act of 1997 abolished the common law rule under which teachers had immunity from criminal liability for physically punishing pupils. The legal prohibition of corporal punishment within the family has not been brought forward and is an issue in which the state is loathe to interfere. There is no compulsory military service in Ireland. Joining the armed forces is voluntary, and the size of the military is small by international standards. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The economic prospect in Ireland remains good, although in the medium term there may well be a downturn. A strong economy augers well for the future well-being and employment opportunities for young people in Ireland. There is some concern that material gain has had a destructive impact on some of the long-cherished features of life in Ireland, such as a strong sense of community, close-knit families, and an appreciation of moral and spiritual values. In the context of such material prosperity, the persisting lack of equality of opportunity for some children and young people is matter for concern. In 2000, a National Children’s Strategy was launched as the result of a cross-government initiative and widespread consultation. The National Children’s Office (now the Office of the Minister for Children) was established at this time to implement this ambitious strategy. The strategy is an important benchmark for children’s policies and services in Ireland and can be seen to herald a new era of child-centered policy development on the part of the Irish government. Many of the worthy ambitions in the strategy are yet to be fulfilled, and there are a number of key challenges to be addressed, including the inadequacy of many children’s services, the lack of universal preschool education, and the persistence of child poverty. As Ireland becomes increasingly diverse in terms of religion, culture, and ethnicity it is a challenge to ensure that all children, whatever their background, develop a secure sense of their own identity in a new multicultural Ireland. Ireland ratified the UNCRC in 1992, and the government has just submitted its second report on progress in implementing it (Government of Ireland 2005). In this report, the government comments on the ‘‘increased and enhanced development of policies and services for children in the 1990s and recent years’’ and states that ‘‘significant resources, investment and new legislation have supported these developments.’’ In line with one of the goals of the National Children’s Strategy, that ‘‘children’s lives will be better understood,’’ the government is funding the National Longitudinal Study of Children in Ireland, which starts in 2007. An infant cohort and a nine-year cohort will be recruited, and this wide-ranging study will generate a huge amount of data on what it means to grow up in Ireland in the twenty-first century.
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Another noticeable trend in line with both the UNCRC and the NCS is the new interest in consulting with children and young people on matters of concern to them. It is hoped that consultation with children will be part of a public agenda that both supports and respects children and young people. As a small, wealthy country, Ireland has the opportunity to improve the experience of childhood for all its young citizens. The challenge remains to ensure the equal distribution of opportunities and outcomes. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Children’s Rights Alliance. 1997. Small Voices: Vital Rights, Submission to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. Dublin: Children’s Rights Alliance. Cleary, Anne, Maire Nic Giolla Phadraig, and Suzanne Quin. 2003. Understanding Children, Volume 1: State, Education and Economy Dublin: Oak Tree Press. Cleary, Anne, Maire Nic Giolla Phadraig, and Suzanne Quin. 2003. Understanding Children Volume 2: Changing Experiences of Family Forms. Dublin: Oak Tree Press. Government of Ireland. 1996. Ireland’s First Report to the UN on the Implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. Dublin: Stationary Office. Government of Ireland. 2005. Ireland’s Second Report to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. Dublin: Stationary Office. Greene, Sheila. 1994. ‘‘Growing up Irish: Development in Context.’’ Irish Journal of Psychology 15: 2, 3, 354–71. Greene, Sheila, and Geraldine Moane. 2000. ‘‘Growing up Irish: Changing Children in a Changing Society.’’ Irish Journal of Psychology 21: 3, 4, 122–37.
Web Sites Children’s Research Centre, http://www.tcd.ie/childrensresearchcentre. Children’s Rights Alliance, http://www.childrensrights.ie. Economic and Social Research Institute, http://www.esri.ie. National Children’s Office, http://www.nco.ie (pre-December 2005). National Economic and Social Council, http://www.nesc.ie. National Economic and Social Forum, http://www.nesf.ie. Office of An Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister), http://www.taoiseach.gov.ie. Office of the Minister for Children, http://www.omc.gov.ie (from December 2005).
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Selected Bibliography The All-Party Oireachtas Committee on the Constitution, Tenth Progress Report: The Family. Dublin: Government of Ireland. Amnesty International. 2003. Mental Illness: The Neglected Quarter. Dublin: Amnesty International, p. 13. An Garda Siochana. Summary of Headline Offences Statistics for 2002. http:// www.justice.ie. Accessed March 30, 2006. Bacik, Ivana. 2002. ‘‘The Practice of Sentencing in the Irish Courts.’’ In Criminal Justice in Ireland, ed. Paul O’ Mahoney. Dublin: Institute of Public Administration, p. 358. Bonham, Selina. 2005. Report on Perinatal Statistics for 2002. Dublin: ESRI and Department of Health and Children, p. 3. Brooke, Simon. 2004. Housing Problems and Irish Children. Dublin: Children’s Research Centre, p. 16. Byrne, Tina, Liz Nixon, Paula Mayock, and Jean Whyte. 2006. The Free-Time and Leisure Needs of Young People in Marginalised Communities. Dublin: Children’s Research Center. Central Statistics Office. 2005. Statistical Yearbook of Ireland. Dublin: Central Statistics Office, p. 7. Central Statistics Office. 2003. Statistical Yearbook of Ireland. Dublin: CSO, p. 134. Central Statistics Office. December 2005. EU Survey on Income and Living Conditions, 2004. Ireland: CSO, p. 14. Central Statistics Office. 2003. Census 2002, Volume 3, Household Composition and Family Unit. Dublin: Stationary Office. Central Statistics Office. 2004. Census 2002–Irish Traveller Community. Dublin: Stationary Office, p. 27. Chief Medical Officer. 2002. Report of the Chief Medical Officer. Dublin: Department of Health and Children, p. 17. Conroy, Pauline. 2003. Trafficking in Unaccompanied Minors in the European Union Member States–Ireland, Research Summary. Dublin: International Organization of Migration, pp. 2–4. Cosgrove, Judith. 2000. Teachers Guide to Reading Literacy. Dublin: Educational Research Centre. Crisis Pregnancy Agency. 2005. Crisis Pregnancy Agency Statistical Report 2005: Fertility and Crisis Pregnancy Indices. Dublin: CPA, p. 17. Daly, Mary and Madeline Leonard. 2002. Against The Odds. Dublin: Combat Poverty Agency, pp. 148–70. de R oiste, Aine, and Joan Dineen. 2005. Young People’s Views about Opportunities, Barriers and Supports to Recreation and Leisure. Dublin: National Children’s Office, p. 5. Department of Education and Science. 2004. 2002/3 Statistical Report. Dublin: DES. Department of Enterprise. 2005. Trade and Employment, Annual Report 2004. Dublin: DETE. Department of Health and Children. 2001. Youth Homelessness Strategy. Dublin: DOHC, p. 12. Department of Health and Children. Immunisation Rates at 24 months–percentage uptake by health board/regional authority, 2002, http://www.dohc.ie/ statistics/health_statistics/table_d7.html. Accessed March 22, 2006. Department of Justice. 2005. Equality and Law Reform, Report on the Youth Justice Review. Dublin: DJELR, p. 9.
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Department of Social and Family Affairs. 2006. Government Discussion Paper: Proposals for Supporting Lone Parents. Dublin: DSFA, p. 17. Devlin, Maurice. 2006. Inequality and the Stereotyping of Young People. Dublin: National Youth Council of Ireland/Equality Authority, p. 37–8. Educational Research Centre. 2004. National Assessment of English Reading in 2004. Dublin: Educational Research Centre. Environmental Protection Agency. 2005. Ireland’s Environment 2004. Dublin: EPA, pp. 26–36. Fahey, Toney, Liam Delaney, and Brenda Gannon. 2005. School Children and Sport in Ireland. Dublin: Economic and Social Research Institute, pp. ix–v. Fahey, Toney, and Helen Russell. 2001. Family Formation in Ireland: Trends, Data Needs and Implications. Dublin: Economic and Social Research Institute, p. 58. Fitzgerald, Eithne. 2004. Counting Our Children: An Analysis of Official Data Sources on Children and Childhood in Ireland. Dublin: Children’s Research Centre, p. 34. Fitzgerald, John, Adele Bergin, Ide Kearney, Alan Barrett, David Duffy, Shane Garrett, and Yvonne McCarthy. December 2005. Medium Term Review 2005–2012. Dublin: Economic and Social Research Institute, p. 5. Gabhainn, Saoirse Nic Sharon Friel, and Mary Cooke. 2003. Irish Health Behaviour in School-Aged Children Survey. Dublin: Department of Health and Children Health Promotion Unit, Galway; National University of Ireland, Galway Centre for Health Promotion Studies. Gorby, Shirley, Selina McCoy, and Dorothy Watson. 2005. 2004 Annual School Leavers’ Survey of 2002/2003 Leavers. Dublin: Economic and Social Research Institute. Government of Ireland. 2005. Ireland’s Second Report to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. Dublin: Stationary Office, pp. 5, 9. Government of Ireland. 1937. Irish Constitution. Dublin: Government of Ireland, p. 136. Government of Ireland. 2000. National Children’s Strategy. Dublin: Stationary Office. Greene, Sheila. 1994. ‘‘Growing up Irish: Development in Context.’’ Irish Journal of Psychology 15: 2, 3. Greene, Sheila, and Geraldine Moane. 2000. ‘‘Growing up Irish: Changing Children in a Changing Society.’’ Irish Journal of Psychology 21: 3–4, 122–37. Health Research Board. 2005. National Intellectual Disability Database. Dublin, Ireland: HRB, pp. 37–42. Hogan, Diance, Anne Marie Halpenny, and Sheila Greene. 2002. Children’s Experiences of Parental Separation. Dublin: Children’s Research Centre. Law Society of Ireland’s Law Reform Committee. March 2006. Rights Based Child Law: The Case for Reform. Dublin: Law Society of Ireland, pp. 215–16; 226. Leonard, Madeline. 2001. ‘‘Children as Workers: A Case Study of Child Employment in Belfast.’’ In Understanding Children, Volume 1. Dublin: Oak Tree Press, p. 275. Leonard, Madeline. 2004. ‘‘Teenage Girls and Housework in Irish Society.’’ Irish Journal of Sociology 13(1): 73–87. Lodge, Anne, and Kathleen Lynch. 2004. Diversity at School. Dublin: Equality Authority. Lundstr€ om, Francesca. 2000. Grandparenthood in Modern Ireland. Dublin: Department of Social and Family Affairs, p. 3.
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McCoy, Selina, and Emer Smyth. October 2003. Educational Expenditure: Implications for equality in Budget Perspectives. Dublin: Economic and Social Research Institute, p. 67. McCoy, Selina, and Emer Smyth. 2004. At Work in School. Dublin: ESRI. McGee, Hannah, Rebecca Garavan, Mairead de Barra, Joanne Byrne, and Ronan Conroy. 2002. The SAVI Report: Sexual Abuse and Violence in Ireland. Dublin: Liffey Press. National Children’s Office. 2004. Ready, Steady, Play! A National Play Policy. Dublin: Stationary Office, p. 19. National Consultative Committee on Racism and Interculturalism, E-Bulletin, August 2005. http://www.nccri.ie. Accessed August 13, 2005. National Disability Authority. 2005. How Far Towards Equality? Dublin: National Disability Authority, pp. 40–50. National Disease Surveillance Centre. Notifiable infectious diseases in Ireland 2003. http://www.ndsc.ie. Accessed March 21, 2006. National Economic and Social Council. 2005. Developmental Welfare State. Dublin: NESC, p. 162. Nolan, Anne. 2005. ‘‘Health: Funding, ‘Access and Efficiency.’’’ In The Economy of Ireland, ed. J. O’ Hagan, C. Newman. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, p. 18. O’Connell, Philip J., David Clancy, and Selina McCoy. 2006. Who went to College in 2004?: A National Survey of New Entrants to Higher Education. Dublin: Higher Education Authority, pp. 133–39. O’Sullivan, Eoin. 2002. ‘‘‘This otherwise delicate subject’: Child Sexual Abuse in Early Twentieth-Century Ireland.’’ In Criminal Justice in Ireland, ed. Paul O’ Mahoney. Dublin: Institute of Public Administration, p. 178. Richard Webb & Associates. 1999. Public Policy on Children’s Play in Ireland. Dublin: Centre for Social and Educational Research/Children’s Research Centre, p. 38. Shannon, Geoffrey. 2001. Child Law. Dublin: Round Hall Press. United Nations Development Programme. 2005. United Nations Development Report. New York: UNDP, p. 250. Whyte, Jean. 2006. Reconceptualising Community Playgroups. 2006. Dublin: Children’s Research Centre. Williams, James, and Shirley Gorby. 2002. Counted In: The Report of the Assessment of Homelessness in Dublin. Dublin: Homeless Agency/ ESRI, p. 31.
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ISRAEL Asher Ben-Arieh and Michal Kimchi NATIONAL PROFILE With a population of 7,148,700 (Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics 2007), Israel is not only a small country, but also a very young one. Some 33 percent of the population are children under age eighteen, totaling just under 2.3 million. Israel is also unique in the diversity of its child population. Some 27 percent of children are Arabs, who are divided into Muslims, Christians, and Druze. The rest are of unknown religion (3 percent). Among the Jewish majority, there is still much evidence of a social and economical cleavage between children in families with parents of Western origin (Ashkenzim) and those of African or Asian origin (Sepharadim). The vast majority of Israeli children live in urban areas of more than 2,000 habitants, and one-fifth live in cities with more than 200,000 inhabitants. Ten percent live in rural areas. The largest group of rural inhabitants is Jewish (89.9 percent), followed by Muslim (7.4 percent), Druze and Christian (1 percent). Another 1.8 percent of the children in rural areas are of unknown religion, although they likely live within the Jewish society. The State of Israel was founded as a modern state only after World War II and the holocaust as the national home for Jews worldwide. Thus, not surprisingly, Israel is a migrant society, built by waves of Jewish immigrants from all around the world. This immigration of Jews to Israel has continued throughout the state’s fifty-six years of existence. The most recent wave of immigrants (arriving after January 1, 1990) was from the former Soviet Union and Ethiopia, and it has affected the fabric of the Israeli society significantly. Today, approximately 11 percent of children, or about 300,000, are living in families that arrived during the last fifteen years (mainly from the former Soviet Union and Ethiopia, but also from Argentina, France, the United States, and many other countries). This significant wave of immigration brought to Israel not only many new children, but also new cultures and new compositions of families.
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Consequently, it has affected the well-being of Israeli children at the national, local, community, and family levels. For example, immigrants from Ethiopia are unique in their large share of children (51.3 percent). Immigrants from North America are characterized by the large share of young children aged four years and younger (10.5 percent), and the immigrants from the former Soviet Union have fewer children but a high proportion of single-parent families. Israel, on the whole, is more traditional in its family forms. Most are dual-parent homes, although the number of single-parent families is growing. Nevertheless, only 8.6 percent of Israeli families are single parents. The same is true for divorce rates, which are on the rise but are still low. The rate of workforce participation in Israel is 54.9 percent. More men (60.6 percent) than women (49.6 percent) are in the workforce. Workforce rates are particularly low among Arab women and ultraorthodox Jewish men (Efrat, BenArieh, Gal, and Haj-Yahia 1998). Israel is a relatively comprehensive welfare state that combines an adherence to the Beveridge social insurance model with an emphasis on social assistance for the poor. It has a national health insurance system and offers universal benefits that cover most contingencies and social risks. These include child benefits and unemployment insurance, as well as means-tested social assistance and a universal health insurance scheme (Doron and Kramer 1991; Ben-Arieh, Gal, Nepomnyaschy, and Garfinkel, in press). However, benefit levels are relatively low and, similar to the United States, Israel strongly emphasizes the voluntary market
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provision of social protection (Gal and Bargal 2000). Indeed, despite its origins in the universalistic Beveridge welfare state model and movement toward the more social-democratic Scandinavian welfare state model in the early 1970s, the Israeli welfare state remains closer to the liberal welfare state ideal, most commonly associated with the United States (Esping-Andersen 1999). Social expenditure in Israel has grown during the last decade, and by the latter part of the 1990s reached just over 20 percent of gross domestic product (GDP). In 2004, social service expenditures accounted for 18.6 percent of GDP and 36 percent of the overall state budget. More than one-third of the expenditures (37 percent) were devoted to social security programs, primarily old age benefits and child allowances. Of the expenditures devoted to direct services, education ranks highest. State expenditure on education reached 10 percent of GDP in 2004. Health expenditures followed at 8.3 percent; the state funds approximately onehalf of national health spending (Kop 2004; Kop 2005). Israel has recently undergone a devolution of welfare provision from the national level to the local levels, and from state to nonprofit and forprofit private providers. Privatization has led to the outsourcing of services in diverse fields and to a growth in dependence on charity organizations among the needy. Budget cuts resulting in declining state funding for human services coupled with devolution have led to a growing role for municipal authorities in social service provision (Katan 1996; Kop 2004). Despite the comprehensive nature of the Israeli welfare state and its level of social expenditure, poverty levels and inequality in Israel are higher than those in most other developed welfare states. In 2004, 23.6 percent of the population lived below the poverty level and the GINI measure was 0.38. Poverty is particularly high among Arab families (49.9 percent), families with more than four children (54.7 percent), and singleparent families (31.4 percent). Child poverty is also high in Israel at 33.2 percent in 2004 (National Insurance Institute 2005). KEY FACTS – ISRAEL EDUCATION Israel operates a national public education system for children ages three to seventeen. School attendance is compulsory for children ages three to fifteen. In 2004, the percentage of persons aged fifteen and older who could read and write was 98 percent among males and 96 percent
Population: 7,148,700 (April 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 4.3 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 78.3 years (men); 82.9 years (women) (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 95.4 percent (2003 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 98 percent (2000–2005) Internet users: 3.7 million (2006) People living with HIV/AIDS: 3,000 (1999 est.) Sources: Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics. http://www1.cbs.gov.il. July 1, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Israel–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ israel_statistics.html. April 24, 2007.
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among females. Until 1999, the statutory minimum school age was five. However, new legislation lowered it to age three (the additional schooling is free of charge). This new legislation is to be phased in over ten years, beginning in 2000. Among fifteen-year-olds, 94.2 percent are enrolled in school, and 91.3 percent of sixteen-year-olds and 84.6 percent of seventeen-year-olds are enrolled. Most Jewish children between the ages of two and five are in preschool or in child care programs (approximately 70 percent of two-year-olds are in either arrangement, reaching more than 95 percent among the threeto five-year-olds). Among Arab children, 45 percent of three-year-olds are enrolled in such programs, 72 percent of four-year-olds, and more than 90 percent of five-year-olds (Ben-Arieh and Zionit 1999). Younger children attend special programs that are operated by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), in particular religious and women’s organizations. Nevertheless, there is clear evidence of growth in the role of the private sector in this field (Efrat, Ben-Arieh, Gal, and Haj-Yahia 1998). Similar enrollment disparities between Jews and Arabs are evident in the higher grades as well. School enrollment rates among the Arab youth are 89.1 percent at age fifteen, 82.9 percent at sixteen, and 75.6 percent at seventeen. Although state law entitles every child to free education from age three to age eighteen in a government-sponsored educational institution, including children of foreigners who work in Israel, there are clear disparities between the central urban areas and the more remote communities, as well as between Jewish and Arab and affluent and poor communities. The Arab education establishment, for example, offers fewer instructional days, it often has dilapidated infrastructure and facilities, and its budget accommodates about one-fifth the number of remedial hours per student than for a Jewish student. The gap between the Arab and Jewish sectors is expressed in the eligibility rates for the Israeli baccalaureate (the ‘‘Bagrut’’), which carries much significance later in life, especially in admittance to universities. In the school year 2003–2004, 58.4 percent of Jewish high school seniors were eligible for the Bagrut diploma compared with only 38.8 percent of Arab seniors. Dropout rates are also much higher in the Arab sector: 7.4 percent versus 4.2 percent in the Jewish sector. A watershed moment for children with special needs was the passage of a 1988 law that guarantees their educational rights. The law entitles children with learning disabilities to special education services between the ages of three and twenty-one to help them develop and integrate into the community in all aspects of life. These services are free and include paramedical treatments, such as physical therapy, speech therapy, and occupational therapy. The services can be delivered either in separate institutions or within regular schools. However, since 1992, when the law was enacted, the Ministry of Education has determined that only students
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attending special education institutions can benefit from the rights it guarantees. The needs of children who attended regular schools were not met. In response to an appeal by a children’s rights organization, the Supreme Court decreed that the Ministry of Education is obliged to provide special education services to children in whatever institution they attend. The law has brought significant changes to children in the Jewish sector. However, this is not the case in Israeli-Arab society, where many children with special needs go undiagnosed and many remain outside any educational framework. Arab children who have been diagnosed often attend institutions that are not appropriate to their needs and to their level and type of disability. One of the reasons for this grave situation is the lack of awareness in the Arab public of the rights guaranteed to children with special needs under the 1988 law. Today, 2.5 percent of the 1.7 million students in various educational institutions in Israel are students with special needs. Some 38,000 are in special education institutions, with the remainder in regular schools. Finally, Israel has no formal or even coherent policy or services for school-aged children outside or after school. Nevertheless, it is apparent that children are very active in youth movements and in social activities and interactions after school hours. They do so mostly within the framework of the local community centers and municipal organizations. PLAY AND RECREATION Children in Israel spend a growing amount of time at home, reading, watching television, or using the computer. In 2002, more than 41 percent of the Jewish youth watched television more than four hours a day (in the middle of the week), while only 1 percent watched no television at all. This data implies that movies and music programs are the most popular genres, whereas science and technology programs are the least popular. Approximately 45 percent of Jewish youth read at least one daily newspaper per week. About 40 percent report that they read children/youth newspapers or recreational magazines. A little more than one-half (52.6 percent) of youth listen to the radio during the middle of the week, and approximately one-half that number listen during the weekend. Children in Israel also spend some 1.5 hours per day doing their homework, and the same amount of time on domestic chores. A small-scale study of Arab children in Jerusalem finds similar time use (Kadech 2003). Cyberspace is more accessible to some children than others. New patterns of social exclusion are emerging in Israel stemming from the difference in the children’s access to Internet and other technologies. Some 61 percent of Jewish youth (ages twelve to seventeen) report that they surf the Internet at least once a week from their home. Although
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no exact figures exist for Arab youth, common estimates suggest that only 25 percent have access to the Internet from their home. This gap occurs not only between the Jewish and Arab children, but also within Jewish youth population. Indeed, 39 percent of Jewish youth report that they accessed the Internet less than once a week. The most common purposes for surfing the Internet are downloading music and for study needs. In contrast to the similarity between children in Israel and youth in Western countries in their indoors activities and time use, we find significant differences in their outdoor activities. Youth in Israel are, in fact, unique in the amount of time spent (more than youth in other countries) and in the level of participation in various organized youth activities. Children in Israel devote at least 2.4 hours a day to activities within organized youth groups, especially youth movements, and in various youth leadership programs. Jewish Israeli youth spend almost three hours a day, on average, in outside activities. Some 6 percent visited the theater at least once a month, and more than one-third of the Jewish youth saw at least one movie per month. More than 25 percent of Jewish youth went out to a cafe, 52.5 percent to a restaurant, and 34.6 percent to a fast-food restaurant minimum once a month. Some 74 percent have engaged in sports once a week during the year, and one-third attended at least one sporting event (basketball or football games) every month. In addition, more than 80 percent of children reported visiting shopping centers and malls as a recreational activity in a month. CHILD LABOR Between 1990 and 2004, the percentage of working youth (ages fifteen to seventeen) decreased from 8.6 percent to 6.2 percent. This decrease is prevalent both among Jewish and Arab youth. In contrast, the number of children and youth working as actors in public shows or commercial advertisements rose consistently between the 2000 and 2004 (to a figure of 2,626 in 2004). One reason for this increase is the rapid development of the cinema and television industry. One-third of these youth worked during the summer. To limit the employment of children and to protect them against financial abuses that may damage their health, education, or normal development, Israel implemented the Youth Labor Law (1953). The law prohibits employing youth under age fifteen (aside from during school vacations, when children may be employed at age fourteen) and employing youth during evening hours or for more than eight hours per day. The minimum wage for youth in a full-time job is about fifteen NIS (2.5 Euros), with few variations by age. Youth wages are about 70–80 percent lower than the basic minimum wage. Approximately 3,500 young people (under age fifteen) were reported as illegally employed during 2004. Their cases were handled by the
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Enforcement of the Law at the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs. Of course, this number refers only to the cases known to the authorities. It would be reasonable to assume that the number is significantly higher. FAMILY Jewish families in Israel are torn between the pressures, on the one hand, to modernize and Westernize and, on the other hand, to strengthen traditional values (for an extensive review of Israeli Jewish family life, see Lavee and Katz 2003). Changes analogous to those in other Western industrialized nations have taken place in marriage, family, and divorce patterns. However, Israeli Jewish families are generally more stable than elsewhere in the West. Relative to families in societies on the European continent, Israeli Jewish families have more children, fewer divorces, and more traditional gender roles and social mores. Nonetheless, there is no monolithic Jewish family pattern. Large differences exist among families of diverse religious orthodoxy, national heritage, and immigration history. For example, recent immigrants from the former Soviet Union are much more likely to be divorced single parents and to live in three-generation households (Slonim-Nevo, Sharaga, and Mirsky 1999). Furthermore, immigration itself is somewhat disorienting, and generational roles may be reversed as families learn the norms and language in the new homeland. These adjustments and changes are often magnified because of the parents’ upbringing in a once-totalitarian society (Limber et al. 1991). Like their Jewish neighbors, Arab families in Israel maintain a traditional ‘‘Eastern’’ culture (Al Haj 1995; Barakat 1993; Haj-Yahia 1995). Arabs commonly emphasize family life, value family cohesion and continuity, and practice mutual assistance within the family. They tend to put the well-being of the family as a whole above that of individual family members. Arab society stresses the importance of good relations between nuclear and extended families. Children’s status is affected by the partial responsibility of the extended family (in cooperation with the parents) for their upbringing. In Arab families, fathers commonly are responsible for discipline, and mothers support, educate, and rear the children. Children are expected to obey their parents, submit to their demands, and fulfill their expectations. Relations between siblings are typically hierarchical. Parents continue to delegate responsibility for childcare to older siblings. Sons (particularly eldest sons) are usually favored in Arab society because parents regard them as responsible for preserving the family’s reputation and the memory of ancestors. The eldest son in the Arab family serves as a role model. He not only takes care of his younger siblings during childhood, but he also shows paternal concern for them in later stages of life.
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Although the first child allowance program was introduced in Israel in 1959, it was only in 1975 that the program became universal. During the mid-1980s, selective elements were introduced into the program, but various implementation difficulties and political pressure led to the reuniversalization of the child allowance program in 1992 (Gordon and Eliav 1998). Child allowances are granted to all families with one or more children under age eighteen. The allowances are untaxed and increase with each subsequent child, with the allowance for a single child equivalent to 2.6 percent of the average monthly wage. For a family with four children, the allowance is equivalent to 20.5 percent of the average wage. In addition, single-parent families and large families receive an annual study grant (in cash) per child, which is set at 18 percent of the average monthly wage. This special grant is paid at the beginning of each school year in early September. The Israeli income tax system includes several tax benefits targeted to families. In general, the income tax filing unit is the individual. In other words, husbands and wives are taxed independently. However, tax benefit credits, which result in lower taxes, are granted to single-parent families, to working women for each of her children under age eighteen, and to an individual earner who is responsible for the sustenance of his or her partner. It was estimated that family tax benefits would result in a tax loss of 1,530 million NIS in 2000 (300 million Euros), which was approximately 6 percent of all income lost due to tax expenditures (State Revenue Authority 2000). Israel does not subsidize the cost of childcare, at least not in a universal way. Subsidies are available to some extent and to a number of subpopulations, but childcare subsidies are not a national right of all children. Child health costs, however, are fully covered by the national health insurance. The Supreme Court in Israel ruled that parents’ obligation toward their children is not only financial, but also includes the obligation to provide support and parental care. In the case of Amin v. Amin, the Court ruled that an absentee parent who ignored his children from a first marriage was liable for emotional damages incurred by his children. This was the first such ruling of its kind in Israel, and possibly the world. Israel adopted an alimony law in 1972, which is intended to ensure that divorced women—who are entitled to alimony and have child custody—receive income support from the state. The benefit is means-tested and administered nationally by the National Insurance Institute. The level of the benefit is equal to the level set by the court in the alimony settlement, but it cannot exceed the level of a regular income support benefit. The average alimony payment in Israel is 19.4 percent of the average wage, and it is paid to 24,500 women. In Israel, parents have no legal obligation to listen to their children, to enable them to express their views, or to consult with them before
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making decisions concerning their lives. This is despite the fact that consultation with the child is mandatory in some cases (for example, in regard to HIV status, abortion, and others). However, the obligation to hear the child’s opinion remains limited, and has yet to expand to important issues such as changing one’s name, changing one’s school, changing one’s place of residence, and changing one’s way of life (for example, from religious to secular or vice versa). Nevertheless, children are entitled to express their opinions on matters that concern them, such as parental visits and custody issues. The courts assign great significance to the child’s wishes. Courts have decreed that from the age of ten or eleven a child’s wishes must be taken into consideration, and that children cannot be forced to remain with one of their parents against their will. Only in rare and very extreme cases, in which it is unequivocally clear that it is in the best interests of the child, will the court impose its decisions on a child. HEALTH Israel maintains a highly developed health and medical services system for children. All hospitals maintain top-level children’s wards, and several hospitals specialize in pediatrics. The government also runs mother and ‘‘well baby’’ clinics (Tipot Halav). These clinics operate in every area of the country as part of the public health services and provide health services prepartum and postpartum for the mother and baby. The success of this program is evident by the fact that between 91 and 96 percent of all sectors of the population are inoculated (National Health Insurance Legislation 1995). Israeli children are entitled to free medical care from birth. The mortality rate of infants is lower than or equal to that of other developed countries (such as the United States and Australia). The success of the Israeli health system in decreasing infant and child mortality rates is directly connected to its system of public health services. Although a disparity exists between different population sectors in the rate of infant mortality, particularly between Jews and Muslims, the infant mortality rate, even in the Muslim sector, is relatively low, and has been declining consistently. In 2007, the mortality rate of infants was 6.75 percent compared with 14.4 percent in 1980–1984. The major cause of infant mortality in Israel is premature birth and its resulting complications. In the Muslim sector, the main cause of infant mortality is congenital malformations, followed by premature birth. The high prevalence of congenital malformations stems from intermarriage among relatives and a lack of willingness to terminate the pregnancy when severe defects are discovered in the embryo. The rate of infectious disease in Israel continues to decline as a result of preventive care advancements, including large-scale immunization
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against infectious disease. In 2002, the epidemiology unit of Ministry of Health reported that 98 percent of the youth population was immunized against viral liver infection (HBV), 92 percent against measles-mumpsrubella (MMR), and 91 percent against meningitis. Almost 13 percent of Israeli children have special needs or chronic disabilities. The National Medical Insurance Law defines the services that the four HMOs (Kupot Holim, or ‘‘Sick Funds’’) in Israel are required to provide to children with developmental problems. Children who suffer from late development, language difficulties, and learning disabilities receive special services at Centers for Child Development. These centers also treat children who suffer from multiple problems, such as severe retardation and physical disabilities. Services at the centers include an exam by a developmental doctor, psychological and paramedical evaluations, occupational and physical therapy, communication and consultation by social workers, parent support groups, and art therapy. Blind, autistic, deaf, and mentally ill children are often referred to voluntary organizations or to specialized treatment facilities. The law limits developmental services to youth age six and younger. After age six, the regular education establishment is charged with caring for children with special needs, within regular classes or in special ones. Mental health services for children and youth in Israel are provided as either ambulatory services or as part of a hospitalization. Their goal is to provide psychological and psychiatric care to these populations, prevent the emergence of developmental disorders, and allow the patients to rejoin the normal social, educational, and work environments. Some ambulatory centers are located in mental health centers and others in special facilities. In recent years, the diagnosis and treatment of children under age six was enhanced to prevent future emotional difficulties. This service is provided to all minors free of charge, although they must obtain the parental or guardian consent to be examined. Psychiatric hospitalization services for minors are usually provided within special departments in the mental health centers and rarely through psychiatric departments in general hospitals. They typically include full hospitalization, one-day hospitalization, or a one-day treatment. By law, the decision to hospitalize a minor in a psychiatric ward requires the consent of a parent or a guardian, following a hospitalization order of the county psychiatrist or a court order. At the end of 2003, minors accounted for 4.8 percent of those fully hospitalized in Israel and 10.2 percent of those hospitalized for a day treatment. The rate of minors admitted to psychiatric wards is 0.4 for every 10,000 people. This rate marks an increase since 1993, but it is still relatively low. In Israel, the law regulates abortions and requires all hospitals to establish a medical committee to evaluate special cases. The committees are entitled to permit abortions in particular conditions, such as when a
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woman is younger than seventeen years old or unmarried. The number of girls fifteen to nineteen years old who applied to the committee has increased in recent years, reaching 10.7 per 1,000 girls in 2003. Obviously, these figures include only abortions that are reported by the hospitals. No reported information is available from the private sector. Respiratory illness has been on the rise in recent decades, coinciding with deterioration in Israel’s air quality stemming from increased living standards, population growth, and density in central areas. The main sources of pollution are fossil fuel power plants, oil refineries, vehicles, and industrial plants. In 2004, ambient air concentrations of small particulate matter (PM 2.5) regularly exceeded standards. Small particulate matter is considered a health hazard, especially for children and the elderly. The increase in Israel’s population, standards of living, and industrialization is also expected to reduce the amount of water available and increase the potential for pollution. The scarce water resources available today are under constant threat of exposure to contamination from solid waste, fuels, and municipal and industrial wastewater, although some improvements are evident in recent years. The Ministry of Health reported that in 2004, 99.5 percent of the microbial tests indicated potable water, up from 93.5 percent in 1991. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Israeli law sets the age of civil maturity for youth at age eighteen, although certain laws stipulate other, typically younger, ages for specific purposes. For example, the law states that a fourteen-year-old may work during vacations, age sixteen ends mandatory education, and at age seventeen one may receive a driver’s license. Age twelve is the minimum age for bearing criminal responsibility, and a child may be arrested at age fourteen. Although most civil rights are granted to all children living in Israel, differences based on legal status emerge. The right to special education for children with special needs is granted only to permanent residents or citizens. Similarly, formal identity cards and passports, as well as the formal right to citizenship, are restricted to full citizens of Israel. Israeli law stipulates special obligations of society, adults, families, and social services to protect children. For example, the Prevention of Abuse of Minors and the Helpless Law, 1989, which was legislated as a special section in the penal law, protects minors from abuse and neglect and creates a mandatory reporting obligation when one suspects child abuse and neglect. An Israel panel law recently lengthened the statute of limitations on sexual abuse against minors by family members. The law allows
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individuals abused in their childhood to press charges against their abusers for as long as twenty years after the youth reaches age eighteen. Juvenile offenders are prosecuted in the Juvenile Court, which operates differently from a regular court, as its purpose is rehabilitation and treatment and not necessarily punishment. There are special conditions concerning the interrogation and prosecution of juvenile offenders, such as parents’ involvement and shorter periods of custody. Also, the process occurs behind closed doors, and any publication of information is forbidden. The state sees more than 10,000 juvenile criminal cases a year. Specially trained public defense attorneys represent nearly 95 percent of juvenile offenders. Throughout the criminal process, there is a continuity of treatment aimed at preventing the stigmatization of the juvenile as delinquent; fewer than 50 percent of the juveniles interrogated by the police actually go to court, and the remaining cases are closed without prosecution. In some cases, the court will find that the minor did commit a criminal offense, but the case will end without conviction under the belief that the criminal procedure itself is adequate punishment. Between 1985 and 2004, one-third of juvenile criminal cases were closed. During 2004, only 4 percent of 11,200 juvenile criminal cases ended with conviction that carried a sentence of imprisonment. An additional 6 percent ended with a conviction but carried a suspended sentence (Ben-Arieh, Zionit, and Kimchi 2005). During 2004, more than 5,000 minors were arrested and, in the majority of cases, held for up to twenty-four hours. The years 1995–2005 saw a clear escalation in the number of juveniles imprisoned, reaching 385 (Ben-Arieh, Zionit, and Kimchi 2005). The conditions of minor detainees, in terms of food, visitation rights, and the like, are identical to those of adults. In Israeli prisons, minor offenders are separated physically from their adult counterparts; they are also separated by age group, firsttime versus repeat offenders, and violent versus nonviolent offenses. RELIGIOUS LIFE Children in Israel are characterized by their heterogeneity: 70 percent are Jews, 24 percent are Muslims, and the rest are Bedouins, Christians, and Druzes. The proportion of children of all religious groups in the general population has declined over the years. Nonetheless, the proportions of children in the Muslim and Druze communities (49.0 and 40.2 percent, respectively) are higher than in the Jewish and Christian communities (30.3 and 30.8 percent, respectively). Children vary in their religion preferences. Jewish children are divided into three main groups: ultra-orthodox, religious orthodox, and secular (nonreligious). Religion influences all aspects of life, so each of these groups is diverse and has distinct characteristics. For example, the average
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number of children in ultra-orthodox Jewish families is much higher than the average in secular Jewish families. As a result of these several populations, separate systems were created in an attempt to supply various services according to different needs. The education system, especially in the Hebrew sector, is an example. Among the system’s institutions, there are schools with religious characteristics and separate schools for girls and boys. In addition to the accredited institutions within the state system, education takes place in other institutions, such as at the primary level in ‘‘exempt’’ institutions (ultraorthodox schools, or Talmud Tora). In 2004–2005, 5 percent of all students were enrolled in such schools. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT During 2004, nearly 39,000 suspected cases of child abuse or neglect were reported to Child Protection Officers (CPOs) in Israel, or 16.8 per 1,000 children. This number refers to reported cases, so it is reasonable to conclude that the total number and rates are even higher. In Israel, as in other countries, neglect is responsible for the largest share of reported cases, followed by physical abuse, whereas sexual and emotional abuse are far less common. The percentage of boys among abused children is higher than that of girls. Furthermore, the older the children are, the greater their proportion in the overall reported victim population (BenArieh, Zionit, and Kimchi 2005). The rate of reported cases of child abuse and neglect is much lower in Arab communities than in Jewish ones. This begs the question, does this gap reflect differences in actual rates of child abuse and neglect in the two societies or does it represent a gap in reporting? We note that Israel lacks nationwide surveys on the incidence of child abuse and neglect. Nevertheless, several studies carried out in Israeli Arab society show rates to be similar to those of other countries and to estimated rates among Jewish children in Israel (Dwairy 1991; Haj-Yahia and Dawoud-Noursi 1998; Haj-Yahia and Ben-Arieh 2000), possibly indicating that the gap noted above is largely owing to deficient reporting rather than differences in incidence. This conclusion is reinforced by the gap’s dimensions. A reported case rate in Arab localities amounting to less than half the rate in Jewish ones is difficult to attribute to cultural or societal differences alone. Although reporting differences may, in part, stem from cultural factors, structural and organizational variables exert an effect as well. Not least among them is the availability of a service to which one can report. In this regard, we are aware that social workers in general and CPOs in particular are far less available in Arab localities than in Jewish ones, possibly contributing to the reporting gap. Arab social workers make up some 8.2 percent of all social workers in Israel, whereas Arab residents make up 18.0 percent of the country’s total population.
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For some time, studies have attempted to associate child abuse and neglect rates with geographic variables. Several of these studies concentrated on mapping child maltreatment, enabling child protective services and community-based agencies to identify and target areas in which children may be at high risk (Swanson 2000). Indeed, rates of reported cases of child abuse and neglect in Israel vary according to geographic area, with rates substantially higher than average in the south, Haifa, and the lower northern regions. Rates in the far north and along the central coast strip are nearer the national rate, and they are lower in the Jerusalem area and among the Jewish population living in settlements in the West Bank and Gaza Strip (the occupied territories). The gap is especially evident when rates in southern Israel are compared with those of the Jerusalem area, the former constituting nearly double the latter. Once again, the gap appears too large to be explained exclusively by actual differences in child abuse and neglect rates, implying that differences in reporting are its real cause. In this respect, a closer look at the composition of the child population in both areas may help resolve the issue. The child population of Jerusalem includes larger Arab and ultraorthodox minorities than does the south of Israel. As noted earlier, reporting rates are lower among the Arab population, partly explaining the lower rates in Jerusalem. In addition, the large ultra-orthodox and orthodox communities likely contribute as well. Both communities are more conservative than the general population, and they tend to report fewer cases of child abuse and neglect. This religious conservatism could also help explain the low rate of reported cases in the occupied territories, where the vast majority of the population is orthodox. Furthermore, in Jerusalem there is a substantial ultra-orthodox community that, because of political reasons—they do not acknowledge the existence of the state of Israel—is largely detached from the state authorities; hence its reporting rate is known to be substantially lower as well (Ben-Arieh 1994). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY It would be difficult to predict children’s future in Israel. Israel has only existed for about a half century. In addition, it has experienced dynamic changes during those decades that affected every area that concerns children. The Central Bureau of Statistics in Israel projects that the proportion of children aged fourteen years old and younger in the general population will drop to 25.6 percent by the year 2020; however, demographic projections in the past were constantly exceeded because of ‘‘unexpected’’ immigration waves. Beyond that, any demographic issues, such as the percentage of families with children and other topics such as education, welfare, and health, depend on the evolution of the local political, social, and security state,
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as well as globalization and its effect on the way Israeli children spend their leisure time. Similarly, worldwide changes in family formation and composition are reaching Israel and will probably further contribute to new forms of families, such as single-parent and multigenerational families. Children’s welfare depends on local legislation, which is an expression of society’s attitude toward children. Anchoring children’s rights in Israeli legislation should definitely be part of the public agenda. A number of laws passed during the early years of the state of Israel attempted to protect children. However, these efforts in developing child-centered legislation nearly ceased in the late 1970s and 1980s. Beginning in the early 1990s—in 1991, Israel ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child—Israel initiated new child-centered legislation that emphasized children’s rights. We hope that this is the beginning of a long-term plan for taking care of children and promoting their needs. Yet there is a gap between children’s position in society and their condition. In recent years, the government’s investment in children’s well-being has declined. Israel must implement and act on policies that support children’s well-being. The ‘‘culture of rights’’ hangs on two terms: one is to maintain one’s own rights and the other is to maintain others’ rights. We hope that today’s children, growing up with the awareness of their rights, will maintain those rights and create healthy conditions for Israeli children in the twenty-first century. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Al-Haj, M. 2002. ‘‘Multiculturalism in Deeply Divided Societies: The Israeli Case.’’ International Journal of Intercultural Relations 26:169–183. Ben-Arieh, Asher, and J. Gal, eds. 2000. Into The Promised Land: Issues Facing the Welfare State. Westport, CT: Praeger. Ben-Arieh, Asher, Y. Zionit, and Z. Beenstock-Rivlin. 2000. The State of the Child in Israel: A Statistical Abstract (Hebrew.) Jerusalem: The National Council for the Child. Ben-Arieh, Asher, Y. Boyer, and I. Gajst. 2004. ‘‘Children’s Welfare in Israel: Growing up in a Multi-Cultural Society.’’ In Children’s Welfare in Ageing Europe, ed. A. M. Jensen, Asher Ben-Arieh, C. Conti, D. Kutsar, M. N. Phadraig, and H. M. Nielsen. Trondhiem: Norwegian Centre for Child Research. pp. 771– 811. Benbenishty, R., and R. A. Astor. 2003. ‘‘Violence in Schools: The View from Israel.’’ In Violence in Schools: The Response in Europe, ed. P. K. Smith. London: Routledge-Falmer. pp. 317–331. Doron, A. 2001. ‘‘Mass Immigration and Israeli Society.’’ In Politics of Mass Immigration, Current Issues and Future Directions, ed. A. M. Babkina. Huntington, NY: Nova Science Publishers. pp. 205–217.
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Web Sites Israel Central Bureau of Statistics, http://www.cbs.gov.il. Israel Ministry of Education, http://cms.education.gov.il. Israel Ministry of Health, http://www.health.gov.il. Israel Ministry of Immigrant Absorption, http://www.moia.gov.il. Israel National Council for the Child, http://www.children.org.il. Israel National Insurance Institute, http://www.btl.gov.il.
Organizations and NGOs Adalah: The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel PO Box 510 Shfaram 20200 Advocate Yamil Dakwar Phone: 00972-4-950-1610 Fax: 00972-4-950-3140 Bizhut, Center for Human Rights for People with Disabilities PO Box 33401 Jerusalem, 911352 Phone: 00972-2-6521300 ELEM (Association for Youth in Distress) Bet Rapak Tel Aviv Phone: 00972-3-6414508 Fax: 00972-3-6421503 Web site: http://www.elem.org.il ELI, the Israeli Association for Child Protection PO Box 65601 Tel Aviv Fax: 00972-3-5101533 Web site: http://www.eli.org.il National Council for the Child 38 Pierre Koenig Street 93469 Jerusalem Phone: 00972-2-6780606 Fax: 00972-2-6790606 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.children.org.il
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Sikkuy, the Association for the Advancement of Civil Equality 17 Hameshoreret Rachel Street Beit HaKerem, Jerusalem 96340 Phone: 00972-2-654-1225 Fax: 00972-2-654-1108 Email: [email protected] YEDID, the Association for Community Empowerment Jerusalem Phone: 00972-2-6481323 Fax: 00972-2-6481552 Email: [email protected] Yeladim, the Council for the Child in Placement 64 Pinhas Rosen Street Tel Aviv 69512 Phone: 00972-3-647-5075 Fax: 00972-3-647-5076
Selected Bibliography Al-Haj, M. 1995. Education, Empowerment, and Control: The Case of the Arabs in Israel. Albany: State University of New York Press. Barakat, H. 1993. The Arab World: Society, Culture, and State. Berkeley: University of California Press. Ben-Arieh, Asher, and J. Gal. 1998. ‘‘The Paradox of Child Poverty in Israel.’’ European Journal of Social Work 1(3):347–59. Ben-Arieh, Asher, and Y. Zionit. 1994. Children and Youth in Jerusalem: A Statistical Portrait. Jerusalem: Israel National Council for the Child. (Hebrew) ———. 1999. The State of the Child in Israel: A Statistical Abstract. Jerusalem: National Council for the Child. ———. 2000. The State of the Child in Israel: A Statistical Abstract. Jerusalem: National Council for the Child. Ben-Arieh, Asher, Y. Zionit, and Michal Kimchi. 2005. The State of the Child in Israel: A Statistical Abstract. Jerusalem: National Council for the Child (Hebrew). Doron, A., and R. M. Kramer. 1991. The Welfare State in Israel. Boulder, CO: Westview. Dwairy, M. 1991. Sexual Abuse of Arab Children in Israel. Unpublished (Hebrew). Efrat, G., Asher Ben-Arieh, J. Gal, and M. Haj-Yahia. 1998. Young Children in Israel: A Country Study. Jerusalem: National Council for the Child. Esping-Andersen, G. 1990. The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism. Cambridge: Polity Press. Gal, J., and D. Bargal. 2002. ‘‘Critical Junctures, Labor Movements and the Development of Occupational Welfare in Israel.’’ Social Problems 49(3):432–54. Gordon, D., and T. Eliav. 1998. ‘‘Universality vs. Selectivity in Child Allowances and the Limits of Implementation.’’ Social Security (Special English Edition) 5:115–26. Haj-Yahia, M. M. 1995. ‘‘Toward Culturally Sensitive Intervention with Arab Families in Israel.’’ Contemporary Family Therapy 17:429–47.
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Haj-Yahia, M. M., and S. Dawoud-Noursi. 1998. ‘‘Predicting the Use of Different Conflict Tactics among Arab Siblings in Israel: A Study Based on Social Learning Theory.’’ Journal of Family Violence 13(1):81–103. Haj-Yahia, M. M., and Asher Ben-Arieh. 2000. ‘‘The Incidence of Exposure to Violence in the Family of Origin among Arab Adolescents and Its Sociodemographic Correlates.’’ Child Abuse and Neglect 24(10):1299–317. Kadech, Y. 2003. Daily Activities of Young Arab Children in Eastern Jerusalem. Master’s Thesis submitted to the Paul Baerwald School of Social Work and Social Welfare at the Hebrew University. Katan, Y. 1996. Personal Social Service in Israel: Trends and Developments. Tel Aviv: Ramot. Kop, Y. 2004. Expenditure on Social Services, 2004. Jerusalem: The Israel Centre for Social Policy Studies. ———. 2005. Expenditure on Social Services, 2005. Jerusalem: The Israel Centre for Social Policy Studies. Lavee, Y., and R. Katz. 2003. ‘‘The Family in Israel: Between Tradition and Modernity.’’ Marriage and Family Review 35:193–217. National Health Insurance Legislation. 1994. Legislation in the state of Israel 1.4.1999. Slonim-Nevo, V., Y. Sharaga, and J. Mirsky. 1999. ‘‘A Culturally Sensitive Approach to Therapy with Immigrant Families: The Case of Jewish Emigrants from the Former Soviet Union.’’ Family Process 38:445–61. State Revenue Authority. 2000. Annual Report 1999. Jerusalem: Ministry of Finance. Swanson, W. J. 2000. Mapping Child Maltreatment: Looking at Neighborhoods in a Suburban County. Child Welfare 79(5):555–72.
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ITALY Angelo Saporiti, Daniela Grignoli, and Antonio Mancini NATIONAL PROFILE Italy is a peninsula of southern Europe stretching to the central Mediterranean Sea, close to the shores of North Africa. Italy is a boot-shaped land with 7,456 kilometers of coastline. It is longitudinally cut by a mountain chain (the Apennines), and it is separated in the north from Central Europe by the Alps. Commonly, Italy is divided into three (five) macro-regions following its geographical extension: Northern Italy (North-East and North-West), Central Italy, and Southern Italy (southern Italy and the two major islands, Sardinia and Sicily). The climate is mainly Mediterranean: alpine up north, hot and dry down south. The terrain is mostly rugged and mountainous, with some plains and coastal lowlands. Italy became a nationstate in 1861 when the citystates of the peninsula, along with Sardinia and Sicily, were united under King Victor Emmanuel II. In the early 1920s, Benito Mussolini established a Fascist dictatorship, but his catastrophic alliance with Nazi Germany led
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to Italy’s defeat in World War II. A democratic republic replaced the monarchy in 1946 and an economic revival followed, from the beginning of the 1950s. Since then, Italy has been changing dramatically. A fast and intense modernization process has transformed Italy from a rural reality into one of the world’s most industrialized nations, which has been a member of the G8 for several years. In the 1950s there were remarkable differences in terms of social, economic, and cultural conditions between the different areas KEY FACTS – ITALY of the country, with the north Population: 58,751,711 (2007 est.) and part of the center more Infant mortality rate: 5.72 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) industrialized and richer than Life expectancy at birth: 78.3 years (men); 84.0 years the south. In spite of the overall (women) (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 98.6 percent (2003) growth of the country, which Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 99 percent (2000–2005) has greatly reduced poverty and Internet users: 28.87 million (2005) backwardness on a national level, People living with HIV/AIDS: 140,000 (2001 est.) many of these disparities still Human Poverty Index (HPI-2) rank: 18 exist, especially in the economy, Sources: Istat–Istituto nazionale di statistica. Italy in Figures 2007. welfare, and infrastructure. On http://www.istat.it. July 3, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Italy– the other hand, as far as behavStatistics. www.unicef.org/infobycountry/italy_statistics.html. April 24, 2007; United Nations Development Programme ior and life styles are con(UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Italy. http:// cerned, the differences between hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/ the north, center, and south cty_ds_ITA.html. April 26, 2007. are decreasing. OVERVIEW Although the Italian legal system recognizes some rights to minors, the right to act fully begins only at one’s eighteenth birthday. First, the minor is granted the right to succession and to receive gifts. Upon reaching the age of six, she/he is granted the right to education (compulsory). At ten, the child may obtain an individual passport. At eleven, she/he can use an elevator without being accompanied by an adult. At fourteen, she/he can be subjected to criminal proceedings, or give testimony before a judge, and drive a motorized cycle. At fifteen, she/he is given the right to work in a company. However, at sixteen she/he can marry, obtain a license to carry a gun for hunting purposes, drive two-wheeled vehicles, and be recognized as an inventor. In Italian the only term to designate young people between birth and seventeen years old is ‘‘minor’’ (minore), which conveys an idea of inferiority from an adult-centered perspective. The term ‘‘child’’ (bambino/a) usually refers to ten- to twelve-year-olds, whereas the term ‘‘adolescent/ youngster’’ (ragazzo/a) refers to those who have passed the age of twelve. Other expressions commonly used are ‘‘childhood’’ (infanzia) and ‘‘adolescence’’ (adolescenza), although they are not used by children
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or adolescents to define themselves, nor used to define persons close to the legal age. Since minors’ characteristics and life conditions are extremely varied, not just because of the different ages. Since it is difficult to provide a single complete, significant, and intelligible account of their lives, this chapter will mainly refer to the ages between birth and fourteen, and we will mostly use terms such as ‘‘children,’’ ‘‘child,’’ ‘‘boy,’’ ‘‘girl,’’ and ‘‘childhood’’ to identify persons who are included in this range. Italian Children: A Vanishing Minority In Italy today, there are about 59 millions citizens in an area of 301,337 square kilometers, with a population density of more than 190 inhabitants per square kilometer. Between 1951 and 1981, the population increased by 9 million inhabitants. From 1981 to 2001, such growth slowed down, and the population increased by only 439,000 units, with an average annual variation of 0.4 per thousand. Population growth increased again with the beginning of the new millennium due primarily to immigration, with a total of 57.9 million inhabitants in 2004. If the Italian population looks rather steady, its distribution according to age is radically changed (see data in Table 12.1). While in 1981 the country was populated by 166 children for every 100 elderly and 41 children per square kilometer, in 2004 there are only, respectively, 73 and 27. No matter how such data are read, Italy is no longer the country where children run and shout along the roads. Indeed, Italy is getting more and more Table 12.1. Italian Population, 1981–2005 Years
1981
Age groups Less than 15 years Between 15 and 64 years 65 years and over Total
Number 12,414 36,591 7,474 56,479 Percent 22.0 64.8 13.2 100.0
Less than 15 years Between 15 and 64 years 65 years and over Total Selected indicators Elderly per 100 children Children per 100 elderly Children per kilometer square
60.2 166.1 41.2
1991
2001
2005
9,254 38,934 8,556 56,744
8,124 38,345 10,499 56,968
8,190 38,569 11,129 57,888
16.3 68.6 15.1 100.0
14.3 67.3 18.4 100.0
14.1 66.6 19.2 100.0
92.5 108.2 30.7
129.2 77.4 27.0
135.9 73.4 27.2
Source: Computed from Eurostat. http://epp.eurostat.cec.eu.int. Accessed December 30, 2005.
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like a country in whose parks there are more benches for elderly than merry-go-rounds for children. Such changes depend not only upon improved living conditions for the population and a reduction of mortality rates (in 2003, for example, the life expectancy was among the world’s highest: 76.9 years for men and 82.9 for women), but Figure 12.1. Births per 1,000 inhabitants, Italy, 1946–2003. Source: Baldi also upon radical and Cagiano de Azevedo, 2005. changes in the reproductive behavior of women and couples. In 1946, 23 children per 1,000 inhabitants were born; today that figure is less than 10 (Figure 12.1). Technically speaking, it is estimated that in 2004, every fertile woman gave birth to an average of 1.33 children, with a slight recovery from the all-time low of 1.20 children in 1995. It is, nonetheless, a minimum upturn compared with the marked and prolonged decrease of the middle 1960s, when there was an average of 2.7 children per woman.
EDUCATION School for All In recent years, the Italian school system has adopted more general European standards. Free and compulsory education for all children from six to fifteen, with a further extension of the right or duty to go to school up to eighteen, has remained the primary norm. As stated in the 2003 reform, the school system at present includes: .
.
. .
The kindergarten, not compulsory, attended by children ages three to five; The primary school, which lasts five years and is attended by children up to ten years old; The secondary school, lasting three years, up to the age of thirteen; The high school, which lasts five more years, and ends at age eighteen.
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In general, enrollment rates for those younger than thirteen years old to the first three school degrees have now reached 100 percent. In the school year 2004–2005 about 4.6 millions children ages six to thirteen were enrolled: 2.77 million enrolled at the primary school and 1.79 million in secondary school. An additional one million children were enrolled in the kindergarten (96–97 percent of children three to five years old) which, though not compulsory, is more and more perceived as an educational as well as a social service. Nonetheless, school dropout remains significant in some areas of the country. Generally, it is concerns children who don’t complete their whole school career, particularly in southern Italy, where families have their youngest children working due to economic necessity. More unusually, in the North, some wealthy entrepreneurs prefer children to start the family business at an early age, instead of having them completing their studies. Equal Opportunities for All Children Italian legislation grants the right to school even to children who are not Italian citizens, namely immigrants’ children, following principles of integration and interculturality. People have emigrated from Italy for decades. Starting in the 1970s, this trend began to reverse. From the beginning of the 1990s, the number of immigrants has become significant, reaching 2,320,000 in 2005, which represents 3.5 percent of the overall population, enhancing the multiethnic and multiracial character of the country. The foreign population is mostly ‘‘young,’’ which contrasts with the aging process of the native population. Signs of integration are female immigration and the establishment of families, as well as the number of foreign children enrolled in Italian schools. In the 2003–2004 school year, there were about 303,000 foreign pupils in the school system, with a 26 percent increase compared to the previous school year. Foreign pupils, though, are not equally distributed over the country. There is a remarkable number in the richest regions, which attract a huge number of immigrants. There are fewer in the poorer South. Moreover, the school participation rates of children belonging to the Roman population are still low: only 30–40 percent are enrolled to the primary school. It is necessary to emphasize that school seems to be more challenging for immigrants than for Italian students. Absenteeism is a greater problem for 23 percent of immigrant children in 2004–2005, while the figure for Italian absenteeism is 1.7 percent. Similar educational opportunities are also given to other children belonging to vulnerable groups, namely the disabled. Since 1977, when the process of integration of disabled students in public schools began, remarkable results have been reached. In
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Italy, almost all students with disabilities are integrated with other nondisabled children in mainstream classrooms. Nonetheless, disabled children today are still facing several difficulties that prevent their full integration into schools. PLAY AND RECREATION What do Italian children do when they’re not at school? Thanks to the National Statistics Institute, which makes surveys on daily life of families and children, there is a significant amount of information on the activities of children in Italy. Only the most significant will be mentioned here. (Information is from Istat., La vita quotidiana dei bambini, November 17, 2005, unless otherwise stated.) Who Cares for Children? Let’s start with two preliminary observations. First, almost all children in Italy live within their families. In 2003, only 2,633 children, of whom 452 were foreigners, were living in institutions for children (Centro nazionale di documentazione e analisi per l’infanzia e l’adolescenza 2004). Second, it is important to recall the ever-growing importance that grandparents have in children’s lives. From the 2005 survey on children’s daily life, it appears that when children are neither with parents nor at school, about 4 million children from birth to age thirteen (51 percent of the total) are left, at least a few times a week, with an adult who, in 76 percent of cases, is one of the grandparents. Playing From the end of the nineteenth century, western society has defined a difference in children and adults’ social acts. Playing is children’s prerogative, whereas work is adults’. Therefore, playing is what children must do or should do to define their own social and cultural identity (James 1993; Mayall 1996). The playing preferences of children highlight similarities, but also peculiarities and differences, which tend to become more defined with age. In 2005, three- to five-year-olds tended to prefer traditional games: toy cars and trains for little boys (73 percent) and dolls for little girls (88 percent). The desired playing activity changes with age: dolls and toy cars, blocks and jigsaw puzzles give way to interest in movement games, especially among girls. Preferences linked to gender emerge more definitely between six- and ten-year-olds: for example, 71 percent of girls, but only 47 percent of boys, likes drawing; 72 percent of boys like playing soccer, compared with 21 percent of girls. Gender differences emerge also for
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less popular games: 27 percent of girls aged six to ten like role playing (‘‘mother and child,’’ ‘‘buyer and seller,’’ etc.), against only 11 percent of boys. Technology is more a male than female matter, even for younger children. Twenty-six percent of boys aged three to five like playing computer and video games, compared with 10 percent of girls. This kind of game is the favorite among boys aged six to ten, but only 39 percent of the girls like it. Such sharp differences, even among very young generations, would seem to point out that cultural barriers that hinder women in the use of technology and access to knowledge have not been overcome yet, even though they are declining.
Technology and Children The use of technology also includes the use of mobile phones and computers, whether they are considered a game or not. From this point of view, children in Italy are increasingly technologically oriented. Between 2000 and 2005, the number of those aged eleven to thirteen using a cell phone has increased from 35 percent to 74 percent, whereas in 2005, 61 percent of boys and 66 percent of girls owned their cell phone. A similar trend concerns the computer, the use of which, between 2000 and 2005, almost doubled (from 28 percent to 52 percent) among those aged eleven to seventeen. In addition, the younger are frequent computer users: 17 percent, 53 percent, 72 percent, and 80 percent, respectively, for age classes three to five, six to ten, eleven to thirteen, and fourteen to seventeen, with no relevant gender differences. Playing with Mom and Dad For children, playing with parents is an occasion to establish intimacy with the most important persons in their lives. Fathers and mothers relate with their children in different ways. Seventy-five percent of three- to five-year-olds play with their mother every day, whereas the father is present with the same frequency in 42 percent of cases. With time, play with parents becomes less frequent an activity, and the difference between mothers and fathers decreases, even though it remains significant—six- to ten-year-olds play with their mother every day in 45 percent of cases, and only 25 percent play with their father with the same frequency (Istat 1998; data coming out of a new survey are not yet available). Considering only the first five games preferred by children in 2005, drawing and coloring is the favorite activity to play with the mother, independent of gender and age. To play ‘‘housework’’ with the mother is
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preferred by girls, at any age. Blocks and jigsaw puzzles are played by boys more than by girls. When playing with fathers, younger boys (three to five years) prefer movement games to drawing, whereas for girls it is exactly the opposite. Both boys and girls, but mostly boys, aged six to ten prefer movement games. Still, in the case of the father, there is an interesting difference in genders for videogames. This activity occupies fifth place with 24 percent among boys three to five years old, and second place with 44 percent among six- to ten-year-olds. In the case of girls, videogames occupy fourth place, with 29 percent only among older girls. The play dimension of the relationship between parents and children extends also to activities such as story telling, music listening, dancing, playing outdoor games, or watching television shows and films. In all these activities the mother has a more important role than the father, who more frequently goes to sports events, especially with boys. Playmates Italy’s children are getting more and more sociable. In 2005, those who hang around with children of their age at least once a week vary between 88 percent (three to five years) and 96 percent (eleven to thirteen years), with no relevant gender differences. As they become older, children tend to socialize outside their families. Playing with other children is more relevant from six years of age. More than a quarter of children aged three to five play with their school mates, and for older children (six to ten years), the rate rises up to 57 percent. Other Activities Italian children are becoming more engaged in activities that border between games and acquiring more educational competence, often under their parents’ pressure. In 2005, among mainly eleven- to thirteen-yearolds, such activities include music courses (15 percent), sports activities (45 percent among boys and 33 percent among girls), foreign language courses (10 percent), and computer courses (10 percent for boys and 7 percent for girls). Where Do Children Play? The places children refer to are most exclusively their home, parents, and family. Play time is an example. Several studies (Segritta 1994; Conti and Sgritta 2004) highlight that children aged three to five and six to thirteen spend most of their day playing indoors (their home or neighbors’ houses, but still at home!), whereas only a little part of their spare time is spent outdoors.
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Outdoor games, exploring places, using the environment to know themselves and the other, are fundamental elements for harmonious growth. Nonetheless, for a child today it is hard to play outdoors in Italian cities. Modern cities have more and more spaces that children cannot approach. It is, therefore, necessary to think about new ways for children to access public spaces and to encourages projects such as ‘‘La citta dei bambini’’ [the children’s city], which aims to adapt the city to children, as life is better in a city built for children (Tonucci 2002).
CHILD LABOR The International Labour Organization (ILO) and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) both protect children’s rights to be safeguarded toward any kind of work that could undermine their physical or moral growth or interfere negatively with their school activities (Betti 2004). In Italy, the minimum age to work cannot be under fourteen (that is at the end of the compulsory education) and, in any case, not below the age of fifteen. Nevertheless, Italy is not immune from child labor. Economic need and the breakdown of the social and cultural fabric alongside the belief that work is more attractive than study, help explain the prevalence of child labor in Italian society. It is not so easy to obtain precise data on the issue. Official and unofficial studies are very different from the real situation. According to research by Istat, in 2000, 31,500 children between seven and fourteen (0.7 percent of the population of the same age) carried out work considered to be ‘‘exploitation.’’ A total of 144,000 children under the age of fifteen have been involved in activities meant to financially support their families (Istat and Ministero del lavoro e delle politiche sociali 2002). According to up-to-date research conducted by the Institute of Economic and Social Research (IRES) in 2005 in large metropolitan areas (Megale and Tesseli 2005) where the phenomenon is more frequent, it turned out that, among children aged eleven to fourteen years, one of five had already worked, with a rate of 30–35 percent in the southern cities and lower rates in the center and the north. Seventy percent of those children work with their families, while only 9 percent work for others. The majority are Italians (91 percent), and males (more than 60 percent) are more numerous than females (33 percent). In addition, more than one-fifth (21 percent) has to work for more than seven hours a day. Children at work are engaged in commercial activities, very often managed by their families, but they also work in the streets, in different houses, and in the country. Moreover, only 39 percent are regularly paid.
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In conclusion, both official and more cautious research, and as well as independent studies by the scientific community, show that in Italy child labor cannot be considered an irrelevant issue. On the contrary, strong and targeted action is needed to eliminate it. FAMILY The following data are the authors’ personal calculations from Istat Italian Statistical Bureau (Istat 2004). The recent decrease in Italy’s youth population is accompanied by a similar process of transformation of the families, who, in 2002–2003, numbered 22.187 million. The most relevant changes—which mirror the increase of life expectancy and fertility reduction—concern, on the one hand, the increasing number of persons living alone (singles) and smaller family size (up to an average number of 2.6 members per family in 2003), with a certain convergence in the family types between the different geographical areas of the country. Such changes concern the growing number of children who are alone at home (24 percent), namely children with no siblings, and those with just one sibling (53 percent) (Istat and Ministero del Lavoro e delle Politiche Sociali 2005). There are fewer children, then, but they tend to stick longer to the original family nucleus. The rate of families whose youngest cohabitant child is older than twenty-four has indeed increased, in the past decade, by about one-third—representing nearly one family in ten. The number of families whose youngest child is between birth and thirteen years old has decreased from 24 percent to 21 percent. One-parent families are more or less stable at 8 percent of the overall families, but with a growth of about 7 percent in the past decade. Few of them, however, are composed of young mothers with no marriage experience and with underage children—only one child of ten is of preschool age. Yet, we should underline that one-parent families where the youngest child is no older than fourteen have increased between 1994–1995 and 2002–2003, rising from less than one-fifth to one-quarter. Lower fertility goes hand in hand with significant changes in the family organization and in the behavior of individuals and couples, especially with respect to a wife’s working conditions, meaning that the female employment rate is generally increasing and that the fertility rate is simultaneously decreasing. Therefore, the demographic transition that has characterized Italy for a long time is also bringing about relevant effects in the economy, especially in the labor market and in public finance. Public resources for families with dependent children—subsidies for health, education, children allowances, child benefits, and maternity—are variable, but not so different from the private expenses met by the families themselves. Studies carried out in Italy (Such studies refer, in particular, to research carried out by Nicola Sartor) reveal that the public
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support given to dependent children is significant, but that it is mainly aimed at guaranteeing education and health. The support is modest, instead, for parents with economic hardship and with children of preschool age. In such conditions, parents, especially women, meet greater difficulties in combining work and childcare. The actual public support, therefore, seems suitable for those families (still in prevailing number but doomed to decrease) whose economic problems are not significant and where mothers do not work. If declining fertility is to be discouraged, new incentives should be introduced and measures should be taken to remove the obstacles met by the new family types where both parents work, and by one-parent families (Sartor 2005.). Two new phenomena that negatively impact childhood have emerged from the demographic and family changes in Italy in recent decades, namely the growing difficulties for a family to offer a suitable nurturing environment (in spite of all the rhetoric around the Italian family) and the growing generational imbalances due to the increase in the elderly population. How Much Do Children Cost? Roughly, the cost of a child includes both support costs, and those related to time and quality parental investment. The former are borne by both parents, whereas the latter are mostly borne by the mother, especially with respect to time and nonparticipation in the labor market. A recent survey (Perali 2005) showed that a child under six increases the couple’s expenses by about 27 percent; one who is between six and thirteen, by 30 percent, whereas a child older than that increases expenses by 17 percent. The difference between the cost of one, two, or three children doesn’t lead to significant economies of scale. According to the survey, the estimated cost for children’s support does not depend on family income, and that it varies among macro-regions only for children living in the south. Families’ expenditure level and types, therefore, are useful indicators to understand and evaluate the economic weight of children. In 2004, the average monthly expenditure for families was ¼ C2,381 ($2,827) (Istat 2005); the values in dollars refer to the 04.01.2006 exchange rate), and it increases along two parameters: the north/south difference and family size. As to the former, it should be emphasized that in central regions, the average monthly expenditure is getting higher than in the north, unlike what occurred in the past. As for the latter, in equally large families, the presence of children causes a higher average monthly expenditure. Particularly couples with one child spend an average of ¼ C2,926 ($3,475) a month, those with two children spend ¼ C3,037 ($3,606), and those with three or more children ¼ C3,066 a month ($3,641).
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Children in Poverty Poverty affects even richer societies, though much less than poorer ones. Italy is not an exception. In spite of the economic development, and despite the fact that from 1993–1994 to 2005, the rate of children and adolescents seventeen and younger whose parents both have an occupation has increased from 36 percent to 43 percent (Centro nazionale di documentazione e analisi per l’infanzia e l’adolescenza 2004), in Italy there are still many families whose monthly average expenditure is equal to or below the poverty line, although it is a relative, not an absolute poverty. The data available for 2004 show that poverty is mainly a ‘‘southern problem.’’ It is not an accident that, in the south, children with both employed parents represent scarcely 29 percent compared with 55 percent in the north (Centro nazionale di documentazione e analisi per l’infanzia e l’adolescenza 2004). In Italy, poor families especially live in the south—1.837 million over a total of 2.674 million poor families (poverty diffusion)—and the poverty incidence is much higher in the south than in the center and the north: 25 percent of the families living in the south are below the poverty line. Moreover, the larger the family, the bigger the incidence of poverty. But most remarkable is that, family size being equal, the presence of under-age children causes poverty incidence to increase, being the maximum value recorded in couples with three or more under-age children. Couples with one under-age child have a poverty incidence close to the national average, but it only takes a second child to go beyond that average. The passage from the only child to two children, then, is an important risk factor for the poverty of couples and their children (Istat 2005.). Separations and Divorce: Child Custody The sign of families’ growing instability and ‘‘childhood risk’’ lies in the progressive increase in separations and divorce. In 2003, there were 5.6 separations and 3 divorces for every 1,000 married couples (with an increase of both phenomena in the past ten years of 60 percent; in Italy, the divorce must be preceded by at least three years of legal separation; not all legal separations become divorce). Fortunately, such decisions are being made more and more by mutual consent, a sign of greater maturity that has positive effects on children. In 2003, over half (52 percent) of the separations and over one-third (37 percent) of divorces have involved at least one under-age child, who, in most cases, is younger than eleven. Maternal parental custody is the rule. In 2003, indeed, 84 percent of children have been awarded to their mother, both in separations and in divorce, whereas paternal custody represents 4 and 6 percent. At any rate, both forms of exclusive custody have been progressively decreasing in favor of forms of joint custody or
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alternate mother/father custody. At the beginning of 2006, an act was approved to put both mothers and fathers on an equal footing with respect to child custody. Adoptions Every year in Italy about 1,000 minors are up for adoption, compared with an average of 10,000 requests for children. The imbalance between ‘‘demand’’ and ‘‘supply’’ force Italian couples towards international adoption. The national Law no. 31 of 1998 has regulated the access to international adoption with definite principles and restricted criteria to protect children. From November 2000 to June 2002, more than 90 percent of the couples making requests for adoption obtained the decree of suitability from the territorial competent court for minors. On the other hand, there were 3,144 requests for foreign children to enter Italy, with an average of 1.1 adopted per couple. The requests are more numerous for children in the one- to four-year-old age group, followed by the fiveto nine-year-old age group. They come primarily from Eastern European countries. HEALTH Available information indicates that Italian children on average enjoy good health. From 1951 to 2003, the infant mortality rate has dropped from 66.6 to 4.3 per 1,000 live births (see Figure 12.2). On an average, only 1 child of 100 does not turn fourteen, and the lowest mortality rates concern the underaged, excluding the first year of life. Nevertheless, other official data show a contrasting situation. The hospitalization of younger children is incomprehensibly high. For example, in 1998, about 1.2 million children between the ages of zero and fourteen were discharged from hospital and, therefore, previously admitted to Figure 12.2. Infant mortality rate (deaths/1,000 live births), Italy, 1951– public and private health 2003. care. Among them, about Source: Baldi and Cagiano de Azevedo, 2005.
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700,000 were one to fourteen years old, and almost 500,000 were not yet one year old. In addition, it is necessary to take into consideration the outpatient hospital admissions, which registered, in 1988, average hospitalization rates for 100 dwellers of the same age of 7.8 for children aged under one and 3.5 for children aged between one and fourteen. While this incongruity and general child mortality are indeed decreasing, there is another alarming issue. Special mention needs to be made regarding mortality due to unnatural or violent causes, which is given considerable attention by the media and public opinion. From 1991 to 1998, deaths in children between the ages of birth and fourteen for unnatural causes decreased by 39 percent. Part of this decline may have been caused by the decrease of the same age span population, but certainly it cannot justify the large reduction of the phenomenon, mainly since the 1970s (Perali 2005). In addition, authorities and doctors are warning increasingly about another risk for children’s health, the increase in fat or obese children aged less than thirteen years old, who in the years 1999 and 2000 reached 20 percent and 4 percent compared with other children who were the same age. (Brescianini, Gargiulo, and Granicolo 2002). Childhood disability deserves more critical consideration. Childhood disability is a very complex phenomenon that makes it difficult to analyze both quantitatively and qualitatively. In Italy, there are no reliable data concerning very young disabled children, and the official statistics ignore the phenomenon until they turn six years old and enroll in school. According to a report published in 2005 by the Ministry of Welfare (Ministero del Welfare 2005), there are about 42,460 disabled children aged less than five years old. This number is obtained considering the impact of disability of 1 percent and, after that, calculating the development trend of the phenomenon until the age of six. If it is true that lack of data is the consequence of the social invisibility of disabled children in the institutional policies oriented towards the recognition and the safeguard of children’s rights, it is important to say that in this field, the Italian system of instruction is qualified as one of the more advanced in Europe, because it is based on the use of mainstream classroom support for disabled children to ensure their complete integration in school. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Institutions and Relevant Bodies for Child Protection The defense and the promotion of minors’ rights and well-being is entrusted to various national bodies, each with its own competence. Since Italy has signed and ratified the CRC, many of the present actions and measures in favor of children are stated in the Act of 1997 ‘‘Provisions
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for the promotion of children’s rights and opportunities’’ that recognize the principles stated in the CRC. In 1997, the National Childhood Observatory was established in order to coordinate central, regional, and local authorities, associations, professional bodies, and NGOs involved in children’s issues. This body is supported by the National Center for Documentation and Analysis for Children and Adolescents, which contributes to the preparation of the National Plan of Action for the Protection of Children’s Rights, to report the situation of children and adolescents in Italy, and to draw up the State’s report to the United Nations on the implementation of the CRC. This body represents the central monitoring authority on childhood and adolescence in Italy. Protection from Sexual Exploitation The Italian legislation also includes several laws to protect both Italian and foreign children against many forms of violence and sexual exploitation. Particularly relevant is the Act no. 66 of 1996, that incorporates in the single crime of sexual assault the offences of rape and indecent assault, and defines the perpetrators of sexual offences as all ‘‘. . . those performing sexual acts on children younger than fourteen (or sixteen if the perpetrator is their parent, guardian, or the person entrusted with their care) even in the absence of violence, or those who perform sexual acts in the presence of children under fourteen with the aim of having them witness these acts.’’ The penalty of imprisonment is increased up to fourteen years if the act is perpetrated at the detriment of a minor under ten, while [particular cases apart], there is no punishment if the ‘‘author’’ is a minor and his/her age does not exceed by three years the age of the ‘‘victim.’’ Another act modified the penal code setting forth specific dispositions on child pornography, sanctioning six to twelve years of imprisonment for those who exploit children under eighteen years to realize pornographic exhibitions or to produce any pornographic material, or who trade in, disseminate, broadcast, or publish pornographic material. The new amendments to Act 269 of 1998 provides for the introduction of a specific disposition on child pornography on the Internet. With respect to trafficking in human beings, a new law came into force in 2003, providing weighty penalties for traffickers, which are increased by one-third or one-half if the offenses are perpetrated against minors under eighteen. Foreign children living legally in Italy have full rights, whereas foreign children living illegally in Italy have been granted fundamental rights as well, such as the right to education and to health care. In addition, specific risk may be identified and specific actions are undertaken with unaccompanied foreign minors entering Italy illegally, a growing problem. In 2001, the Committee for Foreign Minors approved guidelines stating
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that the decisions concerning children must be made in their own interest. Juvenile Deviance The most recent statistic data on juvenile delinquency highlight that in Italy such phenomenon is not so widespread as in other European countries. However, in the past twenty years, juvenile deviance has undergone deep transformations with an increasing number of children as perpetrators of violence. From a quantitative point of view, the number of children with charges brought against them has more than doubled, although it is beginning to decline again in recent years. From a qualitative point of view, given the rough quality of life in southern Italy, there are a number of minors are involved in organized criminal activities. Also, in central and northern Italy there is a consistent presence of foreign children (mostly from Eastern Europe) who commit crimes. Foreign children’s delinquency has become quite significant since the second half of the 1990s, 18 percent of children reported in 1991 rose to 25–27 percent in 1995–1999 (Istituto degli Innocenti 2002). Among the crimes committed by minors (according to the Italian legislation in force, those younger than fourteen years old are not chargeable), the most frequent, after those committed in relation to property, are those against the person (including sex crimes, injuries, and murders), which make up 21 percent of the reports against Italian minors. There are also crimes related to drug dealing, which represent 10 percent of the crimes committed by minors (Perali 2005). In addition, new forms of deviance are emerging (for instance bullying in schools and group assaults) currently described as the ‘‘discomfort of easy living.’’ Italian justice is, therefore, facing new and complex problems, and the current institutional efforts aim at supporting alternative means, such as mediation. RELIGIOUS LIFE Italy has a secular state and respects religious pluralism. For historical and cultural reasons, the prevailing religion has always been Catholicism. Recently, though, the Catholic Church has lost some of its hold, and the number of people going to church and professing themselves Catholic is declining (please consider, in this regard, the results of surveys carried out in Italy, particularly by Garelli and Castegnaro 2005). As far as children are concerned, a most debated issue recently has been the teaching of Catholicism in public schools during school hours. Such teaching was compulsory by an agreement between state and church in 1929. But it became optional in 1984, by request of the interested parties. Unfortunately, there are no official surveys on the number of
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children who do not attend lessons in religion. The only quantitative information comes from the Vatican and indicates that 7 percent of children in 1998–1999 did not attend religion class. The percentage is lower in kindergartens and primary schools, and it is higher in secondary and high school. The most frequent alternative chosen by those who don’t attend is to leave school an hour earlier, especially in high schools, followed by the individual study hour. The ‘‘alternative activities’’ option is organized only in a few cases. The issue is getting more and more critical, given the ever-growing presence of foreign pupils in Italian schools, especially Muslims. In that case, besides the principle of noninterference of the state in religious education, there is also the problem of managing Islamic food prohibitions with the menus proposed by school canteens, as well as respecting religious feasts or celebrations during school hours. Given the importance of volunteer associations in Italy even by children and adolescents, it is worth mentioning the participation of more than 100,000 children aged up to fourteen years in the Boy Scouts Catholic Association (AGESCI), which actively provides Catholic education for youth (Cipolla 1996).
CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT In 2000–2002, the most common offense against children was sexual assault, with 395 victims (70 percent of whom were younger than fifteen) (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights 2004). With regard to the other offenses, the number of victims is still significant, although numbers are lower. In the case of sexual acts with minors, a large proportion of victims are in the lower age groups: 88 percent were younger than fifteen at the time the offense was reported, and almost half of them were ten years old and younger. This information confirms both the early age at which abuse begins and operators’ increased ability to detect early symptoms of distress even in very young children. Moreover, the information currently available points to a sort of gender gap in the victims, 70 percent of whom are girls. Many of these offenses are committed within familiar environments: home, or the social or educational environment. Penalties for Adults Who Mistreat or Murder Children Among the specific legal provisions addressing all forms of violence against children, there are specific civil and penal measures. For instance, there is the possibility of removing the offender from the family instead of the abused child; the introduction of a special sanction in case of
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broadcasting of television programs that may seriously harm the moral and psychological development of minors; and for minors in a situation of abandonment, the lack of moral and material assistance and care by parents may be stated as a justification for placing them up for adoption. Moreover, there are legal provisions penalizing other crimes against children such as the following ones: violation of the obligations of familial assistance and care, abusive punishment, mistreatment in the family or against children, abandonment of minor or of disabled persons, and failure to assist family members. Care of Abused or Neglected Children via the State As far as protection and recovery are concerned, there are many local services designed to support neglected or abused children and their parents. For instance, there are services for the social and psychological support of families at risk of violent behavior; services for psychosocial care and recovery of children who have been victims of violence; services and specialized centers providing support to minors and families through counselling, home support or legal advice; social, medical, educational and therapeutic programs for children who have been victims of violence, shelters for mother and child; training programs to facilitate the social integration of immigrant adolescents exploited in the sexual ‘‘market’’ of prostitution; intercultural intermediaries to make easier the contact between the exploited minor and the services system or judicial system; and on-the-road services aimed to rescue adolescents from the places where they are forced to prostitute themselves. Children Forced to Join the Army There is not a legal specific text on Italian military service, but rather a series of laws and implementing provisions, which regulate both the compulsory military service and the professional army. Italy is not experiencing, however, a plague of children involved in armed conflict. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY In Italy in 2005, there were 8,272,542 children aged fourteen years old and younger, who make up 14 percent of the overall population. There were about 150,000 foreign children. Their life conditions are remarkably improved and approaching European standards, with an advantage: Italian children live in more stable families. What is worrying, instead, is the disparity in opportunities between northern and central children compared with southern ones. In southern Italy, child poverty and school dropout are considerable; child
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labor and involvement in delinquency are higher; phenomena such as neglect, mistreatment, and sexual abuse are frequent. In other words, ‘‘the right of children to be children’’ is violated. On the other hand, the ‘‘wealth’’ that characterizes the life of some children, and the fact that they are treated as adults, is also a matter of concern. Hence, it is important to change the attitude of a society that treats children as adults, that fills them with ‘‘things’’ but bores them, and deprives them of the right to play, to socialize with other children and with adults. Adults should be looking critically at their own lifestyles, namely those centuries-old habits that deprive children of important things, such as time, play, and the human touch (Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri 1998). Taking care of children, then, means to make structures and means available for working with those stakeholders who prove to have the passion, political determination, and willingness to listen to children. In Italy, sixteen years after its ratification, the CRC is considered a cultural reference for issues concerning the condition of children and adolescents. National legislation has made some important progress and can be considered, formally, as one of the most advanced with respect to the safeguard and promotion of children’s rights. The establishment of a ‘‘Center of Documentation and Analysis for Childhood and Adolescence’’ and of a ‘‘National Observatory on Childhood,’’ just like other laws, may be valuable tools to further the implementation of children’s rights. Nonetheless, in our country, those who really understand the importance of the UN Convention are still few in number. There are also too few who are able to translate its principles and rules into usable tools for their daily work. From a practical point of view, indeed, the application of the convention is still inadequate, and the gap between north and south is not yet filled. Often, the way the minor is considered may be different by region or even by town. Generally speaking, we can say that the Italian reality lacks a real ‘‘childhood culture’’ that would consider children’s vulnerability, as well as children’s abilities and resources as active social persons. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings The Rights of Children in Italy: Perspectives In The Third Sector. January 13, 2003. http://www.crin.org/resources/infoDetail.asp?ID¼3261. Penn, Helen. 1997. Comparing Nurseries: Staff and Children in Italy, Spain and the UK (paperback). London: Paul Chapman Educational Publishing. Solberg, Anne. 1994. Negotiating Childhood: Empirical Investigations and Textual Representations of Children’s Work and Everyday Lives. Stockholm: Nordic Institute for Studies in Urban and Regional Planning.
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Web Sites Associazione nazionale famiglie adottive e affidatarie (National Association of Adoptive Families), http://www.anfaa.it. European Foundation for Street Children Worldwide (EFSCW), http://www.enscw.org/. Ministry of Education, http://www.pubblica.istruzione.it/. Save the Children Italia, http://www.savethechildren.it. Terre des hommes, Italia, http://www.tdhitaly.org/.
Selected Bibliography Baldi S., and R. Cagiano de Azevedo. 2005. La popolazione italiana. Storia demografica dal dopoguerra ad oggi. Bologna: il Mulino. Betti, Gianni. 2004. ‘‘La rilevazione dei dati e la costruzione delle stime nelle indagini sul lavoro minorile.’’ Quaderni del Centro nazionale di documentazione e analisi per l’infanzia e l’adolescenza, no. 30: 38–47. Brescianini, Sonia, Lidia Gargiulo, and Emilio Granicolo. 2002. Eccesso di peso nell’infanzia e nell’adolescenza. Convegno Istat. Centro nazionale di documentazione e analisi per l’infanzia e l’adolescenza. I bambini e gli adolescenti negli istituti per minori. Firenze: Istituto degli Innocenti. December 2004. Cipolla, Costantino. 1996. ‘‘Introduzione.’’ In Scout: per sempre?, ed. Sebastiano Martelli, and Ermanno Ripamonti. Milano: Angeli. pp. 11–14. Conti, Cinzia, and Giovanni B. Sgritta. 2004. ‘‘Childhood in Italy: A Family Affair.’’ In: Children’s Welfare in Ageing Europe. Ed. An-Margritt Jensen, et al. Vol. I. Trondheim (Norway): Norwegian Centre for Child Research. pp. 275–334. Donati, Pierpaolo. Uno sguardo complessivo: dinamiche di mutamento delle famiglie italiane, impatti sul tessuto sociale e priorita di una politica familiare orientata alla solidariet a intergenerazionale. pp. 275–334. http://www.osservatoriona zionalefamiglie.it. Accessed November 9, 2005. Garelli, Franco, and Alessandro Castegnaro. Ma quanti sono questi cattolici? http:// www.uaar.it/ateismo/statistiche/quanti_cattolici. Accessed November 28, 2005. Istat. 1998. Indagine Multiscopo ‘‘Famiglia, soggetti sociali e condizione dell’infanzi.’’ Istituto nazionale di statistica. Rome, Italy: http://www.istat.it. ———. 1999. I bambini, le bambine e il gioco. http://www.istat.it. Accessed July 1, 2003. ———. 2001. Indagine Multiscopo sulle Famiglie ‘‘Condizioni di salute e ricorso ai servizi sanitari.’’ Anni 1999–2000. 13 marzo 2002. ———. 2004. Le strutture familiari. 27 ottobre 2004. ———. 2004. Rapporto annuale. http://www.istat.it. Accessed November 9, 2005. ———. 2005. I consumi delle famiglie. Anno 2004. 3 agusto 2005. ———. 2005. Affidamento dei figli minori nelle separazioni e nei divorzi. Anno 2003. 6 luglio 2005. ———. 2005. La poverta relativa in Italia nel 2004. 6 ottobre 2005. Istat and Ministero del lavoro e delle politiche sociali. Sistema informativo sul lavoro minorile—Progetto Silm. 2002. http://www.welfare.gov.it/Sociale/minori/ documenti/default.htm. Accessed November 5, 2005.
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Istituto degli Innocenti. 2002. ‘‘I numeri italiani.’’ Quaderni del Centro nazionale di documentazione e analisi per l’infanzia e l’adolescenza, no. 25: ottobre 2002. James, Allison. 1993. Childhood Identities: Self and Social Relationships in the Experience of the Child. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Mayall, Berry. 1996. Children, Health and Social Order. Buckingham: Open University Press. Megale, Agostino, and Anna Teselli, eds. 2005. I lavori minorili nelle grandi citt a italiane. Roma: IRES. http://www.ires.it. Accessed November 4, 2005. Ministero del Welfare. Rapporto ministeriale sul monitoraggio delle politiche sociali. Rome: Ministero del Welfare. 2005. Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. Study on Violence against Children [in Italy]. ‘‘United Nations Study on Violence against Children. Response to the questionnaire received from the Government of the Italian Republic.’’ July 2004. Perali, Federico. Il costo dei figli: interpretazione, uso e dimensione. http://www.osser vatorionazionalefamiglie.it. Accessed November 11, 2005. Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri–Dipartimento per gli Affari Sociali, Centro nazionale di documentazione ed analisi per l’infanzia e l’adolescenza. 1999. In testa ai miei pensieri. . . . Atti della Conferenza nazionale sull’infanzia e sull’adolescenza. Firenze, 19–21 novembre 1998. Roma: Istituto poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato. Sartor, Nicola. Il sostegno pubblico alle famiglie con figli: ragioni teoriche e nuova evidenza empirica per l’Italia. http://www.osservatorionazionalefamiglie.it. Accessed November 10, 2005. Save the Children. 2001. I diritti dell’infanzia e dell’adolescenza in Italia. La prospettiva del Terzo Settore. Rapporto Supplementare alle Nazioni Unite del Gruppo di Lavoro per la Convenzione sui Diritti del Fanciullo. no. 11. http://www. savethechildren.it/2003/download/pubblicazioni/DirittiInfanzia/rapporto_ supplementare_ONU.pdf. Accessed November 29, 2005. Solberg, Anne. 1994. Negotiating Childhood: Empirical Investigations and Textual Representations of Children’s Work and Everyday Lives. Stockholm: Nordic Institute for Studies in Urban and Regional Planning. Tonucci, Francesco. 2002. Se i bambini dicono: adesso basta! Roma-Bari: Laterza; Francesco Tonucci. 1996. La citta dei bambini. Roma-Bari: Laterz. For updated information on the proposals and activities promoted by the Italian National Research Council [CNR] international project, see CNR. http://www. lacittadeibambini.org. Accessed October 29, 2005.
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MALTA Valerie Sollars NATIONAL PROFILE The Maltese archipelago consists of a group of five islands, two of which are inhabited. According to the demographic review of the National Statistics Office (2006), the population of the Maltese Islands, as estimated at the end of 2004, was made up of 402,668 people—199,580 males and 203,088 females (estimates are based on the 1995 national Census of Population. Population estimates are updated annually, taking into account the components that bring about change—birth, death, migration, and the registration of foreigners as Maltese nationals). This includes the Maltese population and all nonMaltese individuals residing in Malta. Excluding the number of permanent, foreign residents, there are 389,769 Maltese inhabitants—193,917 males and 196,752 females. Considering the size of the Maltese islands (316 km2), these figures highlight the high population density per square kilometer (1,274 persons), making Malta one of the countries with the highest population density in the world.
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At 32.7 percent, Malta has the lowest female workforce among the European Union (EU) countries (http://epp.eurostat.cec.eu.int/portal/ page?_pageid¼1996,39140985&_dad¼portal&_schema¼PORTAL& screen¼detailref&language¼en&product¼sdi_ed&root¼sdi_ed/sdi_ed/ sdi_ed_emp/sdi_ed1421). Between July and September 2005, the overall employment rate in the Maltese islands was 53.5 percent; 72.8 percent of males compared with 33.7 percent of females employed full-time. Of the 164,663 inactive persons, 113,895 are females (NSO 2006; www.nso. gov.mt/statdoc/document_file.aspx?id¼1539). Several social and demographic processes have impacted the structure of the Maltese family. The average household size is decreasing, and the number of children couples opt to have is declining, with an average family size of three. The number of live births has dropped from 5,568 to 3,686 between 1990 and 2004. The total fertility rate for 2004 was 1.37, which is below the rate of 2.1, considered to be the replacement rate for developed countries (www.nso.gov.mt/statdoc/document_file.aspx?id¼997). Births outside marriage have increased considerably. In 1990, there were ninety-five live births to single mothers. This figure increased to 744 and accounted for 19.14 percent of all live births in 2004 (NSO 2005). Marriages are on the decrease, whereas the proportion of marriages that are not the first marriage is on the increase. By December 2004, 9.5 percent (9,274) of all children aged zero to seventeen years of age were living in jobless households (NSO 2005b). At the end of 2003, there were an estimated 3,310 single-parent households; 2,500 of these were single-mother households (NSO 2003a). Only 25.2 percent of single mothers are employed. A total of 5.2 percent of single mothers are unemployed, whereas 69.6 percent of single mothers are inactive. Half of single-mother households have no person who is gainfully occupied. Single-mother households have a lower income than other households due to the lower economic activity. Most income earned by single-mother households is derived from social benefits. The majority of single-mother households is above the risk of poverty and owns at least one car. In 2004, new regulations for female employees who are pregnant came into force. An employee is entitled to an uninterrupted period of fourteen weeks (fourteenth week shall be unpaid) if she informs her employer of her pregnancy in writing. It is compulsory to take four weeks of maternity leave before the expected delivery date and six weeks immediately after the child’s birth, unless agreed otherwise between the employer and the employee. The remaining balance of entitlement can be taken wholly or partially, either immediately before or immediately after the child’s birth. Various departments within the Ministry for the Family and Social Solidarity are responsible for several services to assist children and families. The Department of Social Security is responsible for the Children’s Allowance and the Disabled Child Allowance. In the former service,
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parents with a combined income of less than the equivalent of $29,000 are eligible for a Children’s Allowance. Any child certified to be suffering from some kind of physical and/or mental disability is granted a Disabled Child Allowance. This allowance is over and above the children’s allowance and is paid for each child with a disability within the family. The Department of Social Welfare is responsible for adoption services for prospective parents who are interested in adopting children. The services offered include counseling, information, training, and preparation through group meetings for prospective adoptive parents and assessments of the prospective adoptive parents. This department is also responsible for post-adoption work with adopted children and tracing the natural parents of adults who were adopted as children. Appog_ g_ is the national social welfare agency for children and families in need. Various, specialized services are available for children who are facing some kind of crises or trauma in their life. The services aim at providing intensive and integrated services to children, to promote their well-being, protect their rights, and enhance their potential. With the involvement and participation of children themselves, workers in this field develop care plans, take action to promote and protect children’s rights, and ensure that the well-being of children is always given topmost priority. Child Protection Services (CPS) deals with cases of abuse and neglect of children and is also involved when a child seems to be suffering from, or is at risk of, significant harm. The Fostering Service creates opportunities for children to thrive and grow within quality foster care placements. The primary goal is to have each child placed in a safe, nurturing family who will seek to address and fulfill the child’s needs. The social worker of the Fostering Service helps in the reintegration of the child with his/her natural family, only if it is in the child’s best interest. The Looked-After Children Service assists every child in residential and/or foster care in ensuring that all the needs of the child are being met. A thorough assessment of the situation of the natural family is undertaken in addition to support for the family and assistance in developing parental competence and confidence. The Looked-After Children Service also enables families to develop strategies for coping with stress and connects families with supportive networks in the community. Sedqa is the national executive and nonprofit agency funded by the government to offer health promotion, prevention, treatment, and rehabilitation services to persons with drug, alcohol, and/or gambling problems, and to their families. Sedqa has a number of programs for kindergarten and primary school children to help them develop critical life, social, and refusal skills, as well as to learn to read media messages critically. The Maltese islands are predominantly Catholic, and for many years the church has had a great influence on shaping the history and political life of the nation. The church runs several organizations and institutions
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that support families. The Diocesan Commission for Children’s Homes, established in 1956, coordinates activities of various children’s homes and promotes the welfare of children living in these homes. Currently, there are ten residential children’s homes and four children’s homes run as day centers (Direttorju Eklezjastiku 2003). The church is also responsible for running four homes for young people and two homes for adult women and their children. The Diocesan Commission for the Family was set up with the aims of studying the problems of Maltese families, especially those in crisis and keeping contact with them through the Parish Family Commissions (Direttorju Eklezjastiku 2003). Caritas (Malta) is another church organization that supports the family, children, and youth through the numerous services it offers. Community outreach, prevention education awareness, counseling, and social work are some areas within which Caritas works. Courses are organized for parents (parenting skills), secondary-school students (eleven to sixteen-year-olds), and young people. Within Caritas, various support groups have also been set up to help individuals and their families. These include the epilepsy support group, pastoral and social support for widows and separated people, and a special needs group to assist families with children with cerebral palsy. The Cana Movement is a voluntary organization within the Catholic church that helps couples in their marriage preparations, as well as offers assistance and counseling to couples facing difficulties in their relationships. In addition, the movement offers several services through specialized support groups, namely: the association of breastfeeding counsellors, the stillborn and neonatal death society, as well as the tiny infants’ parents support group. There are also ‘‘mother and baby clubs’’ where an adult accompanies his/her child aged between one and a half and three years for meetings. These meetings offer support and development for both the adults and toddlers. Id-Dar tal-Providenza is another organization set up by the church authorities in the mid-1960s as a residential home for severely handicapped persons. When it was officially inaugurated in 1968, the KEY FACTS – MALTA first residents were children with Population: 402,668 (July 2007 est.) diverse impairments, although it Infant mortality rate: 3.82 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) currently caters to various age Life expectancy at birth: 79.15 years (2007 est.) groups. Literacy rate: 92.8 percent (2003 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 94 percent (2000–2005) Internet users: 127,200 (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: less than 500 (2003 est.) Sources: Malta National Statistics Office; UNICEF. At a Glance: Malta–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ malta.html. April 24, 2007.
OVERVIEW Children growing up in Malta in the twenty-first century are faced with challenges brought about by the changing nature of
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families, in turn influenced by demands in society, improvements in the quality of life, and expectations focusing on a high standard of living. Child mortality is very low. Children generally enjoy a healthy lifestyle. Education is free even at university level. Most children are well looked after within their families. There are no threats of wars or civil strife, and issues of slavery and indentured servitude are unheard of. EDUCATION Compulsory education incorporates primary and secondary schooling for children between the ages of five and sixteen. Primary school consists of a six-year cycle, whereas secondary school consists of a five-year cycle. There are three types of schools for parents to choose from: state education, which is free of charge; independent private schools, which are feepaying schools; and church schools, which accept donations and are run by various religious orders. English tends to be the language used as a medium of instruction in church and private schools; Maltese is the language used for instruction in state schools. Both languages are compulsory for all children at all levels of their compulsory schooling. State primary schools are located in every town and village in Malta. In all there are seventy-three state primary schools catering to three- to eleven-year-olds. To date, the Education Division within the Ministry of Education, Youth and Employment is responsible for the management and organization of state schools. The Secretariat for Catholic Education and Culture is responsible for all Catholic education institutions in the archdiocese and for the promotion of the Catholic culture. Church schools amount to eighteen nursery schools for three-year-olds, twenty-four primary schools for four- to eleven-year-olds, and nineteen secondary schools (Arcidjocezi ta’ Malta 2003). Independent private schools are managed by their own school boards. A number of such schools are set up by/as parents’ foundations; others are commercially organized and administered. Attendance at kindergarten is not obligatory, but over 90 percent of three- and four-year-old children attend these centers. In 2003, 98.7 percent of four-year-olds were enrolled in education-oriented preprimary institutions (Eurostat 2005). There are no issues of availability at the state centers, most of which are attached to the state primary school. State kindergarten provision is free of charge. The preschool cycle lasts two years. Within the state sector, kindergarten and primary schooling is coeducational. At the secondary level, students attending state schools are in single-sex schools. Coeducational schools for three- to sixteen-year-olds are available in the private sector. Most of the church-run schools are singlesex schools at the primary level; all are single-sex schools at the secondary level. Following the completion of secondary schooling, students can pursue studies at higher/postsecondary institutions. Some postsecondary
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institutions prepare students for entry to University, other institutions, such as the Malta College for Arts, Science and Technology (MCAST) focus on vocational and technical courses. All students attending postsecondary institutions receive a stipend. Specific education services are available for children with emotional, social, intellectual, and physical disabilities. There are six special schools, including one for emotionally disturbed boys, the deaf/blind, children with severe intellectual impairments, and children with severe and/or multiple physical disabilities. Support services are available for the children themselves, their families, and the schools (KNDP 2003). Some services are remedial, others are preventive in nature. Some children with disabilities are educated in mainstream schools. In January 2005, 2.17 percent (1,499) of pupils attending a mainstream school were students with individual educational needs (IEN). This figure incorporates pupils at kindergarten, primary, secondary, and higher-secondary levels. Students recognized as having IEN are allocated a facilitator or other learning support (Ministry of Education 2005). Teachers conduct home visits for disabled children, as well as children who are chronically ill. In the case of visits for children under the age of four, such visits continue until they reach compulsory school age. Children with disabilities can also receive support from peripatetic teachers who visit mainstream schools. This is generally provided for students who are deaf or blind. Special arrangements can also be sought in instances where pupils with disabilities are sitting for examinations. Students who are hospitalized for a relatively long period of time benefit from the educational service provided at the hospital itself. This service is also available for students with disabilities.
PLAY AND RECREATION In accordance with Article 31 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), Malta abides by the right of every child to rest and leisure, to engage in age-appropriate play and recreational activities, and to participate freely in cultural life and the arts. To this end, sports, theater, dance, and music facilities are widely available and accessible. The Kunsill Malti g¯hall-isports (KMS) (Maltese Sports Council) was set up by a legal act in January 2003. It aims at promoting and encouraging the development of increased participation and improving the performance of athletes in sport in Malta. The KMS is also responsible for facilitating the development and implementation of programs that promote equality of access to and participation in sport, promoting a culture of excellence in sport and ensuring the provision of resources, services, and facilities for the promotion of sport in Malta.
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Skolasport (literally Sports School) is an initiative that has been promoted since the 1970s. A full program of activities is available for five- to sixteen-year-old children. Sport is not merely promoted because of health and fitness benefits but also for the promotion of leadership, social skills, and better physical development. The Skolasport program is divided into two: for five- to ten-year-olds and for eleven- to sixteen-year-olds. Educational gymnastics, basic skills, and swimming are included in the first part of the program. Older children have a choice of twenty-five disciplines to choose from and improve their performance. Children with special needs can also benefit from the Skolasport by following a tailor-made program that includes swimming, athletics, and educational gymnastics, while integrating modified sport. Males are more likely to take up sports than females. Of the 16,509 five- to fourteen-year-olds attending sports organizations, only 2,187 were females, compared with 14,322 males (NSO 2005c). The Drama Unit of Malta, which forms part of the Department for Curriculum and Implementation within the Education Division, strives to promote a child-oriented education where the child gets first-hand experiences and develops creativity. Specialist drama teachers work in schools delivering drama lessons, supporting theater in education, usually associated with plays put up for prize day ceremonies in schools, and organizing specific plays for theater in education (TIE). As a result of TIE, students are encouraged to deepen their understanding of plays (usually set texts) through play reading sessions and stage excerpts. They also develop their social skills and self-awareness through short plays with a social context. Another initiative bringing children closer to the theater is Teatru Qroqq, made up of final-year students following a teacher training degree at the University at tal-Qroqq (hence the name). The main objective of the group is to create theater productions for schools. A strong participatory element is promoted as children encounter dramatic fiction. They become involved in the events, interact with characters, and are asked to make decisions in a crisis. The audience is led into problem solving and decision making. Children take charge of their own learning and are empowered with the ability to effect change. Private establishments also offer children opportunities for theater and drama. The Masquerade Theatre Arts and Stagecoach schools offer a range of classes in drama, dance, singing, and voice for children, young adults, and adults. The schools assist children and young people to build confidence, overcome shyness, improve their coordination and personal and interpersonal skills, as well as develop memory and think creatively. There are thirty dance schools in the Maltese islands and data collected during the scholastic year 2003–2004 indicated that the largest number of students practicing some form of dance is between the ages of five and nine years, followed by the ten- to fourteen-year-olds and fifteento nineteen-year olds. These three age groups make up 26.2 percent,
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25.3 percent, and 15.7 percent of dancer students, respectively. Children under the age of five are least likely to practice some form of dance, making up only 9.6 percent of the total number of dance students (NSO 2005d). Classical ballet is still the most popular form of dance, followed by Latin American dancing. Female students greatly outnumber male dance students (94 percent). Most children have access to technology, at least in schools. According to an information and communication technologies survey in schools (NSO 2005e), on average there are forty-nine and forty-four computers in each secondary and primary school, respectively. There are sixteen computers for every 100 pupils in primary schools, and nine computers per 100 students in secondary. A total of 37.9 percent of schools have all their classrooms connected to a network, whereas 18.6 percent have some classrooms connected to a network. In all state primary schools, there are three or four computers in every classroom. Although there seems to be no information on the availability or accessibility of technology for children at home, national statistics from a 2002 survey indicated that 38 percent of households then had access to a PC (NSO 2003b). According to a reply given to parliamentary question, by September 2005 there were 88,145 Internet subscriptions in the Maltese islands (PQ 16824). Broadcasting for children in Malta is currently under review. In October 2005, a round table conference was organized by the Broadcasting Authority and the Commissioner for Children to discuss proposals to amend the current Broadcasting Act to protect minors from various forms of exploitation and abuse. Guidelines for good quality children’s programs are also being considered (Camilleri 2005). The guidelines advocate the promotion of strong characters with sound values, resolving conflicts through mediation and negotiation, minimizing violence and portrayal of antisocial behavior as unglamorous and unacceptable, as well as sensitivity in handling stereotypes and diversity (Debono 2005). Within the Broadcasting Act (Chap. 350, Code of Laws, 1991), special attention has been given to the Broadcasting Code for the protection of minors. This code deals with pornographic and violent programs, other programs that impair the development of minors, advertising directed at minors, and teleshopping directed at minors (Aquilina 2005). The Broadcasting Authority has guidelines on advertising concerning medicines, treatments, and dietary supplements, as well as guidelines on alcoholic drink advertising and the coverage of tragedies. Advertisements related to alcohol cannot be directed exclusively or principally at children under the age of eighteen. On either radio or television, such advertisements cannot be aired before 7 P.M. Personalities children are likely to emulate cannot be involved in such advertising. Children have a right to privacy in instances of tragic events involving their parents or school. Consent from parents or guardians must be sought to interview children under the age of sixteen on matters of a sensitive nature.
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Culture statistics (NSO 2003) indicate that the 229 nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) serving children and young persons enjoy a healthy membership. Among the NGOs participating in the survey, there were forty-eight religious, forty-five social, forty-one educational, thirty-four cultural, and ten sport organizations. A total of 69.6 percent of all five- to ten-year-old children and 75.1 percent of all eleven- to fifteen-year-old youth were members of at least one such organization. These figures suggest that many children and young people participate in some form of recreational activity.
CHILD LABOR Article 15 and Article 16 of the Maltese constitution (1964) state that ‘‘The minimum age for paid labor shall be prescribed by law’’ and ‘‘The State shall provide for safeguarding the labor of minors and assure to them the right to equal pay for equal work.’’ The employment of children and young persons is protected through the Education Act of 1988 and the Work Place (Protection of Young Persons) Regulations 1996. The Education Act of 1988 prohibits an employer from employing any young person of compulsory school age unless s/he has written permission by the Ministry of Education. The Work Place (Protection of Young Persons) Regulations of 1996 prohibits the employment of children under the age of fifteen. Fifteen- to eighteenyear-olds may be employed subject to pre-employment medical examinations and regular periodic medical examinations thereafter. They cannot be employed in jobs hazardous to their health and safety. Adequate training needs to be ensured while the work assigned should be carried out under supervision. They are allowed at least one day of rest during the week, and they should not be employed for more than four hours on any day on which they are required to attend school. Young people may not be employed for overtime in excess of ten hours in any calendar week and cannot be employed during the night between 10:00 P.M. on one day and 6:00 A.M. the following day. Malta has ratified seven international labor organization (ILO) conventions, including the forced Labor Convention, 1930 (No. 22), the Medical Examination of Young Persons (Industry) Convention, 1946 (No. 77); Medical Examination of Young Persons (Non-Industrial Occupational Convention, 1946 (No. 78); Abolition of Forced Labor Convention, 1957 (No. 105); Medical Examination of Young Persons (Underground Work) Convention, 1965 (No. 124); Minimum Age Convention, 1973 (No. 138) and the ILO Convention No. 182 and Recommendation No. 190 Concerning the Worst Forms of Child Labor (Farrugia, CortisMicallef, and Galea-Seychell 2001). Child-selling and indentured servitude are unheard of on the islands.
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FAMILY Although the family as a unit faces many challenges, the traditional family, with close-knit links even to the extended members, is still very strong. Partly because of the size of the islands and the geographical proximity of the towns and villages, many families retain close relationships with grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins. Rather than make use of childcare centers, some young families rely on the extended family for support when both parents are working and children have not yet reached the age to attend kindergarten centers. Culturally, there is still a tendency towards a patriarchal family, where the father is the main breadwinner and the mother is the person to stay at home and look after the needs of the family. Until 1993, a woman had no choice in giving up her maiden surname and taking on her husband’s family name. A recent study showed that only 1 percent of fathers in Malta make use of parental leave (http://www.gender-balance.undp.ro/euro pean_union_gender_news/Modern_Men_in_an_Enlarged_Europe.php). However, within middle-class families and especially within younger families where both parents are working, men do take on a more active part in chores traditionally reserved for females. The Civil Code promotes the unity and stability of the family. Spouses have equal rights and owe each other fidelity, and material and moral support. Each is bound to work in the interest of the family, to maintain each other, and to contribute to the needs of the family. Both spouses have an obligation to look after, maintain, instruct, and educate their children. Divorce is not legal in Malta, but separations and annulments are possible. At separation, the court directs which of the spouses shall have custody of the children. The welfare of the children is the major consideration and depending on circumstances, the court’s initial decision may be revised. In certain circumstances, a parent may lose partial or complete parental authority. The court also determines the time, place, and frequency where a parent can have access to his/her child. Irrespective of which partner has custody of the children, both parents remain responsible for their maintenance and education. HEALTH There were a total of 3,838 deliveries in the Maltese islands in 2004, resulting in 3,902 births. The number of live births in 2004 was 3,887, which accounted for 99.6 percent of the total births at a national level. The remaining fifteen births were stillbirths. Of the live births, there were twelve cases of early neonatal deaths and five cases of late neonatal deaths (National Obstetric Information System 2004). Between 1991 and 2004, there were three maternal deaths—one in 1991 and two in 2001.
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Maternal, fetal, and neonatal mortality rates are all indicators of the quality of health care. Health services are offered free to all as part of a national health service and in addition certain medical conditions are entitled to free medication. The Department of Health offers a comprehensive health service for children including free primary health care in the form of a free general physician service, child health surveillance in well baby clinics, and mainstream and special schools and children’s homes and institutes. Well baby clinics are run by pediatricians at eight health centers and provide follow up and monitoring of the development of the newborns, as well as advice on vaccinations, nutrition, and health promotion. Routine visits are scheduled at age six to eight weeks, eight months, and eighteen months. The aim of the well baby clinics is primarily health promotion, early identification of physical/developmental or sensory problems, and the identification of families at risk in terms of social development, substance abuse, and others. Problems detected at routine examinations are further investigated and assessed by consultants from the Child Development Assessment Unit (CDAU) at St. Luke’s General Hospital, the principal hospital on the islands. The CDAU provides a service for multidisciplinary assessment of children with special needs. Orthotics for the physically disabled are provided free of charge. A comprehensive secondary care service is provided by the pediatric department in the hospital where children with acute pediatric conditions are managed. A number of subspecialties have developed, including intensive neonatal care, oncology, neurology, endocrinology, and genetics. Immunization is offered as a free service to all children. The immunizations recommended by the National Immunization Committee are offered to children at target ages. Apart from the statutory vaccinations for polio, diphtheria, and tetanus, vaccination for whooping cough is recommended and provided free of charge at the immunization clinics at health centers. Vaccination for mumps, measles, and rubella is provided free of charge at fifteen months and a second dose at the age of seven. Hepatitis B vaccination was introduced in 1997 for all nine- and ten-yearolds. Haemophilus influenzae type b (Hib) vaccination was introduced for infants in 1996. Bacille Calmette Guerrin (BCG) vaccination for tuberculosis is provided at the National Immunization Service at the main Health Center. World Health Organization (WHO) Health 21 targets for immunization have been adopted as local targets. In 2000, the coverage for various immunizations compared well with what is expected (Public Health Report 2002). (Diphtheria, tetanus and polio at two years was 94.67 percent; for mumps, 84.2 percent; pertussis, 92.9 percent; Hib, 3.57 percent; and rubella, 84.2 percent. For measles, the situation is slightly less favorable with the rates for the first dose [MMR-I] with twoyear-olds being 84.2 percent. For the second dose [MMR-II], the official figures lie at less than 1 percent in nine-year-olds. It is still too early to
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comment on the national hepatitis B vaccine program [Public Health Report 2002]. The School Health Service provides a monitoring and preventionoriented service to schoolchildren with an emphasis on the early detection of disease and physical defects and health promotion. Services include the examination of all children prior to school entry and clinical examinations for children aged five, seven, and eleven; health promotion and general information and advice to students, parents, and teaching staff; immunization programs; head inspections against lice; recall and examination of students with long absence certificates, as well as screening for visual and auditory difficulties and scoliosis. Assessment and monitoring of child health in special schools is a priority. The School Health Service also incorporates a program of dental services for school children. Dental surgeons and hygienists carry out regularly scheduled visits to schools for routine dental examinations. Discussion meetings with school children and parents are also held. The Speech Language Clinics are accessible at all health centers. Speech language pathologists assess, diagnose, and implement treatment programs in relation to communication problems of various etiologies. The service is also provided at schools and a domiciliary service is provided for selected cases. Conditions requiring intervention include hearing and sensory impairments, speech immaturity, fluency difficulties, and reading and writing problems. Child mental health services are provided in collaboration with the Department of Psychiatry within the Child Guidance Clinic, Young People’s Unit (YPU) at Mount Carmel Hospital. The Young People’s Unit was set up in 1992 for psychiatric diseases. It provides residential psychiatric care for children up to the age of seventeen. The facility accepts referrals from the juvenile court and children with learning difficulties and autism. During 1995, there were forty clinical sessions, eleven admissions, and sixteen discharges. About 8,000 families have someone experiencing mental health problems (Committee on the Rights of the Child, United Nations 1998). Children with specified chronic disorders are entitled to free medication. These include epilepsy, metabolic disorders, childhood asthma, congenital heart disease, and diabetes. The Health Promotion Department, within the Ministry of Health, constantly strives to help the Maltese people improve and lead healthier lifestyles, as well as avoid preventable illnesses. A national survey conducted in 1991 among children revealed that at the age of five, 13 percent of boys and 11.5 percent of girls were obese while at ten years, the prevalence of obesity rises to 18.8 percent in boys and 24.3 percent in girls. An earlier study in 1984 revealed that between the ages of twentyfive and sixty-four, 35 percent of women and 22 percent of men were obese. These results suggest that locally, obesity is a problem at all ages
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(The Health of the Maltese Nation 2006). The Health Promotion Department is currently involved in a pilot project focusing on obesity with one boys’ secondary school. Young people are being taught about healthy lifestyles, nutrition, and exercise. A manual is expected to be produced and distributed among other schools. Asthma is a common disease in Malta, with an estimated 10 percent of the population suffering from it. A study among Maltese teenagers resulted in 11 percent being diagnosed with asthma, whereas 20 percent had exercise-related wheezing (Montefort, Lenicker, Caruna, and Agius Muscat 1998). Wider diffusion of health education about the condition together with closer partnerships between patients, their parents, and teachers is one of the challenges in the area. Smoking usually starts in early adolescence. At the age of thirteen, the prevalence of smoking in girls exceeds that in boys, with 5.8 percent of girls compared with 4.1 percent of boys claiming that they smoke on a daily basis. An almost equal number of fifteen-year-olds (8.4 percent and 8.6 percent of girls and boys, respectively) smoke daily. There is a dramatic increase in smoking between the ages of eleven and thirteen, with more girls taking up smoking over time: 0.9 percent of girls and 2 percent of boys claim to be smoking on a weekly basis at the age of eleven. Among thirteen-year-olds, 13.6 percent of girls compared with 8.9 percent of boys claim to smoke at least once a week. The margin of difference narrows between fifteen-year-olds with 17.4 percent of girls and 16.9 percent of boys claiming to smoke at least once a week (Currie et al. 2004). A schoolgirl mothers’ unit provides a support service and an educational program to unmarried pregnant minors, leading them to adopt a positive attitude towards motherhood while empowering them to pursue their career path. Several services are offered, including guidance and counseling service to pregnant girls under eighteen, their boyfriends, and their parents as required; psychological, moral, and educational support; and support to girls before and after the birth of their child. A series of programs are offered to the young mothers-to-be to prepare them for the process of pregnancy, birth, baby care, and parenting skills. Another program helps the girls in their self-development to promote interpersonal skills. Educational programs improve their academic development (the schoolgirl mothers’ unit is set up within the Ministry of Education, Youth and Employment). In 2004, eighty-seven of ninety-four (this accounts for 2.4 percent of all live-births for 2004) children born to fifteen- to seventeen-year-old girls, were births outside marriage (NSO 2005f). Sex education forms part of the personal and social development syllabus that is for upper-primary and secondary-school students. As part of the general topic ‘‘growing up,’’ emotional, physical, and sexual changes, together with gender issues, are discussed. The Health Promotion
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Department runs a program of talks for fourteen- and fifteen-year-olds in all schools about sexual health and sexually transmitted infections. In addition, in 2005, sexual health was one of the topics for the annual inservice teacher training courses. The Kummissjoni Nazzjonali Persuni b’Dizabilita’ (KNPD) (National Commission on Persons with Disability) is the main entity responsible for disabled persons in Malta. The commission’s responsibilities are outlined in the Equal Opportunities (Persons with Disability) Act of 2000. The commission is responsible for identifying, establishing, and updating all national policies directly or indirectly related to disability issues. It also identifies the needs of disabled persons, their families, and NGOs working in the field and ensures that all government programs concerning the affairs and interests of these entities are implemented in accordance with national policies. A number of NGOs support children and families with disabilities through a range of services. The Eden Foundation works in partnership with people with developmental disabilities to help them achieve full inclusion to the best of their abilities by gaining access to mainstream education, employment, and leisure activities, leading to an independent life. Ir-Razzett tal-Hbiberija (Park of Friendship) was originally intended as a place where people with disabilities and their families could enjoy themselves and relax in a picturesque, but safe and controlled, environment. Over time, this has developed into the only complex on the Maltese Islands that provides leisure and recreational activities to people with disabilities, especially since most of these tend to participate in activities based solely on therapy and corrective training. While helping children develop emotionally, cognitively, and intellectually, the activities at Ir-Razzett serve to promote friendships rather than professional relationships with the disabled members of the community. There are no residential clients, and services are aimed at a large number of children, youths, and adults coming from various centers, independent organizations, state, church, and private schools. Children of all ages and incorporating all types of abilities are welcome. The charity is self-governed and independent from the state or other entity. It generates some revenues through quasi-commercial activities, as there is presently little or no financial support from the government. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Malta is one of the signatories of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). The first Commissioner for Children was appointed towards the end of 2003 (Commissioner for Children Act, Chapter 462 Act VIII of 2003). The Commissioner’s functions include promoting and advocating for the rights and interests of children in all spheres (health,
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education, social services, leisure, and recreation) together with promoting the protection of family unity. The Commissioner must also ensure that the rights and interests of children are properly taken into account by government departments, local authorities, public bodies, and voluntary and public organizations when decisions on policies affecting children are taken. Promoting the protection of children from physical or mental harm and neglect, including sexual abuse or exploitation, is another of the Commissioner’s functions. The Commissioner is also entrusted with promoting special care and protection, including adequate legal protection for children both before and after birth. It is worth noting that abortion is illegal, but this is not entrenched in the Constitution. Criminal cases relating to people under the age of sixteen are heard at the juvenile court (Juvenile Court Act 1980). Proceedings heard in the juvenile court are not open to the general public, and further restrictions may be applied on those allowed in, if children or young people are witnesses. Unaccompanied children and young people are not allowed in any court of criminal justice, unless of course they are on trial. According to the Civil Code, a minor is defined as a person who is younger than eighteen years (Civil Code, Chapter 16, para 157). If a child or young person under the age of sixteen is convicted and any of the means at law, such as imprisonment, are not considered fit or suitable punishment, a care order is issued (Children and Young Persons [Care Orders] Act 1980). The care order is issued for a minimum of one year and a maximum of five years. Care orders are issued to children/ young people in need of care, protection, or control, and are not valid when the person under care reaches the age of eighteen. Once a care order is issued, a key social worker is appointed who is responsible for regularly visiting and monitoring the child. The social worker is also responsible for drawing up a care plan and overseeing its implementation (Children and Young Persons (Care Orders) Regulations, Subsidiary Legislation 285.01). Children under the age of nine are exempt from criminal responsibility for any act or omission. Similarly, children under the age of fourteen are exempt from criminal responsibility for anything committed without any malice. Parents or guardians of young offenders may be fined. Depending on the gravity of the offence and the previous conduct of the offender, a child between the ages of nine and fourteen who has acted with malice, may be imprisoned for a maximum of four years (Criminal Code, Chapter 9, para. 35 & 36). Young persons found guilty of committing a criminal offense are sent to the Young Persons Unit of the correctional facility. The Commissioner for Children has recently emphasized the unsuitability of such an institution for young people (Commissioner for Children 2006). No cases of child sex tourism were registered locally in 2004. No data exists on sex tourists, traveling to Malta, or on trafficking of minors for
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prostitution. In 2004, the police did not receive any reports on Maltese suspected of engaging in sexual activities with minors abroad or on children being trafficked for sexual exploitation. Malta has the highest age of sexual consent (eighteen) among the twenty-five EU countries, suggesting that the law protects minors. A parent who is convicted of forcing his/her children into prostitution is liable to a three- to six-year jail sentence (Criminal Code, Chapter 9, para 197). Defilement of minors carries with it a maximum jail sentence of three years (Criminal Code, Chapter 9, para 203). Prison sentences are handed down to whoever is found guilty of encouraging, instigating, or facilitating prostitution of minors. As a race, the Maltese people are fairly homogeneous. A relatively recent state of affairs that has affected the islands concerns irregular immigrants and refugees. In its policy about irregular immigrants, refugees, and integration, the government has highlighted the need to give special attention to more vulnerable immigrants, including unaccompanied minors, families, and pregnant women (Irregular immigrants, refugees, and integration. Policy document. 2005. Malta: Ministry for Justice and Home Affairs Ministry for the Family & Social Solidarity. http:// mjha.gov.mt/downloads/documents/paper_immigrants.pdf ). Unaccompanied children and minors are placed under a care order, which means that they are given identical treatment to Maltese children. The state, therefore, assumes responsibility for such children. They are placed in foster care or residential facilities for under-eighteen-year-olds and are given access to educational and training opportunities. If minors enter Malta with their parents, the family unit is respected and not kept in detention for longer than is absolutely necessary. RELIGIOUS LIFE The Roman Catholic Apostolic Religion is the religion of the islands as stated in the Constitution of Malta (1964). The authorities of the Roman Catholic Apostolic Church have the duty and the right to teach which principles are right and which are wrong and the religious teaching of the said faith is provided in all state schools as part of compulsory education (Chapter 1, para 2 [1, 2, 3], Constitution 1964). Religion as a subject is compulsory at all levels of schooling, primary and secondary. Children are introduced to religion at birth when they receive the sacrament of baptism. At the age of seven, children receive communion for the first time and the sacrament of confirmation at the age of twelve. For children to receive the sacraments, it is obligatory that they attend afterschool catechism classes regularly in their parish. Children and citizens are invited to participate in various religious celebrations throughout the year. Apart from Sunday obligation, there are several religious, public holidays during the year, which are not only
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celebrated with elaborate religious functions but also accompanied by traditional and cultural village feasts, including bands, fireworks, and processions with statues of patron saints. These festas are not only religious and cultural celebrations but tend to be family occasions with a strong social element where families get together. In addition, within schools and also in quite a number of homes, children are brought up with certain observances and traditions, such as devotions related to the first Friday of the month, dedicated to the Sacred Heart of Jesus; the crowning of Our Lady, Corpus Christi (celebrated with devout processions in all parishes), and All Souls Day (a school holiday; many visit the cemeteries with their families). Attendance at Sunday mass is still high. A Sunday Mass census held in the Maltese Islands in December 1995 showed an attendance of around 67 percent. According to the Diocesan Curia, 98 percent of Maltese celebrate births, marriage, and death with a religious service (Archdiocese of Malta 2005). Within the parishes, the church has several organizations for children and youths. As mentioned elsewhere in the chapter, there were some forty-eight religious NGOs in 2000 (NSO 2003). Apart from having a pastoral role, most groups would also promote social activities for the members. One of the more well-known religious societies run by lay, celibate people is the catechetical society locally known as the M.U.S.E.U.M (Society of Christian Doctrine). Around the Maltese Islands, the society has sixty-three centers for men and fifty for women. The main priority of the society is catechetical work in the parishes. Every evening, all the Society’s Centers are open for the catechetical formation of children and youths and occasionally adults as well. Most of the catechetical activity is directed towards preparing children to receive the sacraments. Regular meetings are held for the parents of children attending these centers. As mentioned elsewhere in this chapter, the church has several schools at all levels of education from preschool up to post-secondary education (sixteen- to eighteen-year-olds). The church sees this as part of its educational mission for the development of the whole person and the welfare of society. Similarly, the church authorities provide social support services for all citizens. These include charitable institutions such as homes for the elderly, girls’ hostels, children’s homes, homes for persons in distress, and homes for persons with disabilities. There are currently 271 children in church homes. Caritas is providing twenty-two different services (see earlier reference); Id-dar tal-Providenza provides shelter and care for persons with disabilities; the Social Assistance Secretariat provides various forms of assistance to people in need while the Refugee Section is helping around 388 persons, including sixty-seven children, from thirteen different countries. The Cana movement (see earlier reference) has recently announced that it is setting up a new support group for single mothers with a view to helping them face their challenges.
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CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT In accordance with Article 19 of the CRC, it is essential that professionals and others working with them safeguard minors who are not in a position to defend themselves against abuse. Several initiatives have been taken to protect children against abuse. Malta is one of the signatories of the optional protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography. In 1999, the Ministry of Education published the Child Protection Procedures for Schools. This policy outlines the guidelines and procedures for reporting and handling cases of child abuse for children under the age of eighteen. The policy was immediately followed with the setting up of Child Safety Services, a unit that offers counseling to victims of child abuse, and prevention and training programs for schools. The services offered by this unit include individual counseling with students in schools, training programs with school staff or other educators, awareness raising sessions for parents and guardians, as well as prevention programs with groups of students. _ is the government entity within the Ministry of Family and Appog_ g, Social Solidarity responsible for running CPS. Social workers employed within the unit are involved in investigating alleged abuse and help devise suitable intervention plans to stop the abuse. Investigations are undertaken for physical, emotional, and sexual abuse and neglect. Data about cases investigated by the CPS are presented in Table 13.1 and Table 13.2. Children can make use of Supportline 179. This is a national help line providing immediate help for those seeking information, support, and referrals to social welfare entities. In 2004, 387 of 17,449 genuine calls to the help line were made by children (Appog_ g_ 2005). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Children and young people growing up in Malta in the twenty-first century are going through an exciting time as a result of developments at various levels that are enabling the young generations to have a voice, to participate meaningfully and truly as members of a democracy. The Annual Report for 2005, recently published by the Commissioner for Children (Commissioner for Children 2006) highlights what various Table 13.1. Number of cases of abuse per year 1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
12
65
291
570
782
880
879
993
982
1386
1734
1462
_ Statistical Report, 2005. Source: Appog_ g,
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Table 13.2. Type of abuse by year of opening 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 Total Abandonment At risk Bullying Combination Emotional Neglect Physical Prenatal Sexual Unidentified Total
0 3 0 6 0 1 0 0 5 0 15
0 9 0 13 3 6 8 0 9 0 48
0 37 0 42 14 51 51 1 32 0 228
0 66 0 60 8 78 83 3 41 1 340
0 27 0 59 21 81 88 0 48 2 326
0 34 0 62 13 35 96 3 64 1 308
0 22 0 107 15 66 97 2 46 2 357
0 54 0 144 26 81 98 1 59 6 469
0 25 0 89 10 38 46 0 20 3 231
0 76 0 207 44 87 121 0 66 25 626
3 89 2 290 59 135 131 2 96 20 827
0 3 24 466 0 2 130 1209 22 235 50 709 80 899 0 12 47 533 8 68 361 4136
_ Statistical Report, 2005. One of the shortcomings in the system is that there is not one single entity Source: Appog_ g, responsible for collating the referrals. Referrals can be made to the CPS, the police, and the Commissioner for Children. Statistics of sexual abuse of children during 2004, calculated by various entities, add up to 349: 39 from _ and 8 from the Office of the Commissioner for Children (Galea Debono 2006). the police, 302 from Appog_ g, Furthermore, the Children Act has not yet been implemented and there is some debate between the authorities about the best way to present this (Massa 2006).
government ministries, schools, NGOs, local councils, and parishes are doing in order to enable children and young people to have a voice while developing their personal, social, and intellectual skills to help them become citizens who can reasonably argue, discuss, persuade, and influence changes in society.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Commissioner for Children. 2006. Children can’t wait: Annual Report 2005. Malta: Office of the Commissioner for Children. The annual report presented by the Commissioner for Children highlights the advances made in 2005 to give children a voice. The report will shortly be available at http://www. tfal.org.mt. Ministry of Education, Youth & Employment. 2005. For All Children to Succeed. A New Network Organization for Quality Education in Malta. Malta: Ministry of Education, Youth and Employment. A report published by the Ministry with proposals about changes to the education system which would see primary and secondary schools being amalgamated into colleges. The entire education system is under review with an aim to make lifelong learning ‘‘seamless.’’ Report is available at www.education.gov.mt/ministry/doc/pdf/ for_all_children_to_succeed.pdf. Ministry of Social Policy. 2001. National Report (Malta) on the Follow-up of the World Summit for Children (2001). Malta: Ministry of Social Policy. The
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report, submitted by Malta to the United Nations General Assembly Special Session on Children in New York, gives a review of the achievements Malta had made over the decade in ensuring the best developments for children. Sultana, R.G. 2001. Yesterday’s schools. Readings in Maltese Educational History. Malta: PEG. A collection of papers that provide a historical overview of the development of the educational system in Malta at various levels.
Web Sites APPOGG, http://www.appogg.gov.mt. The national social welfare agency for families and children in need. The site contains information about all the services available for the community. Commissioner for Children, http://www.tfal.org.mt. Includes reports, speeches and presentations, articles, and press releases. Some articles are in Maltese, others in English. Site also includes local and international legislation about establishing the Commissioner for children through the Commissioner for Children Act. The Drama Unit of Malta, http://www.geocities.com/dramaunitmalta. This unit is part of the services within the Education Division that is responsible for the curriculum in the Maltese education system. Ministry for Justice and Home Affairs, http://mjha.gov.mt. The Ministry of Justice and Home Affairs contains all the information relating to the judicial system, the legal services including the laws of Malta, and legal publications. Other information relates to citizenship, passports, marriage registry, and so on. Ministry for the Family and Social Solidarity, http://www.msp.gov.mt. The Ministry for the Family and Social Solidarity provides information about departments, entities, and services that are the responsibility of the ministry. These include children, family, social solidarity, NGOs, housing, gender equality, and disability issues. Ministry of Education, http://www.education.gov.mt. The Ministry of Education, Youth & Employment has information about education services at all levels, lists of institutions and services offered, and current reports related to various services in education. Ministry of Health, the Elderly and Community Care, http://www.sahha.gov.mt. The Ministry of Health provides information about the health care services available through the various departments. Publications from the health promotion department can also be downloaded. National Statistics Office: Malta, http://www.nso.gov.mt. The National Statistics Office provides data and analysis on various matters. Some examples include the household budgetary survey, the labor force survey, and the lifestyle survey. SEDQA, http://www.sedqa.gov.mt. This national agency is against drug and alcohol abuse. Information about drugs in the local scene, primary prevention services, care services together with related articles and reports are available on the site.
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Organizations and NGOs Cana Movement Istitut Kattoliku Floriana, MALTA Phone: (þ356) 2123 8942 or (þ356) 2123 8068 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.canamovement.org The Cana Movement is an organization of people who have the family at heart. It is a voluntary organization within the Catholic Church of Malta. Its objectives are to help couples prepare for marriage, to help couples or individuals who are facing difficulties in their relationships, and to help couples strengthen their marriage and their family. Caritas Malta 5, Lion Street Floriana VLT16 Phone: (þ356) 21233933; or (þ356) 21245358 or (þ356) 21259066 Fax: (þ356) 21246374 Web site: http://www.caritasmalta.org/ Caritas Malta is the Catholic Church Secretariat for Social and Charitable action. Caritas Malta is committed, in solidarity, to stand alongside people in difficulty, sharing its resources, working together with other social partners on programs that raise public awareness, promote human development, and voice the rights of socially disadvantaged people Diocesan Curia 5 Triq l-Iljun Floriana VLT 16, Malta Phone: (þ356) 21241281 Fax: (þ356) 21242971 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.maltachurch.org.mt/ Information in Maltese about the main activities of the Church in Malta can be accessed on the website of the Diocesan Curia. The Eden Foundation Bulebel, Zejtun ZTN08 Malta Phone: (þ356) 21807708 Fax: (þ356) 21807708 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.theedenfoundation.com The Eden Foundation is a NGO set up in 1992. It works with people with developmental disabilities, helping them to achieve full inclusion to the best of their abilities. Individuals are provided with opportunities to gain access to mainstream education, employment, and leisure activities, leading to an independent life. European Anti-Poverty Network (Malta) EAPN Malta, 33, Cannon Road Hamrun
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Phone: (þ356) 21244123, 21224742 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.eapnmalta.org/page.asp?p¼6912&l¼1 The European Anti-Poverty Network (Malta) is made up of approximately forty-six NGOs involved in the fight against poverty and social exclusion. Through this network, the organization offers a means of strengthening the voice of persons experiencing or living at the risk of poverty and/or experiencing social exclusion in Malta. The Web site has information about press releases, newsletters, publications, and information about the member organizations. Id-Dar Tal-Providenza Lapsi Road, Siggiewi QRM 16, Malta Phone: (þ356) 21462844 or (þ356) 21464915 Fax: (þ356) 21467925 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.dar-tal-providenza.org/home.htm A residential home for severely handicapped children and adults who cannot rely on constant family support. It is run by the church and operates exclusively on the basis of donations, hence its name, ‘‘the house of providence.’’ Ir-Razzett tal-Hbiberija (Park of Friendship) Zinzell Street M’Scala, MALTA Phone: (þ356) 21636526 Fax: (þ356) 21636525 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://rth.softual.com/index.asp The Razzett tal-Hbiberija is a charitable organization that offers an array of structured recreational and therapeutic services to persons with a disability. Services are offered free of charge. Emphasis is given to abilities rather than the disability of an individual. _ Kummissjoni Nazzjonali Persuni b’Dizabilita’ _ Centru Hidma So_cjali Triq Braille Santa Venera HMR 18, Malta Phone: (þ356) 21487789 Fax: (þ356) 21484609 Text phone: (þ356) 21446536 Web site: http://www.knpd.org/knpdwelcome.shtml The National Commission Persons with Disability (KNDP) is part of the portfolio of the Ministry for the Family & Social Solidarity. It works in collaboration with NGOs in Malta, coordinating efforts and voicing the Maltese government policies on disability matters. Kunsill Malti gall-isport (Malta Sports Council) Kumpless Sportiv Kottonera Vjal il-Kottoner Bormla, Malta
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Phone: (þ356)21660658/9 Fax: (þ356)21660651/2 E-mail: [email protected] or [email protected] Web site: http://www.education.gov.mt/sport/kms.htm The Web site for the Sports Council gives information about sports legislation in Malta, sport commissions, as well as the various sport activities, relevant application forms, and press releases. SDC M.U.S.E.U.M Triq is-Salib tal-Marsa, Blata l-Bajda HMR 03 Malta Phone: (þ356) 2124 8671 / (þ356) 2124 8669 Fax: (þ356) 2124 8668 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.sdcmuseum.org/ This religious society does lots of catechetical work among children and young adults. It is also very involved in the publication of religious material in Maltese, an area that was not so readily available for quite a long time. The society is very well known on the island and beyond. The founder, who was a Maltese priest, was beatified by Pope John Paul II in May 2001.
Selected Bibliography _ 2005. Statistical report, 2004. Malta: Appog_ g, _ The Research Office. Appog_ g. Aquilina, K. 2005. Children’s rights in the Maltese audio-visual landscape: proposals for legislative reform. Round table conference, Quality programmes for children. Malta: October 24, 2005. The Broadcasting Authority and the Commissioner for children. Archdiocese of Malta. Christianity in Malta. 2005. http://www.maltachurch.org. mt/Malta/christianity.htm. Arcidjocezi ta’ Malta. 2003. Direttorju Eklezjastiku, Malta u Ghawdex 2003. Malta: Media Centre. Camilleri, S. 2005. Welcome address. Round table conference, Quality programmes for children. Malta: October 24, 2005. The Broadcasting Authority and the Commissioner for Children. Commissioner for Children. 2006. Children Can’t Wait—Annual Report 2005. Malta: Office of the Commissioner for Children. Committee on the Rights of the Child, United Nations 1998. Initial reports of state parties due in 1992: Malta, 03/09/98. Switzerland: United Nations. http:// www.hri.ca/fortherecord1999/documentation/tbodies/crc-c-3-add56.htm. Currie, C., C. Roberts, A. Morgan, R. Smith, W. Settertobulte, O. Samdal, and V. Barnekow Rasmussen, eds. 2004. Young people’s health in context: Health behaviour in school-aged children (HBSC) study international report from 2001/2002 survey. Denmark: World Health Organisation. http://www.euro. who.int/Document/e82923.pdf. Debono, D. 2005. Draft guidelines for programmes content created for children. Round table conference, Quality programmes for children. Malta: October 24, 2005. The Broadcasting Authority and the Commissioner for children.
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Debono, Galea F. 2006. Data on missing and abused children ‘‘not realistic.’’ The Times of Malta, Friday, February 17, 2006. http://www.timesofmalta.com/ core/article.php?id¼215019. Education Division. 1999. Child protection procedures for schools. http://www. education.gov.mt/ministry/doc/pdf/child_protection_national_policy.pdf. Eurostat. 2005. http://epp.eurostat.cec.eu.int/portal/page?_pageid¼1996,39140985&_ dad¼portal&_schema¼PORTAL&screen¼detailref&language¼en&product¼ Yearlies_new_population&root¼Yearlies_new_population/C/C3/C32/cca11024. Farrugia, R., C. Cortis-Micallef, and O. Galea-Seychell. 2001. National Report (Malta) on the follow-up of the World Summit for Children. Malta: Ministry for Social Policy. _ g¯hall_ Kummissjoni Nazzjonali Persuni b’Dizabilita’. 2003. Servizzi u benefic_cji _ persuni b’dizabilita’. http://www.knpd.org/pubs/pdf/servben.pdf. Malta Government. 2006. The Health of the Maltese Nation 2006; http://www. sahha.gov.mt/pages.aspx?page¼31. ———. Ministry of Education, Youth & Employment. 2005. Inclusive and special education: Review report. Malta: Ministry of Education, Youth & Employment. ———. Ministry of Health. 2002. Public Health Report Malta 2002. Malta: Department of Health Information. http://www.sahha.gov.mt/showdoc.aspx? id¼41&filesource¼4&file¼publichealthreport2002.pdf. ———. Ministry for Justice and Home Affairs Ministry for the Family and Social Solidarity. 2005.Irregular immigrants, refugees and integration. Policy document. Malta: http://mjha.gov.mt/downloads/documents/paper_immigrants.pdf. ———. Ministry of Social Policy. 2001. National report (Malta) on the follow-up of the world summit for children (2001). Malta: Ministry of Social Policy. Massa, A. 2006. Children’s act ‘‘still inexistent’’ despite promises to the UN. The Times of Malta. Saturday, February, 18, 2006. http://www.timesofmalta. com/core/article.php?id¼215140. Montefort S., H. M. Lenicker, S. Caruna, and H. Agius Muscat. 1998. Asthma, rhinitis, and eczema in Maltese 13–15 year-old schoolchildren –prevalence, severity and associated factors [ISAAC]. Clinical & Experimental Allergy 28(9): 1089–99. National Obstetric Information System (NOIS, Malta). 2004. Annual report. Department of Health Information. http://www.sahha.gov.mt/showdoc. aspx?id¼46&filesource¼4&file¼NOIS_annual04.pdf. National Statistics Office. 2003a. Single mother households. NSO, News Release, December 2003, 196/2003. Valletta, Malta: National Statistics Office. http:// www.nso.gov.mt/statdoc/document_file.aspx?id¼572. National Statistics Office. 2003b. ICT usage in households, 2002. NSO, News Release, March 2003, 35/2003. Valletta, Malta: National Statistics Office. National Statistics Office. 2003c. Culture Statistics 2000. Valletta, Malta: National Statistics Office. National Statistics Office. 2006. Demographic review 2004. Valletta, Malta: National Statistics Office. http://www.nso.gov.mt/statdoc/document_file.aspx?id¼1542. National Statistics Office. 2005a. International day of families. NSO, News Release for Special Observances, May 2005, 099/2005. Valletta, Malta: National Statistics Office http://www.nso.gov.mt/statdoc/document_file. aspx?id¼997. National Statistics Office. 2005b. Jobless households in Malta: 2004. NSO, News Release, July 2005, 145/2005. Valletta, Malta: National Statistics Office http://www.nso.gov.mt/statdoc/document_file.aspx?id¼1043.
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National Statistics Office. 2005c. Universal children’s day: Special observances. NSO, News Release, November 2005, 245/2005. Valletta, Malta: National Statistics Office http://www.nso.gov.mt/statdoc/document_file.aspx?id¼1502. National Statistics Office. 2005d. Dance schools2003/2004. NSO, News Release, May 2005, 103/2005. Valletta, Malta: National Statistics Office http://www.nso. gov.mt/statdoc/document_file.aspx?id¼1002. National Statistics Office. 2005e. Survey on information and communication technology in schools. NSO, News Release, November 2005, 239/2005. Valletta, Malta: National Statistics Office http://www.nso.gov.mt/statdoc/document_ file.aspx?id¼1494. National Statistics Office. 2005f. International Youth’s Day: Special observances. NSO, News Release, August 2005, 171/2005. Valletta, Malta: National Statistics Office. http://www.nso.gov.mt/statdoc/document_file.aspx?id¼1253. National Statistics Office. 2006. Labour force survey, July–September 2005. NSO, News Releases, January 2006, 002/2006. Valletta, Malta: National Statistics Office. http://www.nso.gov.mt/statdoc/document_file.aspx?id¼1539.
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THE NETHERLANDS Caroline Vink NATIONAL PROFILE The Netherlands is one of the most densely populated countries in Europe. More than 16 million people live on 41,528 square kilometers, one quarter being below sea level. Most people (42 percent) live in the ‘‘Randstad,’’ the conglomerate of cities in the western part of the country (only 17 percent of the total Dutch land area). Life expectancy at birth is very high, approximately seventy-five years for a man and eightyone years for a woman. The Dutch are the tallest of Europe. The literacy rate is approximately 99 percent. In the Netherlands, the term ‘‘youth’’ is applied to children and young people up to the age of twenty-four. Approximately one-third of the Dutch population falls into this category, and one in five young people are of an ethnic background other than ‘‘native Dutch.’’ As in most other industrialized countries, the proportion of youth in the total population is decreasing (see Table 14.1). The vast majority of young people (85 percent) present no cause for concern. Their average level of education is
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Table 14.1. Young People in the Netherlands by Age and Gender, January 1, 2002 Age 0–3 4–11 12–17 18–24 0–24
Total
Male
Female
819,000 1,593,000 1,158,000 1,341,000 4,911,000
419,000 815,000 592,000 680,000 2,507,000
400,000 778,000 565,000 661,000 2,404,000
Source: CBS, Netherlands Statistics, Jeugd in cijfers en feiten 2003.
rising. They are healthy and happy, and they get on well with their parents. However, the remaining 15 percent do need some additional support at one time or another. Only a very small minority (5 percent) may be said to have serious social and/or psychological problems and are making use of child and youth care services. These services include youth assistance, youth protection, and youth mental health care (services such as ambulant care, day care, residential care, and foster care). It is quite common in the Netherlands to have statistics that identify young people by ethnic origin (see Table 14.2). This means that there is Table 14.2. Young People in the Netherlands by Origin, January 1, 2002 Age
0–24
0–3
4–11
12–17
18–24
1000 Dutch by origin* Migrants from developed countries First generation Second generation Migrants from developing countries
3811 345 89 255 756
633 51 6 45 134
1246 103 24 79 245
905 80 21 58 173
1027 111 39 72 204
First generation Turkey Morocco Surinam Dutch Antilles/Aruba Other
224 29 33 23 10 129
7 1 0 0 1 5
42 3 3 3 6 27
62 7 8 7 1 39
114 18 22 13 2 59
Second generation Turkey Morocco Surinam Dutch Antilles/Aruba Other
532 135 120 109 23 145
128 28 29 19 8 44
203 54 47 38 13 51
111 29 26 28 1 27
90 25 19 24 1 21
*
No parent or grandparent born outside the Netherlands.
Source: CBS, Netherlands Statistics, Jeugd in cijferes en feiten 2003.
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a lot of available data that can be KEY FACTS – NETHERLANDS used to develop policies. It is not unusual that specific policies Population: 16,357,992 (2007) Infant mortality rate: 4.88 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) are pinpointing certain groups, Life expectancy at birth: 79.11 years (2007 est.) such as, for example, preschool Literacy rate: 99 percent (2003 est.) education program for migrant Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 99 percent children with language dis(2000–2005) advantages. Internet users: 10.806 million (2004) People living with HIV/AIDS: 19,000 (2001 est.) The Netherlands is a decenHuman Poverty Index (HPI-2) rank: 3 tralized unitary state. This means that decentralized authorities at Sources: Central Bureau of Statistics, Statistics Netherlands; available at http://www.cbs.nl (Accessed July 3, 2007); UNICEF. At a provincial and municipal level Glance: Netherlands - Statistics. www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ assume some of the tasks and netherlands_statistics.html. April 24, 2007; United Nations responsibilities that would otherDevelopment Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006 – Netherlands. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ wise fall to central government. In countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_NLD.html. April 26, 2007. doing so, these authorities enjoy a certain degree of autonomy. Immediately below central government, the twelve provincial (regional) authorities form the second level of government. A number of larger cities enjoy a comparable status in relation to youth policy. The third level of government is formed by 460 local municipalities. Coordination of youth policy is the responsibility of the Directorate of Youth Policy, a department of the Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sport (VWS). Various other ministries have certain tasks related to children and young people. Central government has a supplementary and stimulatory role. The provinces are responsible for youth care services, while the local authorities are responsible for local youth policy (sport, leisure time, etc.) and general facilities for young people and their guardians.
OVERVIEW Comparable to other developed countries, the Netherlands has a longstanding but complex system of policies and services for children and young people. Both at the administrative level—where different ministries and levels of government hold responsibility for certain aspects of youth policy—as well as at the level of organizations that deliver the services, there is a lot of overlapping and compartmentalization. The main changes in governmental youth policy during the recent years have been to address this problem and to work toward better-integrated systems and services. This has been underlined by a strong belief that better cohesion also leads to better services for children and young people. The efforts are directed at creating more integrated horizontal policies (including all aspects of children and young people’s life) and vertical cooperation
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between the different levels of government (and other relevant organizations) (Youth Policy in the Netherlands 2006) The general objective of youth policy in the Netherlands is strengthening the position of children and young people in society. To reach this objective, it is of utmost importance that there is effective cooperation between all organizations and layers of government involved. Central is an integrated youth policy that is focused at prevention and when necessary correcting (cure) and repressive measures. This is called the youth chain. The preventive approach is directed at all young people, such as youth infrastructure. The curative measures are directed at solving specific problems and to avoid more serious situations. Finally, repressive youth policy is directed at (temporary) restriction of the freedom of youngsters when they breach the law (Operation Young, Strong and Results based for Youth, June 2004. see www.youthpolicy.nl. for a summary in English). This youth policy approach is also the basis of Operation Young. Operation Young The Dutch government started Operation Young, aimed at achieving better results for children and young people at risk. A special governmental representative was appointed to coordinate the project that brings together five Ministries. The focus was to remove barriers in the policy and practice of helping children and young people at risk and their parents. The framework for cooperation was the Youth Agenda. The objectives of Operation Young were to achieve greater cohesion in youth policy, to identify and resolve sticking points, and to create better cooperation between the Ministries that deal with an aspect of youth policy, other levels of government, and relevant partners. It put children and young people central on the agenda rather than institutions. The main goal was a strong and results-based youth policy. Operation Young was in action from 2003 until 2006. The changes in youth policy at all levels were to be implemented at local and regional level by a variety of organizations, focusing on children and young people at risk and their parents. Comprehensive ‘‘linked chains’’ of youth services were of great importance. In some cases, there are currently gaps in the chain. There is particular room for improvement in those areas in which the policy areas of different governmental departments converge. Accordingly, the ministries most closely involved in youth policy decided to work together. Specifically, these were VWS, the Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations, the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, and the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science. The State Secretary for Youth and Sport from the Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sport coordinated the operation on behalf of the government.
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Operation Young worked with a Youth Agenda. After consultation with the different levels of government and other stakeholders, an agenda of twelve youth matters needing improvement was put together, for example, care structures in and around the school, early intervention, youth and public space, a national youth monitor, and the fine tuning of tasks between the local and provincial governments. Action plans were developed around all these twelve subjects, involving the different ministries and other parties. At the same time, the national government signed an agreement with thirteen municipalities and four provinces to put in practice the more integrated cooperation of different levels of government and other organizations involved. Both the youth agenda and the agreement were closely monitored and regular updates of progress were made. Operation Young ended with concrete results of the youth agenda and an official recommendation from the governmental representative responsible for Operation Young about the necessary changes in the youth structures in order to achieve the best outcome for all young people. This recommendation was finalized at the end of 2006. (The policy advice of Operation Young, April 2006, entailed recommendations such as putting the needs of the child central in all policies, making government policies along the life cycle of a child, organizing services in community schools and centers for youth and families, and introducing electronic child files; www. operatie-jong.nl). Youth Care Although the majority of young people present no cause for concern, there is a group whose prospects in education and on the employment market are somewhat lower. Some drop out of schooling early and, therefore, are not always in possession of good starting qualifications. Moreover, recent research has shown that high-risk behavior, such as smoking, drinking, and recreational drug use has increased among young people in the Netherlands in recent years. There are signs of increasing stress and a falling level of general welfare and well-being. The take-up rate for the more intensive forms of youth care is rising. Juvenile delinquency is taking on ever more serious forms, while in some cases the average age of offenders is falling. In addition, a growing number of parents and families have problems keeping up with the consequences of an increasingly complex society and the demands on the upbringing of children. These are the high-risk groups that are most likely to come in contact with youth care services. The youth care system offers support, help, and protection to young people, their parents, stepparents, or guardians, wherever problems in terms of development or parenting occur or are likely to occur. Youth care may be sought on a voluntary basis, while
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certain compulsory interventions can be made in the interests of the young people themselves. The Youth Care Agency is the access point to the youth care system. Young people and their parents can approach a youth care agency on their own accord, if local agencies are unable to help them with their problems. The office will then decide whether assistance is indicated. This is set out in the new law on Youth Care (2005). Each of the Netherlands’ provinces and major urban regions has an agency. A youth care agency’s most important job is assessing requests for assistance and deciding what kind of care or support (if any) is required. The client’s needs are considered in their own right, rather than in the context of the available forms of youth care (NIZW International Centre 2004). The Youth Care Agency is the central organization in the Youth Care Chain (organizations involved in indicating, referring, and offering youth care services). It forms the hub between local general facilities and those care services of a more intensive and specialized nature (NIZW International Centre 2004).
EDUCATION Children in the Netherlands are obliged, from the moment they reach the age of five until the end of the school year they turn sixteen, to participate in full-time (five days a week) education. Thereafter, education is partially compulsory up to age eighteen (starting in 2007, full-time education will be compulsory up to the age of eighteen). The compulsory school career consists of eight years in primary education, followed by a minimum of three years in further education. This is statutorily laid down in the Compulsory Education Act. School entrance is possible at the age of four. Approximately 95 percent of all children start school when they turn four. (Entrance is possible at any day of the year, except of course for weekends and school holidays.) Secondary education has different levels in the Netherlands and prepares individuals for either work and further vocational training or further education (e.g., university). Secondary education has a first and second phase. The first phase is foundational (basic education). The second phase of education is part of the school type that prepares for further and university education. Major educational innovations have been introduced in this phase during recent years. For example, the studiehuis concept that involves pupils becoming much more independent in choosing their subjects, in planning their educational activities, and in working (alone or in groups) on specific projects. A key objective of this fundamental change is to better prepare these pupils for the next phase in their education and for their future functioning as independent individuals in society and in working environments.
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Preschool Education For the age group four and younger, several care facilities are in place. For children of working parents, there are day creches or home care. A financial benefit from the government for working parents making use of this system—means tested—is organized by law and both employers are supposed to cover one-sixth of the costs each. Most women (and some men) work part time in the Netherlands, and their children attend a fullday creche for two or three days a week. There are also play groups, mostly organized on a half day basis, for children from two to four years old. Many play groups have started to work together with the first years of primary school trying to the overcome educational disadvantage of migrant children in particular. Special programs have been introduced. This approach is called Voorschool (preschool). Special Education Children who, for whatever reason, are not able to attend regular education facilities may go into special education. This could include education for physically disabled and sick children, but also education for children with behavioral problems or learning disabilities. Special education covers both primary and secondary education (VSO). Boys, and more recently ethnic minority children, are overrepresented in the special education system. Over the past ten years, the number of children in special education has increased by approximately 15 percent, despite the fact that, wherever possible, these children are accommodated in the mainstream education system. The Back to School Together campaign in 1991 was aimed at collaboration between primary schools and special education schools. The idea is to provide primary schools with extra resources and facilities to enable them to accommodate special needs children within the mainstream education system. Disabled children will receive individual financial assistance in the form of a budget that will cover the additional costs associated with attending mainstream schools. They can also opt to use this money to attend special schools. Community Schools Another important new development is the concept of Community Schools. The Community School is a way of integrating other community-based activities and services. The Community School links education with other services that are important to children and parents, such as education support, childcare, health centers, and so on. By combining these services in one location, they become more accessible, and the various services can be made more compatible with one another. The Community Schools concept relies heavily on participation—both by the children and by the parents. Parents are much more involved, and
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pupil input is welcomed. The various activities at the Community School encourage children and young people to enhance their social skills, and to learn interactively through participation. The Community School is vital in the fight against social and educational development disadvantage (see http://www.bredeschoolnizw.nl). Freedom of Education One of the important characteristics of the education system in the Netherlands, which is described in article 23 of the Constitution, is the freedom of education and educational institution. This means that civic organizations have the right to establish schools based on religious, lifestyle, or pedagogic-didactic principles, and that they are entitled to determine how they wish to organize and design their education. Thanks to the constitution, the Netherlands has a broad range of schools based on a wide variety of denominations. These may be public or private schools; public schools are nonaffiliated. Private schools may be either parochial (based on religious principles) or general special schools that are based on lifestyle or pedagogic-didactic principles. Public schools may also be based on pedagogic–didactic principles, such as Jenaplan, Montessori, and anthroposophist schools. In terms of finance, article 23 of the Constitution does not differentiate between public and private schools. All schools are required to meet the quality standards set by the Ministry. These standards reflect things like core goals, number of class hours per year, and training and certification requirements for teachers and parent participation (Youth and Policy in the Netherlands 2001). PLAY AND RECREATION The way in which young people spend their leisure time has changed dramatically over the past decades. One important change is that in earlier times, many leisure time activities took place in public places—in the street or on the sports field—and often involved other people. Today leisure time activities are far more individual in nature. Social-cultural facilities and volunteer youth work have suffered a decline in interest because of this change. Another change is that young people have less leisure time than ten years ago; in other words, time that does not have to be spent on compulsory activities such as homework, school, and household tasks. On average, school age children have about 40 hours a week of leisure time. It is becoming increasingly common for this time to be spent away from the family. Sport and spending time with friends are the most popular forms of leisure activity among young people. Watching television is also a major leisure activity. Six out of ten children aged between four and twelve spend ten hours a week or more watching television.
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Providing and financing opportunities for leisure time and play is the responsibility of the local government. The national government can introduce incentive schemes, for example, the Community, Education and Sport Initiative. This is a (temporary) subsidy scheme aimed at strengthening the social role that communities and sport organizations have in dealing with young people at risk. Local projects that bring together community initiatives, educational institutes, and sport facilities— aimed at free-time activities for young people at risk—are eligible for funding. The local activities must lead to attractive and sportive free time activities that lead to more social inclusion and less trouble making. The activities also contribute to a healthier lifestyle and to better social cohesion in the community. The Community, Education and Sport Initiative finances multi-annual programs for local governments, based on co-financing. There are also many private organizations and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) providing play- and free-time activities for children and young people in the local communities. A specific problem for the Netherlands is the lack of (public) space. This means that play areas are not always given priority. Several attempts have been made to make space for play (e.g., a playground) a compulsory part of urban planning. A national children fund announces annually the best and worst community for children in terms of play opportunities (see http://www.jantjebeton.nl). Youth Participation In the Netherlands, youth participation is usually defined in terms of young people’s active involvement in, and co-responsibility for, the immediate social environment. Participation is, therefore, a broad concept, encompassing everything from youth councils at the local level to children being given a say in the design of a playground, and from student councils in schools to individual young people taking on voluntary duties within a club or association. There is no legislative framework ensuring the participation of young people except in the youth care system. The new Youth Care Act ensures that the young person’s own opinions form the basis for all activities. Client councils will include at least two young people, while every organization is to have its own panel of youth advisers. In 2001, the National Youth Council was founded. Its members include political and leisure interest groups, those for young people of ethnic minority backgrounds, and students’ unions. The Youth Council also tries to involve young people who are not members of any specific youth organization. Its administrative committee is made up of people under the age of thirty. Activities are grouped in a number of different programs, each of which is run under the auspices of a committee of young volunteers and permanent staff. The themes covered are general
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youth policy and youth participation, education and social affairs, youth culture and leisure activities, sustainable development, political youth participation, and international youth participation. (The Youth Council has been a merger of several other platforms and also involves so-called nonorganized youth; for more information, see http://www.jeugdraad.nl.) Each year, a National Youth Debate is held in the Lower House of the Dutch Parliament, organized by the National Youth Council. In this debate, young people between the ages of ten and eighteen years, selected through regional meetings, discuss topics they consider important with politicians and ministers. Among sixteen- to twenty-five-year-olds, approximately 20 percent perform some form of voluntary work, especially in sport or youth clubs. For the purposes of comparison, 34 percent of those twenty-six to sixtyfour years old are involved in voluntary work, and 39 percent of those aged sixty-five and over. UN Convention on the Rights of the Child In the Netherlands, the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) was ratified in 1995 and has been an important step in pushing youth policy higher up the agenda. The elements of the Convention— participation, protection, and resources—were already present in youth policy in the Netherlands, but were never defined as such. In recent years, the convention has become more and more important as the foundation on which new developments in youth policy in the Netherlands are based. The Netherlands will report to the CRC Committee for the third time in 2007. The NGO coalition will present an independent review, a shadow report. (A very extensive Web site, both for children and adults, is hosted by the Child Rights NGO coalition at http://www.kinderrechten.nl.) CHILD LABOR In principle, employment of youth younger than sixteen years of age is forbidden by law. There is some leeway for children between thirteen and sixteen under very strict conditions. The law also allows children twelve and older to participate in alternative sanction programs (part of the juvenile justice system). The starting point is that the labor does not have any negative effects on the physical and mental well-being of the child. In case of breach of the law, the employer and parents/guardians are immediately fined. Except in very severe cases, a first warning is given and is followed, if necessary, by a fine. The prohibition of child labor is regulated in the Working Hours Act. This act defines a ‘‘child’’ as a person under the age of sixteen and defines ‘‘work’’ as including the activities of a child in performance of a contract. The exceptions to the prohibition of child labor are:
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1. Work not performed during school time: .
.
.
work as part of an alternative sanction imposed by a judge on a child aged twelve or over; non-industrial work of a light nature performed by a child aged thirteen or over; work consisting of the delivery of morning or evening newspapers by a child aged fifteen or over.
2. Work of a light nature performed by a child aged fourteen or over as long as this work is performed in addition to or in connection with education.
Youth Unemployment Youth unemployment is twice as high as adult unemployment. The number of unemployed youngsters grew from 10 percent in 1997 to 12.1 percent in 2004. The unemployment of young ethnic minorities (fifteen to twenty-four) is between 20 percent and 30 percent. One of the twelve points on the youth agenda of Operation Young was to maximize the output of education. The objectives of the plan of action were to decrease the number of early school leavers and young people without sufficient starting qualifications by 30 percent in 2006 and to get young people in a job, education, or work/learning project within six months to avoid long-term unemployment. In order to achieve this, the Taskforce Youth Unemployment has been set up. Also in many municipalities a ‘‘Youth Counter’’ has been created, combining looking for work or being offered a (long-term) training course to increase skills and starting qualifications.
FAMILY The majority of families in the Netherlands provide a healthy childraising environment, both in the material and the nonmaterial sense. The internal family relationships are characterized by stability and harmony, according to both parents and children. Compared with earlier times, it would appear that families today show greater recognition of the autonomy and social and moral development of children. The parent– child relationship is more likely to be based on mutual affection than on parental authority over the children. Typically, families in the Netherlands exercise authority through limited negotiation. Most children live with their father and mother, although an increasing number of children are part of a single parent household (Table 14.3). Each year approximately 200,000 babies are born. The average age of women becoming mothers for the first time is among the highest in the
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Table 14.3. Type of households in the Netherlands, 1995–2004 1995
2000
2004
1995
*1000 One-person household Multiple-person household Couple living together (no kids) Not married Married Couple living together (with kids) Not married Married One-parent households Mother in one-parent households Father in one-parent households Other Total households
2109 4360 1843 419 1425 2112 100 2012 361 305 56 44 6469
2272 4529 2016 495 1521 2082 163 1920 384 326 58 46 6801
2000
2004
in % 2424 4628 2053 497 1557 2091 231 1860 435 364 70 49 7052
33 67 28 6 22 33 2 31 6 5 1 1 100
33 67 30 7 22 31 2 28 6 5 1 1 100
34 66 29 7 22 30 3 26 6 5 1 1 100
Source: CBS, Netherlands Statistics, Yearbook 2005/CBS Statline.
world (twenty-nine years), and they have on average 1.7 children. Each year the parents of approximately 33,000 children split up, and another 18,000 children whose parents are living together without being married also see one of their parents leave. A number of these children—each year 8,000—will lose contact with one parent, in most cases the father. Very recently, a law has been introduced that obliges parents to develop a parenting plan when they are going through a divorce. In this plan, parents have to make arrangements for the practical and financial care of their children. In principle, a child is by law entitled to maintain contact with both parents. It is estimated that approximately 25,000 children are living in families where there are alcohol-related problems. The number of children living in families where one or both parents is addicted to drugs is estimated to be between 5,000 and 8,000. There are also increasing numbers of young people who are homeless or living on the streets. Each year about 30,000 young people run away, not just from home, but also from residential facilities. In due course, most young people go back or find accommodation elsewhere. In addition, there is a group of about 6,000 or 7,000 young people who have no permanent home. This concerns young people aged younger than twenty-five who have had no permanent home for at least three months. Most are between fifteen and eighteen years old. Alcohol and drug abuse is very common, as is crime (burglary and theft). Most homeless young people come from a problematic family background.
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HEALTH Most young people in the Netherlands enjoy good physical and mental health. Most are also raised in balanced and harmonious family circumstances. For these reasons, the health and welfare policy for young people in the Netherlands is largely preventative in nature. There is, however, concern for the future, because Dutch youngsters are among the heaviest users of alcohol compared with their peers in Europe. Also, 75 percent of all young people do not get enough exercise, and 20 percent are overweight. The infant mortality rate in the Netherlands is one of the lowest in Europe—4.88 per 1,000 births in 2007. The decrease in infant mortality led to an increase in the number of children who are disabled or suffer from chronic conditions. This increase is also due in part to an increase in the number of multiple births and premature births. Eventually, this will lead to an increased demand on the health care system. In general, the health care situation for young people in the Netherlands can be summarized as follows: Twenty percent of children four to seventeen years old have a physical disability, and no fewer than 90 percent of these have respiratory problems. Nearly all children have a hearing test at birth. Children with severe sight or hearing impairment are offered extra help to allow them to attend mainstream schools as much as possible. Children with learning disabilities or behavioral problems can go into special education programs. This includes children with physical disabilities. Currently, rehabilitation centers offer programs to provide early assistance to disabled children and their families. More than 43,000 young people have learning disabilities. The government encourages these children to remain at home as long as possible and to use community-based care and day facilities. The most severe cases (about 8,000) are cared for in residential facilities. Annually, about 10–20 percent of children up to eleven years of age are involved in accidents that require medical attention. Three quarters of the accidents occur at home. Boys have more accidents than girls do. The number of traffic deaths among young people has been significantly reduced since the introduction of a law in 1975 that requires them to wear a helmet when riding a moped. Many accidents happen when riding a bicycle: almost half of all children who were admitted to hospital in 1990 because of a traffic accident were riding a bicycle at the time of the accident. There is no requirement for wearing a helmet when riding a bicycle. Based on pupil surveys, it appears that 10–30 percent of young people regularly feel lonely or insecure, or have a negative self-image. However, given the school-age group, it is debatable whether these results indicate a serious problem. Girls, ethnic minority boys and those with less education are more vulnerable emotionally.
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Youth Health Care System The Netherlands has a health service in place for children from zero to nineteen years old, which falls under the responsibility of the municipality and is carried out by the local health service. The health service includes the well baby clinics and the toddler, primary, and secondary school health care. Until the age of nineteen years, there are regular check ups and screenings. The role of the local health service is the monitoring of development, vaccinations, screening, information and advice, and referral to more specialized health services when necessary. The local health service also has specific tasks, such as inspecting the health and safety regulations at child daycare centers and introducing specific programs on the prevention of alcohol and drug abuse of children and young people. Legal Position of Under-Age Patients The legal position of patients who are minors is set out in the Medical Treatment Agreement Act. The act differentiates between three categories of under-age patients. The first group consists of patients aged sixteen and seventeen. This group has the same position as those patients who are aged eighteen and above. They are regarded as completely independent. In principle, patients aged twelve to sixteen years can only be treated with the permission of their legal representatives (parents or guardian). In principle, they exercise their own rights as patients, but in general, the parent or guardian is entitled to all information. The last category, patients who are younger than twelve years of age, must be represented by the person(s) legally charged with their care (parent or guardian). The patient is not able to exercise any rights. The physician is required to provide the child with as much information as possible (Youth and Policy in the Netherlands 2001). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS There is no encompassing law for children and young people’s issues in the Netherlands. The special services for children and young people and their families at risk are subject to the Youth Care Act that was introduced in 2005. Child daycare is organized in a different law. This is also the case for education, the juvenile justice system, working conditions for young people, and many other issues. (The full English text of the youth care law can be found at www.youthpolicy.nl.) At the age of eighteen, children become adults by law. The civil rights of children are laid down in the Civil Code (Burgerlijk Wetboek). After his or her birth, a child is free and entitled to the enjoyment of civil rights in the Civil Code. Children are entitled to a name and nationality. The Civil Code defines minors as ‘‘persons who have not yet reached the age
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of eighteen and are not and have never been married and have not been declared adult.’’ The act sets the age of civil majority at eighteen. Moreover the Civil Code defines the role of a father and mother towards their children. They have the duty and the right (in that order) to care for and raise their children. Caring for and raising a child means above all the care and responsibility for the mental and physical welfare of the child and fostering the developing of his or her personality. Parental authority is a power that must be exercised solely in the interest of the child. What are minors and young adults allowed to do or obliged to do and from what age (taken from http://www.kinderrechten.nl)? At the age of twelve: . . .
. .
Be a member of the Participation Council at school; Be heard by a judge in family law proceedings concerning them; Approach the court with a request to establish, modify, or terminate access arrangements following divorce; Be prosecuted and sentenced in accordance with juvenile criminal law; Apply for passports with parental consent.
At the age of thirteen: .
Engage in light work in their parents’ shops or on their parents’ land.
At the age of fifteen: . . .
Have side jobs and engage in light holiday work; Receive minimum youth wages; Veto an adoption.
At the age of sixteen: . . . . . . . . . . . .
End of full-time compulsory education; Drive a moped; Enter gambling halls; Drive a tractor; Order low-alcohol beverages; Work a maximum of twenty-four hours a week; Train for a pilot’s license; Make a will; Run a business (with declaration of majority); Receive maintenance or orphan’s pension in their own account; Go parachuting; Be held liable for damages.
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At the age of seventeen: . . .
Work in nursing; Work five days a week; Apply for financial aid to students.
At the age of eighteen: . . . . . . . . . . . .
Attain majority; Vote; Be elected; Bring proceedings themselves; Be the defendant in a legal case; Obtain a driving license; Work nights; Marry without parental consent; Apply for benefit; Purchase alcoholic beverages; Work with bulls and other dangerous animals; Join the police.
At the age of nineteen: .
Become a taxi driver.
At the age of twenty: .
Join the fire brigade.
At the age of twenty-three: .
Receive the minimum income for adults.
At the age of twenty-five: .
Become a mayor.
Juvenile Judicial Provisions Dutch law sets the ‘‘age of criminal responsibility’’ at twelve, that is, children under that age cannot be prosecuted. A young offender detained at the police station will be visited by a lawyer and by an ‘‘early assistance’’ counselor (from the Council for Child Protection). This
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counselor will inform the parents, school, or employer, and will organize visits and clean clothes, and so on. The counselor will also decide whether the offender needs any further support or assistance from any other organization. The counselor’s assessment carries considerable weight in the court’s decisions with regard to bail, remand, and sentencing. HALT On coming into contact with the police for the first or second time, a juvenile between twelve and eighteen years old who has committed a relatively minor offense—for example, vandalism, shoplifting, or handling stolen goods—can be offered the option of taking part in a project selected by a HALT agency. HALT stands for tHe ALTernative, an arrangement that imposes a maximum of twenty hours’ work, preferably in an area relevant to the offense committed. If the juvenile completes the set hours, the police will not press charges. However, if the offender fails to carry out the assignment or is found to have committed other offenses, the case will be referred to the public prosecutor in the usual manner. The goal of HALT is to respond quickly and clearly to unacceptable juvenile behavior. It is an early, rapid, and explicit reaction to intolerable conduct: the short, sharp shock. Children under twelve who have committed an offence that is of a HALT nature will be given a STOP reaction. This consists of a meeting between a police officer, the child, and the parent, a learning activity for the child, and if appropriate an apology for the aggrieved party. Judicial Institutions for Juveniles Judicial juvenile institutions are intended for minors (twelve to eighteen) who have committed offenses and for the more problematic child protection order cases. There are two categories of judicial institutions for juveniles: reception (remand) centers and treatment centers. The reception centers exist for young people who are or will be on remand prior to a court appearance, and those convicted and sentenced to a period of detention. Reception centers may also temporarily house juveniles sentenced to the criminal sanction ‘‘placement in a juvenile institution’’ (PIJ) until they can be moved to a treatment center. Juvenile institutions thus admit minors who have committed offenses. They also admit certain emergency cases (juveniles placed under a civil supervision order). Treatment centers not only admit juveniles sentenced to a PIJ but also those under a supervision order or guardianship order (both civil law provisions). The number of juveniles admitted annually to juvenile institutions is between 2,500 and 3,000, the majority of whom (some 80 percent) have been convicted of one or more criminal offenses. Over 90 percent of these offenders are male (NIZW International Centre 2004).
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RELIGIOUS LIFE Historically, religion has played a very important role in Dutch society. One century ago, religious and nonreligious convictions structured Dutch society, in what has become known as a parallel system. The Catholic and Protestant churches and the socialist organizations each had its own organizations and services, such as youth clubs, sports organizations, and schools. The influence of this background is negligible in today’s society, although traces remain. For example, article 23 of the national Constitution organizes freedom of education and educational institutions (see the section on education in this chapter). Another result of the historical division is that the children and youth services are carried out by the so-called maatschappelijk middenveld, NGOs that once had a religious or nonreligious background treated equally by the government. People working in children and youth services are rarely employed by the government, but more likely by a foundation or organization funded by the government. Although on the one hand the influence of religion has greatly diminished in Dutch society today and church attendance has declined, there is on the other hand a stronger religious affiliation among youngsters of a Muslim origin. This is a development that can be seen in other Western countries since September 11, 2001, as well, and has also in the Netherlands led to a certain amount of radicalization. However, time has to tell whether this radicalization is induced by religion or by other forces, such as failed integration and a feeling of belonging in Western society in general and the Netherlands in particular. The number of people (58 percent) belonging to a church or another religious affiliation has been more or less stable over the last ten years. But the actual visiting of a religious service has diminished enormously, especially among youngsters. In the age group eighteen to twenty-four, less than 20 percent participated in a religious service in 2003, compared with 25 percent in 1997 (CBS, Netherlands Statistics, Statline 2004). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Child abuse in the Netherlands is approached primarily as a family, medical, or psychosocial problem. Criminal law only appears in the case of sexual abuse or serious physical abuse. The provisions of the Dutch Criminal Code are tailored to these forms of child abuse. Unless deliberate harm to health can be demonstrated, legislation provides no opportunities to prosecute parents who have neglected or psychologically abused their child. Based on studies in other countries, it is estimated that yearly between 50,000 and 80,000 children in the Netherlands become victims of child abuse and fifty children die. The Dutch government has announced the introduction of an article in the Civil Code giving children the right to a nonviolent upbringing.
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The article will set a standard for parents to abstain from using mental or physical abuse or other forms of humiliating treatment in raising their children. In the Netherlands, there is no legal obligation to report child abuse in general. Recently, a reporting code was developed. The reporting code is a set of rules of conduct and instructions for citizens and professionals about what to do if they suspect or identify a case of child abuse. Doctors or social workers who come across, or suspect there is a case of child abuse, have to decide for themselves whether it is in the child’s interest to report it. There is a lot of awareness training for professionals dealing with children (doctors, nurses, childcare workers, and teachers) to detect signs of abuse. By adapting the reporting code, professionals feel supported in their efforts to tackle child abuse, and it allows scope for them to exercise their own personal judgment. The Advice and Reporting Center for Child Abuse (ARCAN) is the central agency for requesting advice about or reporting child abuse and neglect. The ARCAN offers advice and answers questions in cases of child abuse. It also collates reports of child abuse. Each province (and major urban region) has its own Advice and Reporting Center for Child Abuse and Neglect, part of the Youth Care Agency. There are fourteen such centers in the Netherlands. Anyone who suspects child abuse can (and should) contact the center for advice, either on the telephone or by appointment. The center will then provide appropriate support, but will not take any action in the first instance. If the person reporting the problem finds difficulty in taking action, a formal report of child abuse can be made. The center then assumes responsibility for investigating the circumstances and determining whether there is indeed any question of child abuse. If this proves to be the case, the center will attempt to ensure that appropriate action is taken. Where those involved are willing to accept help on a voluntary basis, the center can refer a case to a social worker from the Youth Care Agency. The number of calls to ARCAN has been increasing over the years. There is one national telephone number. Children can also contact the Children Helpline. The national phone number is free for children and the help lines receive 500,000 calls a year (and Web site inquiries).
GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY It is expected that in the future, the Netherlands will see a further aging of the population. Children and young people, and probably their issues, will become a minority. For the first time, the present generation expects to be worse off than their parents. Professionals see many new— worrying—emerging needs (Oudenhoven 2006, p. 73). Parents have less time for their children, children become too busy, children are
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increasingly overweight and spend too much time behind the computer, and the demands on children in the rapidly changing society are too high and unrealistic. A growing number—around 10 percent of children—are living in relative poverty. Another worrying development is the radicalization of youngsters. This is the case for Muslim minorities (often born and raised in the Netherlands), who seek answers in fundamentalist circles, but also for white Dutch youth who become active in extreme right organizations. For all of them, the Internet is providing an anonymous source and platform, which is also increasing the risk of new forms of bullying and sexual abuse. These are worrying facts. On the other hand research shows that Dutch pupils between the age of eleven and fifteen feel the happiest in Europe and North America. They are relatively well off and healthy. Their transition to adulthood is full of obstacles, but that has been the case for all generations over the last centuries, and young people are often very negatively portrayed in the media. However, youth is a stage full of potential and resilience. For good reason Dutch youth policy papers often start with the slogan ‘‘young people not only deserve the future, they are the future,’’ an optimistic outlook.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Child and Youth Care in the Netherlands. 2004. Factsheet, NIZW International Centre. The Hague, Netherlands. Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sport. 2000. Early Childhood Education and Care Policy in the Netherlands., Background Report to the OECD Project ‘‘Thematic Review of Early Childhood Education and Care Policy.’’ The Hague, Netherlands. Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sport. 2001. Children and Youth Policy in the Netherlands, a View on Children and Youth. The Hague, Netherlands. National Plan of Action for Children. 2004. The Netherlands: Ministry for Health, Welfare and Sports. Review of National Youth Policy in The Netherlands. 1998. Council of Europe. Strasbourg. Second periodic report by the Kingdom of the Netherlands on the implementation of the UN Convention of the Rights of the Child. 2002. Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sports. The Hague, Netherlands. Youth & Policy in the Netherlands. Ten Years of Developments 2001. NIZW International Centre. The Hague, Netherlands. Youth Policy and Youth Services in the Netherlands. 1999. IJAB. The Hague, Netherlands. Youth Policy in the Netherlands, the Youth Care Act. 2005. Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sports. The Hague, Netherlands. Youth Policy in the Netherlands. Article in Forum 21, European Journal on Youth Policy, n° 5–6, 3/2006.
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Web Sites Most Web sites of relevant children and youth organizations in the Netherlands contain little or no information in any other language than Dutch. Kinderrechtencollectief, http://www.kinderrechten.nl. More information on the implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and the reporting in relation to it. Youth Policy in the Netherlands, http://www.youthpolicy.nl. Provides information on children and youth policy, practice, and provisions in the Netherlands. The Web site covers a wide range of subjects—from general information on the organization of youth policy in the Netherlands to more specific themes and policy areas. It includes fact sheets, useful addresses, and links to relevant children and youth organizations (governmental and nongovernmental) in the Netherlands.
Organizations and NGOs Dutch National Youth Council Maliebaan 127 3581 CK Utrecht The Netherlands Phone: þ 31 (0)30 230 35 75 Fax: þ 31 (0)30 230 35 85 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.jeugdraad.nl Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sport (VWS) Directorate for Youth Policy PO Box 20350 2500 EJ The Hague The Netherlands Phone: þ 31 (0)70 340 55 69 Fax: þ 31 (0)70 340 62 93 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.minvws.nl National Coalition on The Rights of the Child c/o Defense for Children International/The Netherlands PO Box 75297 1070 AG Amsterdam The Netherlands Phone: þ 31 (0)20 4203771 Fax: þ 31 (0)20 4203832 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.kinderrechten.nl NIZW International Center (NJI/International Department per 1/1/2007) PO Box 19152 3501 DD Utrecht
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The Netherlands Phone: þ 31 (0)30 230 65 52 Fax: þ 31 (0)30 230 65 40 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.nizw.nl/internationaal NIZW Youth (NJI per 1/1/2007) PO Box 19152 3501 DD Utrecht The Netherlands Phone: þ 31 (0)30 230 65 52 Fax: þ 31 (0)30 230 65 40 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.nizw.nl/internationaal
Selected Bibliography English Brummelkamp, G. 2005. Approaches towards children at risk, a cross national analysis. Zoetermeer: EIM. B€ urmann, A. 2001. Children & Youth Policy in the Netherlands, a view on children and youth. The Hague: Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sports. Oudenhoven, Nico and Rekha Wazir. 2006. Newly Emerging Needs of Children, An Exploration. Antwerp: Garant. Schrijvers, G. 2002. Health and Health Care in the Netherlands. Maarssen: Elsivier Gezondheidszorg. Van der Grint, M. 2004. The Community School. Utrecht: Oberon/Sardes. Dutch Boudewijnse. 2005. Nederlands leerboek jeugdgezondheidszorg. Assen: Van Gorcum. Burggraaff-Huiskes, M. 2006. Opgroeien met beleid, jeugdbeleid vanuit gemeenschapsperspectief. Amsterdam: SWP. CBS. Netherlands Statistics. Jeugd in cijfers en feiten 2003. Voorburg/Heerlen. Handboek Kinderen en Adolescenten, Problemen en Risicosituaties. 2006. Houten: Bohn Stafleu and Van Loghum. Interdepartementale Commissie Jeugdonderzoek (CJO). 1999. Zicht op Jeugd. The Hague, Netherlands. NIZW International Centre. 2004. Fact sheet ‘‘Child and Youth Care in the Netherlands.’’ Utrecht, The Netherlands. Operatie Jong. Juni 2004. Sterk en Resultaat gericht voor de Jeugd. The Hague, Netherlands. Operatie Jong. April 2006. Koersen op het Kind, Sturingsadvies Deel 1. The Hague, Netherlands.
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Projectgroep Lokaal Preventief Jeugdbeleid. September 1998. Ontwikkeling Lokaal Preventief Jeugdbeleid, Instrumenten en Publicaties. The Hague, Netherlands. Schuyt, C. J. M. 1995. Kwetsbare jongeren en hun toekomst. Beleidsadvies gebaseerd op literatuurverkenning. Amsterdam. Sociaal en Cultureel Planbureau. 2003. Beleid in de Groei, voortgang en uitkomsten van het lokale jeugdbeleid. The Hague, Netherlands.
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NORWAY An-Margritt Jensen NATIONAL PROFILE Norway is situated in the northern part of Europe and belongs to the Scandinavian mold. The country crosses the Polar Circle with long and dark winters, but also with bright summers and midnight sun in the north. Norway is a large and sparsely populated country, with only 4.6 million people distributed over 306,000 square kilometers. The child population (zero to seventeen years) was 1.1 million, or 24 percent of the total population in January 2005. Norwegian children are born into one of the wealthiest countries in the world due primarily to the large petroleum-industry sector. The economy is strong, and the distribution of wealth is, comparatively speaking, quite even. The richest deciles of the population disposed of an income 6.5 times more than the poorest deciles (2003), one of the lowest income gaps in Europe. Poverty levels are low in general. Unemployment is stable and at a low level, 4.5 percent, somewhat higher among men than women. The welfare state has broad public
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support and provides a security net against poverty. About 5 percent of the population was living Population: 4,681,100 (2007) Infant mortality rate: 3.3 deaths/1,000 live births in a low income household in Life expectancy at birth: 79.67 years (2007 est.) 2003 (income by consumption Literacy rate: 100 percent unit below 50 percent of the meNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 99 percent dian income, and after taxes, using (2000–2005) the European Union [EU] equivInternet users: 3.14 million (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 2,100 (2001 est.) alence scale; Statistics Norway 2005a). Norway is rated number Sources: Statistics Norway. http://www.ssb.noenglish. July 3, 2007; one on the Human Development UNICEF. At a Glance: Norway–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/norway_statistics.html. April 24, 2007; United Index (United Nations 2005). Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Fertility in Norway has deReport 2006–Norway. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ clined over the last century as in countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_NOR.html. April 26, 2007. Europe in general, but is among the highest in Europe (total fertility rate was 1.8 in 2004). Still, the share of children in the total population has declined steadily over the last one hundred years. While every second household included a child in the 1960s, less than one-third did so in 2001 (Jensen et al. 2004). Children are born to ever-older mothers, and the average age of the mother at first birth is twenty-eight years (25.3 years in 1989). Very few children are born to teenage mothers, 8 per 1,000 women aged fifteen to nineteen years in 2004, one-fifth of the corresponding figure thirty years ago. Abortions are at 15.7 per 1,000 women aged fifteen to nineteen years (in 2004), the lowest figure observed since the legalization of abortion in 1979 (Statistics Norway 2005b). During the last twenty-five years, the overall abortion rate has been stable, around 12 to 14 per 1,000 women aged fifteen to forty-nine years old. While teenage motherhood and abortions are low, the likelihood that a child is born outside marriage has increased. In the 1970s, only 3 percent of children were born outside marriage, while this is the case for every second child now. The majority of them are born to cohabiting parents (Statistics Norway 2005a). Few children are adopted. Children adopted from foreign countries number less than 1,000 children per year. Among them, the majority is girls, mostly from China. KEY FACTS – NORWAY
EDUCATION Over the last decades the issue of childcare has been the object of intensive debates, both at the political and the grassroots levels. By contrast to the other Scandinavian countries (Denmark and Sweden), childcare in Norway has lagged behind. While mothers of young children increasingly entered the labor force, a deficit in public care arrangement evolved. Care arrangements took different forms including daycare centers, family
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kindergartens, ‘‘day nannies’’ taking care of children in private homes often at the ‘‘gray market’’ and without public supervision, and finally parents may work on shift or grandparents or other relatives may be caregivers. By 2004, 70 percent of children one to five years old were enrolled in a daycare center, but strong differences by age groups persist. Less than 50 percent of children under three are in a daycare center, compared with almost 90 percent of the children three to five years old. More than 40 percent of the daycare centers are private, and most receive public support and supervision. Unlike primary schools, daycare is not free of charge but is based upon a cost-sharing system between the state, the municipality, and the parents, with approximately equal shares. The debates over childcare have reflected budgetary issues, but maybe more importantly, ideological preferences about the proper care of children. Shifting governments have added their own flavor to the ideological divides. Although the supply of childcare has increased steadily, ambivalence has evidently influenced the scope. Social Democrats have favored an extension of paid parental leaves, most clearly seen in the introduction of the ‘‘daddy quota’’ in 1993, whereas conservative-center governments have favored alternatives to daycare through the ‘‘cash-for-care’’ in 1998. The daddy quota aimed at increasing father’s time with children, while the cash-for-care aimed at increasing children’s time with a parent. The amount for the cash-for-care is obtained provided that the child does not attend a publicly subsidized daycare center. Hence, a private care arrangement (in the family or in other non-subsidized arrangement) will release the cash-for-care. The core of the ideological disputes on who should care for children involves the sharing of childcare responsibilities between mothers or fathers, the public or private purse, and finally, the degree to which kindergartens are regarded as part of the educational or the care systems. By the recent change of government (2005: coalition of Social Democrats, Socialist, and Center), kindergartens are placed under the authority of the Ministry of Education. Despite considerable disputes and reluctance, the expansion is reflected in the proportion of children enrolled. In 1985, this was the case for less than 40 percent of children aged three to five years compared with 90 percent in 2004 (Jensen et al. 2004). Education is the most time-consuming activity for school-aged children. During the first three years, children spend three to four hours a day in school, gradually increasing to six to seven hours a day for twelveyear-olds. The number of pupils per class in the primary school is about twenty. Primary schools are mandatory and include all children, while high schools are optional. Still, 91 percent of all children (sixteen to eighteen years) are enrolled in high school, lower among immigrant children (78 percent) but still a majority activity also in this group of children. More girls than boys are in high school, both in general and among immigrants.
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Primary education is public and free of charge. Children start their schooling at age six (lowered from age seven in 1997–1998), and primary school has a duration of ten years. Private schools have been marginal. Until 2001, less than 2 percent of the primary schools are private (Statistics Norway 2001). In recent years, the number of children in private schools has steadily increased and is presently an important political issue. The majority of private schools are alternative pedagogic (such as Rudolf Steiner schools and Montessori schools) or a few religious schools (most of them Christian and more recently, Muslim). Primary school children have a much higher probability of having a female than a male teacher, about 70 percent. The feminization of primary teachers has been rising over recent decades (60 percent in 1982) (Ha˚land and Daugstad 2003). Do children in low-income families meet difficulties in the school system? Turning to the Children’s Living Conditions 2003 survey, the school is one area where low-income children report problems, but the picture is mixed. The survey found that children in low-income families evaluate their academic success to be lower than other children, and they more often receive learning assistance. Significant differences were reported among parents that low-income children more often received special education and had more contact with child welfare authorities. Non-Western immigrant children are particularly vulnerable. While no social differences are traced in children’s relations to teachers or other pupils in general, problems of teasing and bullying do emerge. Nonetheless, no social difference is traced in children’s well-being at school. Eight of ten children, and the corresponding proportion of parents, report that children like school (Sandbk 2004). PLAY AND RECREATION Norwegian society has traditionally placed high value on children’s common play and ability to move freely outdoors. Perceptions of a ‘‘good childhood’’ are linked to children’s opportunities to play in open spaces, with peer and outside adult interventions. Research has shown that children use all kinds of outdoor spaces: streets, forests and rivers, green parks, and parking lots, places that children are not necessarily supposed to have access to, but nonetheless turn into their own ‘‘territory’’ (Jensen et al. 2004). Over recent decades, children’s access to public spaces is gradually diminishing. Partly this is due to increased traffic and partly due to increasing anxiety among parents. Most parents consider their own children’s free movement to be more restricted than their own as children. Still, Norwegian parents are more permissive to let their children move freely outdoors during daytime and after it is dark than parents in other countries (England and Germany). A study on an arbitrary day in 2000 revealed that about 45 to 60 percent of the children went to school by foot or bicycle depending on age (six to nine years old
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and ten to eleven years old). However, being transported by their parent’s car or bus was more common for 40 percent of primary school children in 2001, even when the distance was short. Childhood is increasingly urbanized, and the fertility increase that took place in the late 1980s was primarily traced to the largest cities. Oslo, the capital city, is home to three times more children aged fourteen years old and younger compared with a decade ago. Along with a general urbanization, childhood is becoming more organized in activities, such as music and sports. More than one-third of all children aged nine to twelve years play an instrument or participate in a choir, band, or orchestra. More than 60 percent of children (nine to twelve years old, both genders) have reported that they have been to a football match recently (in 2000). Football, skiing, handball, and swimming are the most popular activities among boys. This is not very different from girls who prefer football, handball, and gymnastics (Jensen et al. 2004). Over the last decade children’s use of the ‘‘virtual space’’ (television, personal computer, mobile phones, and so on) has attracted much attention. Still, one-third of children (nine to fifteen years old) read books on an average day. Both the proportion of readers and the time use on reading (on average fifteen minutes a day) are increasing. In addition, cartoons are widespread: one-third of the children (nine to fifteen years old) reported watching cartoons, with Donald Duck being the most popular character. During an average month, every fourth child (nine to fifteen years old) visited a cinema in 2003 (Statistics Norway 2005c). All children have access to the national television, and 70 percent have access to satellite TV. Sixty percent (aged thirteen to fifteen years) have watched one or more programs on an average day for about 2.5 hours. Children’s programs and soaps are the most popular to watch. The proportion of children watching television on a daily basis has been stable over the last decade at 90 percent. More than every fifth child aged nine to twelve years uses the Internet on an average day, and 40 percent use a computer. The proportion of Internet users is slightly higher among boys (40 percent) than among girls (33 percent). The main use of the Internet is for sending and receiving emails, and for entering homepages. Most children spend time with friends while playing with computer games (Statistics Norway 2005c). Boys, more than girls, use computers for IT-play and entertainment, while girls use them more for communication with friends. Concern about Internet use is expressed in two areas. First, there is concern about the misuse of children for adult’s sex desires, such as by pedophiles. Second, there is concern about physical health, linked to the increase in time spent indoors, reduced exercises, poor eating habits, and weight gain. The survey on Children’s Living Conditions 2003 (CLC-2003) disclosed that children in low-income families participate less in organized leisure activities, and this is particularly true for non-Western immigrant
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girls. Most children (70 to 80 percent) have close friends, but lowincome children meet with friends more seldom at home. In terms of access to consumer goods, such as mobile phone (60 percent), television (55 percent), personal computer (45 percent), and bicycle (95 percent), there is hardly any difference between low-income and other children, while low-income children are less likely to have a compact disc player and snowboard, although 75 percent of them have such items (90 percent among other children) (Sandbk 2004). Children of ethnic minority groups are also less involved in organized activities than ethnic Norwegian children, and this is particularly true for girls. For example among children aged fourteen to fifteen years, almost 60 percent are active members of one or more organizations, compared with only twelve percent of girls with Pakistani background (Friberg 2006). CHILD LABOR There are three age limits for child labor in Norway. The lower limit is thirteen years, with exceptions for children engaged in theater shows or similar activities or farmer’s children who may participate in limited farm work. Children between thirteen to fifteen years may take jobs such as messenger service or tidying, provided they have working conditions giving priority to schoolwork and rest. After age fifteen, children may take work that is not harmful to health, and regulated in terms of working conditions. After age eighteen, the working conditions are similar to adults. Engagement in paid work is not counted in the regular surveys on the labor force for persons younger than sixteen years. However, other sources, such as the Time Budget Survey 2000, provide useful information on children’s work (Vaage 2002). According to this survey, 5 percent of children nine to fifteen years old spent time on income-earning work, but this is highly age-dependent. Among sixteen-year-olds, 60 percent had paid work. On average, among those involved in paid work, their time use is about 4.5 hours daily. The average time use on paid work among all children nine to fifteen years old is twelve minutes daily. Eighty-four percent of all teenagers (sixteen to nineteen years) are in education in 2004, and among these, one-third have a part-time job in addition to their schoolwork. Twelve percent of all teenagers (sixteen to nineteen years) are registered as having employment as their main activity (Statistics Norway 2005c). Child labor in Norway is poorly researched, and this is true in particular for the youngest children. From time to time, newspapers may bring stories of children younger than thirteen years who have undertaken paid activities that may be counted as labor. Such examples include distributing newspapers or advertising leaflets, minding children, and helping parents in the family shops.
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The main activity of children is their schoolwork, which is not regarded as ‘‘labor’’ and certainly not paid, but which nonetheless is an obligatory activity to the benefit of not only children themselves but also society as such. Counting children’s daily time use on school, homework after school, traveling time to and from school, and adding the average time in paid work, we find that children spend four hours daily (including weekends and holidays) on schoolwork and paid work. Counting in the same manner, we find that children’s ‘‘labor’’ on school and paid work is more or less the same as adult’s use of time in employment, which is 4.4 hours on daily average (Jensen et al. 2004). Child labor is a matter of definition, and we do not know children’s contribution to the general stock of labor in society if all their useful activities, including schoolwork, were counted as labor (Qvortrup 1995). FAMILY The great majority of Norwegian children are born into a two-parent family, and live with both parents throughout their childhood. Still, substantial changes have taken place in children’s families as already mentioned. In particular, the marriage monopoly is broken. As late as 1970, births outside marriage were very few, and living together without marriage (in consensual union) was even forbidden by law. Such behavior could be sanctioned and punished by up to three months in jail in the socalled ‘‘concubine’’ paragraph of the Criminal Code. The law served a symbolic function and was not put into use, but was not abolished until 1972. Since, and particularly during the 1980s, a substantial increase in children born outside marriage has taken place. What was regarded as shame became a norm. The development has been similar for the other Scandinavian countries (Denmark and Sweden). While every second child is born outside marriage, 75 percent of all children below eighteen years live with both parents; 60 percent of the parents are married and 15 percent are cohabiting. Hence, every second child is born outside marriage, while the majority of children are living with married parents. There are two reasons for this apparent contradiction. First, births outside marriage are a recent phenomenon, more widespread in the younger than older cohorts. When all age groups of children are taken into consideration (from zero to eighteen years), children born in marriage still dominates. Second, children who are born outside marriage, but in a consensual union, will often experience a change in their family. Some parents will marry and some will split up. During childhood, these children are likely to be traced either among children with married parents or in single-parent families. Despite the increase in children born outside marriage, there is little change in family composition at birth. Most children are born into a two-parent family. Due to the informal character of consensual unions, it
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has been difficult to draw an exact line between children born to nonmarried or single mothers. Based upon surveys and register information, it is reasonable to assume that somewhere between 5 to 10 percent of all children are born to a single mother. The likelihood that a child will be starting life in a single-mother family has changed little over the last thirty years, while the formal marital status of the parents has undergone a profound change (Jensen 2003). Does formal marital status of parents matter to a child? It may be argued that this is of little importance in children’s everyday life. There is presently no stigma and no indications of social differentiation attached to parents’ marital status. Nonetheless, the risk of experiencing a parental break-up is almost threefold compared with children born in marriage (Jensen 2003). Furthermore, children born outside marriage tend to have parents with lower education and income, just as children with family disruption (be it divorce or a dissolution of a consensual union) are more likely to have a deprived family background than children living in intact families. Among children born into two-parent families, almost one in five did not live with both at age sixteen (in 1996). For children born in a consensual union in 1980, this was the case for 35 percent, compared with 16 percent if born to married parents and for younger cohorts the gap is even wider. It is estimated that 40 percent of the children born by the mid-1990s will not live with both parents throughout their childhood. Five percent of all children live with a stepparent (in most cases a stepfather) and this group is fast growing as a result of the increases in parental break-ups and repartnering. While families are increasingly fragile, very few children lose contact with their father after a parental break-up. The likelihood of no or little contact is higher when parents have never lived together. Children’s contact with the nonresident father has been followed in a host of surveys over the last decade, and is a matter of heated public disputes. Several father’s organizations claim injustice in the ways responsibilities for children are shared between parents after dissolution, but these organizations embrace only about 2 percent of the fathers in question. A general finding of the surveys on contact patterns with nonresident fathers is that they tend to be content with the visiting frequency and fathers are more content than mothers. A quarter of all children are currently not living in a single-parent family, and among them 15 percent live with their father. The proportion of children living with the father has taken a u-shaped trend over the last fifteen years, with a dip (down to 11 percent) and a more recent upsurge. A closer look discloses that ever fewer children live with their father on a daily basis, while more children live with both parents in separate households. Actually, among the 15 percent of the children not living with both parents who are registered at their father’s address, half of them in
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reality live with both parents on a 50–50 basis. Hence, only 7 percent live with the father only and another 7 percent live with both parents while 85 percent live with a mother only (Jensen 2005). The group of children living with both parents on a 50–50 basis stands for an increasing number of children. This development is heralded in policy, since shared residence secures the maintained relationship between children and their fathers. The development is also met with concern since the mobility of these children may conflict with their peer relationships and leisure activities. Most children (80 percent) have siblings, but few have more than one. The composition of siblings is getting more varied, with more halfsiblings and stepsiblings, but 85 percent are full siblings with common parents (Jensen and Clausen 2000). It was noted earlier that a parental break-up represents the largest risk of driving children into low income. This does not imply a big income gap between mothers and fathers after break-up. Taking into consideration transfers from the welfare state, transfers from fathers to mothers, costs of children, and present family composition, the average income of the two parents is quite similar. Hence, both mothers and fathers are facing a hard time after a break-up. But single mothers are much more likely to receive social assistance than nonresident fathers. The most important factor influencing income differences between parents is their labor market participation (Lyngstad, Kjeldstad, and Nymoen 2005). Grandparents play an important role in children’s lives. Like Europe in general, Norway is an aging society. This can be traced at the family level in the number of grandparents of a child. Taking a child born in 1980 as an illustrative example, less than 5 percent had no grandparent alive at age sixteen, while more than every second child had three or four grandparents alive. Most children have more grandparents than siblings in their family. Due to gender differences in longevity, combined with gendered differences in age at marriage, the maternal grandmother is most likely to survive a grandchild’s sixteenth birthday (83 percent) while the paternal grandfather is the least likely survivor (54 percent). Grandparents are important supporters of childcare and economic contributions. Most children spend some time with grandparents during summer holidays and after a parental break-up the contact, in particular on the maternal side, tends to increase while the contact on the paternal side depends on the maintained relationship between children and their fathers. Since the 1960s, more children have employed mothers. Employment levels are in general high. Among all persons twenty-five to sixty-six years old, 73 percent are in the labor force, and the remaining population is in the educational system as pensioners or home-stayers. The category of housewife no longer is counted as a statistical group. Employment among mothers with small children has increased considerably over the last thirty years. Among mothers with the youngest child under three years, 77 percent are in the labor force and among those having the youngest child
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between three to six years, the percentage is 86. The majority of small children have mothers in the labor market, but many have mothers working short hours. Part-time work is more common than in most countries in Europe. In fact, in this respect Norway is surpassed only by the Netherlands. Even though most children have mothers in the labor market, many mothers stay at home during the first years of a child’s life due to generous parental leave and cash support through the welfare system. The public welfare system is organized through a mixture of universal support to children, coverage of specific needs and measures to balance employment and parenthood. The following measures are of particular relevance: the monetary child benefit, the parental leave, the cash-for-care support, and child care arrangements. These measurements are intrinsically woven into the political objectives of promoting gender equality, balancing work and family, and the role of the state in monetary support and childcare. All children are entitled to a flat rate of child benefit, approximately Norwegian kroners [NOK] 12,000 per year, approximately $1,780 (in 2006). All children have NOK 970 per month. Parents with children zero to three years old receive in addition NOK 660 per month. Parents living in the most northern county [Finnmark] have an additional NOK 320. All rates are per child. US$1 is equivalent to 6.5 NOK (January 26, 2006). (The Ministry of Children and Gender Equality 2006). In addition, children between one and three years old receive a cash-for-care amount (introduced in 1998. The cash-for-care amounts to about $6,070 per year (2006) and is provided to about 70 percent of all children less than three years old. The rights to cash-for-care depend on children’s use of publicly supported daycare. Full amount is given when a child does not attend daycare, while the amount is reduced if the child attends daycare on a 20 percent basis up to full basis, which is thirty-three hours or more per week (The Ministry of Children and Gender Equality 2006). The child benefit and cash-for-care is supplemented with paid parental leaves, which at the birth of a child cover forty-three weeks (full compensation) or fifty-three weeks (80 percent compensation). Fathers have two weeks’ leave at the birth of a child (income compensated). In addition, four weeks of the parental leave were earmarked for fathers in 1993. Parents will lose this part of parental leave if not used by the father. Since 2005, this is increased to five weeks. The five weeks of daddy quota is income compensated up to a certain level. The pick-up of the earmarked daddy-quota indicates a success story as 85 percent of the fathers use the leave, while the pick-up of the cash-for-care (gender neutral, not earmarked) almost exclusively has reached mothers. Very few fathers have taken leave as response to the cash-for-care benefit. The combination of long parental leaves and cash-for-care, both of which are mostly used by women, has resulted in a sharp decline in mothers with young children who are active in the labor market. While 77
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percent of the mothers with children aged one to two years are in the labor force, one-fourth are actually on leave, and among those working, there has been a recent shift from full-time to part-time work (Rønsen 2005). As a result, small children have a higher probability of having a parent (mostly the mother) at home for the first years of their life. From a child’s perspective, it can be argued that over the last couple of decades young children first have handed over their mothers to the labor market, and more recently gained some of them back through the welfare system. Their access to fathers is provided on a limited basis through the daddy quota, but not followed up in the cash-for-care. The welfare system reflects ambivalence at the political level to the gendered division of rights and responsibilities in combining parenthood and employment. Fathers’ earnings remain crucial to the family economy, while mothers’ earnings are additional, but important. Children’s risk of poverty clearly illustrates this situation. Using the OECD-definition of poverty (50 percent below median income per unit of consumption), 3.8 percent of the population is poor but the trend has been slightly upwards over recent years (Statistics Norway 2005a). Child poverty, defined as above, is slightly below the general poverty level (3.1), and this trend is downward (Epland 2001). Three percent are estimated to live in persistent low-income households (during 2001 to 2003). The highest risk of poverty is found among children with unemployed parents, children living with single mothers, and immigrant children (from Africa, Asia, Latin America, and Turkey; Epland 2001). When both parents are unemployed, the probability of being poor is more than six times higher than among children with two employed parents, and it is double among children living with single mothers compared with children with two parents (Epland 2001). Mother’s employment (in addition to the father’s) is the most important factor safeguarding children from poverty, while parental break-up is the greatest economic threat to downward economic mobility to children (Epland 2005). Immigrants account for 8 percent of children, a share that has been on the rise over the last decades. In 1990, immigrant children amounted to 3.3 percent of all children zero to seventeen years old. The majority of immigrant children originate in poor countries, with the largest contributions from Pakistan, Somalia, Iraq, and Vietnam (Statistics Norway 2005c). The probability of being poor is seven times higher among immigrant children from Third World countries (Africa, Asia, Latin America, and Turkey) compared with ethnic Norwegians (Epland 2001). The Norwegian welfare system is important to protect children from poverty, but among children living in low-income families, welfare recipients are overrepresented. Children in low-income families depend more on welfare transfers (social security, child benefits, different forms of transfers) than other children (Ytrehus 2004). Among children living
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below the low income level (50 percent of median income per consumption unit), only 38 percent have their main source of income from employment, compared with 80 percent among children above this income level. While 72 percent of the total income stems from employment in the low-income families, the proportion is 98 percent among other children. The CLC-2003 mapped the situation of children in single-income families (Sandbk 2004). The survey included parents with children six to twelve years old in low-income families (defined as 60 percent of the median per consumption unit) and those with ordinary incomes (control group) and includes about 2,000 parents and 800 children. Parents were informants for the youngest children, six to nine years old, and children ten to twelve years old were interviewed personally. The survey provides information on socioeconomic differences among children and will be referred to under the particular topics in the following. The survey found that the group of children with the highest risk of poverty is among immigrant children, children in single-parent families, and children with unemployed parents (supporting Epland 2001). An interesting finding from CLC-2003 in general was the absence, or very low degree, of differences between children in low-income families compared with the control group in terms of contact with friends and family, back-up in everyday life, and satisfaction with family life. Comparing the reports from parents with those of children, the latter tended to give even less emphasis to social problems associated with low income. This result may indicate that children in low-income families to a certain degree are protected from the harsher consequences of their material living conditions or alternatively that, even in low-income families, the revenues are sufficient to avoid the severe consequences of deprivation. Although the families in the CLC-2003 survey are selected by the objective criteria of a low family income according to public registers, every second child in the low-income group did not classify themselves as having fewer means than other children. Although few socioeconomic differences are found, a relationship seems to exist between children’s own experience of living in a family with low income, and their psychological well-being. HEALTH In the total child population (zero to seventeen years old), of about 1 million, 402 children died in 2003. Almost one-half of these fatalities were infant deaths (under one year of age). The infant mortality rate in 2007 was 3.64 (per 1,000 births), down from 8.5 in 1985. Post-neonatal mortality (four weeks after birth per 1,000 live births) stands at 1, down from 3.8 in 1985. The decline in infant mortality is one of the large gains of the increasing welfare of Norwegian society. A century ago, pronounced
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levels of child mortality among children born outside marriage caused much attention. However, given the very low risk of dying before age one, the social differentiation persists. Children born to single and low-educated mothers still have a higher probability of dying (Sandbk 2004, p. 147). A newborn child can expect to live until 77.5 (boys) or 82.3 (girls). The number of hospitalized infants is increasing, most of them due to less serious birth related situations. With an increase in the age of the mother, a related increase in medically assisted pregnancies, twin births, and the medical advances in rescuing premature children, the impact on infant hospitalization is not surprising. Deaths among children over one year are related to malignant tumors or congenital deformity (one-third), while 40 percent of the deaths are due to accidents (traffic or other), suicide, or murder. In terms of numbers, fortunately, few children are exposed to life-threatening problems. Thirty-three children lost their life in traffic accidents, while almost 2,000 were injured; most of them were passengers in a car. Two children were killed in a bicycle accident, while 260 were injured. Twenty-two cases of suicide among children under eighteen were recorded in 2003. Child deaths are gendered, and so are injuries. At all ages, and by all causes, more boys than girls die or are injured (Statistics Norway 2005c). Over the last decade, obesity among children is attracting increasing attention. It is estimated that about 10 to 20 percent are overweight, at age fifteen to sixteen. This is the case for 17 percent of boys and 11 percent of girls (using the Coleindeks) (Nasjonalt folkehelseinstitutt 2005a). Among children nine to sixteen, weight has increased by two to three kilos from 1975 to 2000. The weight gain is higher among the younger children compared with older (15 years), and more among boys than girls. Immigrant children tend to have slightly less weight gain. Reasons for this development are traced to several factors, among them eating habits, the increased tendency to be driven by car, and children’s time use in the virtual space. In addition, newborns are increasingly heavier. Average weight at birth is 3,536 grams (2003). Twenty-one percent of newborns weigh now 4,000 grams or more, compared with 16.5 percent in 1970 (Nasjonalt folkehelseinstitutt 2005b). The socioeconomic situation of a family does not appear to have a great impact on children’s health. The CLC-2003 survey did not reveal sharp differences. Still, low-income parents estimate that their child is less likely to have ‘‘very good general health’’ (69 versus 73 percent in control group), and fewer low-income parents estimated their child to be very often in ‘‘high spirits’’ (63 versus 67 percent). Turning to children’s own appreciation of their health, low-income children report their health more often to be ‘‘very good’’ than the control group, while they also indicate psychological ‘‘mal-being’’ (Sandbk 2004). Other studies
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indicate prevalence of chronic suffering, and asthma in particular, frequency of hospitalization, psychological disturbances, and shorter children in low-income families. (Sandbk 2004, p. 147). Differences are probably a result of the choice of definitions of low income, which vary between surveys. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) was ratified by Norway in 1991 and incorporated in the Norwegian Law along with the list of human rights conventions in 2003. Children’s rights can be divided into their civil, political, economic, and social rights. Among their civil rights are the rights to a name, a passport, citizenship, and driver’s license. Their political rights concern their right to vote. Their economic rights include their right to earn money, to open a bank account, and to take a loan. Children’s social rights include their right to free education and their right to abortion without parental consent. The age of majority is eighteen when every person has general citizen rights and duties, including the right to vote, the right to make independent decisions in personal and economic matters, to obtain a driver’s license, and to buy cigarettes, wine, and beer (but not liquor). Adopted children have a right to know who their biological parents are if this information is available. The compulsory military service includes men from age nineteen. (See Table 15.1 below). The age of criminal responsibility is fifteen years. Children younger than fifteen years of age are not prosecuted. Nonetheless, when they commit a crime, they are registered, and statistics reveal that they are mostly committing less serious thefts and vandalism. Young people are overrepresented among persons accused of criminality, but their crimes and their sentences are less serious than for older persons. About 3 percent of all sentences in 2003 were given to young people aged fifteen to seventeen years. The majority (64 percent) were classified as minor offenses. Nevertheless, sentencing young people shows a clear upward trend and is largely caused by drug abuse. The sentences for narcotics have tripled since 1997 (Statistics Norway 2005a). The most common sentence is a deferred sentence or community work. Three percent of all sentences for young people (under eighteen) were for imprisonment. In 2003, sentences for two murder attempts and for one instance of involuntary manslaughter, but no murder, were registered among the fifteen- to seventeen-year age group. Almost seven of ten sentences to young people are given to boys. Boys are particularly represented in crimes against the Road Traffic Act, thefts, assaults, and narcotics, while girls are cited more often for shoplifting and narcotics (Statistics Norway 2005c). Norway has no death penalty.
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Table 15.1. Selected Rights of Children by Age Six years
Seven years
Eight to eleven years Twelve years
Right and Right to Increasing duty to attend be heard— rights to school personal watch issues; resident movies parent— divorce
Thirteen years
Fifteen years Sixteen years
Rights to be Easy paid Above crimi- Above sexual heard— work (child nal minimum minimum divorce; More minding, age—can be age and can emphasis on newspaper put in make own opinion delivery, etc.) custody decisions on and jail abortion Right to a parent at home if ill (until twelve years)
Conditional right to paid work and to decide over money earned
RELIGIOUS LIFE Norway has a state church in the Protestant, Evangelical-Lutheran religion, and the majority of the population (86 percent) are members of the state church. Almost 6 percent are not members of any religious society, while the rest (8 percent) are members of a religious community outside the state church. This proportion is gradually increasing. The majority of these are Islamic, reflecting the increase of Muslims in the population (as noted earlier, 8 percent of all children living in Norway are Muslims). The proportion of Muslims among the 14 percent of communities outside the state church has increased from 10 percent in 1990 to 26 percent in 2004. Second among the religious communities outside the state church is Roman Catholic (15 percent in 2004) with a stable proportion over the period (Statistics Norway 2004). Although most of the population belongs to the state church, the number and proportion of children who are baptized (usually around three months) and confirmed (usually about age fourteen) is steadily declining, as is the proportion of church marriages. In 2002, 80 percent of the children born were baptized (Statistics Norway 2004). Baptism among older persons is very rare. The active participation in religious activities within the state church is primarily centered on particular events (such as baptism, confirmation, marriages, and funerals). For children, attending service on Christmas Eve is common, while ordinary Sunday service attendance is rather low. During 2004 about 50,000 persons were registered attending a Sunday service, in a population of 4.5 million people (Norwegian Social Science Data Service 2004). Present major issues on religion are traced to the relationship between the state church and Muslim practices in primary education. While Christianity traditionally has been part of the curriculum at school, there have been efforts to transform this into a curriculum on religion
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and life philosophy, supplementing teaching on Christianity with other religions. However, this effort is under steady debate. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The proportion of children under child welfare authorities has increased steadily since 1985. The forms of child welfare authorities are manifold and include foster homes, child/youth institutions, institutions for drug addicts, and psychiatric institutions. The child welfare authorities are activated both in cases of child neglect or abuse, and in cases of child criminality under the minimum age of criminal responsibility. Close to 30,000 children are assisted during a year (27.5 per 1,000 children zero to seventeen), most of them in some kind of relief in their own home. By the end of 2003, slightly fewer than 6,000 children were in care outside their home (5.5 per 1,000). In 2004, about 10,000 children were newcomers into the child welfare system, among them 7 percent (almost 700) had been exposed to neglect or physical and/or psychological abuse (Statistics Norway 2005c). Physical punishment of children is illegal, and includes all adults such as parents, teachers, and others. The Law of 1981 on Parents and Children states that a child must not be exposed to violence or be treated in ways leading to harm or risk to their physical or psychological health (§ 30). Child abuse and neglect is under the Child Welfare Authority. Although parent’s right to reprimanding their children physically was forbidden in 1972, the issue is still debated. In 2005, a case where a stepfather had spanked his two stepchildren was brought to court, and the decision by the Supreme Court confirmed that this is illegal. However, it was added that there are cases of upbringing where mild forms of physical ‘‘slapping’’ might be accepted. This addendum to the decision has created considerable debate and reaction, from among others, the Child Ombudsman who argued that contrary to the law, the Supreme Court might have given some support to the acceptability of physical punishment in upbringing. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Three aspects are particularly challenging to future childhood: the aging society, family changes, and immigration. The aging society is a major challenge facing Norwegian childhood, as for the rest of Europe. The prospect of aging societies has implications for the generational imbalance, distribution of public resources, and cultural climate of growing up. At the family level, grandparents are a major source of economic, social, and emotional support to children. With increasingly fragile horizontal family ties, in particular between parents, the vertical ties between generations seem to become more powerful, in particular on the maternal
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side. While grandparents may give children access to more resource persons, a new social divide may also evolve between the haves and the havenots (of resourceful grandparents). Dilemmas of aging are primarily found at the societal level. An important challenge to future childhood is the generational imbalance, with a declining proportion of children combined with a growing proportion of elderly. The welfare system includes universal rights to both children and the elderly; however, the public (state or municipality) responsibility toward the elderly is much stronger than to children. For children, the parents are regarded as having the main economic responsibility, while the public purse supplements with child benefits in cash and kind. Although children’s allowance is universal, it is rather limited, as are benefits in kind. Old people are granted a state pension available to all persons but variable according to earlier income. The care of old people is also a public responsibility, but under increasing pressure. Public debates center around the issue of how to manage the payment of pensions and necessary care in the future for a growing elderly population. Hence, an important issue of aging societies comprises the issue of distribution of public resources. How can public resources towards children be maintained in the face of increasing pressure from the aging population? In time, will future cohorts of children decrease as a consequence of less public support to children? While one may expect an increase in public flows towards the elderly population, such a trend may at the same time undermine the willingness of potential parents to have children if costs of children increase. An important incentive for the relative high fertility compared with other European countries is the relative strong child orientation of welfare policies. In the end, the prospect of fewer children born may elevate the actual financial and social burdens of caring for old people by the younger generations. The declining proportion of children in the population has social and cultural implications. As mentioned, a minority of households now consists of a child-family, which at the same time implies that most households live separately from children in their everyday life. Children increasingly spend their time in child-defined spaces (kindergartens, school, leisure activities, or at home), being transported between the spaces in their parent’s car. As result, children are removed from the remaining public space and enclosed into a private space. A physical distance between the childhood population and the growing adult and childless population emerges and may in turn contribute to cultural xenophobia towards children. Children’s sound levels, boisterous play, and unfettered communication are increasingly unfamiliar, and decreasingly accepted, to a growing part of the adult population. Restaurants, hotels, and living areas grow to be age-segregated and the cultural acceptance of children diminishes.
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A second major issue to growing up in the twenty-first century is family changes. These changes contain two major trends. The first is the trend in employment among parents and the second is parental break-ups. Government policy in Norway has an explicit aim to lessen the conflict between working life and parenthood. With shifting emphasis, government policy has been directed towards both mothers and fathers. Maternal employment (in addition to paternal) is now the most important safeguard against childhood poverty. Any child is in need of two employed parents as an economic shield but increasingly children are separated from their fathers. The labor market is strongly gender divided. Mothers are typically found in the low-paid segments, often in part-time jobs. The tendency that more mothers than fathers use their parental leave (and the cash-for-care) has implications for their climbing the income and career-ladder. This feature is challenging, because more children experience a parental break-up while they continue to live with the mother (the weaker earner) after break-up. The combination of children’s increased dependency on two parental incomes, the sustained gendered division of labor in work and family, and the growing fragility of family represent a major challenge to children’s economic security in the twenty-first century. Another challenge from this development is the potential conflict between time with parents and time for own leisure activities. The mobility of children who have to share their life between two parental households may conflict with a need for coherence in everyday life with friends and leisure activities. A third important issue is the still small, but increasing, immigrant population from poor countries. This is the group of children for whom poverty risk is peaking. Important to this situation is that Third World immigrant parents have few chances for a good job, and this is in particular true for immigrant mothers. Hence, immigrant children tend to have only one parent in the labor market (the father), and this parent is often traced in low-paid jobs (such as in the service sector). Poverty is peaking among these children compared with ethnic Norwegian children, and there is a tendency toward social exclusion. Inclusion of immigrant children is an important challenge to growing up in the twenty-first century, even if they are few in number. In conclusion, the aging society, family changes, and immigration work in tandem. These trends challenge future childhood through their potential struggle for public resources, with its concomitant risk of elevating childhood poverty, and acceleration of social and cultural divides. They also reflect the child hostility of present societies more generally: Why do young people postpone or avoid having children, and why do they reduce the number of children they have? Since no society can manage without producing a sufficient number of children, a major challenge to future society is to provide present children with welfare without conflicting with the life goals of potential mothers and fathers. This can only come about if children are seen as ‘‘public goods.’’
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RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Jensen, An-Margritt, Anne Trine Kjørholt, Jens Qvortrup, and Mona Sandbk, with Vegard Johansen and Tonje Lauritzen. 2004. ‘‘Childhood and Generation in Norway: Money, Time and Space.’’ In Children’s Welfare in Aging Europe, An-Margritt, Jensen, Asher Ben-Arieh, Cincia Conti, Dagmar Kutsar, Maire Nic Ghiolla Phadraig, and Hanne Warming Nielsen, eds. Trondheim: Norwegian Centre for Child Research.
Web Sites The Annie E. Casey Foundation, http://www.aecf.org/. Barn i focus (Children in focus), http://www.lnu.no/barnifokus/. Child Ombudsmann, http://www.barneombudet.no/. COST A19 Children’s Welfare, http://www.svt.ntnu.no/noseb/costa19/. European Network of Ombudspersons for Children, http://www.brpd.gov.pl/ index_ENOC.html. International Data Sources, http://www.childpolicyintl.org/flyer1.htm. Statistics Norway, http://www.ssb.no/barnogunge/.
Selected Bibliography Epland, Jon. 2001. Barn i husholdninger med lav inntekt: Omfang, utvikling og a˚rsaker. [Children in households with low income: scope, development and causes]. Statistics Norway, Report no. 9. Epland, Jon. 2005. Veier inn og ut av fattigdom: Inntektsmobilitet blant lavinntektshushold. [Routes in and out of poverty: income mobility among low income households], Statistics Norway, Report no. 16. Friberg, Jon Horgen. 2006. ‘‘Sosial eksklusjon og deltakelse blant ungdom med innvandrerbakgrunn’’ [Social exclusion and inclusion among youth with minority background.] Fattigdom blant barn, unge og familier–et kunnskaps- og erfaringshefte [Poverty among children, youth and families–a report on knowledge and practice]. Oslo: Barne- og likestillingsdepartementet. Ha˚land, Inger, and Gunnlaug Daugstad. 2003. Den kjønnsdelte arbeidsmarknaden. [The gender divided labor market], Samfunnsspeilet no 6, Oslo: Statistics Norway http://www.ssb.no/samfunnsspeilet/utg/200306/03/. Accessed February 27 2006. Jensen, An-Margritt. 2003. ‘‘For the children’s sake: symbolic power lost?’’ An-Margritt Jensen and Lorna McKee, eds. Children and the Changing Family: Between Transformation and Negotiation. London, RoutledgeFalmer: 134–48.
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Jensen, An-Margritt. 2005. ‘‘Barn som bor med far bor ogsa˚ med mor.’’ [Children living with their father are also living with the mother]. Samfunnsspeilet, No. 2, Oslo: Statistics Norway: 30–8. Jensen, An-Margritt and Sten-Erik Clausen. 2003. Barndom–forvandling uten forhandling? Samboerskap, foreldreskap og søskenskap [Childhood–transformation without negotiation? Consensual unions, parenthood and siblinghood], Report no. 6, Oslo: Norwegian Institute for Urban and Regional Research. Jensen, An-Margritt, Anne Trine Kjørholt, Jens Qvortrup and Mona Sandbk, with Vegard Johansen and Tonje Lauritzen. 2004. ‘‘Childhood and Generation in Norway: Money, Time and Space.’’ In Children’s Welfare in Ageing Europe. An-Margritt, Jensen, Asher Ben-Arieh, Cincia Conti, Dagmar Kutsar, Maire Nic Ghiolla Phadraig, Hanne Warming Nielsen, eds. Trondheim: Norwegian Centre for Child Research: 335–402. Lyngstad, Jan, Randi Kjeldstad, and Erik H. Nymoen. 2005. Foreldreøkonomi etter brudd. Omsorgsforeldres og samvrsforeldres økonomiske situasjon 2002. [Economy among parents after break-up. Economy among resident- and nonresident parents], Statistics Norway, Reports no. 21. Nasjonalt Folkehelseinstitutt. 2005a. Overvekt og fedme [Overweight and obesity]. http://www.fhi.no/custom/getmessage.asp?objectid¼44465&moduleid¼360. Accessed February 28, 2006. Nasjonalt Folkehelseinstitutt. 2005b. Fakta om fødselsvekt [Facts about weight at birth]. http://www.fhi.no/custom/getmessage.asp?objectid¼53664&moduleid¼ 360. Accessed February 28, 2006. Norwegian Social Science Data Service. 2004. Den norske kirke i tall. [The Norwegian Church in numbers. http://www.nsd.uib.no/data/region/kirke/statistikk/tema. Accessed January 20, 2006. Qvortrup, Jens. 1996. ‘‘From Useful to Useful: the Historical Continuity of Children’s Constructive Participation.’’ Sociological Studies of Children 7: 49–93. Rønsen, Marit. 2005. Long-term effects on mother’s labour supply of the cash-for-care program in Norway. Paper presented at 15th Nordic Demographic Symposium 28–30 April, 2005, Aalborg, Denmark. Sandbk, Mona, ed. 2004. Barns leveka˚r. Hva betyr familiens inntekt? [Children’s Living Conditions. What is the impact of family income?]. Oslo: NOVA, report no. 11. Statistics Norway. 2001. Private grunnskoler, skolea˚ret 200/01. [Private primary schools, school year 2000/01]. http://www.ssb.no.emner/04/02/20/ privgrs/main.html. Accessed February 27, 2006. Statistics Norway. 2004. Kulturstatistikk. Den norske kyrkja 2003 [Culture statistics. The Norwegian Church and other religious societies] http://www.ssb.no/ emner/07/02/10/trosamf. Accessed December, 22 2005. Statistics Norway. 2005a. ‘‘Sosiale indikatorer’’ [Social Indicators]. Samfunnsspeilet no. 4, Oslo: Statistics Norway: 112–43. Statistics Norway. 2005b. Svangerskapsavbrudd, 2004 [Legal abortions, 2004], http://www.ssb.no/emner/03/01/20/abort/. Accessed January 26, 2006. Statistics Norway. 2005c. Barn og unge i befolkningen [Children and young in the population]. http://www.ssb.no/emner/02/barn_og_unge/2005/bef/. Accessed February 27, 2006. United Nations. 2005. Human Development Report. International cooperation at a crossroad. New York: United Nations Development Programme.
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Vaage, Odd Frank. 2002. Til alle døgnets tider. Tidsbruk 1971–2000 [To all 24 hours. Timeuse 1971–2000]. Statistical Analyses no 52, Oslo: Statistics Norway. Ytrehus, Siri. 2004. Fattige barn i Norge. Hvem er de og hvor bor de? [Poor children in Norway. Who are they and where do they live?] Fafo-rapport 445, Oslo: Fafo.
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ROMANIA Doina Balahur NATIONAL PROFILE Located in southeastern Europe, Romania lies between the Black Sea, Carpathian Mountains, and Danube River. Its surface area is 238.4 thousand square kilometers. The capital of Romania is Bucharest. Romania has a typical continental climate, with cold winters and hot summers. It is a constitutional democracy with a multiparty, bicameral parliamentary system. Within Romania’s total population of more than 22 million people, 5.6 million are children (according to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, a child is ‘‘every human being below the age of 18 years’’), representing 24 percent (according to the official data, July 1, 2003, published by the Romanian National Institute of Statistics. http:// www.insse.ro/anuar_2004/ zip_r2004/cap2-pop.pdf. All statistical data in this chapter are provided by the Romanian National Institute of Statistics unless otherwise mentioned). Of the total population, 51.2 percent are women. The ethnic composition includes 89.5 percent
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Romanians, and 7.1 percent Hungarians. There are also small ethnic minority groups such as Jews, Population: 22,276,056 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 24.6 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Ukrainians, Serbs, Croats, Turks, Life expectancy at birth: 71.91 years (2007 est.) Armenians, and Roma. Literacy rate: 97.3 percent (2003 est.) After the bloody revolution in Internet users: 4.94 million (2005) December 1989, which marked People living with HIV/AIDS: 6,500 (2001 est.) the end of the totalitarian reSource: Romanian National Institute of Statistics. gime, Romania took important steps to join the family of democratic states. Since 1994, Romania has been a member of the Council of Europe and ratified the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Ten years later it, became a NATO member and in April 2005, Romania signed the Accession Treaty to the European Union. It entered into force on January 1, 2007. KEY FACTS – ROMANIA
OVERVIEW The picture of the child and childhood in post-communist Romania has to be seen within a complex social framework that is structured around reforms and transitional processes, European integration standards and policies, and the remnants of totalitarian and paternalistic mentalities. Romania has ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) through the Law Number 18 on September 18, 1990 (published in the Official Monitor of Romania, Part I, nr.109 on September 28, 1990, and republished in the Official Monitor Part I, nr.314 on June 13, 2001). The two optional protocols of the CRC were also ratified by Romania, soon after their adoption by the UN General Assembly (the Optional Protocol regarding the Children in Armed Conflicts was ratified through the Law nr.567 on October 19, 2001, published in the Official Monitor of Romania, Part I, nr.692 on October 31, 2001; the Optional Protocol regarding the International Selling of Children, Children’s Prostitution and Pornography was ratified through the Law nr.470 on September 20, 2001, published in the Official Monitor of Romania Part I, nr.601 on September 25, 2001). What can be understood after seventeen years of reform, regarding a Romanian system of children’s rights promotion and protection? That system has grown up slowly, in a delayed process, undermined repeatedly by gross and persistent violations of children’s rights. The important accomplishments in this field have been undertaken mainly at the express request and under the close surveillance of the European institutions and international organizations along with their assistance and support.
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The year 2000, when Emma Nicholson of Winterbourne was appointed the European Parliament’s Rapporteur for Romania, marked a turning point for the Romanian child welfare system. In one of her early reports (www.emmanicholson.org.uk/downloads/ECHR%20guardian% 20article%2028-6-04.pdf), widely disseminated and commented on by the international press, Nicholson said that the future ‘‘smooth development’ of EU membership negotiations depend upon Romania’s capacity to bring her child welfare fully inside the UN Convention for the Rights of the Child.’’ Nicholson’s report critically emphasized that over the last ten years, ‘‘the Romanian authorities have exacerbated a situation whereby poor families traditionally were paid to have more babies and give them to the state. Now, in many ways, that situation has not been stopped.’’ There were still almost 100,000 children under the state’s childcare institutions in 2000. However, as a relic of the past revealed by the international press, these institutionalized children were victims of trafficking under the guise of international adoption. In an article in the Sunday Times (Swain 2001), the journalist Jon Swain observed that ‘‘Romanian children are a big business. . . . Romania has 109 adoption agencies, including some with names such as Love Basket and Little Nuggets of Gold. It has only 23 m people, but after Russia and China is the world’s biggest supplier of children for adoption. The business was worth 35 million pounds last year, according to the American Embassy.’’ In its conclusions, the article quoted Emma Nicholson who stated that ‘‘Adoption practice in Romania is so deeply corrupted that it is, in effect, child trafficking.’’ Through the voice of its rapporteur, the message of the EU was very clear: ‘‘Romania’s extreme poverty cannot be addressed by the sale of children.’’ The year 2000 represented, in effect, a new beginning for the child welfare system in Romania. A new philosophy focused on children’s rights implementation and the empowerment of the family as a primary care giver was promoted. The new beginning was strongly supported and assisted through the EU programs and pre-accession funds. The representatives of the international organizations in Romania, above all, the United Nationsspecialized agencies and funds (UNICEF, UNESCO, ILO, UNDP, and so on) and the World Bank Group Romania (especially through its socialdevelopment funds), have also addressed many relevant issues for child’s rights, like poverty reduction, sustainable development, human rights, and democracy. The new climate and openness toward the better observance and implementation of the CRC resulted in a set of strategies and legal regulations focused on the support of the family with children and of the children themselves. The Department of Social Work and Family Policies from the Ministry of Labor, Social Solidarity and Family, and also the
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National Authority for the Protection of Children’s Rights are responsible for the implementation of these new strategies, measures and regulations. The main means by which the government supports the families with children are the social allowances and services. Social allowances (Department of Social Work and Family Policies from the Minister of Labor, Social Solidarity and Family. http://sas.mmssf.ro/ prestatiiSociale.php) are measures of financial redistribution designed to support families with children, according to their needs and monthly income. According to the legal dispositions in force, the social allowances consist of the following: .
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State allowances for children are universal. All children up to sixteen years old or up to eighteen years old, if they are attending a form of education, are legally entitled to receive the state allowance. Its level is revised yearly according to inflation rates. On January 1, 2006, the level of state allowance for children was of 24 Lei (US$8). In 2004, 1,496,123 children benefited from the state allowance (data provided by the Romanian Minister of Labor, Social Solidarity and Family. http://sas.mmssf.ro/prestatiiSociale.php). Complementary allowance was regulated by the Ordinance of the Government Number 105 in October 2003, approved by Law Number 41 in 2004. Its beneficiaries are families composed of husband, wife, and the children under their care up to eighteen years old. Only the families whose monthly income is up to 160 Lei (US$50) per family member are entitled to receive the complementary allowance. In 2004, 686,718 persons benefited from the complementary allowance. Support allowance for single parent family was regulated by Government Ordinance Number 105 in October 2003, approved by Law Number 41 in 2004. Its beneficiaries are single-parent families composed of one adult and the children under his/her care up to eighteen years old. Only families whose monthly income is up to 160 Lei (US$50) per family member are entitled to receive the support allowance. In 2004, 245,995 persons benefited from the support allowance. There is no statistical data regarding the number of singleparent families. According to different estimates and analysis on family trends in Romania, the real number of the single-parent family is increasing, being at least two times more than the ones registered for the support allowance. For more information, please see the report prepared by Raluca Popescu (2003). Allowance for newborns is a financial support for each of the first four newborns. It is a fixed amount of 186 Lei, which is paid only once for each child. This type of allowance has been regulated by Law Number 416 in 2001.
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Paid maternal/paternal leave is available for child rearing and caring. The person who interrupts working activity in order to take care of her/his newborn benefits from a fixed monthly allowance of 600 Lei (US$200) until the child is two years old, or three years old for the child with special needs. The minimum guaranteed income is regulated by Law Number 426 in 2001. According to Article 1, in the above-mentioned law, ‘‘The families and the lone persons are entitled to a monthly minimum guaranteed income as a form of social care.’’ Financial aids for emergencies represent, according to Article 28 in Law Number 416 in 2001, a form of social protection for the families and persons under extreme difficulties due to health problems or other justified circumstances.
The decentralization of the activity of social protection has been seen as an important step in the reform of child’s rights protection in Romania. True networks of social services for children and parents have been developed as a result of the transfer of these competencies to the local authorities, in each of the forty-two counties in Romania. They are functioning under the coordination of the Local Councils and of the General Directions of Social Work and Child Protection. For example, if in 2001 there were only twenty-three centers for parent counseling, at the end of the year 2005, seventy such centers delivered qualified services to parents in all the counties in Romania. The number of day-centers grew from fifty in 2001 to 110 at the end of 2005. During 2004–2005, thirty-eight centers for rehabilitation and counseling have been set up for children and women victims of domestic violence (data available at the National Authority for Child’s Rights Protection for the year 2005). In close cooperation and partnership with local authorities, different religious organizations are also promoting social care programs and activities in order to prevent the marginalization and exclusion especially of the children and families in difficult circumstances. Under the umbrella of the Romanian Orthodox Church (BOR), in 2005, there were sixty-five social centers for children and twenty-one centers for the social care of families in difficult circumstances. According to the statistical data, in 2005, 172,000 children and 89,000 poor families have benefited from the social care and support provided by the specialized organizations of the Romanian Orthodox Church. Social work services have also been provided to 7,400 persons with disabilities or drug addicted, and victims of trafficking. The Federation of Jewish Communities in Romania continues today a long tradition of supporting the development of local communities through social work projects. Historical records show, for example, that at as early as 1867 in the town of Iasi-Romania, the Jewish Women’s Association established an orphanage for street children, a social cantina
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for the poor, and a school for girls (Gherner and Wachtel 1939). The deep belief that animated people during those times underlying all these social projects was that a community cannot properly function without caring about its poorest, vulnerable, and marginalized people. During the Communist period, the Jewish communities in Romania played an active role in supporting older people by providing home care, health services, medicine, and food from the cantina of the Jewish community. After 1990, these traditions were revitalized with the support of different Jewish organizations and programs in the United States and Europe. The Medical Center F.C.E.R in Bucharest provides highly qualified health services contributing to the recovery of people suffering from serious illness, many times considered incurable. The Jewish community in Romania has severely decreased from 850,000 to 400,000 after 1940, due to the terrifying martyrdom suffered during the Second World War. After the war, during the Communist times, almost 97 percent left Romania. In spite of its reduced size today, approximately 12,000 individuals, support for children and young people is very actively provided. In Bucharest, for example, an ICT (information and communication technologies) club has been set up, in addition to several children and young people’s choral groups, a club for the blind, foreign language courses, a library, and so forth. Special courses of Talmud Tora are provided in order to contribute to preservation of identity. Homelessness is a new phenomenon in Romania. In spite of the fact that, after 1990, it was insistently reported by social workers in NGOs and by the reports of the international organizations in Romania, it is not yet systematically mapped and eliminated. Based on the data collected and the estimations made by the CASPIS Commission against Poverty and for Social Inclusion Promotion CASPIS, organized by the Romanian Government as an advisory body, the number of homeless (in 2004) would be between 11,000 and 14,000. Among them, the number of children is 1,500, according to the estimations of the Romanian National Authority for Child’s Rights Protection, and 3,137 according to CASPIS. For the time being, there is no clear methodology and strategy on the mapping of the phenomenon of homelessness. In a brief overview of this phenomenon, a governmental expert stated that, instead of the introduction of a national initiative to counteract the problem, Romania’s homeless prevention efforts resulted in little more than a few night shelters run by NGOs. Among the homeless, children are especially exposed to gross and persistent human rights violations. Thus, as mass media have often presented, the homeless and street children are the easy victims of prostitution, pornography, and many forms of trafficking. In a documented report Romania’s blighted street children, broadcast on BBC Radio 4’s PM program on September 16, 2004), Glenda Cooper, a journalist from BBC, observed that increasingly, these children are targeted by traffickers
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and pedophiles: ‘‘They are taken in a car and sold like an animal, and used for prostitution in different houses.’’
EDUCATION According to the Romanian Constitution, education is free and compulsory up to the tenth grade. After the tenth grade, schools charge fees for books, which discourages attendance for lower income children, particularly Roma. The adult literacy rate, ages fifteen and above, was 97.3 percent in 2003. Education in Romania is regulated by law (Law of Education and Apprenticeship number 84 from 1995, revised) and is organized along the following hierarchical levels: . . .
Preschool education; Primary education (grades I-IV); Secondary education: – Lower secondary education organized at two levels that succeed each other: the junior high school (grades V-VIII) and – Lower level of the high school or art and crafts school (grades IX-X); – Higher secondary education, the superior level of secondary education (grades XI-XII/XIH), preceded, on a case-by-case basis by a complementary year;
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Post-secondary education; Higher education lasts, according to the Bologna system three, four, or five years; Post-higher education at the level of Masters and PhD degrees (according to the Bologna system, two years for a Masters degree and three years for PhD degree). According to current regulations, provided by the Romanian Minister of Education and Research, all the universities in Romania have passed since the academic year 2005– 2006 to the new Bologna system.
The educational system in Romania is partially decentralized. The general curricula for all levels is drafted at the national level. Alternative manuals are promoted, based on competition, both for the elementary and higher education levels. The system is partly funded from the state budget and partly from the local budgets. Public expenditure on education, for the year 2006, was 4.4 percent of GDP. According to the official data provided by the Romanian Minister of Education and Research and the National Institute of Statistics, the net primary enrollment ratio for the school year 2003–2004, was 89 percent, while the net secondary enrollment was 81 percent.
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The right to education in the mother tongue, as an important dimension of the right to preserve cultural identity, generates, according to the General Comment of the UN Human Rights Committee on Article Number 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, positive obligations for the signatory states. To implement this right, the states have to act, either under the form of new regulations or by promoting new policy and administrative decisions, and many times under both forms. Within the strategies developed to implement the European and international standards on human rights, Romania acted in both ways. Several new legal regulations and policies have been adopted to ensure equal opportunities in education, as well as in the political, economic, social, and cultural spheres for people belonging to ethnic minorities. However, one of the studies carried out by the NGO Save the Children Romania (Salvati Copii Romania, http://www.salvaticopii.ro) (2003) provided evidence that the enrollment rate of Roma children was below the national average. For the Roma children belonging to the seven- to nine-year-old group, 29.9 percent did not attend any educational institution, while 17.2 percent of children belonging to the ten- to sixteen-year-old group do not do so. The same piece of research estimates that 48.3 percent of Roma children in the seven- to nine-year-old group will abandon school before the fourth grade. The Romanian Minister of Education has been developing, for the period 2004–2007, a program, ‘‘Access to Education for Vulnerable Groups,’’ supported with PHARE funds (11.33 million Euros). The aims of this program are to combat and prevent school dropout. During the period 2002–2004, the Minister of Education carried out a similar program focused on Roma children. The funds allocated, around 8.33 million Euros, have been raised mainly from EU sources. However, as the evaluation reports stated, the results were less than expected. Education for disabled children is organized, so far, in special institutions. The total number of pupils enrolled in different grades and forms (preschool, primary, and secondary grade, high school, vocational, and apprenticeship, post-high school, and foreman of special education was 37,808 for the school year 2003–2004. There were 205 special education schools, and there were 8,235 qualified employed staff for the same period. For Romanian children and young people, until recently, a successful life was deeply connected with education. Traditionally, the way to escape poverty and the underclass was to have an education and to be a ‘‘well rounded person,’’ that is, a doctor, a jurist, economist, professor, etc. Important Romanian novels are structured around the theme of the successful life provided by education. But, as observed earlier, today’s children and young people’s values tend to display a different pattern. A recent piece of research carried out by the Center for Urban and Regional Sociology (CURS) in 2005, on two national representative samples of children
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(between eleven and fourteen years old and between fifteen and eighteen years old), demonstrated that among the popular activities, sports got the highest rating (17.7 percent in the eleven- to fourteen-year-old group and 14.25 percent in the fifteen- to eighteen-year-old group). This option was followed by business (9.5 percent in the eleven- to fourteenyear-old group and 12.2 percent in the fifteen- to eighteen-year-old group); music (14.1 percent in the eleven- to fourteen-year-old group and 11.1 percent in the fifteen- to eighteen-year-old group); ICT (4.6 percent in the eleven- to fourteen-year-old group and 9 percent in the fifteen- to eighteen-year-old group); film and TV (8.1 percent in the eleven- to fourteen-year-old group and 8 percent in the fifteen- to eighteen-year-old group); doctor (7 percent in the eleven- to fourteen-yearold group and 5.8 percent in the fifteen- to eighteen-year-old group); law and lawyers (4.7 percent in the eleven- to fourteen-year-old group and 4.6 percent in the fifteen- to eighteen-year-old group). This hierarchy of preferences is maintained when the children in the two samples are asked about the professional career they would like to follow. However, when the question concerns role models, two-thirds of the children in the two samples mention one of the parents and after that, a sportsman or film or television artist. PLAY AND RECREATION Children’s right to play and recreation was formally recognized in Romania in 1990 with the ratification of the UN Convention on the Rights of Child. These rights have been strengthened within the new legal framework adopted by Romania in 2004. The new Law Number 272 in 2004, regarding the Protection and Promotion of Children’s Rights regulates, in Article 49, a child’s rights to rest and play, and to observe holidays. For the leisure and recreational activities, the Minister of Education and Research and the local county’s authorities sponsor clubs and palaces for children and pupils. They are organized in all the capitals of the counties and also in the various districts of Bucharest. There is also a National Palace of Children in Bucharest. Children’s recreational activities, according to some recent research, tend to reorganize around the values of a new postmodern life style. The research regarding children’s consumer behavior of media products, carried out at the national level by the Center for Urban and Regional Sociology, integrated two representative samples, of 2,300 each, for the children between eleven and fourteen years old and for the children between fifteen and eighteen years old. Among the research conclusions regarding the preferred spare-time activities, a statistically significant number of the children in the two groups (46.6 percent in the eleven- to fourteen-year-old group and 42.6 percent in the fifteen- to eighteen-yearold group) choose staying outside and playing with friends. In a
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decreasing order, the following activities have been preferred by the children in the two groups for recreational activities in their spare time: sports (13.5 percent in the eleven- to fourteen-year-old group, 12.6 percent in the fifteen- to eighteen-year-old group); computer games (9.1 percent in the eleven- to fourteen-year-old group, 10.4 percent in the fifteen- to eighteen-year-old group); watching TV (6.9 percent in the eleven- to fourteen-year-old group, 5.9 percent in the fifteen- to eighteenyear old group), etc. Other activities listed by the two groups were helping parents with different household activities, having some rest, listening music, etc. CHILD LABOR The new strategies pursued after the year 2000 in the field of children’s rights reform focused mainly on curbing the gross violations constantly signaled by the reports of international organizations, NGOs, and the press. Among them, child labor and especially its worst forms have been of great concern for the Committee of Child’s Rights and the International Labor Organization. For the time being, there is no reliable statistical data on child labor in Romania. A Rapid Assessment Report in 2004, prepared by UNICEF Romania, ILO, and the Minister of Labor, Social Solidarity and Family (Child Labor in Romania. 2004, UNICEF 2004) estimated that, of the approximately 3.9 million children who were ‘‘economically active,’’ 60,000 to 70,000 were victims of exploitation, forced labor, trafficking, or criminal activity. The Report considered that this last category included more than 3,000 ‘‘street children’’ in Romania. The existing legal framework for the protection of children’s rights in the field of labor relations includes both international human rights conventions and national regulations. So, as mentioned earlier, Romania has ratified the CRC and its two optional protocols. As early as 1975, Romania ratified the ILO Convention Number 138, on the Minimum Age of Admission to Employment. In the year 2000 Romania ratified ILO Convention Number 182 on the Worst Forms of Child Labor. A new Labor Code was issued in 2003 (Law 53 in 2003). Article 13 in the Labor Code regulates, in line with the international standards, that a labor contract can be concluded from sixteen years old (Article 13 (1) and from fifteen years old only with the agreement of the legal representative of the child. The hiring of persons under fifteen years old is expressly prohibited. The Labor Code also forbids forced labor. (Forced labor is defined in Article 4 (2) as ‘‘Any work activity or service imposed to a person under the threat or for which the person did not express his/her consent.’’) A National Action Program for the Elimination of Child Labor was launched by the Romanian government in 2003. The government also sponsors, on a yearly basis, projects aiming to prevent and curb the
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exploitation of children through work. In the year 2006 two NGOs, Save the Children and the Orthodox Foundation Filantropia, carried out four national projects in this field. FAMILY The traditional Romanian family is a nuclear one. Crude marriage rates in Romania (National Institute of Statistics) have been 6.2 per 1,000 midyear population. The general divorce rate was 1.39 divorces per 1,000 inhabitants in 2003. In spite of its constant growth after 1990, the divorce rate level in Romania remains relatively low compared with other countries in the EU. The mean age at divorce was 37.6 years for men and 34.3 years for women and the average duration of a marriage ending in divorce was 11.9 years (2003). Abortion, in spite of the slight decline after 1990, remains the main way of dealing with unwanted pregnancy. The dynamics of transition affected the family in Romania, as well. While the nuclear family remains, for the time being, the dominant model, the voluntary single-parent family started being an option for more and more women and men. Consensual unions are also becoming more frequent. In Romania, the equality of the rights and obligations of both parents regarding childrearing was legally established in 1954. Decree 31 of 1954 annulled the old dispositions of the Civil Code (in 1864) which regulated the absolute power of the father over the children and wife (Balahur 2001). Regarding inheritance and property relations between children and parents, the Civil and Family Law states that the parent does not ‘‘have a right on the child’s goods neither the child on the parent’s goods except the right to inheritance and of maintenance.’’ The Constitution also eliminates the discrimination connected to birth, establishing in Article 44 (3) the principle of equality among the children born in and out of wedlock. Complementary to this principle, the children, without distinction regarding their birth, have equal rights to inheritance of their parents’ estate and also the right to maintenance. Traditionally, and since late modern times legally, within the members of the extended family, solidarity and support have been the paramount principles which molded intergenerational relationships. Family law gave a formal content to this tradition when it stated in Article 86 of the Family Code that ‘‘the obligation of maintenance exists between husband and wife, parents and the children, the adopter and adopted, grandparents and grandchildren, great grandparents and great grandchildren, brothers and sisters, as well as among other persons specially mentioned by law.’’ In the Romanian historian of religion, Mircea Eliade described the three traditional rites and symbols of passage in Romanian life: Birth,
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shared with joy, celebrated through the christening (baptism) of the child in the church a few days after its birth; the wedding, which is equivalent to a person’s entering the common world (‘‘lumirea’’ as it is called, from ‘‘lume’’, which means ‘‘world’’); and death, which coincides, in the Romanian traditional and ancestral belief, with the sacred reintegration into the substance of nature, the return of the soul to the place of peace and rest. The rituals of passage commonly shared by most Romanians, while keeping some elements of an early tradition, have been strongly influenced by Orthodox Christianity. The deceased are buried after a three-day ceremony (‘‘priveghi’’), accompanied by lighted candles and a religious service conducted by an orthodox priest (Eliade 1980). HEALTH After 1990, infant and child mortality in Romania continued to decline, while still remaining almost four times higher than in the western European countries. The infant mortality rate per 1,000 live births was 24.6 (2007) and under-five mortality rate per 1,000 live births was 20 (2003). Immunization for infants less than twelve months is at 97 percent (UNICEF, 2004). Maternal mortality, due mainly to illegal abortion, was the highest in Europe until 1989. After the legalization of abortion, it declined slowly under the average rates of the countries in the region, but still much higher than the average rates in western European countries. According to the data registered by the World Health Organization (WHO) and UNICEF, the maternal mortality was 49 deaths per 100,000 live births. The total population with sustainable access to improved water sources was 57 percent in 2002. However, the distribution among urban and rural areas displays important differences. While 91 percent of urban populations had access to safe drinking water in 2002, only 16 percent of rural populations had such access in the same period. In order to improve the access to water resources ten EU-ISPA projects are running now in different regions of Romania. Access to adequate sanitation is a constantly debated issue. According to the official statistics, 51 percent of the total population benefits from adequate sanitation facilities. There are great disparities in sanitation facilities between rural and urban populations. Only 10 percent of the rural population, which includes more than 50 percent of the children in Romania, gets adequate sanitation facilities, while 86 percent of urban dwellers enjoy them. According to law, children and students benefit from free health care services and medicine. In reality, the funds allocated from the public budget cover only a small percentage of their health needs, so that most of the time, those who can afford pay for them, while the others, actually the majority, are not able to receive these services.
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Based on UNICEF estimations (2003), more than 6,000 children in Romania have HIV. Approximately 750 of these children live in institutions including long-term hospitalization. Since 2003, Romania has had important support for the antiretroviral treatment from the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria (GFATM) managed by UNDP. It has also been supported by a four-year program implemented by UNICEF with technical assistance provided by the Canadian Public Health Association (CPHA) as a part of a larger Southern Europe HIV/AIDS prevention initiative (http://www.dfait-maeci. gc.ca/canada-europa/romania/embassy/technical_cooperation-en.asp). The issues connected with reproductive and sexual health are almost entirely missing from the educational activities of children and young people, with important consequences especially among the most vulnerable ones—children and teenagers in institutions. Research carried out by the Guttmacher Institute in the USA (Singh and Darroch 2001) found that five countries in the world have the highest rates of teenage pregnancy rates of 70 or more per 1,000 adolescents per year—Belarus, Bulgaria, Romania, the Russian Federation, and the United States. There are no Romanian official statistics regarding teenage pregnancy, but different NGOs, Save the Children, Access, and others, signaled this phenomenon and also carried out some projects focused mainly on prevention through education. The United Nations Population Fund’s first Country Program (http:// www.unfpa.org/countryfocus/romania/countryassistance.htm) for Romania (2005–2009) was launched in 2005. It is focused on meeting the reproductive and sexual health needs of vulnerable and disadvantaged segments of the population, including adolescents and young people. The program also aims to enhance the Romanian government’s capacity to plan for future population and development needs, including combating gender violence and human trafficking. Closely connected to sexual education and reproductive health, the GLBT youth issue is a ‘‘silent topic’’. There are some NGOs, like Accept, which have successfully developed educational and anti-discriminatory programs. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Since 2000, Romanian reform of child’s rights protection has focused on the adoption of a new legal framework. A working group was established and brought together Romanian as well as foreign family and child law experts. As a result, a set of four laws have been drafted. In 2004, the Romanian Parliament adopted the four laws. Among them, The Act of the Child (Law Number 272 in 2004 regarding the Protection and Promotion of Child’s Rights) and the Law Number 273 in 2004 regarding the Legal Regime of Adoption are the most important. All of them entered into force on January 1, 2005.
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The Act of the Child is based on the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and joins, in a single law, the civil and family law regulations, administrative and penal law, civil and penal procedural law regulations, etc., regarding the child. This law is based on a new philosophy which empowers the child, treating her/him as a person with inherent rights, and also the child’s family. The entire law is structured around the child’s best interests. The Romanian Act of the Child regulates the civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights of the child, and her/his right to alternative care. It also has special provisions for the child in conflict with criminal law and provisions regarding the protection against exploitation, abuse, and neglect. According to the provisions of this new law, the child is entitled to complain to the authorized bodies as many times as her/his rights are infringed. In order to enjoy the right of complaint, the child has to be informed about her/his rights and the ways to enjoy them. The public, central, and local authority’s obligations in the field of children’s rights are also stated. The law on the Legal Regime of Adoption limits international adoption. According to its terms, international adoption is possible only when the adopter is grandfather/grandmother of the child living abroad. Practically, this law bans international adoption and ends the trade with children, which has increased greatly since 1989 (Emma Nicholson, Member of the European Parliament. http://www.emmanicholson.org. uk/downloads/ECHR%20guardian%20article%2028-6-04.pdf). On June 22, 2004, the European Court of Human Rights overruled the case Pimi and Bertini versus Romania (The European Court of Human Rights, Pimi and Bertini vs. Romania, Nr78028/01 and Nr.78030/01, June 22, 2004 [Section II]),which had been brought before the Court on behalf of two Romanian girls who had been adopted against their wishes by Italian couples. The court stated that, although both parties had rights, the rights of the children took priority. In this way the court, according to Emma Nicholson, ‘‘sent a very clear message to the whole Europe, that there can be no market for the trade in children.’’ According to civil law, the age of majority is eighteen years old. However, in family law, a boy of eighteen years old and a girl of sixteen years old, and, under certain circumstances, a fifteen-year-old girl, can marry. In penal matters, the legal liability begins at the age of sixteen years old. According to penal law, between fourteen and sixteen, there is the so-called Doli incapax period—the child is liable only if there is enough evidence that she/he acted fully aware of the consequences of the wrongdoing. Children under fourteen years old are not criminally liable. As an important part of the reform of child’s rights protection in Romania, the juvenile justice system is going through intensive change. The Romanian criminal justice system of the 1990s was structured around the values of over-retribution. The common penal practice could be briefly characterized as a pre-established ‘‘penal route’’ from which
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children were not excepted. This caused problems, as many children under this system were not rehabilitated, and the criminal behavior was exacerbated (Balahur 2004). Important steps in Romanian juvenile justice reform have been taken with the active support of several EU countries. The UK/DFID (British bilateral aid agency) five-year project implemented diversion strategies and probation in Romania. As a result of this project, during the period 1998–2003, probation services have been set up in the forty-two counties of Romania and in Bucharest. Diversionary strategies prevented children and young offenders from being taken into custody and allowed them to remain in the community under supervision, and to attend school, as well as other rehabilitation programs. The penal code regulates, in a special chapter, the legal sanctions that can be taken against juvenile offenders. A reduced, nonflexible system of measures is regulated. They include warnings, supervised freedom, and custody in a re-education center or for medical treatment in a medical institute. The right to access to the court is guaranteed by the Constitution. In penal matters, both the Constitution and the penal law regulate the right to legal counsel. The ex officio possibility is stated and guaranteed for the poor (free legal aid). However, most of the time, ex officio cases are distributed to young, inexperienced lawyers so that even if formally the people have a right to legal assistance, its quality depends finally on the financial possibilities of the person. RELIGIOUS LIFE Religion, especially since the 1990s, plays an important role in the lives of Romanians. Children are baptized a few days after their birth and thus integrated within the religious community. One of the first initiatives taken in January 1990, after almost fifty years, was to introduce religion in schools. Religion is a compulsory subject in school in the primary cycle. Afterward, it remains the child’s decision whether she/he wants to take religion classes or not. Although the majority of Romanians are Orthodox, children and young people in schools can make their own choice regarding which religion to study, depending on the religious denomination to which they belong. Moreover, in most elite schools in Romania, young people study the history of religions and religious beliefs, thus having the chance to understand religious diversity and treat others of differing beliefs with tolerance. Children are encouraged to attend religious services every Sunday, and are taught ideas and practices within their schools, families, and community. Moral standards and credos are mostly based on religious teachings and are respected as part of the basic standards of the community’s functioning and well-being.
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Unlike the period before 1990, religious celebrations are officially recognized and strictly kept. The Christian rites are woven together with the pre-Christian traditions at Christmas, on New Year’s Eve, and at Easter. Children and young people, especially in rural areas, go from home to home, singing carols and performing specific theatrical pieces (tapul, capra, ursul), telling and singing the religious stories behind these events, of the joy they feel, and extending best wishes for well-being and good crops. Religious education has developed at all educational levels. There is a Faculty of Theology, specific to the main religious, in almost every legally functioning university in Romania. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The recent Act of the Child (Law Number 272/2004) regulates the limits of disciplinary measures that can be used against the child. Article 28 (1) states that ‘‘the child has the right to due respect of her/his individuality and can not be treated in a humiliating or degrading way, nor can she/he be physically punished.’’ While there are an important number of projects on child abuse and neglect, reliable statistics are scarce, and only estimations exist regarding the size of this phenomenon in Romania. A survey jointly carried out by UNICEF Romania (UNICEF-Romania, Violence, Abuse and Neglect. http://www.unicef.org/romania/child ren_1601.html), the Minister of Education and the Institute of Educational Sciences (2003), regarding violence in schools, integrated a national representative sample of schools including grades I-VIII from both urban and rural areas. Among the reported results, the survey found that violence existed in 75 percent of schools, 2.5 percent of students exhibited violent behavior, and 3 percent were victims of violent behavior. The survey also reported ‘‘physical punishment is perceived, both by children and parents, as a normal ‘educational’ measure.’’ According to a widespread and still pervasive tradition in Romania, physical punishment is part of education. Within its contribution to the UN Global Study on Violence against Children, UNICEF (UNICEF-Romania, Violence, Abuse and Neglect. http://www.unicef.org/romania/children_1601.html) Romania has also reported that the harshest forms of abuse, neglect, and violence are experienced by working children. Based on its own research and analysis, UNICEF estimated that, in 2003, more than 70,000 children were victims of forced labor, and 1.4 percent of these were aged five to fourteen. Over 90 percent of these lived in rural regions, and in almost every situation, the children’s legal rights regarding minimum age and working hours were violated. The Romanian reform of child rights promotion and protection has involved constantly adjusting the legal framework in order to prevent and curb abuse,
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neglect, and violence against children (and women). For example, a new law regarding domestic violence was adopted in 2003 (Law Number 217/2003, Regarding the Prevention of the Domestic Violence). While intending to prevent and combat violence against children and women, this law provides alternative ways of dealing with conflict among family members, emphasizing the potential role of reconciliation and mediation for the rebuilding of family relationships. Violence, abuse, and neglect against the child can also increase the criminal liability of the perpetrator. The Romanian Penal Code incriminates battery and any other violent actions which cause physical pain. The penalty for this crime is either imprisonment from one to three months or a fine. As many times the victims are family members, an aggravated form of the crime of battery is recognized, and the penalty is imprisonment from three months up to two years or a fine. A special chapter in the penal code regulates ‘‘crimes against family.’’ Among them, the crimes of family abandonment and the harsh treatment applied to minors regulate penalties for the parents or other care givers for mistreatment or child neglect. For example, the crime of harsh treatment applied to minors is defined as the act of endangering, through any kind of measures and treatment, the physical, intellectual, or moral development of the child, committed by the parents or by any other person with whom the child has been placed for care. The penalty for this crime is imprisonment from three years up to fifteen years. In 2004, the Minister of Labor, Solidarity and Family established the National Agency for the Protection of the Family (NAPF). The Agency is responsible for setting up shelters for the victims of domestic violence and also centers for counseling and treatment of these victims. Most of the time, however, shelters and centers have been set up solely at the initiative of different NGOs. Save the Children–Romania established seven Counseling Centers for Child and Family at a national level (Bucharest, Iasi, Suceava, Timisoara, Targu Mures, Resita, and Targoviste). The centers function as public services for a wide range of abused and neglected children. The victims of violence and abuse can sue the perpetrator, based on a preliminary penal complaint addressed to the police. Children also have the right, according to the Act of the Child, to complain to the competent authorities against infringements of their rights including abuse and neglect. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY With the abandonment of the great narratives of modernity, the story of the child and childhood slowly started to change as well. Post modernity with its ‘‘closer to reality’’ approach brought us a different view of child and childhood. The romantic image of childhood as a time of
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innocence has progressively given way to views of situations where children are seen as soldiers, as victims of human trafficking, as objects of physical and emotional abuse, as economically exploited, drug addicted, and so forth. Often, beyond the studies and research on child and childhood made by adults seeking children’s best interests, perhaps those who have only recently passed over the stage of childhood can best describe how childhood was and is now at the beginning of the twenty-first century: There is no longer time to start off life with a miraculous image of the world through fairy tales: multimedia and the surrounding environment enwrap the child, from its early stages of development, into a cruel and severe reality of violence and mischief. They no longer encourage the naı¨ve, pure and joyful game of discovery and construction, the creative answers to the many questions a child has, but instead, they provide it with games of destruction, with images of fear and terror and with ideas that are taken as such, since they are too serious and abstract for a child’s mind to pass judgment upon. (Lexy, Romania, twenty years old)
With all the difficulties of the transition, Romania has established a legal system of child rights protection and also a set of public policies aiming to really promote the welfare of the child. The conclusions of the International Conference, Child’s Rights are Law, chaired by Emma Nicholson, held in Bucharest (February 2–3, 2006) under the high patronage of the Permanent Delegation of the European Commission in Bucharest, The Council of Europe, and the Romanian Government, mentioned that at the time of the five-year review, the reform of child rights protection in Romania had succeeded in considerably reducing the number of institutionalized children. (The dynamics of the child deinstitutionalization was the following one according to the data provided by the Romanian National Authority for Child’s Rights Protection: 7,861 in 2000, 13,360 in 2001, 9,135 in 2002, 8,422 in 2003, and 3,236 in 2004. The children in the institutions have been either reintegrated in their families or placed in foster care or in small lodgings of familial type under the care of a psychological mother.) It had set up a legal framework and a set of public policies, which if correctly applied could, potentially, make the welfare system become a standard for many European countries. Meanwhile, there have been many programs aiming to train and educate future professionals in the field of child rights. Based on the research projects and the courses on Human Rights and Child Protection, offered by the Center for Social Management and Community Development from Al.I.Cuza University of Iasi, there is now a master’s degree in Child’s Rights, coordinated by Professor Doina Balahur. Since 2005, this Master’s Degree is part of the European Network of Masters on Child’s Rights (ENMCR, http://www.enmcr.net).
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RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Alston, Philip, and Jogn Tobin, Darrow Mac. 2005. Laying the Foundations for Children’s Rights. Florence: Innocenti Insight, UNICEF ICDC. The study analyzes the progress of the states toward implementing the legal and political accountability as paramount elements in transforming child’s rights in reality. Balahur, Doina. 2004. Probation and Community Reintegration (The Impact of the Alternative Measures and Strategies on the Treatment of Children in Romanian Criminal Justice System). Bucuresti: Ed. Didactica si Pedagogica. Corsaro, William. 2004. Sociology of Childhood. London: Sage Publications. Focuses on the child and childhood as viewed by their peers. Gherner, H., and B. Wachtel. 1939. Evreii ieseni in documente si fapte [The Jewish in Iasi in documents and facts] Iasi, Tipografia ‘‘Opinia,’’ pp. 24,34,46. Hutchby, Ian, and Jo Moran-Ellis. 2001 Children Technology and Culture: The Impact of Technologies in Children’s Everyday Lives, New York, RoutledgeFalmer. The authors make an analysis of the impact of technologies and the culture of images on children’s every day lives. Limage, Leslie, Editor. 2000. Democratizing Education and Educating Democratic Citizens: International and Historical Perspectives (Studies in Education/Politics). New York: Routledge, Falmer. The fourteen studies in the book focus on democracy, citizenship, and education from a comparative perspective. Special attention is paid to the relationship between education, especially the civic education, and the democratic structures building in former communist countries. Roth, Maria. 2005. Femei ¸si copii victime ale violentxei. Cluj, Presa Universitara. Singh, Susheela and Jacqueline E. Darroch. 2000. ‘‘Adolescent Pregnancy and Childbearing: Levels and Trends in Developed Countries’’ Family Planning Perspectives, vol 32, no. 1: January/February 2000. http://www.guttmacher.org/ about/index.htm. Steiner, Henry, and Philip Alston. 2000. International Human Rights in Context, Law, Politics, Morals. Oxford: Oxford University Press. A comprehensive volume authored by two famous experts in the field of the international Human Rights. An important part of the volume is dedicated to the analysis of the children’s rights as Human Rights. Swain, Jon. 2001. ‘‘Child traffickers in Romania,’’ Sunday Times, June 25, 2001. Tanenhaus, David, S. 2006. Juvenile Justice in the Making. Oxford: Oxford University Press. The book makes an analytical evaluation of the changes in American juvenile courts based on the evaluation of 3,000 case files from 1899 to 1926.
Web Sites The Council of Europe, http://www.coe.int. European Network of Masters on Child’s Rights, http://www.enmcr.net. European Union, http://europa.eu.int. Federation of Jewish Communities in Romania, http://romanianjewish.org/ro/ fedrom_06.html.
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International Labor Organization, http://www.ilo.org. The National Authority for Chidren’s Rights Protection, http://www.copii.ro. National Institute of Statistics www.insse.ro Roman Orthodox Church, http://www.patriarhia.ro. Romanian Minister of Justice, http://www.just.ro. Romanian Minister of Labor, Social Solidarity and Family, www.mmssf.ro. Save the Children, http://www.savethechildren.org/. Save the Children-Romania, http://www.salvaticopii.ro/romania_en/ce_facem/abuz cumseimplicaSC.html. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, http://www.ohchr.org. United Nations Fund for Children Romania, http://www.unicef.org/ro. United Nations organization, http://www.un.org. United Nation Organization for Education, Science and Culture, http://www .unesco.org. USA State Department, http://www.state.gov.
Organizations and NGOs Fundatia Pro Women Web site: http://www.prowomen.ro The Pro WOMEN Foundation is a local nongovernmental organization, established in Iasi on June 2000, with its main mission to increase women’s level of self confidence and personal development to successfully improve their participation in strengthening democracy. Salvati Copiii Romania Web site: http://www.salvaticopii.ro A nongovernmental organization set up in 1990 to promote and protect the rights of the children according to the values and principles stated by the UN Convention on the Rights of Child. Sera Foundation Web site: http://www.sera.ro/txt/en/index.html This nongovernmental organization represents the continuation of the projects initiated by S.E.R.A France for the benefit of the children with difficulties from
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Romania. It develops projects that target groups of children with special needs, including those who are institutionalized.
Selected Bibliography English Sources Alston, Philip, and Bridget Gilmour Walsh. 1996. The best interests of the child: Towards a synthesis of children’s rights and cultural values. Florence: Innocenti Studies, UNICEF ICDC. Freeman, Michael. 1997. The Moral Status of Children. Martinus: Nijhof. Gaitan, Lourdes. 2006. Sociologıa de la infancia. Madrid: Sıntesis. Liebel, Manfred. 2005. Kinder im Abseits. Berlin: Juventa. Mestitz, Anna, and Simona Ghetti, eds. 2005. Victim-Offender Mediation with Youth Offenders in Europe. Rotterdam: Springer. Nieuwenhuys, Olga. 2001. Children’s Life Worlds: Gender Welfare and Labor in the Developing World. Oxford: Foundation Books Qvortrup, Jens, ed. 2005. Studies in Modern Childhood. Society, Agency, Culture. London: Palgrave, Macmillan. Romanian Sources Avram, Marieta. 2000. Adoptia in legislatia romana. Bucuresti: All Beck. Balahur, Doina. 2001. Protectia drepturilor copilului ca principiu al asistentei sociale, Bucuresti, All Beck. Balahur, Doina, Brian Littlechild, and Roger Smith. 2006. Restorative Justice Developments and Juvenile Justice Reform in Romania and Great Britain. Iasi: Al.I.Cuza University Press. Balahur, Doina. 2004. Probation and Community Reintegration (The Impact of the Alternative Measures and Strategies on the Treatment of Children in Romanian Criminal Justice System). Bucuresti: Ed. Didactica si Pedagogica. Center for Urban and Regional Sociology, CURS-SA. 2005. Cercetare privind comportamentul de consum de programe audio-vizuale ale elevilor [11-14 ani si 15–18 ani], Cod CPSA-7413.11, Vol. I si II. www.curs.ro). Eliade, Mircea. 1980. Post-existenta, casatorie postuma, ‘‘nunta mioritica.’’ In De la Zalmoxis la Genghis–Han, Bucuresti, Ed. Stiintifica si Enciclopedica, pp. 242– 245. Popescu, Raluca. 2003. ‘‘Changing family and family values.’’ Romanian Institute for the Quality of Life. www.iccv.ro/conf.sibiu.2003/pdf. Roth, Maria. 2005. Femei ¸si copii victime ale violentxei. Cluj: Presa Universitara Clujeana.
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THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION Patrick Beary and Irving Epstein NATIONAL PROFILE The Russian Federation, the most prominent of the fifteen nation-states to emerge after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, is the largest country in the world, spanning eleven time zones, two continents, and 17,075,200 square kilometers. However, much of this territory is uninhabited. The majority of the population lives in the western regions dubbed ‘‘European Russia’’ or the ‘‘fertile triangle,’’ with 73 percent of the total population living in urban areas. The Russian Federation has a declining population of approximately 142,800,000 million people with a growth rate of 0.3 percent, largely due to declining birth rates, unhealthy lifestyle habits, and high rates of cardiovascular disease. The total fertility rate is a meager 1.4 children born per woman. Life expectancy is 58.9 years for men and 72.3 years for women. The infant mortality rate is 11 deaths per 1,000 live births, and the probability of dying under the age of five is at 14 per 1,000 live births (Russian Federation Statistics Services 2007; World Health Organizational Statistical Information System 2007). The Russian Federation is a multi-ethnic state, with 79.8 percent of the population ethnically Russian. Each of the other principal minorities, Tatar, Ukrainian, Bashkir, and Chuvash, make up less than 4 percent of the population. While the principal language by far is Russian, spoken by
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98.3 percent of the population, more than 100 other languages are also spoken by ethnic or regional communities. The Russian Orthodox religion is the largest religion in the country with approximately 70 percent of the population belonging to the church. Islam, the second largest religion, is practiced by 23 million worshippers or 14 percent of the population (U.S. State Department 2006b). The shift from the authoritarian Soviet-Communist regime to a free market federal democracy caused a rapid stratification of the society. The first ten years of post-Communist rule were extremely difficult as development and economic indicators plummeted, culminating in the devaluation of the ruble and economic and political upheaval in mid-1998. The Russian Federation’s foreign debt spiked to 90 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) in 1998 but declined to 31 percent by 2005. Since the crisis in 1998, the Russian economy has improved by almost all measures, driven by a weak ruble and high commodity prices, particularly crude oil. National GDP has risen from $39.5 billion in 1995 to $763.7 billion in 2005, and average annual GDP growth has also improved. In 2005, GDP per capita was estimated to be at US$11,000 (The World Bank 2006). Because current economic growth is being fueled primarily by natural resource exports, the economy is vulnerable to fluctuations in world prices. At the same time, the incentive for creating needed reforms in social policy is lessened. The Russian government is a federal presidential republic with a weak multiparty political system and a strong presidency. The bicameral legislature (the Federal Assembly) consists of a lower house (State Duma) and an upper house (Federation Council) (U.S. State Department 2006a). Recently, there has been a trend toward centralization of power under the executive branch. This has prompted many human rights advocates to question the strength and future of Russia’s democracy, as well as the intent of its leaders. Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have been especially KEY FACTS – RUSSIAN FEDERATION weakened by recent changes, particularly those working on human Population: 142,800,000 (2007) rights issues. NGOs were already Infant mortality rate: 11 deaths/1,000 live births Life expectancy at birth: 65 years suffering under a generally negaLiteracy rate: 99 percent tive official attitude that at times Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 91 percent borders on harassment, and (2000–2005) President Putin has introduced Internet users: 11 million (2002–2004) legislation that requires NGOs to People living with HIV/AIDS: 940,000 (2005 est.) register with the government. Sources: UNICEF. At a Glance: Russian Federation–Statistics. http:// This puts many NGOs under www.unicef.org/infobycountry/russia_statistics.html. April 24, greater scrutiny by the Russian 2007; UNAIDS: Russian Federation. http://www.unaids.org/en/ regions_Countries/countries/system. Russian Federation. http:// government, which some say www.int/countries/rus/en. 2007; Russian Federation Statistics restrict their activities (Amnesty Services, 2007. International 2006).
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Since its emergence from the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation has occupied a peculiar place in the world. On one hand it is an important force in world affairs. On the other, it is a regionally impoverished country, with widespread corruption and a declining population. As is often the case throughout the world, children within the Russian Federation bear much of the brunt of the poverty and income disparity that exists within the country. OVERVIEW The state of children residing within the Russian Federation is quite ambiguous. Infant mortality rates, for example, have declined significantly over the past decade. Overall, literacy is at a very high level, and while school enrollments differ per region, the state’s obligation to provide compulsory schooling to all children is uncontested. However, in the field of education, the lack of systematic opportunities for preschool provision is a glaring weakness within the educational system. In addition, children with disabilities are often ignored or segregated from their counterparts. Often sent to orphanages or state institutions, the neglect of the needs of disabled children is a major failing on the part of those responsible for education and social welfare provision. It is understood that schools need to do a better job of implementing sex education curricula; in general, school curricula and pedagogical methods remain removed from the practical needs and interests of students. The match between vocational training and employment opportunity remains incongruent; recent international assessments of Russian Federation students’ literacy, numeracy, and problem-solving skills raise cause for concern with regard to schooling effectiveness. The Russian family faces destabilizing pressures that severely affect children’s lives. The growing economic and social inequality that has resulted from a decade of restructuring has exacerbated tendencies toward social exclusion. Internal migration from rural areas to cities, and the corresponding lack of opportunity within urban areas, has resulted in the participation of informal economies that exploit children and their parents. Such participation is necessitated in part by rigid housing registration systems that make it difficult for newly arrived migrants to obtain formal official permission to reside in their new communities. While there are detailed provisions against the exploitative use of child labor, homelessness has increased, and children are participating in the informal economy in order to help their families survive. The trafficking of children, primarily for the use of their labor, but also for commercial sexual activity, is a growing and significant problem, particularly for those living in the Northern Caucasu and poorer regions within the Russian Federation. It must also be noted that the violence in Chechnya and its surrounding areas has taken its toll on children and their families that make their day-to-day survival exceedingly difficult and problematic.
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There is an extremely high level of divorce among families within the Russian Federation; domestic violence, often fueled by alcoholism, has also affected children in deleterious ways, contributing to child abuse and neglect. With regard to children’s health, basic provisions providing for immunization against infectious diseases are offered for newly born and infants. At the same time, the rate of growth of HIV/AIDS infection is alarming, to the point of becoming a pandemic. Risk-taking behavior on the part of adolescents is one of the main reasons for this growth. The country’s criminal justice system is in need of significant reform. No juvenile justice system exists within the country, a deficiency noted by numerous children’s rights advocates. While government officials over the past decade have made concerted efforts to ratify international conventions and statutes affecting children’s lives, the creation of a fair and effective juvenile justice system is a key future priority. As is true of so many factors affecting children within the Russian Federation, official recognition of this problem represents some progress with regard to how children’s needs are perceived. However, there are reasonable grounds for skepticism as to whether such recognition will result in action that actually affects juveniles in a positive manner. EDUCATION A strong and egalitarian education system was one of the key aspirations of Soviet-style Communism, a goal that the leadership saw as absolutely critical to its survival. The Communist leaders, citing the huge difference between the privately educated wealthy children and the uneducated poor children, abolished all private and family education soon after taking power as the Soviet state created a centralized, federally controlled education system for all of its citizens. Teachers were seen as transmission agents, whose job was to communicate standardized material that heavily emphasized ideological indoctrination, stressing the primacy of the collective over the individual. The system was effective in ensuring a standard level of education throughout the immense Soviet Union; however, it was also designed to discourage creativity and individualism. Beginning in the 1980s, the Soviet education system began to feel severe strain as a result of a growing population, inadequate facilities, and a static curriculum that did not prepare Soviet citizens for a technologically advanced, modern world. Despite the calls for reform, the system went essentially unchanged until the fall of the Soviet Union. Therefore, the Russian Federation inherited a troubled and inadequate educational system that could not possibly prepare its citizens for a rapid entry into the free market economy. Real reform began in 1992 with the passing of the Law on Education. Above all, the law revoked state authority over education policy, thereby allowing significant autonomy for local authorities to choose their most
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appropriate educational strategies. A new curriculum guide was also developed, rejecting narrow institutional views, while stressing the teaching of the humanities, arts, and social sciences. The new system also worked to incorporate vocational training into the education curriculum to better prepare the children for adult life (Curtis 1998, 264). Currently, despite the vast changes since the early 1990s and the establishment of relatively liberal education standards and protections, the education system is still in crisis as the Ministry of Education remains vastly underfunded. The 1993 constitution guarantees every child’s right to free primary and secondary education. School is compulsory for children until they are about fifteen years old and is provided free until grade eleven, about seventeen years old. Attendance levels are relatively high with 95 percent of primary level school-aged children enrolled (United Nations Development Programme 2005, 46). However, while the constitution stipulates school access to all children, there have been cases of regional authorities denying enrollment to the children of unregistered persons, such as Roma, asylum seekers, and migrants (U.S. State Department 2006a). In addition, it has been reported that some primary schools continue to charge fees despite the constitutional guarantee of free primary education (Committee on the Rights of the Child [CRC], para. 64, 2004). The lack of consistent participation in preschool education is of particular concern to outside experts, since the length and duration of compulsory primary and secondary level schooling is comparatively shorter in the Russian Federation than in developed countries (United Nations Development Programme 2005, 47). Although general statistics regarding preschool enrollments are high, attendance patterns are marked by significant disparities, reflective of the differing socioeconomic conditions in various regions. Preschool enrollments were reported at 58.1 percent of the eligible population in 2002, but only 39.0 percent for children in rural areas from low-income families (United Nations Development Programme 2005, 57). At the secondary level, average enrollment is at 93 percent (UNICEF 2007b), although that number again masks regional disparities. Moreover, there are issues with the quality of the public education that is available. While the constitution and 1992 Law on Education provided for real education reform and guarantees, the funds to support the system have not been available. In 2003, the government allocated only 3.5 percent of the total state budget towards education (United Nations Development Programme 2005, 54,), not a level capable of maintaining the current system, much less instituting the costly reforms, since 7 percent of the national GDP is the minimum recommended level to support the current system. Private financing or investment in education is virtually nonexistent. There has also been a shortage of teachers. This is by no means a new problem, as the former Soviet Union faced the crisis decades before the
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1990s. However, the new market economy of the 1990s opened up new economic opportunities outside of the education system, and teachers were enticed to leave the system with the prospect of obtaining higher salaries. Rural communities are particularly affected by this crisis as more and more qualified young adults move to larger urban communities in search of jobs. The literacy rate in the Russian Federation is practically 100 percent, across nearly all demographic groups. The notable exception to this would be in the rural areas inhabited by ethnically non-Russian minority groups where reliable statistics are lacking, but where literacy rates are presumed to be much lower. In spite of such a high general literacy rate, there is significant cause for concern. In one international survey, Russian students placed 32nd to 34th of 40 countries in literate reading, and the results of the PISA 2003 survey indicated that only 36 percent of Russian fifteen-year-old students had attained reading skills adequate for successfully adapting into society (United Nations Development Programme 2005, 50). Vocational training is also plagued by issues involving overqualification and a lack of congruence between what one’s on-the-job tasks require and what one was trained for are evident. Under the constitution, along with free primary and secondary schooling, the state guarantees access to free higher education to be provided upon a competitive basis. At the same time, the demand for admission into higher education institutions has exploded since the early 1990s. This has led to prevalent corruption in the admissions offices to universities, making a university degree inaccessible for some families who have neither money nor connections (Kuzminov 2004). In the 2001–2002 academic year, there were 260 students in higher education establishments per 10,000 persons. The number for higher and secondary vocational training was 549 per 10,000. These numbers included the more than 629,000 students in 387 private higher educational establishments, a striking figure considering that only ten years earlier such private establishments were illegal (CRC 2004, para. 5 & 8). Approximately half of those students who attend state institutions pay some sort of tuition or shadow expenses. The shift to a market economy has affected higher education establishments more profoundly than any other part of the education system. The privatization of many higher education institutions has been accompanied by an increased interest in broader university degrees and an insatiable demand for professional business degrees, deeply affecting attitudes on the part of the younger working class. The ideal of universal access to education has in spirit survived the end of the Soviet Union. The education system, as of 2002, includes approximately 229,000 students being taught in their national (non-Russian) language in 3,329 educational establishments. Throughout the Russian Federation, teaching is provided in thirty-one national (non-Russian) languages (CRC
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2004 para. 254). Despite these measures, there is evidence of systematic discrimination, particularly on the regional level. The children of unregistered persons, those who have moved into urban areas without having received requisite registration permits, are the most common victim of this type of prejudice, as they are denied access to public schools (U.S. State Department 2006a). Another problem area is the North Caucasu region of Russia, particularly Chechnya. According to the Russian Ministry of Education, there are 460 schools operating in Chechnya, where there has been an ongoing conflict or civil war of varying intensity for more than twelve years. Despite more recent stability, the majority of Chechen children lack access to appropriate facilities; their schools lack the faculty and materials necessary for their obtaining a proper education. UNICEF in particular has been extremely proactive in reporting on and working with the government to promote a sound education system even under crisis and conflict. The educational opportunities in the Russian Federation for disabled children, particularly the mentally disabled, are practically nonexistent. Moscow, the capital city with more than 10.4 million inhabitants, has only one school where mentally disabled children are taught in a mainstream educational setting (Amnesty International 2003). This lack of social support finds its roots in the lack of any legal protections for children with disabilities. Children with severe mental disabilities are commonly sent to state institutions, because there is no government or social support offered directly to parents with disabled children. Once institutionalized, children are often confined for life, as there are no case review procedures in place, and the mortality rate in these facilities is high. The stigma of mental disability also affects children in the regular system. If a child is diagnosed with a mental illness at any time, that diagnosis is kept in a permanent file that follows the child throughout her/his entire educational and professional career. The stigma attached to any diagnosed mental illness is nearly insurmountable and its effect on one’s personal and professional life can be devastating. PLAY AND RECREATION The Russian Federation government plays a large role in organizing and investing in sports organizations and facilities. It does this for two reasons: to involve all children in organized sports and to develop talent for its national teams. The government recently sponsored the first-ever Physical Culture Festival of Russia’s Youth, an opportunity for youth around the country to gather and compete in a wide range of sports and activities. In Moscow alone there are 177 sport schools for 92 different sports. This includes nine schools focused on top-performance athletes
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with more than 144,000 students. There are also several Olympic-reserve schools and a college to train instructors and coaches. The emphasis on training with the goal of participating in the Olympics is a carryover from the Soviet Union’s traditional participation in worldwide competition. In general, the government encourages investment in sports and arenas through tax breaks and utility subsidies (Stepaniants 2006). The most popular sports in Russia are football (soccer), hockey, tennis, ice-skating, and increasingly, basketball. Hockey and ice-skating in particular are traditionally popular sports, not surprising given Russia’s cold climate. Russians have excelled in both sports, and their national teams are perennially dominant. Football and tennis have also gained much popularity with the frenzy surrounding the World Cup and several recent tennis champions to come out of Russia. Another game Russians excel at is chess. Russia has more than twice as many chess grandmasters (156) then its nearest competitor, Germany (61) (World Chess Federation 2006). For adolescents in the Russian Federation, a recent survey showed that the popularity of playing sports is still high and is only second among boys to watching television and interacting with friends. Girls rank interacting with friends, watching television, and reading books as their three favorite activities (Sobkin and Abrosimova 2006). Internet usage has exploded, and as of 2003, the number of Internet users reached 111 per 1,000 people (United Nations Development Program 2007). Russian games include ladoshki, a type of pat-a-cake, and kazaki i razboiniki (Cossacks and robbers), a variant of the common ‘‘Cops and Robbers’’ game played around the world. Many of the games are structured around traditional songs or historical themes that emphasize topics such as the Cossacks or rabbits and shoemakers (Creuziger 1996). Russian children are increasingly asking to play with more interactive toys, such as video and computer games instead of traditional Russian toys such as dolls, prams, model soldiers, and toy cars. It is interesting to note that poorer families spend higher proportions of their income on toys for their children although higher income families spend more overall on toys and games (Euromonitor International 2006). The Russian government formally recognizes children’s right to play as a signatory to the International Convention on the Rights of the Child but has done little to proactively promote play as a fundamental right. CHILD LABOR Throughout the history of the Soviet Union, child labor was regulated by state agencies and institutions in line with official ideology that proclaimed the protection of the child a national goal. After completion of compulsory schooling at age sixteen, children who did not continue with their schooling would enter the labor force. Children aged fourteen and
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fifteen could also work, although with the agreement of the child’s parents or guardians, her/his school, and the appropriate trade union, the minimum working age would be set at no lower than fourteen (Stephenson 2002, p. 1). However, except in times of crisis, such as after the Revolution, during the Civil War, and after World War II, large-scale instances of child labor were rare. Stephenson notes that in a command economy, where working conditions were established under the strict control of state institutions that played a major role in community life, there was little social space for informal work or individual labor. When children under the age of fourteen were compelled to engage in labor on a short-term basis, it was at the behest of the school, the commune, or the local enterprise, and its presence, although uncommon, was rationalized for ideological purposes (Stephenson 2002, 2). While the transition to a market economy has adversely affected children in many areas, the growth of unregulated child labor is a distinct phenomenon that can be traced to dramatic increases in poverty rates, unregulated migration flows, increases in single parent families, and general policies of social exclusion. It should be noted that the Russian Federation is party to numerous International Labor Organization (ILO) conventions regarding the labor of children and adolescents (nos. 10, 15, 48, 59, 60, 77, 90, 112, 138, and in 2004, 182). In addition, it amended the minimum age of employment for juveniles, raising it to the age of sixteen with exceptions being made for fifteen-year-olds only if they have completed their compulsory education. As of February 2000, numerous safety standards defining what constitutes acceptable heavy labor for juveniles according to their age were enacted (CRC 2004, 67). Article 173 of the Labor code stipulates that children aged fourteen may only work on a part-time basis with the consent of their parents or legal guardians (World Organization Against Torture 2005, 16). The overall picture, however, is one of unregulated child labor increasingly occurring within the growing informal economy. Because social service benefits have been closely tied to one’s employment, for the under- and unemployed in particular, the state has failed to provide significant poverty relief, forcing more and more families to rely upon child labor for subsistence. The number of single-parent families has increased dramatically from one in seven children in the Russian Federation living with one parent in 1989, to one in five children living with a single parent in 1994 (Stephenson 2002, 4). While most single-parent families are headed by females, the number of women aged fifteen to fifty-nine who were employed dropped by 12 percent during this period (Stephenson 2002, 4). Selective and strict policies with regard to residence permit dissemination limit opportunities for migrants to gain formal employment in the Russian Federation, yet illegal migration, particularly from the Northern Caucasu and other conflict areas, has increased notably in the past decade.
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As of 1997, 18.1 percent of all migrants within the Russian Federation were children (Stephenson 2002, 6). Accurate rates of homelessness are difficult to determine, but in 1995, a survey conducted in Moscow indicated ‘‘15 percent of the children of the Moscow homeless lived with them in the street (the rest lived with relatives or in institutions).’’ (Stephenson 2002). Homeless children are victims of domestic violence; public health services are frequently unavailable to them (World Organization Against Torture 2005, 11). In the entire country, there are a total of fourteen shelters for homeless children where such services are provided, but in general, when government assistance to families is offered, there is little guarantee that the child will receive the benefits of the assistance (World Organization Against Torture 2005, 10, 11). These conditions further exacerbate pressures placed upon children to participate in the informal economy. Moscow street children, particularly those engaged in prostitution and criminal activity, reported that they worked on the street in order to obtain food and survive (World Organization Against Torture 2005, 21). As reported in 2001, there were 16,000 working street children in St. Petersburg, 50,000 in Moscow and approximately 30,000 in the Leningrad/Oblast area. In Moscow alone, prostitution involves between 80,000 and 130,000 sex workers, with 20,000–30,000 residing in St. Petersburg (Tjurjukanova et al. 2003, 36). It is estimated that 20–25 percent of that population is underage (World Organization Against Torture 2005, 18). The authors of the OMCT report state that 2.7 percent of these children and youth report that their ‘‘work’’ was coerced (World Organization Against Torture, 18). The jobs child laborers often perform include retail, car services, apprenticeships in small workshops, courier services, salvage collection, and informal street services (World Organization Against Torture, 16). Agricultural and rural work is particularly hazardous, as thirty-two children and youth died in work-related accidents in the year 2000, nineteen of whom were underage (World Organization Against Torture, 17). Children are particularly vulnerable to human trafficking, a growing problem within the Russian Federation. The types of trafficking that involve child labor include sexual exploitation (prostitution, pornography, sex tourism), slave labor (sweat shop work, production of counterfeit goods, domestic situations, car washing), begging, and exploitation within military situations (Tjurjukanova et al. 2003, 21–22). The most common form of trafficking is that which is pursued for the purposes of labor exploitation, although sexual exploitation is rapidly increasing. The targets of these practices are mostly migrants from the Commonwealth of Independent States countries (Tjurjukanova et al. 2003, 33–38). Trafficking is closely related to criminal activity, as children have been not only coerced into participation in the making of child pornography, but have been known to have been kidnapped and used by professional women beggars to elicit charity (Tjurjukanova et al. 2003, 50).
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The solutions to the most egregious forms of child labor abuse within the Russian Federation involve a strengthening of relevant social institutions with regard to insuring a more effective implementation of their stated policies, better coordination among the institutions, and more financial support for poor and underemployed families. As is true in many other areas, children within the Russian Federation have borne the burden of social exclusion policies that have created and exacerbated a condition that was less visible prior to the initiation of market reforms. FAMILY Families have been directly influenced by the post-Soviet transition from a market economy to one that is less regulated. Under Soviet rule, Russian parents maintained their traditional role as protectors of the child even as women were encouraged to enter the workplace and contribute to national development. However, domestic chores and responsibilities were never equally shared (Lapidus 1980), and in the aftermath of perestroika, traditionalists argued in favor of reverting to a restriction of women’s participation in the work force, a perspective that gained some popularity when general unemployment rates rose rapidly. Previous government efforts to insure gender equity with regard to compensation and wages have also regressed. Today, economic pressures continue to create obstacles that negatively affect the ability of parents to guarantee that the best interests of their children are served, although the state presumes that they are generally able to do so. Carol de Rooy, UNICEF Representative for the Russian Federation, reported in 2004 that 30 percent of the population or 40 million people lived below the poverty line (de Rooy 2004). A total of 50–60 percent of poor families included children (Ovcharova and Popova 2005, p. 26). Official statistics in 2003, more conservatively classified 20.4 percent of the population as being poor (Ovcharova and Popova, 26) with 24.4 percent, or 6 million of the country’s children living in families below the poverty line (Tjurjukanova et al. 2003, 28). Whatever the percentage, as of 2005, there still was not a return to pre-reform living standards and that inequality significantly increased as market reforms were introduced. Such inequality not only affected income distribution but affected the total numbers of extremely poor people as well. In 2003, 1 percent of the population could have been considered to fall under the category of abject poverty (earning US$1 a day or less) according to Millenium Development Goals criteria, and 5 percent of the total population could have been so categorized according to World Bank criteria (earning $2.15 a day or less) (Ovcharova and Popova 2005, 21). Due to increasing divorce rates, and children born to non-married parents, the number of single-parent families in the Russian Federation
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has increased significantly. The numbers of single-parent families have increased dramatically from one in seven children in the Russian Federation living with one parent in 1989, to one in five children living with a single parent in 1994 (Stephenson 2002, 4). Two-thirds of all marriages end in divorce, while the rural divorce rate is twice as high as its urban counterpart (Lushkin et al. 2000, 6). At the same time, there has been a generational increase in non-marital childbearing, so that by 1996, 23 percent of all children were born to unmarried women. Children who reside within single-parent families are more likely to be victims of poverty; ‘‘young single mothers and their children are among the poorest in the population’’ (Lushkin et al. 2000, 17). Often, mothers and their children reside with other relatives, as government subsidies and wage income are insufficient to address their basic needs. Of course, without such support, survival becomes dependent upon negotiation with the informal economy with dire consequences resulting including homelessness or the transference of children to state institutions. The abuse of alcohol remains a significant and growing problem for families and youth within the Russian Federation. With a consumption rate of 10.54 liters of alcohol per person per year, Russians surpass the European Union median of 9.56 liters per year (World Health Organization Regional Office for Europe 2006). Men between fifteen and fiftyfour years old and women eighteen to thirty-five years old consume comparatively greater amounts of alcohol than their elder counterparts, but the percentage of children reported to have been drunk at age thirteen or below has been increasing (WHO Regional Office for Europe 2006, 1–2). Boys take their first alcoholic drink at 12.5 years, girls at 12.9 years (Tjurjukanova et al. 2003, 11). In addition to vodka, authorities have noted an increase in the use of beer as well as homemade products (WHO Regional Office for Europe 2006, 1). Such usage of course not only has an impact upon youth directly, but also has exacerbated domestic violence incidents, as well as social violence more generally. The WHO reports that ‘‘In the Central Black-Earth Region, 77 percent of offenders of violent crime (toward family members) were drinkers’’ and ‘‘In a survey conducted by the Scientific Research Institute of the Family, 29 percent of people responding to the question ‘Why are children beaten in families with which you are acquainted?’ reported that violence was carried out by drunks and alcoholics’’ (WHO Regional Office for Europe 2006). More generally, as of 2003, 72 percent of all domestic violence cases involving children targeted those under the age of fourteen for a total of 2 million children. Ten percent of those died, and 2,000 were suicide victims (Tjurjukanova et al. 2003, 13). It is further estimated that 3 to 10 million children are witnesses to incidences of domestic violence (Tjurjukanova et al. 2003, 14).
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HEALTH By 2005, the infant mortality ratio for children under the age of five within the Russian Federation decreased from 27 per 1,000 in 1990, to 18 per 1,000, with a 28 percent reduction since 1990. The infant mortality rate for those younger than one year of age similarly decreased from 21 per 1,000 in 1990 to 14 per 1,000 in 2005 (UNICEF 2007). However, fewer than 50 percent of newborns are breastfed until the age of four months, and many suffer from iodine deficiency, as only 35 percent of the population consumes iodized salt (de Rooy 2004). Overall life expectancy rates are lower than they should be, particularly among Russian Federation men (58.8 years), but these rates are due to preventive disease such as cardiovascular illness, poor diet, smoking, alcohol, accidents, violence, and so on, rather than infant mortality per se. In 2005, the percentage of one-year-old children who were immunized against infectious diseases including tuberculosis (97 percent), diphtheria (98 percent), polio (98 percent), measles (99 percent), and hepatitis B (97 percent) was quite high (UNICEF, 2007), in part due to federally targeted programs initiated upon the passage of federal law N. 157–F3, passed in 1998 (CRC 2004, p. 38). Nonetheless, increased incidents of tuberculosis continue to be a significant problem. In 2001, for example, an increase of 27.4 percent of children initially diagnosed with tuberculosis died, in comparison with 1997 instances (CRC 2004, p. 40). UNICEF further reports (2007) that as of 2004, 87 percent of the entire population was using improved sanitation (93 percent of the urban population, 70 percent of the rural population), and 97 percent of the population had access to improved drinking water (100 percent of urban population, 88 percent of rural population). The spread of HIV/AIDS has been labeled as an epidemic within the Russian Federation. Official estimates conclude that the rate of incidence of HIV in 2005 was twice that of 2001 (United Nations Development Programme 2005, 16). According to de Rooy (2004), of the 7,600 children born to HIV-positive mothers, 70 percent were born between 2002 and 2004, with 20,000 abandoned, to be cared for by the state. It is estimated that adult HIV prevalence by the end of 2005 was at 1.1 percent of the population. The majority of those infected with HIV are drug users under the age of thirty, but sexual transmission of HIV has increased as well, from 4.7 percent of reported cases in 2001 to 19.4 percent in 2004 (de Rooy 2004). Traditional risk-taking behavior associated with adolescence, as well as a lack of sex education and preventative education measures in schools and other social institutions, are offered as reasons for the increased prevalence of the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Indeed, in 2005, 22,000 babies were born to HIV-positive mothers (World Organization Against Torture 2005, 11). It should be noted that even infants not infected with HIV born to infected mothers are often segregated from their healthier counterparts in
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hospitals and are treated as if they were a contamination risk (World Organization Against Torture, 12). Both HIV-positive and HIV-negative infants are often abandoned and placed in orphanages and state institutions; their access to schooling and to basic social welfare benefits is restricted (World Organization Against Torture, 11–12). Such discriminatory practice is seen more generally in the treatment of the disabled. First, orphans are often disabled and the institutions in which they reside are lacking in resources and appropriate facilities. Teachers in many of these facilities faced criminal prosecution in 2004 for abusing their residents (World Organization Against Torture 2005, 12), and the CRC has asked that the government review the placement policies within boarding schools with the suggestion of limiting such placements unless they can be justified as being in the best interest of the child (CRC/C 2005, 11). Disabled children are customarily segregated into corrective and auxiliary schools, and the CRC has also suggested that such schools be abolished and regular teachers be trained so as to accommodate disabled children within regular school settings (CRC/C 2005, 11). Social discrimination against the disabled is widespread, as evidenced by the existence of the disabled homeless: those who have no relatives to look after them or are thrown out of their homes (Stephenson 2006, 109). Educational practices have thus mirrored larger social attitudes toward the disabled. Russian authorities remain concerned about preventing risky adolescent behaviors. They claim that the media have been used to model best practices with regard to reproductive health, and that abortion rates have fallen. This being said, it was stated in the CRC report that only 25.2 percent of women of childbearing age used contraception, while about 50 percent of adolescents engaged in sexual activity at an average age of sixteen (CRC 2004, 41). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The Russian Federation, as the international successor to the Soviet Union, is bound to the same international treaties and obligations signed by its predecessor which include most of the standard international instruments defining human rights issues. The Russian Federation itself is a signatory on the Optional Protocol to the CRC on the involvement of children in armed conflict, but it has failed to sign the Optional Protocol on the Rights of the Child on the sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography. It has ratified the UN Standard Minimum Rules for the Administration of Juvenile Justice (the Beijing Rules) as well as the UN Rules for the Protection of Juveniles Deprived of their Liberty and has also adhered to ILO agreements, some of which were signed by the former Soviet Union. Although The Russian Federation is a signatory on the Hague Convention on Cooperation in Respect to Intercountry
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Adoption and is a member of the European Convention on Human Rights, it has taken no action on the other Conventions of the Council of Europe, including those regarding adoption, illegitimate children, child custody, social and medical assistance, and human rights with regard to biology and medicine. International law and treaties that have been ratified hold great weight within the Russian government and legal system. However, the government has yet to review its legislation, particularly in areas concerning torture, violence against children, and juvenile justice, so as to insure conformity to the principles and provisions of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. A frightening report by the General Prosecutor of the Russian Federation to the President of Russia revealed that nearly half of the regions comprising Russia either failed to implement legislation on the rights of the child, or they implemented it in such a way so as to be inconsistent with the principles of the CRC (World Organization Against Torture 2005, 26). The Russian Federation uses a variable or alternative limit to the minimum age of criminal responsibility. The standard age of responsibility for all types of offenses is sixteen years old. However, for particularly egregious offenses, such as premeditated violent assault, rape, violent robbery, kidnapping, and murder, the age of responsibility is lowered to the age of fourteen (Russian Federation 1996, Sec. 2 Ch. 4). A child meeting the guidelines for the minimum age of criminal responsibility, who has been brought into custody for an alleged crime, does have certain rights under Russian law, including the right to legal counsel, the costs of which are to be covered by the government. This principle, provided for in federal law that was passed in 2002, is meant to apply to all children, including ethnic or religious minorities, and those who have been institutionalized for whatever reason (World Organization Against Torture 2005, 27–28). The child must be informed of the reason for the arrest and be questioned within the first twenty-four hours of being held. The prosecutor is obligated to notify the family of the arrestee within twelve hours of the child’s detention (Russian Federation 1996). Currently, there is no physical juvenile justice system functioning in the Russian Federation. However, the Russian legislature has taken steps toward establishing a viable and operational juvenile justice system. In February 15, 2002, the State Duma passed an amendment to the constitution to introduce the notion of a juvenile court into the Russian Constitution (World Organization Against Torture 2005, 28). Regional governments, however, have had more direct success in establishing juvenile justice systems. The oblast in Rostov, for example, was the first region to open such a court in the town of Taganrog (World Organization Against Torture 2005, 28). Nonetheless, regional adoption of juvenile justice systems and legislation is not a common occurrence. In lieu of a formal juvenile justice system, child defendants are forced to participate in the same legal system as adults, although recently specialized
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laws regarding sentencing and procedures have been adopted. One change to the Criminal Procedural Code that was meant to improve options for children in the court system was the adjustment of sentencing guidelines after a pretrial guilty plea. Under the new changes, a child can request to be sentenced immediately, thereby skipping a complex court trial. The judges are obligated to give a sentence no more that two-thirds of the maximum time limit or other highest punishment applicable to the charge (World Organization Against Torture 2005, 29). This measure, however, leads children without proper legal counsel vulnerable to coercion into falsely admitting guilt and receiving a sentence that could be avoided through participating in a court trial. Changes to the Criminal Code have placed a newfound focus on alternative sanctions to incarceration such as the use of fines, banning from a determined activity, the imposition of obligatory tasks (volunteer work and so on) and correctional tasks (be they typically educational or vocational). If a child is sentenced to incarceration, then that period is not to be more than ten years and should be served in a socioeducational institution totally separate from adult penitentiaries (World Organization Against Torture 2005). According to official Russian statistics from 2003, 32,000 minors were sentenced to sanctions that did not involve imprisonment, which according to another report, constitutes about 75 percent of all cases of juveniles who have been tried (Moscow Center for Prison Reform 2003a) for offenses. There are approximately 20,000 minors under pretrial detention, while more than 17,000 have been sentenced to prison terms in more than sixty-four special colonies for juveniles. According to official Russian data, 55 percent of the sentenced juveniles were convicted of theft and 10 percent of robbery, which is punishable by five to six years imprisonment (World Organization Against Torture 2005, 33). Arrest is often used excessively as a means of restraint for pretrial suspects. These children typically spend upwards of six months to three years in detention before their case even reaches a courtroom. The conditions in both categories of incarceration are often atrocious and cruel. Juveniles are overpacked into group cells designed for four to twelve inmates where violence and rape are rampant. The facilities are notoriously understaffed, and prison officials do not allow the children to work, continue their education, or even have access to reading materials aside from being allocated one newspaper per group cell every weekday (Moscow Center for Prison Reform 2003b). Medical service is far from adequate, and the prisons have been called ‘‘hotbeds of epidemics,’’ particularly for tuberculosis and infections such as scabies (Amnesty International 2002). The situation is equally terrible for girls sentenced to prison terms. There are only three prison colonies for girls, and reports of violence, rape, and interprisoner abuse have become increasingly prevalent (World Organization Against Torture 2005, 33).
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Another group of children affected by the prison system is the children of women prisoners. Mothers with children under the age of three live in special detention centers, which exceed their capacity by 150 percent, and in the largest cities, Moscow and St. Petersburg, by 300 percent (World Organization Against Torture 2005, 34). RELIGIOUS LIFE Seventy years of Soviet rule left a strong legacy of agnosticism and indifference toward religion on the part of the population. That said, since the breakup of the Soviet Union, religious organizations have made a strong resurgence. As previously noted, the Russian Orthodox Church is by far the largest of such organizations, with, by some estimates, more than half the population classifying themselves Russian Orthodox Christians. Fourteen percent of the population identify themselves as worshipping Islam, while devotees of Protestant Christianity and Judaism follow, with approximately 2 million and 600,000 to 1 million members, respectively (U.S. State Department 2006b). The right to religious freedom is provided for in the 1991 constitution and is generally respected by the government. Nevertheless, there have been reported cases of the government at the federal, and particularly at local levels, imposing restrictions on and suppressing religious groups. A 1997 federal law, ‘‘On Freedom of Conscience and Associations,’’ added certain provisions that allow government officials to inspect religious organizations and monitor their attendance at public events with advance notice (U.S. State Department 2006b). The new law negatively affects nontraditional religious groups in particular, including Protestant and newer religious movements such as Scientology. A continuing concern is the great deal of dissonance between federal and regional or local laws regarding religious freedom. Religious education within state schools has been promoted as a way of creating greater moral cohesiveness within the society. However, there remains a general reluctance on the part of many teachers to engage in overt religious indoctrination on the one hand, while proponents of the Russian Orthodox Church tend to view any discussion of religious topics that does not adhere to its fundamental pronouncements as unacceptable. The need for curricular reform so as to address ethical issues among the nation’s young is generally acknowledged however (Muckle 2001). The Council of Europe Commission against Racism and Intolerance has noted with regret that the Russian Federation’s ‘‘Programme on Tolerance and the Prevention of Extremism in Russian Society has been abandoned while still in progress,’’ although its objectives for 2005 have yet to be achieved. Still, at the current time, a successor program was being formulated (ECRI ‘‘Third Report on the Russian Federation’’ 2006).
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All this being said, the existence of racism and xenophobia within the Russian Federation is particularly worrisome, as members of the Muslim, Jewish, and Roma communities have been specifically targeted by hate crimes. The Ministry of Interior estimates that 25,000 skinheads reside within the Russian Federation, while outside monitoring agencies put the number at 50,000 (ECRI, ‘‘Third Report on the Russian Federation,’’ 2006). In any event, the number of skinheads within the Russian Federation population is one of the largest of its kind in the world. In one notable incident in 2004 that received heavy publicity, a nine-year-old Tajik girl was stabbed to death in St. Petersburg by a youth gang uttering explicit racist statements (ECRI, ‘‘Third Report on the ‘‘Russian Federation,’’ 2006). It is interesting to note that there tends to be cultural and ideological variance on the part of practicing Muslims in the Russian Federation. Muslim communities in the Volga-Urals region tend to interpret Islam in ways that are less politicized than do communities in the North Caucasus regions (U.S. State Department 2006A). The government has correspondingly labeled some ethnically Muslim rebel and terrorist groups as extremist or Wahabbist threats to national security. In general, religious life in the Russian Federation is unrestricted and has experienced tremendous growth in the last two decades despite abuses at the regional level. This means a broad increase in the impact of religion on children and in particular upon their development and education. While Russian Orthodox Christianity is the de facto national religion, its role as a marker of national identity is significant more in a historical than ideological context. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Reliable data regarding child abuse and neglect is difficult to find in nearly every country because these crimes often occur within families, and most governments fail to provide adequate oversight so as to successfully protect children from their occurrence. In the Russian Federation, according to the Moscow Helsinki Group, nearly 2 million children under the age of fourteen are abused within the home each year (U.S. State Department 2006a). This figure sharply contrasts with the number of parents who are actually investigated for failing to fulfill their responsibilities; in 2002, there were 280,277 such investigations (World Organization Against Torture 2005, 15). The types of abuse fall generally into four categories: physical, psychological, sexual, and emotional. It is common for an abused child to be victimized by more than one type of abuse. For example, being beaten by a parent and then being subjected to psychological abuse in the forms of verbal threats or action will often be experienced concurrently. Physical abuse is the most commonly reported form of abuse with 64 percent of all abuse cases falling under this category (Sudakova and Stoecker 2003).
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Child abuse and neglect are the main reasons why children run away from home and live on the street (see also the discussion on homelessness in the section on Family Life in this chapter). The number of homeless or street children is estimated to be between 2 and 3 million (Sudakova and Stoecker 2003). In Russia, over 80 percent of street children actually still have parents who are alive, and most of them are runaways, escaping domestic violence or family dysfunction. A series of surveys of street children carried out in 2003 indicated that nearly 90 percent of street children experienced violence against them by close relatives or others living in their home, and that their running away was an act of protest (Sudakova and Stoecker 2003, 16). Most street children end up with serious drug addictions, end up in the criminal system, or are otherwise exploited (World Organization Against Torture 2005, 21). Mixed families (households with a biological parent and a stepparent) appear to be the most volatile with regard to abuse incidence. Sexual abuse, in particular, is more common in families with stepparents. For example, only 9 percent of sexual crimes were committed in households of whole or nuclear families, while 68 percent of sexual crimes were committed in families with a stepparent (Sudakova and Stoecker 2003, 13). Alcoholism is another strong factor in child abuse and has played a prominent factor in over 50 percent of abuse cases (Sudakova and Stoecker 2003, 14). It is a risk factor not only because of the increased risk of violence or abuse that accompanies its use, but also for potential neglect of parental responsibilities on a regular basis. The growth of child pornography is a pressing issue within the Russian Federation. Unofficial estimates claim that over 50 percent of all for-pay Internet child pornography sites originate within the Russian Federation, and that tens of thousands of Russian children are involved (Tjurjukanova et al. 2003, 55). These sites are distinctive for their use of cruelty inflicted upon child models, some of whom are as young as six years of age (Tjurjukanova et al. 2003, 56). Child abuse is also prevalent within state institutions such as orphanages, juvenile detention centers, or psychological hospitals. There are approximately 700,000 orphans (many with living parents) in Russian non-penal institutions. This is a startling number, when one compares it with the 678,000 orphans who lived immediately after the devastation of World War II (World Organization Against Torture 2005, 13). It is estimated that around 40,000 of those orphans currently living in institutions are exploited by adult educators or staff every year. Approximately 3,000 of these children attempt to escape from their surroundings each year. The Office of the Attorney-General conducted an investigation in 2004 into the state of national children institutions and found their conditions to be appalling. The investigation resulted in a large number of criminal prosecutions against teachers and staff, who accused of perpetrating acts of violence, humiliation, the stealing of children’s food, and
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other forms of psychological and sexual abuse against the children who lived in the facilities where they worked (World Organization Against Torture 2005, 12). Children were also at risk of being subjected to abuse by federal troops in Chechnya. It was reported that federal troops placed children ages thirteen and up in ‘‘filtration camps,’’ where many were beaten and raped by guards, soldiers, or other inmates. There have also been many cases in Chechnya of children being kidnapped by both federal troops and rebels demanding ransom and as an act of terrorism. (U.S. State Department 2006a). The Russian Criminal Code does include more severe punishments for those who commit crimes against children. Chapter 20 of the Criminal Code, Crimes against The Family Minors, in particular, focuses on heightened sentences for people who involve children in a criminal enterprise or illegally traffic in children (Russian Federation 1996). The Russian legislature has declared its intent to increase its focus upon protecting children from abuse and punishing those who violate their rights. In 2002, they considered a law that would expand a child’s legal rights against all kinds of abuses and in 2003, a federal law was passed that increased the punishments for adults found guilty of psychological and sexual abuse, as well as sexual exploitation (World Organization Against Torture 2005, 14). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The future for children of the Russian Federation in the twenty-first century is uncertain. While there has been increased understanding throughout the government and the population that children are vulnerable and require special protections and attention, the implementation of reforms has been slow. The Russian Federation is a signatory to nearly all the international treaties regarding children, however it has yet to implement such basic reforms such as the creation of a separate juvenile justice system, or increase its educational funding to an acceptable level. The twenty-first century will be one of increased social, political, and economic vulnerability for the Russian population, as the market economy grows and as the country struggles with regional nationalism, terrorism, poverty, crime, human trafficking, and stagnant population growth rates. Those most vulnerable to these problems are children. Within Russian society, the family has traditionally been assigned the role of protecting its children. But because families are finding it increasingly difficult to fulfill the obligations and responsibilities associated with that role, a new social contract between the government and the people must be developed. The government has shown its willingness to reform, but the future of Russian children will remain bleak until the spirit of that reform turns into concrete action.
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RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings American University ‘‘Publication Database’’ Terrorism, Transnational Crime and Corruption Center. http://www.american.edu/traccc/resources/publica tions.html. This extensive database includes articles regarding crime, human rights abuses, and corruption, the majority of which are focused on the Russian Federation and other Former Soviet Union states. Creuziger, Clementine G. K. 1996. Childhood in Russia: Representation and Reality. Lanham, MD: University Press of America. This book provides an in-depth look at what it means to be a child in the Russian Federation. The author uses extensive interviews to portray childhood in the context of the family, education, and play. Curtis, Glenn E. 1998. Russia: A Country Study. Area Handbook Series. Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress. The handbook is an excellent overview of cultural, historical and political issues in the Russian Federation. Ovcharova, L. N., and D. O. Popova. 2005. ‘‘Child Poverty in Russia: Alarming Trends and Policy Options.’’ Moscow: UNICEF. The authors meticulously track rates of child poverty in the Russian Federation and comprehensively discuss the reasons for its existence. Stephenson, Svetlana. 2006. Crossing the Line: Vagrancy, Homelessness and Social Displacement in Russia. London: Ashgate. Although this book does not deal specifically with children, its author comprehensively discusses general issues of social exclusion and their effects upon families. Stephenson, Svetlana. 2002. Child Labor in the Russian Federation: Working Paper. Geneva: International Labor Organization. http://www.ilo.org/dyn/declaris/ DECLARATIONWEB.DOWNLOAD_BLOB?Var_DocumentID¼1620. Accessed February 21, 2007. A comprehensive examination of child labor and related issues. Tjurjukanova, Elena, Maja Rusakova, and Viktoria Sakina. 2003. Analysis of the Situation and Institutions in the Field of Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children (CSEC) and Counter-CSEC Activities in Russia: Final Report. 2003. http://www.ecpatnet/eng/Ecpat_inter/projects/monitoring. Accessed February 21, 2007. An extremely important report on the scope and nature of trafficking. World Organization Against Torture. 2005. Rights of the Child in the Russian Federation, September 2005. Geneva, Switzerland. www.omct.org This publication provides an in-depth examination of the vulnerabilities and rights of children in the Russian Federation. It has particularly strong sections on child abuse and children in the Russian legal system.
Web Sites Amnesty International, http://www.amnesty.org/. The Constitution of the Russian Federation, http://www.constitution.ru/en/ 10003000-01.htm. Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, http://www.russian-criminal-code.com/.
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Human Rights Watch, http://www.hrw.org. International Labor Organization, http://www.ilo.org/. Pravda Online-English version of Russia’s largest newspaper, http://english.pravda.ru/. President of Russia’s English Webpage, http://www.kremlin.ru.eng. UNICEF, http://www.unicef.org/. UNICEF in Russia, http://www.unicef.org/russia/. World Bank, http://www.worldbank.org/.
Organizations and NGOs Amnesty International–Russian Office Moscow G-19, A/Ya 212 Russia 119019 Russian Federation Web site: http://www.amnesty.org Human Rights Watch Web site: http://www.hrw.org Contact info for HRW’s ten regional offices can be found on their Web site. Freedom House 1301 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Floor 6 Washington, DC 20036 Web site: http://www.freedomhouse.org/ Contact info for the various other offices can be found on their Web site. UNICEF–Russia 4/17 Pokrovsky blvd., building 1, office 19/20 101000 Moscow, Russian Federation Web site: http://www.unicef.org/russia World Bank Group–Russian Federation World Bank Russian Country Office The World Bank (IBRD) Bolshaya Molchanovka 36–1 121069 Moscow, Russian Federation Web site: http://www.worldbank.org.
Selected Bibliography Amnesty International. 2003. ‘‘Right to a future–Respect today.’’ http://www. amnesty.org/russia/disability-feature3-eng.html. Accessed February 20, 2007.
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Amnesty International. ‘‘Russian Federation.’’ 2002. http://web.amnesty.org/web/ ar2002.nsf/eur/russianþfederation!Open. Accessed February 1, 2007. Amnesty International. 2006. ‘‘Russian Federation: President Vladimir Putin must deliver on and enabling environment for civil society in Russia.’’ July 5. http:// news.amnesty.org/index/ENGEUR460312006. Accessed January 25, 2007. Committee on the Rights of the Child. 2004. ‘‘Consideration of Reports Submitted by States Parties Under Article 44 of the Convention. Third Periodic Report. Russian Federation.’’ Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights: November 15. http://www.ohchr.org/english/bodies/crc/ crcs40.htm. Accessed February 21, 2007. Committee on the Rights of the Child 40th session. 2005. ‘‘Consideration of Reports Submitted by States Parties Under Article 44 of the Convention: Concluding Observations. Russian Federation.’’ Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights: November 23. http://www. ohchr.org/english/bodies/crc/crcs40.htm. Accessed February 21, 2007. Creuziger, Clementine G. K. 1996. Childhood in Russia: Representation and Reality. Lanham, MD: University Press of America. Curtis, Glenn E. 1998. Russia: A Country Study. Area Handbook Series. Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress. De Rooy, Carel. 2004. ‘‘Children in the Russian Federation: Briefing.’’ New York: UNICEF. November. http://www.unicef.org/media/files/Background RussFedNov.pdf. Euromonitor International. 2006. Toys and Games in Russia. http://www.euromo nitor.com/Toys_and_Games_in_Russia. Accessed January 29, 2007. European Commission Against Racism and Intolerance. 2006. ‘‘Third Report on the Russian Federation. May. http://www.coe.int/t/e/human_rights/ecri/1%2 Decri/2%2Dcountry%2Dby%2Dcountry_approach/russian_federation/Russian %20Federation%20third%20report%20-%20cri06-21.pdf. Accessed February, 27, 2007. Kuzminov, Yaroslav, and the State University Higher School of Economics. 2004. ‘‘Challenges and Opportunities of Education Reforms: The Case of Russia.’’ Paper delivered at the Institutional Management in Higher Education 2004 conference titled, ‘‘Choices and Responsibilities: Higher Education in the Knowledge Society, Paris, September 13–15. http://www.hse.ru/eng/ IMHE_report_eng.pdf. Accessed on February 23, 2007. Lapidus, Gail. 1980. Women in Soviet Society: Equality, Development and Social Change. Berkeley: University of California Press. Lushkin, Michael, Kathleen Mullan Harris, and Barry Popkin. 2000. Single Mothers in Russia: Household Strategies for Coping with Poverty. World Bank. http://www.wbin018.worldbank.org. Accessed February 21, 2006. Moscow Center for Prison Reform. 2003a. Latest Prison Statistics. http://prison. org/english/ps_data03.htm. Accessed February 1, 2007. Moscow Center for Prison Reform. 2003b. Juvenile SIZO Prisoners. http://prison. org/english/rpovcj.htm. Accessed February 1, 2007. Muckle, James. 2001. ‘‘The Struggle for the Souls of Young People: Competing Approaches to ‘Spiritual’ and Religious Education in Russia Today.’’ In Education and Civic Culture in Post-Communist Societies. Stephen Webber and Ikka Liikanen, eds. London: Palgrave, pp. 168–83. Ovcharova, L. N. and D. O. Popova. 2005. Child Poverty in Russia: Alarming Trends and Policy Options. Moscow: UNICEF. Moscow.
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Rodgers, Gerry, Charles Gore, and Jose B. Figueiredo. 1995. Social Exclusion: Rhetoric Reality Responses. Geneva: International Institute for Labour Studies and United Nations Development Programme. Russian Federation. Federal State Statistics Service. http://www.gks.ru/wps/portal/ English. Accessed July 20, 2007. Russian Federation. The Constitution of the Russian Federation. December 12, 1993. http://www.constitution.ru/en/10003000-01.htm. Accessed January 31, 2007. Russian Federation. The Criminal Code of the Russian Federation. June 13, 1996. http://www.russian-criminal-code.com/. Accessed January 31, 2007. Sobkin, V. S., D. V. Abrosimova, D. V. Adamchuk, and E. V. Baranova. 2006. ‘‘Age and Gender Characteristics of Adolescents’ Attitudes towards Sports.’’ Russian Education and Society 48(3): 60–77 Stepaniants, Mikhail. 2006. A Megalopolis of Athletes and Fans. International Affairs: A Russian Journal of World Politics, Diplomacy & International Relations 52(6): 49–52 Stephenson, Svetlana. 2006. Crossing the Line: Vagrancy, Homelessness and Social Displacement in Russia. London: Ashgate. Stephenson, Svetlana. 2002. Child Labor in the Russian Federation: Working Paper. Geneva: International Labor Organization. http://www.ilo.org/dyn/ declaris/DECLARATIONWEB.DOWNLOAD_BLOB?Var_DocumentID¼1620. Accessed on February 21, 2007. Sudakova, Tatyana, and Sally Stoecker. 2003. ‘‘Domestic Violence as a Factor Contributing to Child Homelessness in Russia’’ American University’s Terrorism, Transnational Crime and Corruption Center Resource Database. http:// www.american.edu/traccc/resources/publications/stoeck03.pdf. Accessed February 7, 2007. Tjurjukanova, Elena, Maja Rusakova, and Viktoria Sakina. 2003. Analysis of the Situation and Institutions in the Field of Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children (CSEC) and Counter-CSEC Activities in Russia: Final Report. http://www. ecpatnet/eng/Ecpat_inter/projects/monitoring. Accessed February 21, 2007. UNAIDS (Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS). Russian Federation, http://www.unaids.org/en/Regions_Countries/russian_federation.asp. Accessed July 20, 2007. UNICEF. 2006. State of the World’s Children: 2007. New York: UNICEF. http://www.unicef.org. Accessed February 21, 2007. UNICEF. 2007. Russian Federation. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ russia.html. Accessed on February 21, 2007. United Nations Development Programme. National Human Development Report. 2005. Russian Federation–Russia in 2015, Development Goals and Policy Priorities. New York: United Nations Development Program, 2005. http://www.undp.ru/index.phtml?iso¼RU&lid¼1&cmd¼publications1&id¼48. Accessed February 23, 2007. United Nations Development Programme. 2007. National Human Development Report. Russia’s Regional Goals and Achievements. New York. United Nations Development Program, 2007. http://www.undp.ru/?iso¼RU. Accessed July 20, 2007. U.S. State Department. March 8, 2006a. Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. Russia: Country Reports of Human Rights Practices-2005. http:// www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2005/61671.htm. Accessed January 15, 2007.
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U.S. State Department. September 15, 2006b. Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. Russia: International Religious Freedom Report-2006. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2006/71403.htm (accessed January 15, 2007) U.S. State Department. November 9, 2005. Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. ‘‘Russia: International Religious Freedom Report-2005’’ http:// www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2005/51576.htm. Accessed January 15, 2007. Webber, Steven and Ilkka, Liikanen. eds. 2001. Education and Civic Culture in Postcommunist Counries. London: Palgrave. The World Bank. Russian Federation: Country Brief 2006. http://web.worldbank. org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/ECAEXT/RUSSIANFEDERA TIONEXTN/0,,menuPK:305605pagePK:141159piPK:141110theSite PK:305600,00.html. Accessed January 25, 2007. The World Bank Group. Quick Query: Europe and Central Asia, Selected World Development Indicators. http://ddp-ext.worldbank.org/ext/DDPQQ/member. do?method¼getMembers&userid¼1&queryId¼35 (accessed January 21, 2007). The World Bank Group. Russian Federation at a glance. http://devdata.worldbank. org/AAG/rus_aag.pdf. Accessed January 21, 2007. World Chess Federation. 2007. Country Top Players List. http://www.fide.com/ ratings/topfed.phtml. Accessed January 29, 2007. World Health Organization Regional Office for Europe. 2006. ‘‘Interpersonal Violence and Alcohol in the Russian Federation: Policy Briefing.’’ http:// www.eruo.who.int/violenceinjury. Accessed February 21, 2006. World Health Organization Statistical Information System. Russian Federation. http://www.who.int/countries/rus/en. Accessed July 20, 2007. World Organization Against Torture. 2005. ‘‘Rights of the Child in the Russian Federation’’ September. Geneva, Switzerland. http://www.omct.org.
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SLOVENIA Andreja Crnak Megli c and Ru z ica Bos ki c NATIONAL PROFILE Slovenia is one of Europe’s youngest states. It established itself as an independent state in 1991. As a young state and a member of the European Union, Slovenia has come a long way in the last decade. Although some changes from the centrally planned system to a contemporary market economy started before disintegration of the former Yugoslavia, the real process of transition in Slovenia began with independence. Today, Slovenia is a full member of the European Union (EU) and is one of its most developed new members. Slovenian gross national product (GNP) is about 75 percent of the average of the EU, and its gross domestic product (GDP) per capita is 14,085 ¼ C. Slovenia is a social welfare state, that is to say, that the state guarantees the right to social security for its citizens within a social insurance system. The rights from social insurance entitle the beneficiaries and their family members to payments to cover loss of income in case of sickness, accident, old age, death, disability, and unemployment. All employed and
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self-employed people and farmers are included in the existing insurance schemes. The state provides different types of social assistance in order to secure a minimal level of social security to citizens that cannot provide it for themselves. In addition to social transfers (payments) and social aid, the state also provides various services as part of national programs in fields such as health care, preschool care, education, culture, sport, and social care. Slovenian total expenditure on social protection in 2003 was 24.8 percent GDP while EU member states in 2002 on average earmarked 28 percent of GDP for social protection. The data on social development from 2002 show that the Gini coefficient in Slovenia was 22, the unemployment rate was 6.1 percent, and the poverty rate was 11.9 percent, which indicates that Slovenia had had a successful social policy, especially taking into account the rather low rate of expenditure on ‘‘other social expenditure,’’ which includes disability, survivors, family/children, unemployment expenditure, and expenditure for other forms of social exclusion. In 2001, social exclusion expenditure in Slovenia amounted to 6.2 percent of GDP. The poverty rate for families with children in 2002 was 10 percent. Well-targeted social benefits have had a significant impact on reducing poverty. Without social benefits, the poverty rate for households with children would have been ten percentage points higher. At the end of December 2005, Slovenia had a population of 2 million, with an average of 98 inhabitants per square kilometer, among them 2.3 percent foreigners. Almost 90 percent of foreigners are the citizens of the states that constituted the territory of ex-Yugoslavia. The demographic development of the Slovenian population is basically similar to that in developed European countries. Characteristic of this development are prolonging of life, decline of fertility, and positive net migration. The total fertility rate in 1980 was still 2.1, ten years later 1.46, and in 1999 it was only 1.21. Since then, it has stagnated. In Slovenia, fertility declined so much that the natural growth since 1993 has been negative. The number of deceased has been higher than the number of live births. However, population is increasing due to positive net migration. The number of children KEY FACTS – SLOVENIA and youth aged zero to eighteen Population: 2,009,245 (July 2007 est.) years in Slovenia has been Infant mortality rate: 4.35 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) declining for almost twenty-five Life expectancy at birth: 76.53 years (2007 est.) years. Today, they represent Literacy rate: 99.7 percent Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 98 percent 19.5 percent of the population. (2000–2005) Declining number of children Internet users: 1.09 million (2005) and youth is a consequence of People living with HIV/AIDS: 280 (2001 est.) declining number of births. The Sources: Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia; UNICEF. At a number of live born children Glance: Slovenia–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ is now between 17,000 and infobycountry/slovenia_statistics.html. April 24, 2007. 18,000.
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OVERVIEW The Convention on the Rights of the Child binds the signatory states to giving priority to children as much as possible. The position of children in Slovenia today proves that there has been a social consensus in Slovenia to devote special attention and support to this population. In 2002, children and young people were allocated 3.6 percent of GDP within different social transfers. When taking into account also the state and municipality expenditure on services intended to help children and young people (for example, child care and education) and tax savings due to tax relief for this population, 7.2 percent of GDP was allocated for children and young people in 2002. Children living in poor families represent a particularly vulnerable group. Social benefits in households with children had considerable influence on reducing poverty as their proportion in the total income of these households increased considerably. But attention should be paid to the problem of ‘‘poverty traps.’’ It can happen that persons and families above the poverty level are in a less favorable position than those who are perceived as poor by the society. Future policymaking on poverty and social exclusion must, therefore, find solutions that will eliminate this problem. The accessibility and quality of health care for children are key factors of children’s quality of life. Primary health care for children and young people is provided by specialists, pediatricians, and school doctors as a priority. The primary health care network is very accessible to its users in terms of location. Staff provision at the primary level for children, pupils, and students with pediatricians and school doctors improved significantly. In 2002, it finally reached the standard required for these two forms of care on the preventive and curative level. Good results have been achieved; low infant mortality rate (4.35 deaths per 1,000 live births), high vaccination coverage of pupils and students (97 percent vaccination coverage by the immunization program), and in most places a high percentage of systematically examined children and young people, quick specialist surgery and hospital treatment, with a clinic-based approach and doctors professionally qualified to work with young people. However, although the provision of doctors is good, in certain regions there are shortages, in some areas even critical, with preventive programs on the edge of feasibility. The crucial problem is the shortage of pediatricians and school doctors. The right to education is not only one of the fundamental rights of the child, but is also important because knowledge has become one of the most dynamic elements in modern society and a factor which significantly determines the individual and their life opportunities. Slovenia is allocating 6 percent of GDP for education. All children and youth at the primary, secondary, and tertiary levels of education in Slovenia are entitled to free full-time education. Slovenia has developed a wide and accessible
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network of primary schools with affiliated schools in the past and providing maximum accessibility near to children’s homes. Nowadays the school network is under a lot of pressure as its size is reduced due to demographic trends, which opens one of the crucial dilemmas in this sphere: how to maximize accessibility under the pressure of costs in the future. Slovenia enables almost all children to continue schooling in secondary education (98 percent) after finishing compulsory elementary school. One of the key problems of education at this level is dropout. The data shows that in recent years this has varied, but due to different measures implemented in the reorganization of this type of education, it started to fall. Today, it presents from 6 and 10 percent and is highest in vocational and technical schools. Eliminating dropout remains one of the key objectives in education, as the most serious consequences of dropout can harm the educational structure of the population. EDUCATION Education has always been one of the key priorities of the Slovenian social development (Sebart, Gaber, and Plusko 2006). Over the last decade, Slovenia has significantly increased its investment in education and with education expenditure at 6 percent of GDP, even exceeds the average level for OECD countries. All children and youth in Slovenia are entitled to free full-time education on all levels: primary, secondary, and tertiary. Pupils and students are also entitled to numerous social transfers like scholarships, subsidies for transport, school meals, and student housing, which improves access to education in all social categories. A total of 99 percent of children attend public schools. But every year more private schools are established. Compulsory education is carried out in elementary schools and includes children from six years of age and older. The previously existing eight-year elementary school was prolonged to a nine-year elementary school in the year 2003–2004. Slovenia has developed a wide and accessible network of primary schools with affiliated schools in the past and providing maximum accessibility near to children’s homes. Slovenia enables almost all children to continue schooling in secondary education (98 percent) after finishing compulsory elementary school. Secondary education in Slovenia is characterized by two features: four-year program general upper secondary schools (37 percent) and secondary technical, and in particular, secondary vocational schools (32 percent). The latter face a growing problem of insufficient enrollment. Despite the program reforms that have been carried out over the past eight years, the secondary vocational and technical education system is slowly struggling to transform into a modern education system providing programs for modern professions (especially in computer science, communications, finance, insurance, and other personal services).
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The result of progress in secondary education shows that almost 90 percent of young people today aged twenty-two have completed secondary education, placing Slovenia among the best in Europe. Educational Achievement and Equal Opportunities One of the biggest problems in providing equal opportunities for all is the enrollment of Roma children, who represent approximately 1.4 percent of all children from fourteen years old and younger. Many Roma are not receiving the formal public schooling that they should. The main problem is the lack of knowledge of the Slovenian language. The Slovenian elementary schools put a lot of effort into including Roma children in their scope of work. Nonetheless, the dropout rate of Roma children in the elementary school is high, especially in the higher classes. Very few are continuing their education in secondary schools. Since the year 1996, children with special needs are included in the regular educational system. Education and training for children and adolescents with special needs are covered in a special law that offers the opportunity to extend the period of education and training beyond formal compulsory schooling (until the age of twenty-one). Today, only 2.6 percent of these children attend adapted programs of education and training. But at the secondary education level, only a few specialized institutions provide adapted program of vocational education for these children. Dropouts One of the key problems in education is the question of underachievement or dropout. According to data from the Ministry of Education and Sport, the proportion of unsuccessful pupils is decreasing. In fact, the proportion of unsuccessfully performing children in elementary schools was 22 percent during the 1970s; falling to 11 percent during the 1980s, while over the last decade the proportion has fallen to 5 percent. The share of underachieving secondary school students or students who drop out of school in Slovenia is lower than in other EU member states. The percentage of students who do not achieve the qualifications required to enter the labor market ranges between 6 percent and 10 percent. PLAY AND RECREATION Research shows that Slovenian children spend the most time with their friends. Spending time with friends is followed by watching television, different educational activities (languages, playing musical instruments, and so on), going to the cinema, playing games on computers, and communicating on the Internet. Also, one of the most common
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activities is participating in sports. Sport activities decrease with age, which can also be the consequence of the fact that in most elementary schools there is a wide range of sport and other activities organized, whereas in the secondary schools, the range of offered activities is much narrower. Thus, those children and youth have to find activities outside schools. One of the significant trends is that the leisure time of children is becoming more and more structured. Educational activities are becoming more and more important as investing in one’s future is seen as increasingly important for future careers and quality of life. On the other hand, as the increasing number of educational activities is becoming payable these days, this is and will become a more and more important factor of separation between those who have, and those who do not have, financial resources or resource in knowledge. One of the most important factors of socializing is meeting places. Besides the places where activities are organized for children, they gather mostly on playgrounds and on the streets around houses and housing block entrances. Those in the secondary schools also gather in bars. Public playgrounds are generally not in very good condition. One of the main problems of access to spaces for children is that they are with very few exceptions planned by adults and are therefore not child friendly, especially for children with disabilities. This is probably a more problematic issue than the absence of spaces for children. Government Sponsorship of Organizations or Facilities Local and national governments sponsor different organizations in organizing activities for children and youth, mostly through public tenders. The Ministry of Education and Sports also sponsor the facilities in schools and different organizations. The Ministry of Labor, Family and Social Affairs sponsors mostly activities and supportive services for children and youth who are, for different reasons, in disadvantaged positions. Foundation for Sport sponsors sports activities as well as construction of sports facilities. Also, there is The Slovenian Office for Youth, which sponsors various activities in the youth organizations. Toys One of the basic activities of children is playing, and toys are the basic objects of play. Within the Ministry of Education and Sport there is a Board for Assessing the Toys that consists of professionals from different fields, which grants the title ‘‘Safe Toy’’ to those toys that suit all the different standards. After the accession to the European Union, CE marking is used in accordance with the European Directive on the Safety on Toys.
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Various Forms of Media Public media are an indispensable factor of everyday living of Slovenian children. Research shows that they watch television a lot. Often, they watch commercial channels as they offer more programs for children, mainly cartoons and serials and fewer educational programs. Within the two national television programs, 8.5 percent of total transmission in 2003 was children and youth programming. Almost all children have television at home, one-fourth in their own rooms. In Slovenia, there are three national radio programs. In 2003, they transmitted 1.1 percent of total transmission for children and youth. Almost all elementary and secondary schools have access to the Internet. On average, there were 10.6 personal computers per 100 pupils in elementary schools, and 9.7 in secondary schools in 2004 (Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia 2005). Almost half of the children have computers at home. The number is increasing with age. Access to the Internet is a bit lower, which depends mostly on parental education level and their economic status. Mobile phones are becoming an important means of communication for children, as approximately 82 percent of elementary and secondary school pupils have their own mobile phone, which they use for chat and to agree upon dates, and so on. CHILD LABOR Young workers are defined in Employment Relationships Act as those who already are older than fifteen and are not yet eighteen years old. They are an especially protected category in terms of prohibition of carrying out potentially dangerous works, regulation of working time, breaks and rest, prohibition of carrying out night work, and prolonged annual leave. In terms of wages, there is no special regulation for young workers and the general regulation on minimum wages applies. The same law also defines circumstances and conditions under which the work of children below the age of fifteen, apprentices, pupils, and students, is allowed. Employment of children below the age of fifteen is prohibited, although children who are older than thirteen can perform certain forms of light work of short duration after acquiring special permission from the inspector of work. Practical training and apprenticeship at the place of the employer is allowed for apprentices and pupils older than fourteen years old. Remuneration of work of apprentices, pupils, and students in training is regulated. The activity rate in the population of young people (aged fifteen to nineteen) has been steady for several years and is at the moment 14.5 percent. This is due to the fact that majority of the population of this age is involved in the education process.
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FAMILY Slovenia has a highly developed family policy and has developed many benefits and services for children and families with children. When evaluating transfers to families with children in Slovenia, the following should be taken into account: (financial) social assistance, family benefits, parental benefits and payment of contributions in case of part time employment due to parenthood, service subsidies, expenses for education of children and youth, and healthcare for children and youth, including sickness benefit for caring for a sick child. Taken altogether, direct and indirect income of families with children based on transfers as defined in the legislation, expenditure on the young from the state and municipal budgets, and tax savings show that 7.2 percent of GDP is spent on the young generation (Stropnik 2006). The Changing Family Like other European countries, Slovenia is facing significant changes in family structure. Still, the most numerous are married couples with children. The number and proportion of this type of family is decreasing. At the time of the 2002 census, they represented 53 percent of all families. A total of 16.1 percent of families in 2002 consisted of single mothers with children. The share of families of unmarried couples with children, young couples who have no desire to formally marry, is 5 percent of all families. In Slovenia, the role of marriage began to change in the middle of the 1970s. The frequency of marriages started to decrease; the average age at marriage began to increase. In 2004, the average age of brides rose from 22.5 to 27.8 years (Sircelj 2006). A certain number of families are not formed with a marriage or by starting to live in the same household, but with the birth of a child. The proportion can only be estimated. According to the data of the Institute of Public Health of the Republic of Slovenia, one-fifth of newborn children are born to single mothers (don’t live with a partner, not married, divorced, or separated). The children born out of wedlock have the same rights as those born in wedlock. Frequency of divorces in Slovenia began to increase at the beginning of the 1980s. Almost one-fourth of all marriages end with a divorce. In spite of this, Slovenia is among the lower half of European countries for divorce rates. Most couples have economically dependent children at the time of divorce. For many years, approximately 2,000 economically dependent children faced the divorce of the parents; after the year 2000 their number has increased. Children of divorced parents were, in the past, almost always assigned to the mother (85–90 percent), but lately more and more are assigned to both parents. However, in 2003, only 5 percent of children were assigned to both parents. The Law on Marriage and Family Relations (LMFR) resolves the issue of maintenance fees satisfactorily, but in reality, the parties who should receive the money are often unable to exact the money from the partner
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who is under obligation to pay. In 1997, the state established the public Guarantee and Maintenance Fund where children (or their representatives) can assert maintenance compensation. The number of compensation cases increases every year. In the last four years, it increased by 43 percent. Looked-after Children According to the LMFR, the state guarantees legal protection to children without parents and those children whose parents are unable to take care for them (Korva Kuzmanic 2006). .
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Foster care: Fostering is a special form of social protection of children in need of care and education with people other than parents. The number of children in foster care has not changed significantly for some years (around 1,300 per a year). A specific program is prepared for each foster child; the foster family participates in systematic training for work with children. Adoptions: There are around thirty adoptions of children a year. Slovenian legislation recognizes full adoption, in which an adoptive parent acquires full, legal position equal to that of the natural parent. Guardianship: It is a special measure of the state for protecting children who are left without parents or whose parents are not (for example, due to illness) capable of taking care of the child. The guardian’s status is voluntary, and most often the guardians care for their wards with their own funds. There are around 400 foster children per a year. Guardianship of children is in most cases regulated within the child’s social network (with relatives).
Childcare Preschool education in Slovenia is a constituent part of the education system. The network of preschool institutions, public and private, is well developed and widely accessible to parents and children. Despite the fact that the proportion of children enrolled in preschool institutions has been increasing slightly over the last ten years (from 52.3 percent in 1993–1994, to 60.6 percent in the 2003–2004 academic year), the proportion is still not comparable with the proportion in European countries with highly developed preschool education, especially in case of three-year-olds and six-year-olds. It is nevertheless obvious that the child-to-staff-member ratio is constantly improving. HEALTH Infant and Child Mortality In terms of infant mortality, Slovenia ranks among the most developed European countries (Brcar 2006). During the last sixteen years, the rate
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of infant mortality in Slovenia decreased significantly. In 1987, there were 11.2 infant deaths per 1,000 live-born infants, whereas in 2002 the number dropped to 3.8. The mortality rate in children between one and four years decreased considerably during the last sixteen years in terms of diseases, but the mortality rate in children between five and nineteen did not change significantly. Injuries and poisonings, which include traffic accidents and suicides, are the main reasons for mortality among young people in Slovenia. In the age group from one to nineteen (173 deaths a year), injuries and poisonings were the cause of death in 60.6 percent of the cases. A little more than half occurred in traffic. Access to Good Health Care In Slovenia, children and adolescents have the statutory right to a personal physician who is a specialist in pediatrics or a specialist in school medicine until they turn nineteen, which is unique in the European Union. Similarly, personal dentists must be qualified for dental care for children and adolescents. Girls also have the statutory right to a personal gynecologist. Children and adolescents have the right to compulsory health insurance as family members of an insured person. The right applies until the end of their regular education period. Children and adolescents are also entitled to preventive health care, such as check-ups and vaccination, prescribed by the national preventive program; treatment, rehabilitation, and emergency medical aid including ambulance transport; treatment related to occupational diseases and injuries; home nursing; nursing in health care institutions; family planning assistance for girls; contraception and pregnancy; and medicinal products from the positive and intermediate lists. One of the parents or guardian has the right to a maximum fourteen days of paid absence from work (sick leave) to nurse a sick child or adolescent. For children under the age of seven, the maximum paid absence is thirty days. Specialist outpatient health care at the secondary and tertiary levels is only available with a referral signed by the personal physician of the child or adolescent. This type of care is organized according to local specialties. In the majority of cases, specialist outpatient health care operates within hospitals and clinics (general, specialist, university), which ensures easy local access and familiarity for the public. Hospital health care for children and adolescents is organized in all general and maternity hospitals in Slovenia. Until just a couple years ago, only children fifteen years and younger were admitted to the children’s departments in hospitals. Unless all the places are taken, today the hospitals admit patients up to nineteen years of age, or even older in case of serious chronic diseases or mental handicap.
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The crucial problem of the health care system in Slovenia today is the shortage of pediatricians and school doctors. Thus, one of the key tasks in this sphere will be providing specialization to a sufficient number of new doctors and better provision with pediatricians, especially in deficit areas. Immunization The vaccination rate in Slovenia has been rather high for a number of years. In 2002, basic vaccination reached 93.1 percent and revaccination against whooping cough (pertussis), diphtheria, tetanus, and polio in preschool children reached 87.3 percent; furthermore, 93 percent of preschool children received basic vaccination and revaccination against hepatitis B. Ninety-three percent of preschool children were also vaccinated against measles, mumps, and rubella. The level of revaccination for school children and adolescents reached an average of 97 percent. According to vaccination indicators monitored by the World Health Organization (WHO), Slovenia ranks with other European countries with good vaccination rates. Smoking and Alcohol Consumption Alcohol is the most frequently used drug in Slovenia. The high level of alcohol consumption among young people is closely connected with the positive attitude of the society towards alcohol. According to the International ESPAD survey (1995, 1999, 2003), children first tried alcohol at eleven years or earlier. The proportion of fifteen-year-old children who drink alcohol is increasing; as many as 9 percent of children got drunk (inebriated) on a regular basis. With regard to smoking, there has been an obvious increase in the proportion of regular tobacco smokers, from 16.4 percent to 27 percent. The rate of abstainers from tobacco in this age group was 33 percent. Young people in Slovenia come in contact with drugs at an alarmingly early age. A total of 25.4 percent of fifteen-year-old girls and 31 percent of fifteen-year-old boys from the survey admitted smoking cannabis. Diet and Exercise The general understanding of the principles of healthy nutrition presents a problem in Slovenia. On average, the intake of fruit and vegetables, complex carbohydrates, and fiber is relatively poor. Meals contain too much fat, especially saturated fat, sweets, and sweetened drinks. The food is highly caloric and sometimes split into only two meals per day. Regular health checkups during the education period did not reveal any significant problems in terms of excess body weight in young people. However, it should be pointed out that between 1987 and 2002, the proportion of malnourished students (both overfed and obese, and
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underfed in terms of age and gender) increased by several percent and represented approximately 12 percent of all students examined in 2002. Mental Health The number of suicides and the even higher number of suicide attempts (estimate) among young people is alarming. This extremely serious problem cannot and must not be ignored. In addition, the high level of clinical depression among secondary school students (20.5 percent of boys and 41.5 of percent girls) also calls for immediate action. Suicides follow with 21.9 percent of all deaths (with the boys–girls ratio 4:1). An average of twenty suicides per year and an estimated number of suicide attempts several times higher among young children and adolescents aged nine to nineteen is a very serious problem in Slovenia. Slovenia’s youth suicide rates are among the highest in the European Union with 1.3 suicides per 100,000 children between zero and fourteen years. Teenage Pregnancy and Sex Education in Schools The number of pregnancies and abortions among girls aged fifteen to nineteen years has fallen by half over the last decade (in 2002, there were 5.9 childbirths and 9.1 abortions per 1,000 girls). Childbirths and abortions remain constant among girls under fifteen; on average there is one child birth and two abortions per 10,000 girls. Sexual behavior of young people is often risky. The younger among them are more at risk and have less knowledge. The average age at the first sexual experience was 14.4 among girls and 14.3 among boys. Just over one half of fifteen-year-olds used contraceptives during their latest sexual intercourse. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The highest and most fundamental document relating to the legal position of children in Slovenia is the Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia (Filipcic 2006; Antoncic 2006). In Article 8, it stipulates that ratified and proclaimed international treaties apply immediately, which means that the Convention on the Rights of the Child applies directly, without the need for it to be accepted first into the internal law of the Republic of Slovenia. Also, after independence, Slovenia endorsed accession to the UN and IAEA conventions with a special act. Apart from the special protection of the family and the rights and obligations of parents, the constitution also guarantees children the special protection and care and human rights and fundamental freedoms consistent with their age and maturity. Children are also guaranteed special protection from economic, social, physical, mental, and other exploitation and abuse. Young
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people who have no parents or who are without proper family care, enjoy special protection from the state. The legal position of the child is elaborated more precisely by the LMFR, Law on Social Care (LSC) and within some other legislation concerning different sectors. Law on Health Service (LHS) stipulates that a child older than fifteen years can exercise his/her rights; until that age, these rights are exercised by the parents or guardians. This statutory arrangement is important as, after all, a decision on medical operation and further treatment is of such importance that the child’s opinion must be taken into account. Age of majority in Slovenia is eighteen. At this age, a person is formally allowed to vote and to make all the decisions about his/her life on his/ her own. Sentencing for Juveniles Juvenile perpetrators of criminal offenses are, according to Slovene legislation, persons, who had reached the age of fourteen years but not yet eighteen years at the time of committing a criminal offense and against whom criminal proceedings through the public prosecutor or through the senate have been concluded. Action taken may include: (a) charge was rejected, (b) committal proceedings have been terminated, or (c) a proposal for a penal sentence or an educational measure has been filed. Juvenile perpetrators are divided into younger juveniles (aged fourteen or fifteen at the time of committing the offence), and older juveniles (aged sixteen or seventeen at the time of committing the offence). In most cases, an educational measure has been imposed, that is, reprimand, directives and prohibitions, supervision by social assistance authority (in most cases), being sent to a correction center, being sent to reform center, being sent to an education center. Rarely, a juvenile is sent to prison or is fined. Most frequently, the criminal offenses committed by juveniles are those against property, followed in a much lower number by offenses against life and body and human health (Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia 2005). Peer Violence Systematic research into youth violence in Slovenia started in the middle of the 1990s, when youth violence began to be perceived as a violence of wider dimension occurring in the elementary and secondary schools. In 2003, the Commission for analysis of the problem of violence in Slovenian education was established by Ministry of Education, Science and Sport. National Education Institute data from 1995 shows that 12 percent of children in elementary schools act as bullies. According to research carried out by the Faculty of Social Sciences from 2002, 68
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percent of elementary school pupils had had unpleasant experiences, while 30 percent had never had such experiences. In secondary schools, 56 percent of pupils were repeatedly exposed to bullying, while 44 percent were never exposed to bullying. They had most frequently been bullied by name-calling, followed by inappropriate sexual touching. Elementary school pupils most commonly experience bullying at school or their neighborhoods (40 percent), while secondary school pupils experience it mostly when they go out in the evening (30 percent) and on their way to or from school (22 percent). Boys and girls are both victims of peer violence, but there is a significant difference between the sexes in the form. Boys are more frequently victims of physical violence, whereas girls are more often victims of indirect violence (slander, exclusion from a group, and so on). One of the important issues concerning peer violence is to have anyone to confide in. Very few elementary school pupils (11 percent) told about their experience to their teacher or other member of the staff. The share of pupils in the secondary schools who confided in teachers or other member of the staff is even lower, only 3 percent. Right and Access to Counsel Children are often both the key witness and the victim in criminal trials. A child who appears in criminal procedures as the witness is subject to general provisions of the Criminal Procedure Act (CPA). In case of a family relationship with the defendant, the child is relieved from the obligation to testify—having the status of a privileged witness, to avoid secondary victimization. Also, according to CPA, a minor victim must have an authorized person to care for their rights from the initiation of the criminal proceedings onwards. This person’s task is to care for the rights of the minor, especially in connection with his/her integrity during the hearing before the court. Obligatory assignment of an authorized person for a minor victim is an exception to the rule that it is solely the right of the injured party to perform procedural acts via an authorized person. Besides the authorized person, the CPA introduced a representative for minor victims less than fifteen years of age of some criminal offenses. It is believed that from fifteen to eighteen, an authorized person is considered to be sufficient to avoid secondary victimization. Direct questioning of victims less than fifteen years of age is not permitted at the main hearing and can be examined before the court only once, during the investigation or as an investigatory action. After 1997, there is a distinct increasing trend of minor victims of criminal offences (all types, not only violent). The same trend can also be noticed in the number of criminal offences reported to the police and
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from available data it can be concluded that the share of minor victims of criminal offences in the total noted criminality of the past ten years is stable—minor victims represent 7 percent of all victims. Treatment by Gender, Ethnicity, Race, and Socioeconomic Status According to the Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia, all the people are equal regardless of their ethnicity, race, sex, language, religion, political or other belief, material situation, completed education, or any other personal circumstance. In addition, children of different origin and status should be treated equally. RELIGIOUS LIFE Slovenia, in its religious structure, is traditionally predominantly Catholic. A total of 66.5 percent of Slovenians declare themselves as Christian but only 17.5 percent of Slovenians define themselves as church religious (Smrke 2006). Around 70 percent of young people declare themselves as Christian, 1 percent as Protestant, 2 percent as Orthodox, 1 percent as Muslims, and 3 percent as some other religion. Religion doesn’t have a big impact on the lives of children and youth. Research data from 1991 onwards show a low rate of trust among young people toward institutional religion. As much as 62 percent of youth does not trust institutional religion. At the beginning of 1990s, there were few devout believers among young people, and even fewer open opponents of religion. The majority was either nonreligious but tolerant of religion, or religious but critical of religious doctrines. With regard to religious faith, youth survey data show that the proportion of regular and frequent visitors attending religious services is decreasing. The need for individual spiritual practices is rising, as doubts about institutionalized religion are present. Relatively low interest in religion and religious matters is also indicated in the 2000 survey data (Miheljak 2002) as, along with army and military matters, politics and political events, it is one of the three areas young people show the least interest in. The church in Slovenia is separated from the state. Religious organizations are, therefore, not involved in programs and work of public institutions. However, they have the right to establish separate educational and social welfare institutions, but there are very few (ten kindergartens and four secondary schools). They receive financial support from the state (up to 85 percent of the costs of programs). In public schools, confessional religious education is not permitted. However, religion and ethics is on the list of school subjects that could be selected by pupils of their own will.
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CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT In the sphere of criminal law, Slovenia protects children by specifying criminal offenses against the child. Their age and level of maturity can be regarded as aggravating circumstances in the decision about the type and severity of sanction for the perpetrator. In addition, children are entitled to special protection from certain types of acts that are especially detrimental to their development. Some of these acts are covered by special independent criminalization and are, therefore, punishable only if they are committed against a child; for example, sexual assault on a person under the age of fifteen, neglect, and cruel treatment of minors. Other acts are punishable if they are committed against every person; however, if they are committed against a child, it is a more aggravated form of criminal offense; for example, rendering opportunity for consumption of narcotic drugs and so on. Care of Abused or Neglected Children via the State or the Family Centers of social work are state institutions that have competences for care of abused or neglected children. Their tasks and measures for child protection include interventions in cases of child abduction, committing a child to a juvenile institution, foster care, guardianship or adoption, special protection of children and juveniles, treatment of the child due to offenses or criminal offenses, treatment of children with development difficulties, committing a child to an educational institution, and monitoring the social welfare authority. Among all interventions concerning abused or neglected children, in the past years two were the most frequent— interventions regarding endangered children due to neglect, and intervention due to the suspicion of inappropriate conduct. These are followed by interventions due to family violence (abused child). The least frequent were interventions in cases of physical violence and sexual abuse. The most frequent measure concerning the treatment of abused children is sending parents to treatment and written warnings. Centers of social work also perform special psychosocial programs of assistance to a family in cases when inappropriate care for children is noted in the family. They are performed in various ways, such as counseling or day centers with direct and indirect (through games and other methods) assistance to children. There are also five crisis centers for children deprived of normal life, but only children with Slovenian citizenship are accepted. In addition to state institutions, some NGOs offer programs and services for children who are abused and neglected. A significant Slovenian characteristic is that these organizations include or are headed by prominent experts from state services. They offer the whole range of services, from detecting and prevention to providing lacking services. The
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possibilities for offering help and specific services to threatened children and their families are rapidly increasing. Reporting of Abuse and Neglect In the last ten years, the number of reported sexual assaults of a person younger than fifteen has risen by more than 100 percent. This increase is considered to be the consequence of greater public sensitivity to this crime, better qualified experts for detecting the signs of abuse, and better cooperation between the police and social services, schools, preschools, and health institutions. It is believed that the number of sexual assaults of a person younger than fifteen did not rise at that time. Unfortunately, the increase of reported criminal offenses is not followed by the number of judgments of conviction, mainly due to an extremely demanding procedure for taking evidence. Inappropriate treatment of a child in a family is criminalized in a special offense, ‘‘neglect and cruel treatment of minors.’’ The fundamental form of this criminal offense is child neglect; its aggravated forms are various forms of conduct, which damage the child’s development and are child abuse, such as forcing a minor to work excessively or to perform work unsuitable for their age, compelling a minor to beg out of greed, maltreatment, and torturing a minor. Also, the number of reported criminal offenses has increased in the past ten years. This trend is followed by a number of judgments of conviction that were passed due to the aggravated form of the offense. As far as physical punishment is concerned, it is relatively unacceptable in Slovenian society. However, physical violence is not completely banned like in some other European countries. In Slovenia, if a parent has inflicted serious or extremely serious bodily injury on a child or even if the child has died as a result of the injuries, other suitable criminal offenses will be administered against harm to life and limb. A more demanding question and unresolved issue is the lower level of mistreatment. In the past few years, psychological abuse has also become a big issue, as its consequences can have even more detrimental effects on the behavioral, cognitive, emotional, or physical activity of a child. The main problem is that it is very difficult to prove and survivors often do not report it, especially if they are children. Within Slovenian criminal legislation it is a part of the ‘‘neglect and cruel treatment’’ article of the Penal Code (PC). However, Slovenian court practice does not deal with cases of parents being criminally charged with exclusively psychological violence. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY In the future, the numerical difference between the elderly and the young in Slovenia will increase. There will be fewer and fewer children,
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and the value of each child will be higher. But, despite the growing difference in the demographic structure of Slovenian society, it seems that the positive attitude toward children and their welfare, which was characteristic for the period of transition, will continue because Slovenia is adopting the new National Development Program for Improving the Position of Children and Youth in the Republic of Slovenia for 2006 to 2016, which will ensure that the rights of children will not be endangered, but improved in the future. The program provides guidelines and criteria for the performance of the country and society in improving the position of children and consequently of the whole society. It covers the key fields that shape the living conditions of children (education, health, housing, and social protection), in addition to the needs of the most vulnerable groups of children in Slovenian society. The implementation of the program is the responsibility of the government and the relevant ministries. In addition to this program, Slovenia is also adopting a broader economic and social strategy for the future development of Slovenian society. This new economic and social strategy will, along with world globalization trends, bring changes to the everyday life of families and children. It is, therefore, very important that the trend of protecting children, especially those in vulnerable positions, continues in a positive direction. This means that the Program for Children should regularly be adapted to the changes and new needs and demands. One of the growing trends in Slovenian society at the moment is the change of relations within the families. Relationships between parents and children are democratizing intensely. They have changed from controlling relationships into supportive and confidential relationships. Family gives advice, protects, and helps young people to cope with the outside world in the best possible way. A large share of Slovenian children have been overprotected. On the other hand, there is a significant number of those children who are, due to different factors, left alone and do not have any adult person to confide in and whose leisure time is unstructured. Both children who are overprotected and those who are left alone could face problems in the outside world as adults when they grow up. Children are in some ways a vulnerable social group, because in state policies and measures, they primarily appear as the object of measures and changes and not as the subject, which means that they do not cooperate actively in their design and implementation. Evaluations of different measures often show that state measures to improve the position of a certain population group often do not meet the needs as perceived by the members of this group. Therefore, there is a need for a paradigmatic shift from the perspective of ‘‘working FOR a certain population’’ toward the model of ‘‘working WITH the population,’’ for which these measures are intended, which is noted in the developed world. It is expected that in Slovenia, children will become important subjects in developing measures
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concerning their lives in the future because it is now known that they have views on issues that concern their everyday living. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Crnak-Meglic, Andreja, ed. 2006. Children and Youth in Transitional Society. Ljubljana: Office of the Republic of Slovenia for the Youth, Zalozba Aristej. Miheljak, Vlado, ed. 2002. ‘‘Slovenian Youth in Transition to Third Millennium.’’ Youth 2000. Ljubljana: Office of the Republic of Slovenia for the Youth, Zalozba Aristej. Stropnik Nada, and Tine Stanovnik. 2002. Fight against Poverty and Social Exclusion. 2. Book, Example of Slovenia, International Labour Organization (ILO). Ule, Mirjana. 1996. Youth in the nineties, Situation analysis in Slovenia. Ljubljana: Znanstveno in publicisticno sredisce.
Web Sites Institute of Public Health, http://www.ivz.si/ivz/english/. Ministry of Education and Sport, http://www.mss.gov.si/index.php?id¼55&L¼1. Ministry of Labor, Family and Social Affairs, http://www.gov.si/mddsz/index.php?L¼ en&PHPSESSID¼1609ec8a5b623716b92118abe39dda80. Public Relations and Media Office, http://www.uvi.si/eng/. The Slovenian Office for Youth, http://www.uradzamladino.gov.si/. Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia, http://www.stat.si/eng/index.asp.
Organizations and NGOs Association against Violent Communication Web site: http://www.drustvo-dnk.si/ DrogArt Web site: http://www.drogart.org/ Karitas Web site: http://www.karitas.si/predstavitev/index_eng.php L’MIT Info Point Web site: http://www.lmit.org/namig3.html MIC–Mladinski informacijski center Web site: http://www.mic.si/
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Movit Institute for Promotion of Youth Mobility Web site: http://www.movit.si/ The Slovenian Red Cross Web site: http://www.rks.si/?PID¼27&PHPSESSID¼738377bcd0167394c8c24e 800b45e292 South East European Child Rights Action Network Web site: http://www.seecran.org/main/main.htm UNICEF Slovenia Web site: http://www.unicef.si/main/home.wlgt Zdruzenje proti spolnemu zlorabljanju Web site: http://www.spolnonasilje.over.net/zdruzenje.htm Zveza prijateljev mladine Slovenije Web site: http://en.zpms.si/
Selected Bibliography Books and Reports Antoncic, Eda. 2006. ‘‘Peer violence and delinquent behaviour in children and young people.’’ In Children and Youth in Transitional Society, Andreja, Crnak-Meglic, ed. Ljubljana: Office of the Republic Slovenia for Youth, Aristej Press. Brcar, Polona. 2006. ‘‘Health care for children and adolescents.’’ In Children and Youth in Transitional Society, Andreja Crnak-Meglic, ed. Ljubljana: Office of the Republic Slovenia for Youth, Aristej Press. Crnak-Meglic, Andreja, ed. 2006. Children and Youth in Transitional Society. Filipcic, Katja. 2006. ‘‘Dealing with neglect, abuse and violence against children and youth.’’ In Children and Youth in Transitional Society, Andreja, Crnak-Meglic, ed. Ljubljana: Office of the Republic Slovenia for Youth, Aristej Press. Health Behavior in School-Aged Children. 2002. WHO, Regional Office for Europe. Korva Kuzmanic, Darja. 2006. ‘‘Social services for children, juveniles and families.’’ In Children and Youth in Transitional Society, Andreja, Crnak-Meglic, ed. Ljubljana: Office of the Republic Slovenia for Youth, Aristej Press. Ljubljana: Office of the Republic of Slovenia for the Youth, Zalozba Aristej. Medical Statistical Yearbook. Institute of Public Health of the Republic of Slovenia, Ljubljana. (databases from 1987 to 2003). Miheljak, Vlado, ed. 2002. Youth 2000. Slovenian Youth in Transition to Third Millenium. Ljubljana: Office of the Republic of Slovenia for the Youth, Zalozba Aristej. Ministry of Labor, Family, and Social Affairs. Analysis of Social Protection Transfers. 2003. Ljubljana: Ministry of Labor, Family and Social Affairs. OECD. Reports on national education policies–Slovenija. 1998. http:// www.mszs.si/slo/ministrstvo/mednarodno/solstvo/oecd/drugo_poglavje.asp/. Accessed February 27, 2006.
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Sebart, Mojca, Slavko Gaber, and Alojz Plusko. 2006. ‘‘Schooling and education.’’ In Children and Youth in Transitional Society, Andreja Crnak-Meglic, ed. Ljubljana: Office of the Republic Slovenia for Youth, Aristej Press. Sircelj, Milivoja and Tina Znidarsic. 2006. ‘‘Children and youth as seen from a demographic point of view.’’ In Children and Youth in Transitional Society, Andreja Crnak-Meglic, ed. Ljubljana: Office of the Republic Slovenia for Youth, Aristej Press. Smrke, Marjan and Tatjana Rakar. 2006. Religious Education in Slovenia. Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia (SORS). http://www.stat.si/letopis/ index_vsebina.asp?poglavje¼12&leto¼2003&jezik¼si. Stropnik, Nada. 2002. Slovenia–Review and Analysis of Social Benefits (SI/99/IBCO-01). Brussels: BASNET and European Commission. Stropnik, Nada, and Tine Stanovnik. 2002. Fight against Poverty and Social Exclusion. 2. Book, Example of Slovenia, International Labour Organization (ILO). Stropnik, Nada. ‘‘Inter-generational income transfers.’’ In Children and Youth in Transitional Society. Andreja Crnak-Meglic, ed. Ljubljana: Office of the Republic Slovenia for Youth, Aristej Press. Ule, Mirjana. 1996. Youth in the Nineties, Situation Analysis in Slovenia. Ljubljana: Znanstveno in publicisticno sredisce. Ule, Mirjana, and Vlado Miheljak. 1995. Future of Youth. Zbirka Juventa. Ljubljana: DZS. Vojnovic, Maja. 1995. Situation Analysis of the Position of Children and Families in Slovenia. Ljubljana: Slovenian Committee for UNICEF. Legislation Comments on the Second Periodical Report of the Slovenia on the Implementation of The Convention on the Rights of the Child. 2003. SEECRAN–South East European Child Rights Action Network. Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia. Official Gazette of RS, 33/91. Criminal Procedure Act. Official Gazette of RS, 72/98. Implementation of strategy for social inclusion with the report on realization of the program for the fight against poverty and social exclusion. 2002. Ljubljana: Ministry of Labor, Family and Social Affairs. The Law on Marriage and Family Relations. Official Gazette of RS, 69/2004. National Development Program for Improving the Position of Children and Youth in the Republic of Slovenia for 2006 to 2016. http://www.gov.si/mddsz/ ?PID¼69&CID¼372&L¼sl. Accessed February 27, 2006. Penal Code RS. Official Gazette of RS 23/99. Program to Combat Poverty and Social Exclusion. 2000. Ljubljana: Ministry of Labor, Family and Social Affairs. White Paper on Education in the Republic of Slovenia. 1995. Ljubljana: Ministry of Education and Sport. White Paper on Health Care Reform. 2003. Ljubljana: Ministry of Health.
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SPAIN Ferran Casas and Lourdes Gait an NATIONAL PROFILE Spain extends over 504,780 square kilometers and has a population of 40,448,191 inhabitants. Spain has had a democratic constitution since 1979, which established that the Spanish territory is divided into seventeen autonomous regions (Comunidades Aut onomas), in addition to the autonomous cities of Ceuta and Melilla in North Africa. Geographically and socially, these Comunidades Aut onomas differ greatly from one another. Some have acquired their particular identities over a period of many years, or even centuries, during which they were separate states or parts of different states. They are referred to by the Spanish Constitution as ‘‘nationalities and regions’’ of Spain. Spain’s diversity is also reflected in the several languages that are spoken in the country. In addition to Spanish, or Castilian, three other languages have strong historical and cultural roots and are co-official in several Comunidades Aut onomas— Catalan, Galician, and Basque. Other languages are limited to specific geographic
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areas, such as Aranes and Bable in the northern mountains, or are spoken by ethnic minorities, the largest group being the gypsies, who speak Romanı´ (Casas 1994). This diversity must be taken into account when children’s rights, benefits, and living conditions are described. A large number of policies are developed at the regional level, through seventeen regional governments with administrative competence in the fields of education, employment policies, social services, and welfare schemes. Structures, types, and level of provision of services vary across the regions. Therefore, collection of data is not always easy at the national level in those policy fields that are decentralized (Dı´az et al. 2002), which represents an additional reason for the lack of specific data on children in general terms. Until a few decades ago, Spain was a country of emigrants and internal migrants. Since the last decade of the twentieth century, however, the country has received an increasing flood of immigrants. Because of immigration, population growth in Spain remains positive despite the sharp decline in the birth rate, which is one of the lowest in whole world (the fecundity rate was 1.329 in 2004, the lowest in the European Union [EU]). Life expectancy has risen during the last decades, reaching some of the highest rates in the world. Child mortality ranks among the twenty countries with the lowest rates. Spain has become increasingly urbanized in recent decades, with growth first favoring major cities, and currently intermediate towns. Only 6 percent of Spanish children under the age of sixteen years live in towns with fewer than 2,000 inhabitants, and 16.8 percent live in towns of 2,000 to 10,000 inhabitants. Figure 19.1 shows the distribution of population under eighteen by autonomous regions. Obviously, this distribution relates to density and total population, but also to juvenile or aging trends in each region. Andalucı´a has a higher proportion of children but also is the youngest region. On the opposite side, Asturias in the north has few children and a high aging rate. According to OECD reports (2004), Spain shows the lowest number of monetary transfers for families and the lowest family services rates among the member states. The rate of public social expenditure on family as a percentage of the gross domestic product (GDP) in 2001 in Spain was 0.5 percent, while the OECD (thirty countries) mean was 1.8 percent and the EU (nineteen countries) mean was 2.1 percent. Facilities for families with newborns (that is, parent allowances) are among the lowest in the industrialized countries, related to the fact that the fertility rate in Spain is one of the lowest in whole world. In 2002, only 11 of each 100 children under three received a place in public child care, while all children over three years old were able to obtain placement in preschool. The employment rates by last quarter 2005 (INE 2006) are 57.7 percent for total persons over sixteen years. For men the ratio is
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Figure 19.1. Distribution of population under eighteen by Comunidades Aut onomas and percentage of children’s population on overall population. Source: INE (2001). Censo de Poblaci on y Hogares. Madrid. Instituto Nacional de Estadı´stica.
68.95 percent and for women 46.95 percent. The unemployment rate is 8.7 percent at the same date. Spain has no national children’s ombudsman. Only one of the seventeen Comunidades Aut onomas in which the country is divided has an independent ombudsman for children, and two have a deputy ombudsman for children attached to the general ombudsman.
KEY FACTS – SPAIN Population: 40,448,191 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 4.31 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 79.78 years (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 97.9 percent (2003 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 99 percent (2000–2005) Internet users: 19.205 million (2006) People living with HIV/AIDS: 140,000 (2001 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-2) rank: 13 Sources: UNICEF. At a Glance: Spain–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/spain_statistics.html. April 24, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006 – Spain. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ data_sheets/cty_ds_ESP.html. April 26, 2007.
OVERVIEW Spain has a total of 7,646,054 persons younger than eighteen years of age (INE 2005), representing 17.3 percent of the whole population.
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Throughout the twentieth century, the trend has been a declining relative weight of children in the population, while their absolute values remain almost constant Figure 19.2. Two factors explain this situation. On the one hand, the birth rate was high until the 1960s, when it began to decrease and became more acute starting in the 1980s. On the other hand, mortality rates diminished and health and life conditions allowed a growth in life expectancy. As a result, the proportion of children to older people that was 7:1 in 1900 shifted to a ratio of 1:1 at the beginning of twenty-first century. The ratio of children to adults has remained almost constant throughout the century, with a decline starting at the end of the 1990s as a consequence of the decline of fertility rates. The presence of foreign children in Spain has become important in recent years. The latest data (INE 2005) show that foreign persons aged zero to fourteen years represent 8.43 percent of the total population under fifteen, and 14.2 percent of all foreigners living in Spain. These percentages are very close to those referring to the whole population (8.45 and 14.2, respectively). Most foreign children originate in Europe (46.9 percent), followed by the Americas (38.8 percent) and Africa (11.58 percent). There is little immigration from Asia or Oceania. Ecuador (14.9 percent of all foreign children and 16.5 percent of Ecuadorian persons) and Morocco (9.4 percent and 10.6 percent, respectively) are the two major countries of origin. Most children under eighteen years old live with their families in Spain. Only a small number (0.1 percent) live in foster homes. A two-parent family is more common for 81.6 percent of children, but single-parent homes are increasing. However, the number of children living only with their mother or their father is below the rate observed in other European countries. In Table 19.1, we can see also that a small percentage appears
Figure 19.2.
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Figure 19.3. Source: Hernan, M. J. (2006) from INE. Population historical series.
to head a household or formed their own family. It also reflects the children in another living arrangement (living alone or together with others who are not relatives) (Figure 19.3). Although less important than in the past, today some children live with both their parents and other relatives (generally grandparents). This situation is more frequent in the case of single-parent families. In spite of low fertility rates that indicate the existence of small-sized families, more children still live with siblings overall. In the case of children living with both parents, only 20.6 percent are the sole child. About 54.7 percent of children have one sibling, and 24.7 percent have two or more siblings. The percentages vary in the case of single-mother families (39 percent alone, 61 percent with siblings) or single-father homes (45 percent alone, 55 percent with siblings). A recent national survey (CIS 2005) shows an increase in popular interest in issues concerning children. The persons interviewed think that family and school are the main institutions caring for children’s Table 19.1. Living Arrangements for Children under Eighteen Years Old in Spanish Households, 2001
Total in family homes Pertaining to a family as son/daughter With both parents Only with their mother Only with their father Pertaining to a family as a father/mother or couple Living in a no-family group
Total
%
7,331,894 7,102,415 5,987,595 862,920 251,900 4,565
100 96.8 81.6 11.8 3.4 0.06
224,914
Source: Hernan, M. J. 2006. from: INE. Census 2001.
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well-being. Nevertheless, they express the feeling that children aren’t happier now than in former times. They consider the following as the main problems for children today: (a) lack of attention and love; (b) too much freedom; and (c) excessive television and video games. The teenagers are exposed to special risks, in the opinion of those polled, such as drug and alcohol consumption or future unemployment. For current parents of teenagers, involvement in sects or juvenile gangs is viewed as a threat. EDUCATION The right of everyone to education is proclaimed in the Spanish Constitution, which provides that elementary education is compulsory and free, and requires the public authorities to establish a ‘‘general planning’’ of education at all levels. At present, the structure of the Spanish education system for children under eighteen is shown in Table 19.2. According to official data, Table 19.3 shows the main enrollment figures of children under eighteen years old in the Spanish education system. Seventy percent of the total educational establishments are public and most of the private ones are funded with public budgets, in order to achieve the objectives established in the law. There are 382,442 foreign students in all five levels (5.8 percent of the total enrollment). They mainly attend public schools. School enrollment rates are 100 percent for children from four to fourteen years old. This ratio declines for the last ages of compulsory education (98.9 percent for age fifteen and 87.8 percent for age sixteen) due to truancy and school drop-out. Schooling in early childhood (zero to two) is low (13 percent), because of lack of enough nurseries in most regions in Spain, but 95.9 percent of children three years of age are enrolled in preschool. The General Education Act (Ley General de Ordenaci on del Sistema Educativo, LOGSE) established the principles and measures applicable for children with special educational needs. These cover the teacher-topupil ratio by type of special need, the kind of special educator required, and the modality of schooling. During the 2003–2004 school year, there were 27,799 pupils in specifics centers or units and 117,582 pupils Table 19.2. Education System in Spain Age
0–2
3–5
6–11
Levels
First stage
Second stage
First stage
Nursery education
12–15 Second stage
Primary education
Third stage
First stage
16–17 Second stage
Secondary education
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Table 19.3. Number of Schools and Students. Year 2003–2004 Levels
Schools
Students
Nursery education Primary education Secondary education Baccalaureate Professional cycles Total
16,412 13,520 7,842 4,246 2,342 44,362
1,353,460 2,479,631 1,871,430 657,400 230,688 6,592,609
Source: MEC 2006.
attending regular schools. Programs for pupils who, because of hospitalization or prolonged convalescence at home, cannot attend school are also implemented in collaboration with the Health Administration. In application of the principle of equality of opportunity, various compensatory educational activities are developed. Such measures are targeted for disadvantaged persons, groups, and geographical areas (cultural minorities, traveling populations, rural areas, and so on) and may consist of diversification of the curriculum, social guarantee programs, distance learning, and other innovative methods. Children’s participation and decision-making in the educational system was foreseen in the law. The first act (1985) designed three means for students’ participation: school council, student delegates, and student associations. The school council is composed of teachers, parents, staff personnel, and pupils. Students can be elected as members of this council as soon as they reach twelve years old, and the number of student representatives is always smaller than that of teachers. PLAY AND RECREATION Paragraph 1 of article 7 of the Spanish Protection of Minors Act (January 1996) proclaims that ‘‘Minors have the right to participate fully in the social, cultural, artistic and recreational life of their environment.’’ Moreover, the Public Administrations ‘‘must take into account the needs of the minor [. . .], especially in matters of . . . culture, sport, entertainment, the media, transport and public spaces in towns. They shall, in particular, ensure adequate regulation and supervision of those spaces, centers and services in which children customarily congregate, both as regards their physical and environmental conditions and conditions as regards hygiene, sanitation and human resources, education projects devoted to them, participation by minors and other conditions contributing to ensuring their rights’’ (article 11.) In Spain, the policing of public entertainment and recreational activities falls within the competence of the autonomous communities.
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However, where the autonomous community has not yet legislated, Royal Decree 2816/1982 remains in force. Article 60 of that decree establishes that below sixteen years of age, children are prohibited from entering or frequenting dance halls, discotheques, ballrooms, public shows, or entertainment generically or specifically classified by the Ministry of Culture as restricted to persons over that age. According to the second Spanish report to the Committee on the CRC (United Nations 2001), in these laws, the autonomous administrations undertake, as a guiding principle of administrative action in matters concerning children, to foster, with the participation of the local administration and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs): .
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Play as a component of day-to-day activity, ensuring that toys are appropriate to the needs of the children for whom they are intended and to the psycho-motor development associated with each stage of growth; Sports and other leisure and free-time activities, both in school and through community action; The development of leisure associations for children and young people; In urban planning, the setting aside and equipping of areas for use by children; Pedestrian circulation only around schools and other areas frequently used by children, so as to ensure safe access; The creation and provision of segregated areas for use by children, suitably equipped, offering guaranteed safety, and with particular account taken of the problems of access experienced by disabled children.
However, the few reports existing in Spain about the situation of children’s playgrounds in Spanish cities describe a very low quality in a large majority of them, and information for users is missing in 99 percent of instances (Vidal, 2003). According to some surveys conducted in Spain, a large percentage of school-age children devote between one and three hours of their leisure time to completing school homework. In the sixth grade of primary school (about eleven years old), about 84 percent of girls and 94 percent of boys participate in organized extracurricular activities, mainly sports, but also language learning, computers, and music (INCE 2001). Regarding participation by children in the mass media, and in particular television, while the public authorities are entrusted with the task of encouraging the social and cultural participation of children, inter alias, by making media slots available to them, the autonomous communities have also enacted legislation, the aim of which is to ensure that such participation does not result in a conflict with other rights of the child, and, in particular, the right to honor, privacy, and reputation.
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One Spanish NGO has shown particular interest in prevention of accidents in children’s playgrounds and has contributed to the report recently submitted by the Office of the Spanish General Ombudsman on this matter, drawing attention to the absence of legislation regulating safety conditions for playground equipment, launching an intensive follow-up campaign, channeling complaints from users, and urging the municipalities to rectify any anomalies identified. The Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs funds a social action program, which is implemented by NGOs that seek to promote the personal and social development of children and their families, chiefly through the organization, within a framework of stable services, of leisure activities encouraging their participation in society. The children targeted by these programs must be drawn from socially disadvantaged areas and families. The activities, camps, summer hostels, and other leisure services contribute to the integration of disadvantaged children and families, particularly those from the following groups: ethnic minorities, physically and mentally disabled persons and those with sensory disabilities, refugees and immigrants, and children in hospitals and youth detention centers or living in prisons. European Union Directive 89/552/EEC, on the exercise of television broadcasting activities, has been incorporated into Spanish Act 25/1994. Its article 11 provides regulation for advertising and programming that contain images or messages that may cause minors moral or physical harm (alcoholic beverages and tobacco advertising, programs that encourage hatred, contempt, or discrimination on grounds of birth, race, sex, religion, nationality, opinion, or any other personal or social circumstance). The broadcasting of programs likely to harm the physical, mental, or moral development of minors and, in any event, of programs containing pornographic or gratuitously violent scenes, shall take place only between the hours of 10 P.M. and 6 A.M. and shall contain visible and audible warnings as to their content. CHILD LABOR Though employment of persons less than sixteen years of age is not permitted, the Spanish Workers’ Statute provides that occasionally it may be authorized in the context of the special employment relationship of performers in public spectacles. This necessitates an express authorization from the labor authority, which may be granted provided that the said participation does not involve danger to the juvenile’s physical health or professional and personal development. Royal Decree 1435/1985, which regulates the matter, provides that the authorization must be requested by the legal representatives of the juvenile, whose consent must accompany the application, should he or she be competent to give it, and the granting of the authorization must be recorded in writing, specifying the spectacle or activity
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for which it is granted. The scope of this special employment relationship includes the performance of artistic activities carried out directly before the public in settings such as the theater, cinema, broadcasting, television, bullrings, sports grounds, circus, or dance hall, or intended to be recorded in some way for distribution to the public. Until 1990, there was compulsory education until the age of fourteen. When this age was increased to sixteen by the 1/1990 LOGSE Law, illegal child labor, which used to be a serious problem in the country according to International Labor Organization (ILO) reports, decreased quickly and is now almost nonexistent, with the exception of family businesses and agricultural activities in a few areas (Ochaı´ta et al. 2000). During 2000, the Spanish work inspection system reports having identified and penalized 123 cases of illegal work of minors less than sixteen years old (Vidal 2003). Regarding participation of juveniles in advertising, Act 21/1994 on television stipulates that television advertising must not directly incite such juveniles to buy a product or a service by exploiting their lack of experience or their credulity, nor to persuade their parents or guardians, or the parents or guardians of third parties, to purchase the products or services concerned, and must not exploit the special trust that children place in their parents, teachers, or other persons. Some autonomous communities include in their legislation on children rules dealing with the utilization of juveniles in advertising material that circulates within their territorial area. Article 232 of the Spanish Criminal Code punishes the use or provision of children for begging, even in covert form, with provision for a more severe penalty in cases involving the use of violence or intimidation, the supply of substances harmful to the child’s health, or trafficking; that is, the use or provision of the child in exchange for financial consideration. In the former case, the penalty is six months’ to one year’s imprisonment, in the latter, one to four years’ imprisonment. FAMILY Spanish culture and Spanish policies are based on the principle of family reliance. When someone is in need of support, family is expected to be the first resource. In Spanish civil and social law, the family is the primary responsible agent for the welfare of individuals. As result of cultural agreements, family obligations are extended beyond the nuclear family and often include the extended one, especially female relatives. Political and social discourses support this important institution, but in real terms, family welfare becomes a private issue, not a public one. With regard to legal aspects, irrespective of the type of family structure, article 39 of the Spanish Constitution provides that ‘‘the public authorities shall ensure the social, economic and legal protection of the family,’’
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including in that protection all forms that the family may take. Equality of rights and responsibilities of the parents and protection of the children in the event of dissolution of the marriage are recognized in Spain. Regarding the question of parental responsibility, in the area of criminal law rules, 1995 criminal code punishes anyone who fails to perform the statutory duties of assistance inherent in parental authority, guardianship, custody, or family fostering, as well as anyone who fails to perform the statutory duties of assistance to their needy descendants. Consistent with democratic thinking, the minor has the right to a hearing within the family environment with regard to all decisions that affect his or her personal, family, or social circumstances. Recent demographic and social changes are leading to modifications of former schemes of family support and care. The increased participation of young women in the labor market reduces the number of persons that are able to care for an elderly population. On the other hand, the market conditions make it difficult to reconcile work and family life for both young men and women. Demands for services have increased, and a new social agenda has started, developed not only by the central Spanish government but also by regional authorities, all of them in the line of EU recommendations. As usual, the protection package for families covers several areas: legal provisions, tax benefits, monetary transfers, or social services. The main policies carried out by the government in the last few years have been the following: .
Legal provisions – Act 39/1999 on combining family life and work, which revised the regulation of maternity protection and family-related leave to care for small children, disabled, or other dependent members of the family. It pays special attention to avoiding gender discrimination, stating that established measures may benefit women as well as men. – Act 40/2003, which reviews previous regulation of benefits for large families. – Royal Decree-Act 1/2000, on revision of child allowances offered by the Social Security System, that nevertheless remain meanstested.
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Tax benefits – Setting-up of exceptions based on personal and family conditions in relation to the Income tax. – Other benefits established by regional governments.
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Changes in child allowances – Updating the amounts of the means-tested child allowances (increased in the case of disability)
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– New one-time benefit for the birth of the third child onwards. – Multiple birth lump-sum payment. .
Social services – The Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs set up a care program for disadvantaged families and families in situations of social risk, to be conducted in collaboration with the autonomous communities and local corporations. – This program supplements the activities already being conducted by the Communities Public System of Social Services to support, counsel, and protect families.
Despite all these efforts, the share of family/children benefits is 2.6 percent of the total social protection expenditure in Spain, in contrast with 8 percent in the whole EU (Eurostat 2004). With public support so limited, welfare of children depends on the family income, which is strongly influenced by the educational level, the position in the labor market, and the number of adults in work. As a result of their condition as ‘‘partners’’ that share the family resources with others, children are well represented in the lowest echelons of household disposable income distribution. Poverty also affects children. In the ‘‘Child Poverty League’’ (UNICEF 2005) of developed countries Spain is situated in sixteenth place in a list of twenty-six countries, with a rate of 13.3 percent of child poverty. Childhood welfare becomes a private objective but not a public one. As a result, people adopt their own adaptive strategies, such as children being more linked to family affairs than to social aims, and adults delaying their decisions for children until they are sure they can afford to care for them (Gaitan 1999)
HEALTH The general regulations governing health in Spain are to be found in the General Health Act (14/1986), which establishes the universality of the right to health protection as a basic principle and provides that the resources and actions of the health system shall be directed first and foremost to the promotion of health and the prevention of illnesses. Accordingly, any child in the care of a person, with or without adequate economic resources, is guaranteed the right to health assistance. Other general principles of the General Health Act provide for equal access by all citizens to health benefits without discrimination of any kind, a health policy aimed at overcoming disparities between geographical areas, and community participation in health care; and for the development of a structure (the National Health System) guaranteeing the integrated and coordinated implementation of health measures. In order
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to make the right to health protection effective, this structure offers universal coverage and is publicly financed. Reflecting the organization of the Spanish State as a whole, it is differentiated so as to respect the specific characteristics of each Comunidad Aut onoma, which have each transferred competencies to organize the health services in its own territory. Health care for immigrant children is covered by Royal Decree (1996), approving the implementation of Regulations of the Rights and Freedoms of Foreigners in Spain (Organization) Act (1985), which recognizes the right to health assistance as proclaimed in the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Protection of Minors Act. The law also refers explicitly to that right, regardless of whether the child’s stay in Spain is legal. Under the National Health System, primary childcare includes, in addition to the general benefits, the following: .
. .
Provision of health information and education to the children concerned and their parents, guardians, tutors, teachers, or carers; Immunizations in accordance with the official health service schedule; ‘‘Healthy child’’ reviews under the health service programs.
The National Health System provides universal health care free of charge to children with AIDS. Furthermore, a Royal Decree provides for freedom to choose a general practitioner and pediatrician. Information campaigns and family planning programs addressed to adolescent and young persons are developed. However, abortion has increased in women under nineteen years old, the ratio being 4.51 per 1,000 in 1995 and 10.57 per 1,000 in 2004. The contents of the health strategies for children are based essentially on the Minimum Criteria for Mother and Child Care approved by the Inter-territorial Council of the National Health System, which cover: .
.
. .
Prevention of disabilities, including genetic counseling for parents, where there is a likelihood of the child being born with a defect as a result of its family medical history; prenatal screening to diagnose chromosomal or metabolic abnormalities; early diagnosis of hereditary diseases and appropriate treatment; and early detection and treatment of retarded mental development. Supervision and monitoring of development up to the age of fourteen. This component aims to protect and improve children’s health from birth to the age of fourteen through a cluster of programmed interventions to monitor their development, including individualized preventive interventions and other health promotion measures. Immunization (Table 19.4). Care during pregnancy, and during and immediately after confinement.
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84.8 83.8
1992
Years
87.9 87.4
1993 88.1 87.6
1994
Source: Ministry of Health and Consumption (2006).
Poliomyelitis DTPc/a Hib Meningitis C Hepatitis B
Vaccines
90.7 90.2
1995 91.0 90.0
1996 94.0 94.0
1997 95.0 94.6 81.6
1998 95.2 95.1 92.1
1999
95.0 95.0 92.0
2000
96.2 96.3 96.0 86.7
2001
98.23 98.02 97.91 97.78
2002
98.5 98.2 98.1 97.6 97.6
2003
96.9 96.6 96.5 96.4 96.9
2004
Table 19.4. Percentage of Immunization Coverage (Basic Series) for Children One Year Old and Younger. National data. 1992–2004
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Spain is in the group of countries that present the best indicators in relation to health conditions. The Under-five Mortality Rate (U5MR) is 5 per 1,000 (UNICEF, The State of the World’s Children 2006). The life expectancy at birth is 78.7 years (75.4 for men and 82.7 for women). In 2006 in Spain, household and leisure time accidents involved 216,656 children under fifteen years old. That means an incidence of 0.54 percent across the overall population and 16.4 percent of all such accidents in Spain during that year (Table 19.5). Since 1994, biannual surveys on drug consumption among students fourteen to eighteen years old are available. In 2004, 65.6 percent of students reported using alcohol, and 37.4 percent reported using tobacco. The most consumed illegal drugs were cannabis (36.6 percent) and cocaine (7.2 percent of annual prevalence). All other drugs represent prevalence between 2 percent and 4 percent (MSC 2005). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The Spanish Organizational Act 4/1992 on the governing competence and procedure in the juvenile courts established the age of twelve as that of legal liability. In such cases, they are to be referred to the services for protection of minors, for the adoption of any protective measure that might be necessary. For minors who are above that age, and until they have reached the age laid down in the Criminal Code, competence to prosecute them and, where appropriate, adopt measures of a re-educative nature lies with some specialized judicial bodies, the juvenile courts, and a special procedure is applied, with different features and different underlying principles from those determining the procedure for adults. The age of criminal responsibility is established in Spain at the age of eighteen, the same as the age of civil majority. The act also allows the judge the possibility, in the minor’s interest, of deciding that the sessions shall not be public. In addition, it specifies that the hearings must take place in a language that is clear and comprehensible to the minor. In short, proceedings are instituted on the authority of the Government Procurer’s office, which is guided by the principle of expediency. The continuation of the judicial process may thus be avoided, precedence being given to admission of responsibility by the young offender, resolution of the conflict, and compensation of the victim over penal sanctions. Pursuant to the provisions of Organizational Act 4/1992 amending the Juvenile Courts Act, the application of the measures of protection, detention, or alternatives to detention ordered by the juvenile courts is the responsibility of the autonomous administrations. Custodial sentences are carried out at the administration’s own centers or at privately owned centers through contracts or agreements. Centers must have an educational plan and must respect juveniles’ right to maintain contact with their families,
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Table 19.5. Accidents in Children Younger than Fifteen Years Old, by Age Group and Place, 2002 Age (%) Under one year old
Place Transportation Household School Sports, recreation, open air Other
6.7 81.3 — — —
Between one and four years old
Between five and fourteen years old
6.4 62.4 11.2 18.8
12.6 22.4 20.6 43.6
0.1
0.9
Source: Ministerio de Sanidad y Consumo (2002). Programa de Prevenci on de Lesiones: Red de detecci on de accidentes domesticos y de ocio. Madrid. MSC Program, promoted by the E.U. under Decision 372/1999/CE, whereby household and leisure time accidents (excluding labor and traffic accidents) represent the primary cause of death of people under 35 years old in Spain. Our own re-elaboration.
subject to the limitations inherent in the organization of the centers and except where contacts have been prohibited by the judicial authorities. According to the MTAS (2003a), Spain has 85 specialized centers for juvenile offenders, with a total of 2,001 places and also has 116 teams of specialized professionals to work with juvenile offenders in open-medium alternatives. Available statistics for 2003 are missing from five of the seventeen Comunidades Aut onomas. Provisional data (MTAS 2003a) about the measures adopted are reflected in Table 19.6. Of these measures, 13,293 were adopted for boys and 1,308 for girls. Statistical data show almost the same figures as in 2002. During the last decade of the twentieth century, a new phenomenon appeared in Spain, creating new challenges for the child protection legal system. Unaccompanied immigrant children (UIC), mainly coming from Africa, for the purpose of finding a job and not knowing that it is illegal to work in Spain under sixteen years of age, began arriving. Although figures are very unclear, the Home Ministry published a report in 2002 indicating that the total number of UIC that were cared for in Spanish centers during that year was 6,350. However, only a small percentage of them appear in the statistics of the child protection system (Save The Children 2003). RELIGIOUS LIFE In Spain, as a secular state, all religions enjoy freedom. The right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion is recognized in article 16, paragraph 1, of the Spanish Constitution. According to article 2 of the Spanish Religious Freedom (Organization) Act, May 1980, this right includes the rights to hold one’s own
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beliefs or to hold no belief, to change one’s religion or to abandon one’s religion, freely to express one’s own beliefs or absence of beliefs or to refrain from making them public, to practice the rites of the religion and to receive religious ministration, to receive and impart religious education of all kinds, and to meet publicly for religious purposes or congregate in order to engage in communal religious activities. Article of the Spanish Protection of Minors Act (January 1996) recognizes the right of minors to freedom of ideology, conscience, and religion, while stating in paragraph 2 that ‘‘the rights flowing from this freedom are limited only as prescribed by this Act and by respect for the fundamental rights and freedoms of others;’’ without prejudice to the provisions of other domestic legislation relating to this right. However, the second Spanish report to the CRC (United Nations 2001) recognizes that a problem exists concerning the exercise of freedom of conscience, religion, and belief by children when those beliefs come into conflict with their own right to life. This happens in the case of conscientious objection to medical treatment essential to save the child’s life. The only form of such conscientious objection that has come to the attention of the courts in Spain concerns blood transfusions, which are prohibited by Jehovah’s Witnesses on the basis of their interpretation of the Bible. Article 27, paragraph 3, of the Spanish Constitution makes special reference to ‘‘the right of parents to ensure that their children receive religious and moral instruction that is in accordance with their own convictions.’’ The ten articles of the Agreements of November 10, 1992, recognize the right to religious instruction in the Jewish, Evangelical, and Islamic faiths at all levels in the schools operated under agreements. With regard to Roman Catholicism, Spain’s predominant religion, the Second Table 19.6. Measures Adopted in Spain during 2003 for Juvenile Offenders, according to Law Closed residential measures Semi-open residential measures Open residential measures Subtotal of judicial residential measures Therapeutic residential measures Daycare therapeutic measures Support day center Weekend measures Supervised (watched-over) freedom Educative supervision Community work Socioeducational work Total of measures
815 1,811 75 2,701 178 277 87 1,193 6,022 45 3,449 649 14,601
Provisory data. MTAS 2003A.
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Additional Provision of the General Education (Organization) Act dictates that, per the 1979 Agreements on Education and Cultural Matters, the teaching of religion will be included at the corresponding educational levels, and student participation is voluntary. The European Convention on Human Rights, ratified by Spain, includes, in its article 9, the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion. Consequently, the exercise of this right by children is covered by the system of guarantees under that Convention, which includes the possibility of individual application to the European Court of Human Rights. The Protection of Minors Act also allows the Spanish government to intervene if it is determined that a minor’s or parent’s participation in a sect or association is deemed harmful to the child. The Spanish school system allows parents and students to choose to apply either for a ‘‘Catholic religion’’ topic or for an alternative topic on ‘‘ethics.’’ In 1999–2000, according the Catholic Church, 88.21 percent of students in compulsory education under twelve, and 77 percent after this age, chose the first topic (Vidal 2003). The Spanish law prohibits the collection of census data based on religious belief, which limits the ability to compile statistical data on the number of adherents in the country. In February 2005, a CIS (Centre for Sociological Investigation, an autonomous state agency) survey reported that 79.3 percent of citizens consider themselves Catholic; however, 47.1 percent stated that they never attend Mass. Among non-Catholics, 11.7 percent said that they were agnostics, 4.9 percent said that they were atheists, and approximately 2 percent said that they practiced other religions. According to the International Religious Freedom Report (U.S. Department of State), the Episcopal Conference of Spain (CEE) estimates that there are approximately 34 million Catholics in the country. The director of the Federation of Evangelical Religious Entities (FEREDE) stated that they represent 400,000 evangelical Christians and other Protestants, and estimates that 30 percent of its members are immigrants from Latin America and Africa. FEREDE also estimates that there are 800,000 foreign Protestants, mostly European, who reside in the country at least six months of each year. There is little comprehensive information on the Muslim community in the country. and estimates place its size anywhere from 500,000 to 1,000,000. The Federation of Spanish Islamic Entities (FEERI) estimates that there are close to 1 million Muslims, including both legal and illegal immigrants. Recent government estimates support local source reports that there are 40,000 to 50,000 Jews in the country. There are approximately 9,000 practicing Buddhists. The European Values System 2000 also reports that about 30 percent of Spanish people say that they attend Mass on Sundays. However, only 6 percent of youngsters between eighteen and twenty-four years old say that they do so. Religious beliefs and practices have dramatically
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diminished among Spanish youngsters in a few decades. In 1960, 95 percent of Spanish children reported to be practicing Catholic and 58 percent said that they attend Mass on Sundays. In 2000, percentages were 33 percent and 10 percent, respectively. In 2000 (Gonzalez-Anelo et al.), about 15 percent of youngsters between thirteen and twenty-four years old said they were practicing Catholics, 33 percent said that they were Catholic but not linked to the Church, and 50 percent considered themselves to be nonbelievers. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT According to the official statistics (MTAS 2003b) during 2003, 6,072 new children were formally taken into the child protection system, and, at the end of that year, a total of 25,590 children were in the system. That means a ratio of 344 children per 100,000—this ratio was 234.9 in 1996, but has kept almost constant since 2000 due to what some authors have defined as a ‘‘collapsed system,’’ with no capacity for more cases. Such a system is functioning under the pressure of the most urgent cases, investing not enough resources for prevention and community work. There were 8,703 new cases in residential care during 2003. At the end of the year, the number of children in Spain in residential care under the child protection system was 14,084. The new cases in ‘‘administrative’’ foster care (with parents’ agreement) during this year were 2,479, and the new cases in ‘‘judicial’’ foster care (forced by a judge) were 1,024. At the end of the year, the number of children in Spain in each kind of foster care was 11,781 and 8,288, respectively. During the last decade, approximately 1,000 national adoptions have been judicially adopted every year. However, international adoption has dramatically increased. In 2000, 5,866 demands for international adoption were raised to Spanish authorities; in 2003, demands reached 8,811. During this year, 6,110 demands were positively evaluated, but 7,616 accumulated cases were waiting for a evaluation. Among industrialized countries, according a UNICEF report, Spain belongs to a small group of countries that appear to have a moderate incidence of child abuse and neglect, but a very low incidence of child mistreatment deaths (together with Greece, Italy, Ireland, and Norway). However, Spain does not currently have a law explicitly prohibiting the physical punishment of children in the family. A survey published in 1997 (Juste et al.) showed that 47.2 percent of Spanish parents with children under eighteen years old do consider that spanking the child now and then is unavoidable (48.2 percent of women versus 41.8 percent of men). In the most recent research available on this topic (CIS 2005) 59.9 percent of Spanish adults surveyed agrees with the sentence ‘‘By spanking the child ‘in time,’ you avoid major problems.’’
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According to a CONCAPA (2001) report, about 40 percent of children in compulsory education report to have been victims of aggressions by school peers, and 35 percent recognize they have abused other children. Bullying is a problem that has never been recognized as serious in Spain until very recently (Defensor del Pueblo 2000), when some suicides resulting from bullying appeared in the media. According a recent UNICEF (2005) report among OECD member countries, 13.3 percent of Spanish children live below the national poverty line. Other reports emphasize the low percentage of school enrollment among children from the gypsy minority in Spain (OMCT 2005). The Spanish criminal justice system prohibits all forms of physical violence against both adults and minors. The second paragraph of section 2 of article 617 of the Criminal Code provides for a more severe penalty in cases of ill treatment within the family. Such a penalty will be applicable to parents, guardians, or other members of the household who physically ill-treat children living with them. If the physical violence is habitual, it becomes an offense under article 153 of the Criminal Code, which punishes any person who habitually inflicts physical violence on his own or the spouse’s children, a member of the household, or a ward. Neglect or negligent treatment of a child by the parents or extended family is classified as a criminal offense under three provisions: .
.
.
Article 189.2 of the Criminal Code punishes anyone who, having a minor under his or her authority, guardianship, custody, or foster care, fails to do everything possible to prevent the minor from continuing to engage in prostitution, or fails to have recourse to the authorities to secure that end if unable to provide adequate custody; The second paragraph of article 229 of the Criminal Code punishes cases of neglect involving the permanent abandonment of the child by the parents; Article 230 classifies temporary abandonment of the child as a criminal offense.
Offenses involving the infliction of physical violence on children by persons responsible for them outside the family environment differ in no respect from the generic offences referred to above (articles 147-156 and 617.1 and 2). With regard to mental violence against or degrading treatment of children, if an individual commits the offense, the applicable provision is article 173, which punishes the generic form of such conduct. When the perpetrator of the degrading treatment is a public official abusing his powers, the offense is punishable under article 175 of the Criminal Code. Finally, Spain’s criminal justice system punishes neglect of children implying permanent abandonment (article 229.1 of the Criminal Code) or temporary abandonment (article 230 in conjunction with article 229.1) of the child by the person having custody.
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In criminal matters, article 233.1 of the Criminal Code calls for the intervention of the Government Procurer’s Office in cases where the child has been temporarily or permanently abandoned or has ceased to be provided with the financial assistance necessary for his or her maintenance, with a view to ensuring that the competent authority takes appropriate measures to ensure the custody and protection of minors. This provision is supplemented by the Second Additional Provision of the Code, which imposes an obligation on the government authority immediately to notify the public agency responsible for the protection of minors in the territory and the Government Procurer’s Office—thereby enabling them to act in accordance with their respective powers—should it become aware of any case of a minor engaged in prostitution, whether or not voluntarily, with the approval of the persons exercising family, social and moral, or de facto authority; in the absence of such persons, or where such persons have abandoned or are failing to take custody of the child. In recent years and very often related to the phenomena of immigration, some new situations of child abuse and neglect have been reported by different organizations (OMCT 2005), mainly: .
. .
The practice of female genital mutilation, which often happens among sub-Saharan immigrants; Irregularities concerning the deportation of immigrant children by police; Institutional violence against children in fostering centers.
However, public debates have also recently focused on the rights of children with respect to mass media, particularly related to privacy and to violence in television and concerning video games producers (Amnistı´a Internacional 2006). Some organizations working with children offer a telephone help line, which enables children to report cases of mistreatment without having recourse to an adult. Several Spanish NGOs launched a campaign to combat corporal punishment of children. The objectives of this campaign are to make parents aware of the need to use positive educational models, to encourage children themselves to participate directly in the activities undertaken, and to work for a total ban on corporal punishment under the Civil Code. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY In Eurobarometre 34 (Commission of the European Communities, 1990), Spain appeared as the EU country in which the sense of ‘‘responsibility’’ was the highest value appreciated by Spanish adults in children’s socialization. Like other European countries, Spain has a great challenge ahead: new methods are required with which to train children to become capable of ‘‘facing and taking responsible decisions about new issues and in new situations’’ (Council of Europe 1996).
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The present process of change already requires debate about new rights and new responsibilities. The CRC convention establishes a series of civil rights for children (above all, articles 12 to 16). Taken as a whole, the recognition of such rights creates new forms of children’s presence in society, new forms in which children assume social responsibilities, and new ways for adults to be with children and to listen to them as competent people and as subjects with rights. Those who have direct responsibility for children, or for childhood policies, understand the importance of such challenges while also appreciating the great doubts and uncertainties that it creates. These are, above all, due to the lack of a ‘‘historical tradition’’ of giving a major social participatory role to our child population (Casas 2002). Powerful new tools exist to try to address such challenges. Media and communicational technologies have opened new facilities. But the best opportunity is reflected by children’s motivation and enthusiasm in using the tools and by their development of new skills and competences by using them. In terms of availability, ownership, and use of different audiovisual media among adolescents twelve to sixteen years old, some research results show important increases from 1999 to 2003 that in some cases are impressive, particularly for the Internet and the mobile telephone. Children are really a ‘‘penetration factor’’ for audiovisuals in the households (Suess et al. 1998), and if they do not have equipment at home, they manage to use it elsewhere provided that they are interested. Between 68 and 85 percent of the adolescents in Spanish samples report that they use most audiovisual media (except educational CDs) also at friends’ houses, and such activity seems to be rather frequent, while in general it is much less frequent to use them at school or elsewhere (arcades, cyber cafes, and so on) (Casas et al. 2005). New communication technologies are giving us innovative ideas about how to improve children’s social participation in European society. It is important that children are listened to and taken into account in all areas of social life. Most important is that children have new opportunities to exercise real responsibilities in realistic, practical situations. New participatory experiments may be developed with children to put into practice other desirable values transnationally and transculturally: cooperation, solidarity, democracy, and so on—and to try to work together with children to improve the quality of life of many other children in the world. There are a number of draft public policies norms that aim to increase children’s welfare in the future. On the one hand, a new act is going to offer more facilities for young mothers and fathers to combine work and family life, involving companies or small business in women-friendly policies, as well as in compatible working hours or parental leave for both women and men. This may be positive for children, increasing the chances for care, education, and daily life shared with their parents. Second, the new General Education Act is expected to improve the coverage of
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children’s needs and to increase the possibilities for children to express themselves in the educational community. There is also a draft of a new act to protect persons in a dependent situation, which doesn’t take into consideration children under six years old. However, older children suffering some type of disability will be affected by the new measures. Finally, the school and social integration of foreign children will continue to be an important challenge for Spanish welfare services, such as those that pertain to educational, health, or social areas. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Casas, F. 1994. Decentralization of services for children: The Spanish experience. Innocenti Occasional Papers. Decentralisation and local governance Series, number 1. Florence: ICDC-UNICEF. Casas, F. 1998. Infancia: Perspectivas psicosociales. Barcelona: Paid os. Gaitan, L. 2006. Sociologı´ a de la infancia. Nuevas perspectivas. Madrid: Sı´ntesis. UNICEF. 2003. A league table of child maltreatment deaths in rich nations. Innocenti Report Card, 5. United Nations. 2001. Consideration of reports submitted by states parties under article 44 of the Convention. Periodic reports of States parties due in 1999. SPAIN. Committee on the Rights of the Child. CRC/C/70/Add.9. 12 November 2001. http://documents-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G01/ 460/25/pdf/G0146025.pdf?OpenElement.
Web Sites Care Work in Europe. Reports (including summaries in Spanish), http://www.ioe. ac.uk/tcru/carework.htm. European Network of Master son Children Rights, http://www.enmcr.net. Instituto Nacional de Calidad y Evaluaci on (INCE), http://www.ince.mec.es/ri/. International Religious Freedom Report. Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. US Department of State, http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2005/.
Organizations and NGOs Governmental Organizations Defensor del Menor de la Comunidad de Madrid Web site: http://www.dmenor-mad.es/ Defensor del Pueblo Web site: http://www.defensordelpueblo.es/
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Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales (Social Ministry of Work). Secretarı´a de Estado de Servicios Sociales, Familia y Discapacidad. Observatorio de la Infancia (Editors of the Statistical Bulletin about children in Spain: Boletı´ n Estadı´ stico. Madrid) Web site: http://www.mtas.es/ NGOs The main NGOs in Spain involved in children’s rights and child protection activities are associated in the Plataforma de Organizaciones de Infancia (POI), which has developed alternative reports to those of the Government, and has presented them to the CRC. The POI includes 23 member and 6 observer NGOs. http:// www.plataformadeinfancia.org
Selected Bibliography ~ Menores y derechos humanos, responsabilidades Amnistı´a Internacional. 2006. Espana: en juego. La protecci on de los derechos de la infancia est a en manos de la voluntariedad de las empresas que comercializan videojuegos. Madrid: Secci on Espaola de Amnistı´a Internacional. ~ Ginebra: OMCT (Organizaci Boniotti, F. 2002. Derechos de la infancia en Espana. on Mundial contra la Tortura). Casas, F. 2002. Adolescencia y juventud: Retos para la investigaci on y para la sociedad europea de cara al siglo XXI. Revista Psicosocial, 2, 1–24. http:// www.ulpg.es/webs/revipsicoso/ Casas, F., M. Gonzalez, C. Figuer, and S. Malo. 2007. ‘‘The penetration of audiovisual media in adolescents’ cultures in Spain between 1999 and 2003.’’ In Adolescents and Audio-Visual Media in Five Countries. F. Casas, I. Rizzini, R. September, P. E. Mjaavath, and U. Nayar, eds. Girona: University of Girona. C.I.S. (Centro de Investigaciones Sociol ogicas). 2005. Actitudes y Opiniones sobre la infancia. Estudio 2.621, Octubre. Madrid: CIS. Commission of the European Communities. 1990. Public opinion in the European Community. Eurobarometre, 34. August. Brussels: Commission of the European Communities. CONCAPA (Confederaci on Cat olica Nacional de Padres de Alumnos). 2001. Informe, 52. Mayo-junio. Council of Europe. 1996. Documents for the Closing Conference of the Childhood Policies Project. Leipzig, 28 May to 1 June. Strasbourg: CDPS–Council of Europe Publ. Defensor del Pueblo. 2000. Violencia escolar: El maltrato entre iguales en la educaci on secundaria obligatoria. Madrid: Defensor del Pueblo. Informes, Estudios y Documentos. Dı´az, A., A. Escobedo, and D. Moreno. 2002. Care Work in Europe. National Report, Spain. Barcelona: CIREM Foundation. EUROSTAT. 2004. Statistics in focus 6/2004. Social Protection in Europe. Brussels: European Communities. Gaitan, L. 1999. ‘‘Childhood and Social Welfare: generational distribution of social resources’’ Intervenci on Psicosocial 8(3): 331–48. Gonzalez-Anleo, J. Juan, P. Gonzalez, J. Elzo, and F. Carmona. 2000. J ovenes 2000 y Religi on. Madrid: Fundaci on Santa Marı´a.
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Hernan, M. J. 2006. ‘‘Demography of Childhood in Spain: Children as observation unit’’ Polı´ tica y Sociedad 43(1). INE. 2005. Padr o n Municipal: Poblaci on a 1 de enero de 2005. Madrid: Instituto Nacional de Estadı´stica. INE. 2006. Encuesta de Poblaci on Activa (EPA) Cuarto trimestre 2005. Madrid: Instituto Nacional de Estadı´stica. ~ Juste, M. G., J. M. Morales, and M. Costa. 1997. Actitudes de los espanoles ante el castigo fı´ sico infantil. Madrid: Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales. ~ Edici MEC. 2006. Las cifras de la Educaci on en Espana. on 2006. Madrid: Ministerio de Educaci on y Ciencia. ~ sobre Drogas. Informe 2004. Madrid: DGPNSD. MSC. 2005. Observatorio Espanol MTAS (Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales). 2003a. Estadı´stica basica de medidas impuestas a menores infractores. Boletı´ n Estadı´ stico. Madrid. Observatorio Infancia. Secretarı´a de Estado de Servicios Sociales, Familia y Discapacidad. MTAS (Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales). 2003b. Estadı´stica basica de protecci on a la infancia. Boletı´ n Estadı´ stico, 6. Madrid. Observatorio Infancia. Secretarı´a de Estado de Servicios Sociales, Familia y Discapacidad. http:// sociales.mtas.es/inicioas/datoses01.htm. Ochaı´ta, E., M. A. Espinosa, and E. Calvo. 2000. Child Work and Labour in Spain: A First Approach. The International Journal on Children’s Rights, 8, 1, 15–35. ~ Save The Children. 2003. Menores no acompanados. Informe sobre la situaci on de los ~ ~ Madrid: Save The Children. Documento menores no acompanados en Espana. de trabajo IV. Suess, D., A. Suoninen, C. Garitaonandia, P. Juaristi, R. Koikkalainen, and J. A. Oleaga. 1998. Media use and the relationship of children and teenagers with their peer groups. European Journal of Communication 13(4): 521–38. UNICEF. 2005. Child Poverty in Rich Countries 2005. Report Card No. 6. Florence: Innocenti Research Centre. UNICEF. UNICEF. 2006. Estado Mundial de la Infancia. New Cork. UNICEF. United Nations. 1993. Examen de los informes presentados por los estados partes con arreglo al artı´culo 44 de la Convenci on. Informe inicial que los Estados ~ Comite de los Derechos del Ni~ partes deben presentar en 1993. Espana. no. CRC/C/8/Add.6. 26 de octubre de 1993. Vabre, F. 2005. L’action publique contre la maltraitance des enfants. Elements pour une approche de sociologie politique comparative sur les cas francais et espagnol. Dossier d’Etude N° 65. Ecole Normale superieure de Cachan. Groupe d’analyse des politiques publiques. ~ Madrid: MTAS. SubVidal, F. 2002. Situaci on social de la Infancia en Espana. direcci on General de Publicaciones.
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UNITED KINGDOM Katherine Pinnock NATIONAL PROFILE More than 60 million people live in the United Kingdom (UK). Nearly one-fifth of these are children (aged under sixteen years), with nearly 10 million children in England, 586,000 in Wales, 398,000 in Northern Ireland, and just under 1 million in Scotland. The proportion of children living in the UK has been steadily decreasing over the last thirty years, from 25 percent in 1976 to 20 percent in 2001. The majority of British children are white (88 percent), 4 percent are black, 3 percent are Pakistani/ Bangladeshi, and 2 percent are of Indian ethnic origin (Office for National Statistics 2004). In 1999, the UK government relinquished its central powers to Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland, which led to the establishment of the Scottish Parliament, the Welsh Assembly, and the Northern Ireland Assembly. There are different levels of devolved responsibilities among Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland, which means that government policy on children varies according to region. Indeed, it is sometimes difficult to make comparisons between the different countries of the UK; as responsibilities for the provision of services have become devolved, so have the statistics. Nevertheless, it is possible to identify some key policy developments that have had particular implications for children. In some cases, devolution has had the effect of driving forward progressive policies for children. The Welsh Assembly, for example, was the first to appoint a Children’s Commissioner. This was shortly followed by Scotland, Northern Ireland, and finally by England. During the past thirty years, the UK has undergone significant changes in terms of family structures. Women tend to have children at an older age, and overall fertility rates are on the decline. The number of children women are choosing to have has also slightly decreased since the 1970s. This has been coupled with increasing rates of childlessness among women, which has led to a changing demographic, where it is predicted
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that by 2020 older people in the UK will outnumber young people three to one. Marriage rates are also falling in the UK, which is linked to a corresponding increase in the rise of cohabitation rates, especially within the younger (twenty-five to thirtyfour years old) age groups. There has been an increase in the overall rate of births outside marriage, but most are still registered by both parents living at the same address. The UK has a divorce rate of 4.8 per 1,000 adult population, which is in line with the European Union (EU) average. Two-thirds of those divorcing have children younger than sixteen years of age. In England and Wales, one in ten divorced couples goes to court over parental access disputes. We have also seen in recent decades a distinct shift in the law away from the privileged treatment of the traditional, nuclear family based on marriage, for example with the recognition of same-sex relationships. The family has, therefore, become much more diverse. In England, Wales, and Scotland, while about two-thirds of children live with both their natural parents, one in ten live in a stepfamily and one in four live in a single-parent family. Rates of homelessness in England, Scotland, and Wales peaked during the 1980s and 1990s, reaching 179,410 in 1992. More recently, it has started to increase again, rising to 169,291 in 2002. This can, in part, be explained by the introduction of more aggressive homelessness legislation. It is widely acknowledged that the causes of homelessness among all households are multifaceted and complex. Homelessness statistics in England record three key reasons for loss of last home: parents, relatives, or friends no longer willing or able to accommodate; breakdown
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of relationship with partner, and loss of private dwelling. For older children, the evidence of family and relationship breakdown as a contributory cause of homelessness is key. In the UK as a whole, it is estimated that one in nine young people run away or are forced to leave and stay away overnight before the age of sixteen years. At the start of the 1980s, the UK had a child poverty rate of only 12 percent. That rate more than doubled during the 1980s, continued to rise slowly during the 1990s, and only since 1998–1989 has it shown real evidence of a decline. In 2002–2003, nearly one-third of children were living in poverty in Great Britain. In 2001, the UK had the fifth highest child poverty rate in the EU. Children in the UK who live in poverty are more likely to live in a single-parent household, to live in a household where neither parent works, to be part of a large family, and to have a disabled parent (Bradshaw and Mayhew 2005). The UK has a comprehensive tax and benefit-based welfare system. It includes a range of benefits from means tested tax credits for low-income families and income support for the unemployed, to a universal minimum wage, child benefit, and a free national health service. Since the coming to power of New Labour in 1997, there have been substantial changes to the benefit system in particular, most notably in terms of the increase of in-work and out-of-work benefits for families with children. The Income Support scales for children with parents out of employment have more than doubled in real terms, child benefit has been increased and linked to the retail price index, and child tax credits have been linked to the earnings index and together with the minimum wage have boosted the incomes of families with children in employment. A key emphasis of the New Labour government has been the eradication of child poverty. The government’s target is eradicating child poverty by 2020. The Every Child Matters Framework and the Children Act 2004 are central elements of the government’s strategy to tackle social exclusion among families and to increase the amount and effectiveness of family services aimed at prevention. To this end, the government has supplemented its welfare provision with a host of local and national initiatives, which focus on supporting children within the different settings of the family, school, and community. One key initiative is Sure Start, which aims at improving the health and education status of the most deprived children four years old and younger. Other impactful organizations include the Children’s Fund, which supports multi-agencies working with socially excluded young people, and Connexions, a universal support service for thirteen- to nineteen-year-olds, launched in 2001. The UK is party to the Convention of the Rights of the Child and a member of the Council of Europe. In 2001, the UK introduced into law the Human Rights Act, which effectively incorporates the Council of Europe’s European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR). This raised concerns about the potential conflict
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between the children’s interests being paramount, and a commitment to the human rights of Population: 60,209,500 (2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 5.01 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) parents. In recent years, and Life expectancy at birth: 78.7 years (2007 est.) especially since the advent of the Literacy rate: 99 percent (2003 est.) Convention on the Rights of the Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 99 percent Child, there has been a gathering (2000–2005) impetus both within the Council Internet users: 37.6 million (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 51,000 (2001 est.) of Europe and the EU to conHuman Poverty Index (HPI-2) rank: 15 struct policies that are evaluated in terms of their impact on chilSources: Office for National Statistics, United Kingdom (2003). http://www.statistics.gov.uk; UNICEF. At a Glance: United dren. In the UK, the responsibilKingdom–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ ity for family policy has recently uk_statistics.html. April 24, 2007; United Nations Development been transferred to the GovernProgramme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–United Kingdom. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ ment’s Department for Educadata_sheets/cty_ds_GBR.html. April 26, 2007. tion and Skills (DfES) under the leadership of a Minister of State primarily responsible for children, which signals a shift to a greater recognition of children’s rights. The Children Act 2004 established a new Children’s Commissioner for England. In line with its Welsh, Scottish, and Northern Irish counterparts, the Commissioner is responsible for raising awareness of the best interests of children and young people and reports annually to Parliament. However, the periodic reports of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child on the UK highlight failings on the part of the government to comply with a number of its obligations under the convention. KEY FACTS – UNITED KINGDOM
OVERVIEW All children in the UK must be educated up to sixteen years of age. Most children attend comprehensive publicly funded schooling. However, there are significant differences between the types of schools attended by children across the UK. Comprehensive schools are more common in Scotland and Wales; single sex, selective, denominational schools are more common in Northern Ireland; and more independent schools are attended by pupils in England than those in the other UK countries. In terms of overall health, there has been a long-term downward trend in infant and child mortality in the UK, and it is currently at its lowest ever recorded. However, the UK infant mortality rates are higher than those of most other European countries. The infant mortality rate was 5.01 per 1,000 live births in 2007. Child mortality rates in children one to four years old are 23 per 100,000 population of the same age; for aged five to nine years, 11 per 100,000, and for ages ten
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to fourteen years, 15 per 100,000 (Beresford, Sloper, and Bradshaw 2005). Asylum and immigration in the UK is a major political issue that impacts on children, despite overall numbers being relatively small when compared with other European countries. The total number of asylum seekers in the UK who are supported by the National Asylum Support Service is 53,990. These figures do not distinguish numbers of children that have arrived as part of a family. The total number of unaccompanied asylum seeking children for the UK is estimated at around 6,000 (May 2005), approximately 5–7 percent of all asylum applications. (The terms ‘‘refugee’’ and ‘‘asylum-seeker’’ refer to both those seeking asylum and who have yet to be given refugee status under the 1951 UN Convention and those who have gained refugee status. A distinction is made between those refugee and asylum seeking children who have come to the UK as part of a family and those who have arrived ‘‘unaccompanied,’’ that is, a child under the age of eighteen years of age who has been separated from both parents and is not cared for by an adult). These children, originating in countries of Africa, Asia, and Europe, come to the UK seeking protection, many fleeing conflict and abuse, others victims of trafficking and exploitation. Currently, 3 percent are given permanent status (according to Save the Children, http://www. savethechildren.org.uk). With respect to the protection within the law, children overall, including asylum-seeking children, are protected from abuse and exploitation by a range of acts. As examined later, these include the Children Act 2004 and the Sexual Offences Act (2003) and the European Directive on the Protection of Young People at Work. Another key issue is the changing nature of childhood and how children spend their time. In addition to school and being outdoors, the home and the family are the main physical and social spaces in which most children spend their childhood. As outlined above, the UK has witnessed significant changes to the home and family environments. Specifically, there have been substantial changes in marriage and divorce patterns. These have had important ramifications in terms of children’s home and family experiences. The recent growth in childcare provision, an increased focus on academic achievement, and increased parental fears over safety, impact the ways in which children spend their time. Children’s play is now more structured than ever before. Children are not allowed by their parents to play outside to the extent that children were thirty years ago, especially for the younger age group. There has also been a tendency towards the commercialization and commodification of play space (McKendrick et al. 2000a) as evidenced in the proliferation of the service and leisure industries targeted at children (Mayhew, Finch, Beresford, and Keung, ‘‘Children’s Time and Space,’’ in Bradshaw and Mayhew (eds.) 2005).
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EDUCATION The Education Systems of the UK All children across the countries of the UK are entitled to ‘‘free’’ fulltime education between the ages of five and sixteen. However, as outlined earlier in this chapter, the school systems vary between the four UK countries. For instance, state-funded comprehensive schools for children over the age of eleven predominate in both Scotland and Wales. Northern Ireland still retains selective education and the vast majority of schools are associated with religious denominations. Single-sex schools are also much more widespread in Northern Ireland (33 percent) than in England (18 percent) and Wales (15 percent) and comparatively rare in Scotland (3 percent). Independent, privately funded schools are more common in England (around one in ten schools) compared with 6 percent in Scotland and 3 percent in Wales. Overall, educational qualifications have been increasing throughout the last decade. According to international studies looking at a range of measures on reading and mathematical literacy of fifteen-year-olds, the UK as a whole performs much better than many of its economic competitors. In the UK, the government is keen to promote opportunities for post-sixteen further and higher education, including vocational training. What has come to be known as the ‘‘Status Zero’’ generation, that is, those sixteen- to eighteen-year-olds not engaged in education or employment, was the subject of a key government review in 1999. Subsequently, their numbers have begun to decline (Coles and Richardson, ‘‘Education,’’ in Bradshaw and Mayhew 2005). Educational Achievement and Equal Opportunities Educational attainment levels within the UK vary with gender, social background, and ethnicity. Overall, girls do better in school qualifications than boys, based on qualifications gained at fifteen years and seventeen years. The traditional gap in attainment that exists between children from privileged and unprivileged backgrounds has begun to narrow. There are marked differences, however, in educational attainment between different ethnic groups in Britain, although girls of all ethnic groups are more likely than boys to achieve five or more GCSEs at grades A-C. Thirty percent of African Caribbean pupils gained five or more GCSC grades at A-C, compared with 55 percent of white pupils. Indian pupils are most likely to get these qualifications (66 percent of Indian girls and 55 percent of Indian boys). Chinese children are also high performers (Coles and Richardson, ‘‘Education,’’ in Bradshaw and Mayhew 2005). For refugee and asylum-seeking children, school can often be the only statutory service that they will come into contact with and can have a
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crucial role in providing them with a stable and safe environment, particularly for those suffering from anxiety or depression. Yet research at a UK level has shown that schools can often lack the resources to address the needs of refugee and asylum-seeking children. There may also be a lack of awareness or a reluctance to have refugee and asylum-seeking children within the school. The government’s audit commission and other studies conducted nationally have found that schools were refusing places for a number of reasons: lack of appropriate support within the school, for example, with language; and with the pressure of league tables a fear that refugee pupils would bring down results (McKenna 2005). Consequently, many children report having to wait months, sometime years, to receive a school place. Gypsy and traveler children are another group that have low participation rates within school. OFSTED (the Office for Standards in Education—the government inspectorate) estimated in 2003 that there were between 70,000 and 80,000 school age gypsy and traveler children in Britain (OFSTED 2003). However, many gypsy and traveler children in Britain are not receiving the formal public schooling that they should be. Participation rates are relatively low and drop significantly in secondary schools. The difficulties schools face in serving mobile communities and the discrimination gypsy and traveler pupils face once in school are just some of the reasons behind this. The Department for Education and Skills runs various initiatives aimed at supporting gypsy and traveler children within schools in terms of attendance and achievement. Underachievement in school also has longer-term implications. There is a considerable body of evidence that has documented the socioeconomic disadvantage and deprivation experienced by minority ethnic groups in British society as a result of unemployment, low income, bad housing, and poor educational opportunities. Disabled Children/Children with Special Needs The specific concept of ‘‘special educational needs’’ (SEN) was introduced as a legal term by the Education Act 1981. An approach based on individual assessment of learning support needs replaced the traditional disability criteria for educational provision. Therefore, rather than identifying need according to any specific disability (physical, mental, or behavioral), identification of need within the education systems of the UK is according to whether a pupil finds learning significantly more difficult than the majority of their age group, thus requiring special provision to be made. Conditions leading to the identification of SEN are, therefore, much broader. They may be visual, hearing, or other physical impairments, cognitive disorders, learning difficulties, or social, emotional, and behavioral difficulties. As many as 20 percent of children and young peoples are estimated to have a SEN at some time in their lives, but across the UK only around 3 percent of the school population will have a
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‘‘statement’’ or ‘‘record’’ at any one time. Those with SEN are increasingly being educated in mainstream schools as part of the government’s social inclusion agenda. In England, 60.3 percent of pupils with statements of SEN were in maintained mainstream schools, 36.9 percent in special schools and 2.8 percent in mainstream independent schools. In Wales, the rates of integration are higher, with 76 percent of children with statements of SEN educated in mainstream schools, 22 percent in special schools, and 2 percent in independent schools. The process has been later to get off the ground in Northern Ireland than elsewhere. Most disabled children in Northern Ireland are being educated in special schools, and both deaf and blind children have to attend boarding schools outside the country if they are to have any post-sixteen provision at all (Coles and Richardson, ‘‘Education,’’ in Bradshaw and Mayhew 2005). School Exclusions In the late 1990s, truancy and exclusion from school were seen as root causes of social exclusion and high rates of crime. They became a key policy priority for the government at this time, and ambitious targets for cutting exclusion rates were introduced. Reductions in the number of pupils permanently excluded from school were, therefore, very rapid during this period. In England and Wales, exclusion rates have started to increase again since the targets were dropped. For 2002–2003, 9,290 children were permanently excluded from schools, compared with 8,323 in 1999– 2000 and 12,476 in 1995–1996. Boys are four times more likely to be excluded from school than girls. Those children excluded from school, either permanently or for a fixed term period, are much more likely to be eligible for free school meals, have a statement (or record) of special educational need, be ‘‘looked after’’ by local authorities, and, where the data is available, to be classified as ‘‘Black Caribbean’’ or ‘‘Black Other’’ (Coles and Richardson, ‘‘Education,’’ in Bradshaw and Mayhew 2005). PLAY AND RECREATION Concerns about public safety and an increased focus on academic achievement have meant that children’s play has become more structured. This is further reinforced by a tendency towards adult-led commercialization of play space and the treatment of children as ‘‘consumers’’ of leisure activities. Children and young people’s use of their spare time is different according to age, location, interests, and capacity to access facilities. A three-year research and policy project on children’s play in the UK showed that the majority of children in nonschool time are at home or with friends or relatives. They were most likely to enjoy physically active outdoor and indoor pursuits, meeting with their friends, quiet activities,
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and being able to choose from a wide range of activities. Lack of available play opportunities, a fear of bullying, deprived play areas, and a high volume of traffic were the key issues likely to prevent children from doing what they want to do (Cole-Hamilton, Harrop, and Street 2002). One large study with children aged nine to sixteen years found that the main reason identified for playing on the street is that children have nowhere else to go and that certainly for less affluent children it may be the only social forum available to them due to their inability to pay for leisure or recreational opportunities (Cole-Hamilton, Harrop, and Street 2002). A survey of 900 families about the use of play centers and commercial facilities identified that children from poorer areas and less affluent households were less likely to attend them than those from more affluent areas (McKendrick, Bradford, and Fielder 2003). Children in rural areas are particularly vulnerable to exclusion from play and leisure facilities, due to lack of and/or cost of public transport and lack of available public services in their locality. Children and young people’s use of the street is complex and can be problematic: there is often conflict with adult’s perception of what is acceptable use. Research suggests that children’s abilities to use their local environments are being eroded. Environmental planning without consulting children and increasing privatization of land means that areas are increasingly restricted from children’s free access, particularly in rural areas (Mathews 2001). The link between young people not having enough to do and committing crime is a concern of the government, which recently launched a campaign of ‘‘no tolerance’’ of crime and antisocial behavior, which restricts the use of public spaces for teenagers by imposing the threat of bans and curfews on ‘‘troublemaking’’ youth. They have also begun to develop a national strategy for providing constructive activities for this age group. Internet use among children including email, on-line games, and word processing has grown massively in recent years. A recent research project investigating Internet use of more than 1,500 nine- to nineteen-year-olds living in the UK found that school access to the Internet in the UK is near universal, with 92 percent of pupils being able to go online at school (Livingstone and Bober 2004). The majority of children also have access to a computer at home (87 percent), and 71 percent of children have access to the Internet from home. The UK government is generally supportive of this new development. Their ‘‘Information and Communication Technology (ICT) in Schools Programme’’ is a key initiative aimed to stimulate and support the use of ICT to improve standards and to encourage new ways of teaching and learning. However, there are still significant inequalities in the home access of the Internet based on socioeconomic class. Eighty-eight percent of middle-class children but only 61 percent of working-class children have access to the Internet at home. One-fifth of the children in the study had access to the Internet in their bedroom. Most children who are frequent users of the Internet use it for homework
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(90 percent), or to get information for other things (94 percent), as well as for sending emails (72 percent) and to play games online (70 percent). The risks associated with such high usage of the Internet have also been noted. There is evidence to show that children often lack the skills in evaluating online content and do not receive sufficient training in how to judge the reliability of online information. CHILD LABOR Laws to Protect Working Children Following several amendments, the Children and Young Persons Act 1933 remains the basis of child employment law in England and Wales. It sets the minimum age at which children may be employed and allows local authorities to make bylaws. Young working people are also protected by the terms of a European Directive on the Protection of Young People at Work, which were implemented into UK legislation within the Working Time Regulations. According to present legislation, no child may be employed (a) if under the age of twelve years; (b) during school hours; (c) before 7 A.M. or after 7 P.M.; (d) for more than two hours on any day on which he or she is required to attend school; (e) for more than two hours on a Sunday; or (f) in any industrial undertaking or where they are likely to suffer injury from lifting, carrying, or moving heavy items. In May 2004, the Minister for Children, Young People and Families introduced further changes. These included the simplification and consolidation of the child employment legislation; a move to a (child) employer registration scheme and allowing more flexibility on when children may work; and encouraging children’s participation in the consultation process preceding changes to the child employment legislation (Mayhew, Finch, Beresford, and Keung. ‘‘Children’s Time and Space,’’ in Bradshaw and Mayhew 2005). A local education authority has powers to supervise the employment of school children in its area and may require particulars about a child’s employment. It may prohibit or restrict employment if it feels that the employment is unsuitable even if not unlawful. A person who wishes to employ a child must obtain a permit from the local education authority. Without a permit, children are working illegally. Yet most working children (95–97 percent) are unlikely to hold a permit because of lack of awareness that they need one (Hobbs and McKechnie 1997). Child Employment Data on the employment of children is very difficult to access as government employment surveys typically do not extend to people younger than sixteen years of age. It is, therefore, estimated that of a population of 3.5 million eleven- to fifteen-year-olds in England and Wales, around
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2.3 million children will have worked at some time before their school-leaving age. The most common types of work that children perform are newspaper delivery, shop work, waiter/waitressing, hotel and catering, agricultural work, and office work and cleaning. Children work for a number of reasons, including financial independence from their parents, combating boredom, gaining work experience, and earning money to buy consumer goods (Davies 1999). Some child employment is linked to family poverty and earnings contribute towards family income (Stack and McKechnie 2002). Children as Carers In the UK, young carers are defined as those children and young people under eighteen years old whose lives are in some way restricted because of the need to take on inappropriate or excessive responsibilities for the care of a person who is ill, has a disability, is experiencing mental distress, or is affected by substance misuse (DOH 2001). This situation often arises because of a lack of good quality, appropriate, affordable, and accessible health and community care services. According to data from the 2001 Census, of all children between five and fifteen years old in the UK, 114,000 (1.4 percent) provided informal care (53,000 boys and 61,000 girls) (Doran et al. 2003). Of these, 18,000 provided twenty hours of care or more a week, and nearly 9,000 provided at least fifty hours. The health of 773 children under sixteen, providing twenty or more hours of care, was rated as ‘‘not good’’ (Doran et al. 2003). The issue of young carers has been a major child welfare concern over the last decade. Young carers are recognized in parliamentary legislation in the 1995 Carers (Recognition and Services) Act, and they have been widely accepted as meeting the definition of children in need in the 1989 Children Act. The government’s National Strategy on Carers (1999) contains a separate chapter on children providing care and data pertaining to young carers were included in the General Household Survey (Newman 2002). Most recently the Carers (Equal Opportunities) Act 2005 aims to provide a firm foundation for better practice by councils and the health service. It will build on existing legislation and support for carers by placing a duty on local authorities to ensure that all carers know that they are entitled to an assessment of their needs; placing a duty on councils to consider a carer’s outside interests (work, study, or leisure) when carrying out an assessment; and promoting better joint working between councils and the health service to ensure support for carers is delivered in a coherent manner. Child Trafficking in the UK Commercial sexual exploitation of children including the trafficking of children is a key emerging issue for the UK. There are no accurate
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figures, but the police regularly report British and non-British children working in the UK sex industry and current estimates are of 5,000 child sex workers, of whom 75 percent are girls. In a small study of just thirtythree London boroughs in 2004, thirty-five cases of child trafficking were found. Between 1998 and 2003, 250 cases of child trafficking were recorded in the UK; however, there are likely to be hundreds more unrecorded cases (Somerset 2004). On May 1, 2004, the Sexual Offences Act (2003) became law. This protects children from all forms of sexual exploitation within the UK. It also enables British citizens and residents who commit sexual offenses against children overseas to be prosecuted in the UK. In addition, it makes it illegal to traffic people into, within, and out of the UK for sexual exploitation. Some of the offenses carry penalties of up to life imprisonment, and anyone found guilty will be placed on the Sex Offenders Register. All registered sex offenders have to notify the police when they intend to leave the country for three days or more. The UK police and the National Criminal Intelligence Service (NCIS) and Interpol are actively involved in monitoring child sex tourists and can prosecute where necessary. FAMILY The Changing Family As discussed in the introduction to this chapter, families in the UK are becoming more diverse. Women are having fewer children and at an older age. This has led to a changing demographic, where it is predicted that by 2020 older people in the UK will outnumber young people three to one. Marriage rates are also falling in the UK and cohabitation rates are rising, especially within the younger age groups. There has been an increase in the overall rate of births outside marriage, but most are still registered by both parents living at the same address. The UK’s divorce rate of 4.8 per 1,000 adult population is in line with the EU average, and two-thirds of those divorcing have children under sixteen years of age. There has been a distinct shift in the law away from the privileged treatment of the traditional, nuclear family based on marriage, for example with the recognition of same-sex relationships. While most children still live with both their natural parents, a growing number live in stepfamilies or single-parent families (Bradshaw and Mayhew 2005). Physical Punishment within the Family In the UK, slapping is now banned in all forms of daycare (including child minding) except in Northern Ireland. However, a complete ban on all forms of corporal punishment to include parents has so far been
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resisted throughout the UK, despite public pressure and the recommendations of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, the European Social Rights Committee, and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. Under the current law in the UK, parents are still allowed to hit their children using the defense that such action constitutes ‘‘reasonable chastisement.’’ While the Welsh Assembly does not have the power to make changes to primary legislation, it has repeatedly called on the UK government to change the law and to ban physical punishment of children. The Criminal Justice (Scotland) Act (2003) introduced the concept of ‘‘justifiable assault’’ of children. This requires courts to take into account a number of factors including the nature of the physical punishment; its duration and frequency; the physical and mental effect it has on the child; the child’s age, their gender, and state of health. It also bans blows to the head, shaking, or use of implements. The act has been in force since the end of 2003, but there is as yet no evidence of the impact of the legislation on either legal cases or on public attitudes to physical punishment. Research commissioned by the UK Government’s Department of Health in the 1990s found that two-thirds of babies were hit in their first year of life; up to one-third of children under seven were hit by their parents more than once a week; more than one-third of children experienced severe punishment at the hands of their parents at some time, and one-fifth had been hit with an implement (Nobes and Smith 1997). This study, which interviewed more than 500 mothers of children aged one, four, seven, or eleven, concluded that the majority of children experience some form of physical punishment in the home. The possibility of escalation from slapping children to hitting them with implements or meting out severe punishments has been shown in high profile cases of child deaths, such as those of Victoria Climbie and Lauren Wright in 2000 and 2001, respectively. As examined later in this chapter, a recent study of the prevalence of child maltreatment in the UK found that child maltreatment was much more prevalent than previously considered (Cawson et al. 2000). Almost one-quarter of eighteen- to twenty-four-year olds interviewed had experienced ‘‘physical abuse’’ at the hands of their parents during childhood. Looked-After Children A total of 78,842 children are looked after by the state in the UK, and 8,317 young people aged sixteen years and over left care in the UK. Research shows that young people leave state care to live independently at a much earlier age than other young people leave home. Over the past ten years, there has been an increase of about 23 percent in the number of children looked after. The main reason for this is that children are being looked after for longer periods. Over the last ten years in England,
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the proportion of children looked after for reasons of abuse and neglect rose from 45.5 percent in 1994 to 62.3 percent in 2003. There has been a growth in adoption of looked-after children in the past five years, particularly in England and Wales. In the 1970s and 1980s, there were disproportionately high numbers of black and minority ethnic (BME) children placed in care. Following the Children Act 1989, it became unlawful to ignore the race, culture, language, and religion of children who were receiving daycare or were looked after by the statutory and voluntary agencies. Many key messages of the act offered opportunities to work in positive ways with black children and their families. Numbers of BME children looked after the state have since decreased (Bradshaw and Mayhew 2005). Looked-after children aged eleven to fifteen years are four to five times more likely to have a mental disorder compared with children of the same age group living in private households. Looked-after young people are also three times more likely to be cautioned or convicted of an offense than their peers. Homeless young people are ten times more likely to have been in care during childhood and between a quarter to a third of rough sleepers were once in care. Care leavers are less likely to be engaged in education, employment, and training than other young people aged sixteen to nineteen in the population, having 2 to 2.5 times the unemployment rate for young people in the same age group (Bradshaw and Mayhew 2005). Adoption Traditionally, adoption law has attached more weight to parental wishes than to children’s. This safeguard of the parental position has been removed by the new Adoption and Children Act 2002, which makes the welfare of the child the paramount consideration throughout adoption proceedings and extends to the parent’s decision to withhold consent. It also gives unmarried and same-sex couples the right to adopt. The change in the law is part of a wider change of policy direction by the government, which favors an increase in the rate of adoption as the solution to the high numbers of children looked after by local authorities on a longterm basis. Childcare Compared with the rest of Europe, it is only recently that childcare has become a government priority in the UK. Each country within the UK is heading toward more integrated provision where childcare and early education services are being combined. Data collection is still problematic as new systems are embedded. However broad trends show that between 1997–2003 there was an increase in day-care nursery places and
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out-of-school care places across the UK. Also during this period, there was a decrease in childminder places across all countries. While the types of childcare provision available across the four UK countries vary, overall, there is a greater emphasis of a holistic approach to children’s needs in the early years and policy initiatives are moving closer to ‘‘integrated’’ provision of childcare and early education and in some cases with other health and family support services (Bradshaw and Mayhew 2005). In terms of the role of childcare and impact it has on child outcomes, a major research study (the Effective Provision of Pre-School Education [EPPE] study in England and Northern Ireland) found that reasonable quality provision in early childhood education and childcare is good for children. (The EPPE project is the first major longitudinal study to be conducted in Europe examining the effects of preschool experiences on children’s social and intellectual development between the ages of three and seven years. It began in 1997 and followed 3,000 children in 141 different childcare settings across five regions in England, comparing them with 200 children who had no childcare experiences outside the home.). However, other research has shown that childcare (where children start at age two or earlier), particularly in group settings, can slightly increase the risk for antisocial behavior and that quality of care is important (Melhuish 2004). HEALTH Infant and Child Mortality The infant mortality rate in the UK is 5.01 per 1,000 live births. The child mortality rates in children one to four years old for 2002 was 23 per 100,000 population of the same age; for aged five to nine years was 11 per 100,000, and for ages ten to fourteen years was 15 per 100,000. There has been a long-term downward trend in infant and child mortality, and the infant mortality rate for the UK is the lowest ever recorded. However, the UK infant mortality rates are higher than those of most other European countries. The latest figures available for a range of OECD countries are for 2001, and these show that the UK infant mortality rate for that year of 5.5 per 1,000 live births is higher than that for most other European countries. There has been little change since 1999 in the pattern of causes of death. The main causes of infant mortality (under one year) differ from causes of child mortality (one to fourteen years). Conditions related to immaturity are the most common cause of infant deaths, followed by congenital anomalies (Beresford, Sloper, and Bradshaw, ‘‘Physical Health,’’ in Bradshaw and Mayhew 2005). The UK stillbirth rate for 2002 was 5.6 per 1,000 of total births. There has been a recent rise in stillbirths in England, Wales, and Northern Ireland. The number of low birth weight babies being born is
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increasing. In 2000, the UK had one of the highest proportions of low birth weight live births in the OECD. The number of sudden infant deaths (SIDS) has continued to decline with the death rate in England and Wales falling from 0.40 in 2000 to 0.31 in 2002 (ONS 2003d). For children aged one to fourteen, the most common causes of death reported in 2002 statistics were external causes, including injury and poisoning, and cancers (ONS 2004a). Almost half of deaths due to injury are from road traffic accidents. However, annual figures for the number of child pedestrian deaths or serious injuries in Great Britain are declining among all age groups and for both boys and girls. The mortality rate for childhood cancer has continued to decline, due to improvements in treatment, and around 70 percent of children are now successfully treated (Cancer Research UK 2003). Immunizations For diphtheria, tetanus, polio, and whooping cough, the immunization rates have been constant over time. In 2000, almost all two-year-old children in the UK were immunized against diphtheria (95 percent), tetanus (94 percent), whooping cough (94 percent), polio (95 percent), Haemophilus influenzae (HiB) (95 percent) and measles, mumps, and rubella (MMR) (88 percent) (Beresford 2002). Historically, immunizations rates for MMR have always been lower than for other immunizations, peaking in the mid 1990s at 92 percent. Following this, there was a fall in MMR immunizations rates due to widely reported concerns about the safety of the MMR vaccination and its purported links with autism and bowel disorders (such as Crohn’s disease), which resulted in parents deciding not to have their child vaccinated. Between 1997 and 2003, immunization rates in England and Wales fell from nine of ten children being immunized against MMR in 1997 to just over eight of ten children in 2003. This led to a corresponding increase in notifications of measles and mumps (Beresford, Sloper, and Bradshaw, ‘‘Physical Health,’’ in Bradshaw and Mayhew 2005). Access to Good Health Care All people living in the UK are entitled to free basic health care. This ranges from general health care from a local general practitioner (GP) to emergency treatment received in hospitals. Children up to the age of sixteen years, and under nineteen years if in full-time education, are also entitled to free prescriptions, dental care, and eye examinations through the National Health System (NHS). In terms of dental care, however, it is increasingly difficult to access NHS dentists; most people now have to pay for private dental care, including children. Accessing opticians that provide an NHS service is not so problematic. Following an eye
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examination, parents are entitled to a voucher toward the cost of any glasses or contact lenses prescribed. Not all children, however, have the same levels of access. For example, many children and their parents seeking asylum do not have access to basic health services, with many finding it difficult to register with a GP (Kidane 2001; Humphries and Mynott 2001). Where children are entitled to free NHS treatment, many find it difficult to navigate their way through these services. Communication and lack of interpreters is a key barrier. Pollution Awareness about the impact of different forms of pollution on children and adults has increased in recent years. Indoor air pollution has been raised as a potential key cause of concern for children in the UK. Key air pollutants include carbon monoxide and nitrogen dioxide from faulty gas heaters and cookers, carbon monoxide and benzene from cigarette smoke, and volatile organic compounds (VOCs) from synthetic furnishings, vinyl flooring, and paints. In addition, there are biological pollutants such as dust mites and mold. Since children are spending more time indoors, air quality has been identified as a real concern for children’s health. In terms of outdoor air pollution, typical urban air pollutants from manmade activities identified for the UK include nitrogen oxides, carbon monoxide, sulphur dioxide, hydrocarbons, and particulate matter. Common sources of these primary pollutants include power station and industrial plants (sulphur dioxide) and road transport (carbon monoxide, particulate matter, and nitrogen oxides) (http://www.airquality.co.uk/ archive/). Partly linked to this are rising levels of asthma, now the most common chronic childhood illness in Britain, which has one of the highest prevalence rates of asthma in the world (Central Health Monitoring Unit 1995). As in other countries, its prevalence is rising in Britain; there has been an increase over time of the number of children aged seven years or over who had the medical diagnosis of asthma. This increase has been larger for boys than girls; overall, more boys have been diagnosed with asthma than girls (Beresford, Sloper and Bradshaw, ‘‘Physical Health,’’ in Bradshaw and Mayhew 2005). Smoking and Alcohol Consumption The proportion of young people who smoke regularly (that is, weekly) is 9 percent in England. The prevalence of smoking regularly not only varies between the nations of the UK, but there are also gender differences, with girls being more likely to smoke than boys. The proportion of young people smoking increases with age; past the age of eleven, smoking is more prevalent among girls than among boys. In terms of alcohol
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consumption, one-third of young people report drinking during the past week. The proportion of young people drinking increases with age, and drinking is more prevalent among boys than among girls. Of particular concern is the amount of alcohol being consumed in one session, referred to as ‘‘binge drinking.’’ In England, the mean number of units of alcohol consumed in the last seven days rose from six to eleven units between 1988 and 2003 among boys, and from five to nine units during the same period among girls (Finch and Searle, ‘‘Children’s Lifestyles,’’ in Bradshaw and Mayhew 2005). Diet and Exercise There is widespread concern about the diets of children and young people in the UK. Scotland has one of the highest records of thirty-five countries for both sweets and soft drink consumption. Wales falls in the ten countries of thirty-five, with the lowest records of both fruit and vegetable consumption. The proportion of young people undertaking the recommended amount of physical activity each day is also low. Sixty-one percent of young people aged eleven to sixteen in Britain do not undertake the recommended level of physical activity each day. Boys in all of the countries are more likely than girls to undertake the recommended amount of physical activity each day. As well as lower sports participation among children, there is greater use of cars for short journeys. Increasing car use is commonly seen to be one of a number of factors explaining decreasing levels of physical activity in both children and adults (Mackett et al. 2002). Poor diet and low levels of exercise among children has led to widespread concern over childhood obesity, which has recently become a governmental priority. The links between childhood obesity and adult health problems is not certain, but children who are overweight tend to follow obesity into adulthood. Between 1996 and 2001, the proportion of obese children aged six to fifteen years rose by 3.5 percent. Around 16 percent of children aged two to fifteen years old are now obese. Childhood obesity levels in Britain are also some of the highest internationally (Beresford, Sloper, and Bradshaw, ‘‘Physical Health,’’ in Bradshaw and Mayhew 2005). Mental Health Governments across the UK have recently begun to recognize the importance of promoting and supporting child and adolescent mental health. A government study found that, throughout the UK, older children experience more mental health problems than younger children and that boys are more likely to experience conduct disorders and girls are more likely to worry and suffer from depression (Meltzer et al. 2000). There is some evidence that young people are worrying more about
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certain issues, and that emotional problems have increased over the last twenty-five years. Family relationships, parenting style, and parental mental health are linked to children’s mental health. In the government study, mental health problems were twice as common in children in single-parent households, families with step-parents, and larger households. In terms of youth suicide, official statistics for the UK show that generally there has been a decline in the number of suicides among young people aged less than twenty-five years. Between 1990 and 2002, there was a 27 percent reduction in the number of youth suicides and undetermined deaths in the UK from 895 to 654. However, suicide remains more prevalent among boys than girls and increases with age. International comparisons of thirty countries using statistics from the World Health Organization show that Northern Ireland and England and Wales have among the lowest rates of suicide and self-inflicted injury for five- to fourteen-year-olds for both girls and boys. However, Scotland falls somewhere toward the middle of the group. Reducing the suicide rates is seen as a proxy measure for improving mental health in the UK (Quilgers, Searle, and Keung, ‘‘Mental Health and Well-being’’ in Bradshaw and Mayhew 2005). Female Genital Mutilation The UK government introduced into law the Female Genital Mutilation Act (2003) in March 2004. This replaced the Prohibition of Female Circumcision Act (1985). It makes it an offense for the first time for UK nationals or permanent UK residents to carry out female genital mutilation (FGM) in the UK or abroad, or to aid, abet, counsel, or procure the carrying out of FGM abroad, even in countries where the practice is legal. Teenage Pregnancy and Sex Education in Schools The pregnancy rate in 2003 for under-eighteen-year-olds in England and Wales was 42.3 conceptions per 1,000 girls in 2003, a 10 percent reduction since 1998. But for younger teenagers (aged thirteen to fifteen years), the pregnancy rate has slightly increased, although it remains low. This is in line with research that shows that almost one-third of men and women report having first intercourse at younger than sixteen years of age. There has been an increase, however, in the use of contraception among teenagers, with two-thirds now using at least one form of contraception. Nevertheless, the birth rate among women under twenty years in the UK was the second highest out of twenty-eight OECD countries. Similarly, cases of genital chlamydia, gonorrhea, and syphilis have continued to rise (Bradshaw and Mayhew 2005). In response to these high rates of teenage pregnancy, the government set up the Teenage Pregnancy Unit. It is a cross-departmental unit
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located within the Department for Education and Skills. Initiatives have been launched at national and local levels, such as the provision of helplines for children and parents and advice provided through the Sure Start program. Schools have been given new guidance on sex and relationships education and better health service standards have been set for giving advice on contraceptives. Support for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transsexual Young People The Equal Opportunities Commission is the leading independent agency working to eliminate sex discrimination and provides support to lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transsexual (LGBT) people with respect to discrimination and information on relevant legislation. This is complemented by numerous NGOs across the UK working to support LGBT young people. Police services throughout the UK and large trade unions, such as UNISON, have also recently begun to develop specific policies on working with this group. In December 2003, the Employment Directive, which outlawed discrimination and harassment in the workplace on the grounds of sexual orientation, came into force in Britain. The new law means that it will be unlawful to deny lesbian, gay, and bisexual people jobs because of prejudice. It will also enable individuals to take action against harassment and will enable people to have an equal chance of training and promotion. HIV/AIDS While the number of children being born to HIV-positive mothers is increasing, improvements in the clinical management of such cases means there has been a decline in the proportion of children infected with the virus. Over 50 percent of children born to HIV mothers in 2003 were not HIV infected. This is in stark contrast to the late 1970s and early 1980s, when all children born to an HIV-infected mother were infected with the virus. However, the UK is one of the European countries with the highest number of children being born to HIV-infected mothers. The cumulative total number of infections caused by mother-to-child transmission since 1999 in Europe is 13,603, and of these, 1,006 were recorded in the UK. In the UK between 2001 and 2004, 374 children became HIV infected and twenty-eight children died (EuroHIV 2003). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Laws Targeted at Children and Young People The legal age of criminal responsibility in England and Wales is ten years and for Scotland, eight years. By definition, no child in England or
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Wales under the age of ten, or in Scotland under the age of eight, can commit a crime. By contrast, the criminal law regards children aged ten (or eight) years and over as fully responsible for their actions. However, the legal procedures and the range of sanctions applicable to children aged ten and over who are guilty of a crime are different from those applicable to adults. The distinctive set of procedures and sanctions applied to young people aged ten to eighteen forms the basis for what has come to be known as the ‘‘Youth Justice System,’’ a subset of the Criminal Justice System. The Anti-Social Behaviour Act 2003 targeted at children but also applicable to adults marks a shift towards punishing children and young people for more ‘‘low level’’ disorders and minor incivilities that often did not reach the court system, such as vandalism, criminal damage, noise nuisance, graffiti, and substance misuse. The principal sanction available is the Anti-Social Behaviour Order (ASBO), which prohibits the perpetrator from doing certain things or being in certain places for a fixed period of time (typically two years). In addition to this is the Acceptable Behaviour Contract (ABC), developed specifically to address the antisocial activities of young people aged between ten and seventeen years (although subsequently used with adults in certain circumstances). Children and Crime Although a high proportion of young people in the UK commit a crime at some point in their lives, the majority of recorded crime is committed by adults rather than by children or teenagers. In England, Wales, and Scotland, there are signs that youth crime has reached a plateau and may be beginning to decline. Nonetheless, a small but growing number of children are responsible for a disproportionate number of offenses. Most crimes committed by children are offenses against property. The offense for which individuals were most commonly arrested in all age groups was theft and handling stolen goods, and was particularly evident among those aged seventeen years and under. Illicit drug use by children and young people in the UK tends to be ‘‘experimental’’ rather than ‘‘problematic’’ and confined to cannabis rather than more harmful substances such as heroin or cocaine. The vast majority of known offenders in all UK countries are male. Official statistics show clear gender differences among arrested children and young people in terms of both prevalence and types of offence committed. In 2002–2003, only 100 of the 500 children arrested while under age ten were female (a female to male ratio of 1:4) and 53,800 of the 299,500 children arrested while aged ten to seventeen years were female (a female to male ratio of approximately 1:5). Children and young people in the UK experience very high levels of victimization and fear of crime and this commonly takes the form of harassment and bullying by other children and young people. Forty-six percent of the young people in mainstream education and 61 percent of excluded
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young people said that they had been a victim of crime in the previous twelve months (Neale, ‘‘Children, Crime and Illegal Drug Use,’’ in Bradshaw and Mayhew 2005). Sentencing and Imprisonment of Young People According to criminal statistics for England and Wales, 86,000 juvenile offenders were given reprimands or final warnings in 2002 (Home Office 2003). This was a decline of 12 percent from the previous year. The numbers of persons found guilty at all courts or cautioned for indictable offences by age and sex for the years 1997–2002 show an overall decline and that there have been more cautions and guilty verdicts among older than younger children and more among males than females. Until 1998, children aged ten to fourteen who were charged with a criminal offence were presumed, in any court hearing, to be doli incapax (‘‘incapable of evil’’); that is, they were presumed not to be capable of knowing that a particular behavior was ‘‘seriously wrong’’ as opposed to being merely ‘‘naughty.’’ It was the responsibility of the prosecution to demonstrate, beyond reasonable doubt, that the child in question was capable of recognizing behavior that was seriously wrong. Children aged between ten and fourteen were thus afforded some procedural protection from the full weight of the criminal law (Bandalli 2000; Newburn 2002). The presumption of doli incapax was abolished by the Crime and Disorder Act 1998. In Scotland, the Scottish Children’s Hearing System deals both with children who have offended and children who are in need of care and protection. Since 1971, individuals under sixteen years and some sixteen- to eighteen-year-olds who commit offenses have mostly been dealt with by hearings rather than by the courts. Indeed, children in Scotland are only considered for prosecution in court if very serious offenses have been committed. In 1991, the number of persons aged less than sixteen years with a charge proved against them in a Scottish court per 1,000 population was 0.4 and, by 2001, this had reduced to 0.2. Approximately three-quarters of all people convicted in court in Northern Ireland are aged between eighteen and thirty-nine years old. In 1997, the ratio of female to male juvenile convictions was as high as 1:9 and between 1999 and 2001 at least fourfifths of those admitted to remand in juvenile justice centers were male. Theft, violence against the person, burglary, and criminal damage were the offense classifications for which most juveniles in Northern Ireland were remanded in custody (O’Mahony and Deazley 2000). Adherence to UN Guidelines The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child in their 2002 report on the UK made a number of recommendations specifically on the issue
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of youth justice. These included a recommendation that legislation should be redrafted to incorporate the principles of the Conventions on the Rights of the Child; court orders should be made compatible with the CRC; government should ‘‘considerably raise the age of criminal responsibility’’; no child should be tried as an adult; and that conditions of the juvenile secure estate should be reviewed as a matter of urgency to ensure all basic statutory rights to education, health and child protection are met. The Joint Committee on Human Rights (based within the UK’s House of Parliament) also raised a number of similar concerns with respect to compliance with the CRC. It recommended, for example, that the age of criminal responsibility be increased to twelve years and that the government re-examine sentencing policy and practice with the specific aim of reducing the number of young people entering custody (House of Lords and House of Commons Joint Committee on Human Rights). However, the government intends to continue to operate a distinct youth justice system on present lines with a response to offending behavior from age ten upwards. It suggests early intervention diverts children from crime and that measures in place constitute a ‘‘holistic approach’’ to youth crime. The government also proposes a ‘‘single main sentencing purpose of preventing offending.’’ For persistent offenders, there is to be a new sentence called an Intensive Supervision or Detention Order (ISDO) combining custody with community supervision and will apply to twelve- to fourteen-year-olds who are not persistent offenders and would not have received a custodial sentence. The government approach remains that children who are in custody are not just children, they have committed serious crimes against the community. The government believes it needs to take responsibility on behalf of the community to protect the public and punish their offending alongside tackling social and behavioral factors that drive their offending and treating them appropriately for their age group RELIGIOUS LIFE Prevailing Religious Practices The rate at which people in the UK engage in formal religious practices has declined quite significantly in recent years. While 19 percent of Britons attended a weekly religious service in 1980, by 1999 that had fallen to 7 percent. Although relatively low numbers attend church regularly, most Britons, however, describe themselves as Christian. With reference to young people, 40 percent of the sixteen- to twentyfive-year age group in the United Kingdom are either atheist or agnostic (Gallup-Telegraph 1999.). The 2001 census collected information about ethnicity and religious identity. In England and Wales, 36 million
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people (nearly seven of ten) described their ethnicity as white and their religion as Christian. The majority of black people were also identified as Christian. In total, there were 810,000 black Christians and an additional 347,000 people of mixed ethnic backgrounds who also described themselves as Christians. In England and Wales, 3.8 percent of the population state their religion as Muslim. There are just over 1.1 percent Hindus and around 0.05 percent people of Sikh origin. Role of Religious Organizations in Children’s Lives The main arena in the UK where religious organizations directly impact children’s lives are within schools. All schools are required to provide religious education and collective worship. Religious education has been in the school system since its inception. The Education Act of 1944 required that all schools (other than independent schools) should provide ‘‘religious instruction,’’ while allowing both teachers and parents (on behalf of their children) the right to withdraw. This arrangement survived largely unchanged until the 1988 Education Reform Act. The 1988 Act made many provisions, including the establishment of a National Curriculum of ten subjects. Religious education was added to those to make up the ‘‘basic curriculum.’’ It stands outside the National Curriculum (which is mandatory for all pupils) as the one subject from which pupils or teachers may still withdraw. There is currently no national guidance for what religions should be taught; the precise nature of the collective worship and religious education will depend on the religious character of the school. Some schools cover non-religious beliefs, such as humanism, agnosticism, and atheism, alongside major faiths such as Christianity or Islam, but this is still rare. Within the public school sector, there are currently around 7,000 faith schools in England, 600 secondary and 6,400 primary. The vast majority (6,955) are Christian, with thirty-six Jewish, five Muslim and two Sikh schools. Religious organizations are gaining increasing leverage through the government’s new Public Private Partnership initiative within the education system. Education ministers have pledged to create up to 200 City Academies. The scheme involves private sponsors contributing £2 million to the establishment of new state schools, run in partnership with the local education authority. Originally, blue chip businesses were expected to back them, but in fact over 40 percent of the sponsors for the Academies are either faith-based charities, Church of England figures, or well-known evangelicals. Almost half the government’s planned new flagship city schools are sponsored by religious organizations. The next wave of privately funded City Academies includes at least one school planning to teach children creationism.
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CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Rates and Nature of Child Abuse A major study on child maltreatment in the UK (which interviewed a random probability sample of 2,689 eighteen- to twenty-four-year-olds, born between 1974 and 1980) found the following rates of maltreatment: Physical abuse (severe or intermediate, by parents or carers), 21 percent; physical neglect: serious or intermediate absence of care, 15 percent, serious or intermediate absence of supervision, 17 percent; sexual abuse, 16 percent (21 percent girls, 11 percent boys); emotional maltreatment, 6 percent (8 percent girls, 4 percent boys); witnessing domestic violence (a form of emotional abuse), 26 percent, constant or frequent for 5 percent (Cawson et al. 2000). The extent of severe physical abuse has also been explored in an incidence study based on monthly card returns from consultant pediatricians in Wales over a two-year period (1996–1998) (Sibert et al. 2002, pp. 267–76). In this study, the definition of serious physical abuse included deaths and other incidents of violence equivalent to grievous bodily harm (indicated by injuries such as fractures, burns, or scalds, internal abdominal injury, and subdural hemorrhage in the head). The incidence of severe abuse was found to be 54 per 100,000 babies under one year of age per year, 9.2 per 100,000 per year for one- to four-year-olds and 0.47 per 100,000 per year for five- to thirteen-year-olds (that is, the risk for babies under one year of age was 120 times higher than for five- to thirteenyear-olds). The authors argue that similar rates are likely to be found across the UK. Another source of information is the numbers of children placed on child protection registers, which tell something of how known cases are being managed, which appears to be relatively stable. In all countries, the highest proportion of registrations are for neglect, followed by physical abuse, with some variation in relation to the two least used categories, sexual and emotional abuse. Protection of Children in Law Overall, children are defined as being in the care of their parents or legal carers up until the age of sixteen years. During this time, parents and carers have certain key responsibilities, such providing written consent for medical procedures and participation in school activities. In terms of child protection, children are not afforded confidentiality in all situations and professionals such as teachers or counselors are required to inform social services if a child discloses child abuse or neglect. Every Child Matters: Change for Children is a new framework that underpins a new law introduced in 2004, The Children Act 2004. Following the recommendations from Lord Laming’s report into the high profile death of
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Victoria Climbie, that there needed to be improved integration and accountability across children’s services, the government was keen to find ways to ensure better outcomes for all children and young people from birth to age nineteen. The Children Act establishes a duty on local authorities to make arrangements to promote cooperation between agencies in order to provide services in more integrated and effective ways and provides a new power to allow pooling of resources in support of these arrangements. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY With a greater proportion of old people now living in the UK, their demands on services will continue to increase, competing with those of children and young people. In years to come, children and young people may find themselves falling down the political agenda. Another key emerging demographic trend is the increase in more diverse families, particularly single-parent households; is this creating a different environment in which children are growing up? Increased rates of divorce and family breakdown may in the future be associated with increased poverty, lower self-esteem, and poorer emotional well-being among children. Within the world of work, increased childcare provision is making the family–work balance more conducive to bringing up children. However, in the UK the emphasis is still on both parents working or in the case of a singleheaded household, the single parent working. This prioritization of substitute care over parental care is likely to continue into the twenty-first century, despite research which shows the importance of one to one parental care in the first few years of a baby’s life. In terms of their place within the wider society, children are gaining more freedom and in many respects becoming more independent at an earlier age. Many children are in paid employment while still at school, many have access to the Internet and this is likely to grow, and many are gaining more participation rights within schools and other social arenas. At the same time, children are facing increasing restrictions. They are not able to play outside to such a great extent as previous generations due to increased parental fears over the personal safety of their children. There is increasing reliance by parents and carers on the use of television to entertain and occupy children. Children are increasingly seen as consumers of leisure, which has cost and thus exclusionary implications. There is less open space available for children and less time to pursue leisure due to increasing demands of school, caring responsibilities, or paid work. Finally, with the emphasis placed on both parents working, parents have less time to simply play with their children. All these trends are likely to continue. Policy makers in the UK view children in often contradictory ways. As seen with the onset of new antisocial behavior legislation, adolescents are increasingly seen as troublemakers. Yet, at the same time, children are
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seen as in need of protection. Children are defined as being in the care of their parents and are not afforded full human rights: parents are still required to provide written consent for all children aged under sixteen years for medical procedures and participation in school activities; children are not allowed to vote until they reach eighteen years; and children are not afforded confidentiality in all situations. This conflicting view of childhood is unlikely to be resolved in the near future and will continue to be debated in years to come. An important new development, however, which paves the way for increased recognition of children’s rights for UK children growing up in the twenty-first century is the establishment, for the first time, of independent children commissioners for each jurisdiction of the UK. As outlined in this chapter, they are essentially concerned with monitoring and holding governments to account on child rights. Only time will tell how effective these can be as advocates for children and to what extent they can ensure any real changes for children. Nevertheless, the resources are there to provide a new human rights framework for children in the UK. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Ahmed, S. 2004. Preventative Services for Black and Minority Ethnic Group Children and Families. Birmingham: NECF. Bradshaw, J. 2002. The Well-being of Children in the UK. London: Save the Children. Bradshaw, J., and E. Mayhew. 2005. The Well-being of Children in the UK, Second Edition. London: Save the Children. Clarke, H. 2005. Preventing Social Exclusion Of Disabled Children And Their Families. Birmingham: NECF. Department for Education and Skills. 2003. Every Child Matters. London: DfES. Hek, R. 2005. The Experiences and Needs of Refugee and Asylum Seeking Children in the UK: A Literature Review. London: DfES. Hester, R. 2005. Services provided to Gypsy Traveller Children: A review of the current literature. Birmingam: NECF. Home Office. 2002. A Guide to Anti-social Behaviour Orders and Acceptable Behaviour Contracts. London: Home Office. Home Office. 2003. Respect and Responsibility—Taking a Stand Against Anti-social Behaviour. London: The Stationery Office. Horton, C., ed. 2003. Working with Children 2004–05. London: Society Guardian and NCH the Children’s Society. House of Lords and House of Commons Joint Committee on Human Rights. The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, Tenth Report of Session 2002– 2003, HL Paper 117. London: The Stationary Office. Mathews, H. 2001. Children and Community Regeneration: Creating Better Neighbourhoods. London: Save the Children. Meltzer, H. and R. Gatward, with R. Goodman and T. Ford. 2000. Mental Health of Children and Young People in Great Britain. London. The Stationery Office.
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NCH Public Policy Unit. 2003. United for Children? How Devolution is Impacting on Children’s Policy Across the UK. London: NCH. Office for National Statistics. 2003. Census 2001: National Report for England and Wales. London: ONS. Prior, D., and A. Paris. 2005. Preventing Children’s Involvement in Crime and AntiSocial Behaviour: A Literature Review. Research Report No 623. London: DfES. UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. 2002. Concluding Observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child: United Kingdom of Great Britain & Northern Ireland. 31st Session.
Organizations and NGOs Barnardos Web site: http://www.barnardos.org.uk Child Rights Alliance for England Web site: http://www.crae.org.uk/ Children in Wales Web site: http://www.childreninwales.org.uk/ The Children’s Society Web site: http://www.the-childrens-society.org.uk/ National Children’s Bureau Web site: http://www.ncb.org.uk/ NCH–The Children’s Society Web site: http://www.nch.org.uk/ NSPCC Web site: http://www.nspcc.org.uk/ Refugee Council Web site: http://www.refugeecouncil.org.uk Save the Children Web site: http://www.savethechildren.org Scottish Alliance for Children Right Web site: http://www.sacr.org.uk/
Selected Bibliography Bradshaw, J., and E. Mayhew, eds. 2005. The Well-being of Children in the UK, Second Edition. London: Save the Children. Cawson, P. et al. 2000. Child Maltreatment in the United Kingdom—a study of the prevalence of child abuse and neglect. London: NSPCC.
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Adoption: Cyprus, 52–54; Italy, 265; Malta, 277; Romania, 349, 360; Slovenia, 403; Spain, 435; United Kingdom, 456 Adult education, Denmark, 95 Advice and Reporting Center for Child Abuse (ARCAN), The Netherlands, 319 Age of criminal responsibility: Belgium, 12; Cyprus, 53; Germany, 178; Malta, 289; The Netherlands, 316–17; Norway, 338–39; Romania, 361; United Kingdom, 462–63 Age of majority: Bulgaria, 33; Denmark, 106; Estonia, 130; Hungary, 205; Israel, 245; Italy, 254; The Netherlands, 310, 314; Norway, 338–39; Romania, 360–61 Aging society, Norway, 340–42 Alcohol consumption: Russian Federation, 380; Slovenia, 405; United Kingdom, 459–60 Asthma, Malta, 287 Atheistic beliefs, Czech Republic, 79 Bullying: Estonia, 124; Spain, 436 Catholicism: Belgium, 6, 13; Czech Republic, 79; France, 153; Ireland, 223, 227–28; Italy, 268–69; Malta, 277–78, 290–91; The Netherlands, 318;
schools in Belgium, 6; Slovenia, 409; Spain, 433–34 Child abuse and neglect: Belgium, 13–14; Bulgaria, 34– 35; Cyprus, 55–60; Czech Republic, 80–81; Estonia, 131– 33; France, 139, 154–56; Germany, 180–81; Hungary, 206–8; Ireland, 228–29; Israel, 247–48; Italy, 269–70; Malta, 292; The Netherlands, 318–19; Norway, 340; Romania, 362–64; Russian Federation, 386–88; Slovenia, 410–11; Spain, 435–37; United Kingdom, 454–55, 467–68 Childcare. See Daycare; Preschool education Child carers, United Kingdom, 453 Child labor: Belgium, 8; Bulgaria, 28–29; Cyprus, 49–50; Czech Republic, 71–72; Estonia, 126– 27; France, 146; Germany, 172–73; Hungary, 197–98; Ireland, 220–21; Israel, 240– 41; Italy, 261–62; Malta, 283; The Netherlands, 310–11; Norway, 330–31; Romania, 356–57; Russian Federation, 376–79; Slovenia, 401; Spain, 425–26; United Kingdom, 452–54 Child mortality: Czech Republic, 75; Denmark, 102; Estonia,
128–29; Hungary, 200; Ireland, 216, 224; Israel, 243; Malta, 284–85; Norway, 336– 37; Romania, 358; Slovenia, 403–4; United Kingdom, 446, 457–58 Children’s Parliament, Cyprus, 44 Child trafficking: Cyprus, 49–50, 54; Hungary, 198; Italy, 267; Malta, 292; Romania, 349; Russian Federation, 378; United Kingdom, 453–54 Christianity: Bulgaria, 33; Czech Republic, 79; Denmark, 107– 8; Estonia, 131; Germany, 179–80; Ireland, 227–28; The Netherlands, 318; Norway, 339; Slovenia, 409; United Kingdom, 465–66 Christian orthodox: Cyprus, 54– 55; Romania, 362; Russian Federation, 385 Commercial sexual abuse. See Sex industry Community schools, The Netherlands, 307–8 Compulsory education: Cyprus, 46, 49; Estonia, 120, 122; France, 140–41; Hungary, 193; Ireland, 215–16; Italy, 256; Malta, 279; The Netherlands, 306; Romania, 353–55; Russian Federation, 373; Slovenia, 398; Spain, 422 Confessions Act (2002), Bulgaria, 33
INDEX
Congenital malformations, Czech Republic, 76 Daycare: Denmark, 91–92; Norway, 326–27; United Kingdom, 456–57 Definition of a child, United Kingdom, 463 Diet. See Obesity Disability: Belgium, 6; Cyprus, 48; Denmark, 96, 103; Estonia, 121; France, 145; Hungary, 195, 202; Ireland, 224–25; Israel, 238, 244; Italy, 266; Malta, 280, 288; The Netherlands, 307, 313; Romania, 354; Russian Federation, 375; United Kingdom, 449–50 Divorce rate: Czech Republic, 75; Denmark, 99–100; France, 147; Germany, 176–77; Hungary, 198–99; Ireland, 222; Italy, 264; Malta, 284; Norway, 332–33; Romania, 356–57; Russian Federation, 372; Slovenia, 402; United Kingdom, 444, 454 Domestic violence: Cyprus, 52–54, 55; Czech Republic, 80; Russian Federation, 372, 380 Drug use, France, 147–48 Economics, Italy, 263 Education: Belgium, 4–7; Bulgaria, 23–26; Cyprus, 46– 49; Czech Republic, 69–70; Denmark, 92–96; Estonia, 120–24; France, 140–45; Germany, 168–70; Hungary, 193–95; Ireland, 217–19; Israel, 237–39; Italy, 256–58; Malta, 279–80; The Netherlands, 306–8; Norway, 326–28; Romania, 353–55; Russian Federation, 372–75; Slovenia, 398–99; Spain, 422– 23; United Kingdom, 448–50 Environmental issues: Cyprus, 51; Denmark, 102–3; Estonia, 130; Hungary, 200–201;
Ireland, 224; Israel, 245; Romania, 358; United Kingdom, 459 Equality, France, 143 Ethnicity: Belgium, 2–3; Bulgaria, 21; Cyprus, 42, 45; Czech Republic, 64–66; Denmark, 96; France, 137–38; Germany, 162; Hungary, 195; Ireland, 214; Israel, 235; The Netherlands, 301–2; Russian Federation, 369; Slovenia, 409; United Kingdom, 448 European Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Decisions Concerning Custody of Children, Cyprus, 52–53 European Union (EU): Czech Republic, 63; Denmark, 90 Evangelical-Lutheran, State Church in Norway, 339–40 Every Child Matters framework, United Kingdom, 445 Exploitation, Estonia, 120 Family structure: Belgium, 8–9; Bulgaria, 29–31; Cyprus, 50– 51; Czech Republic, 72–75; Denmark, 99–101; Estonia, 114–15, 117, 127–28; France, 146–47; Germany, 162–63, 173–77; Hungary, 198–200; Ireland, 214, 222–23; Israel, 241–43; Italy, 262–65; Malta, 284; The Netherlands, 311–12; Norway, 331–36; Romania, 356–57; Russian Federation, 379–80; Slovenia, 402–3; Spain, 426–28; United Kingdom, 454–57 Female genital mutilation: Denmark, 104–5; United Kingdom, 461 Folkeskole, Denmark, 93–94 Folk high schools, Denmark, 96 Foster/residential care: Belgium, 11; Malta, 277; Slovenia, 403; Spain, 435; United Kingdom, 455–56 Freedom of education, The Netherlands, 308
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Gender differences: Cyprus, 48; Denmark, 105; Estonia, 121; France, 139; Germany, 169; Hungary, 190, 195; Ireland, 214, 222; Malta, 276; The Netherlands, 302; Slovenia, 409; United Kingdom, 448 Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction, Cyprus, 52–54 HALT agency, The Netherlands, 317 Health: Belgium, 9–12; Bulgaria, 31–32; Cyprus, 51–52; Czech Republic, 75–76; Denmark, 101–5; Estonia, 128–30; France, 147–49; Germany, 177–78; Hungary, 200–203; Ireland, 224–26; Israel, 243– 45; Italy, 265–66; Malta, 284– 88; The Netherlands, 313–14; Norway, 336–38; Romania, 358–59; Russian Federation, 381–82; Slovenia, 403–6; Spain, 428–31; United Kingdom, 457–62 Healthcare insurance: Belgium, 9; Bulgaria, 32; Germany, 177–78; Malta, 285; Slovenia, 404 Health Promotion Department, Malta, 286–87 Higher education: Cyprus, 46; Denmark, 95; Estonia, 121, 122; France, 141–42; Hungary, 194; Romania, 353–55; Russian Federation, 374 Higher Education Act, Bulgaria, 24 HIV/AIDS: Bulgaria, 32–33; Czech Republic, 76; Romania, 359; Russian Federation, 381–82; Spain, 429; United Kingdom, 462 Homelessness: Bulgaria, 35; Cyprus, 42; Estonia, 119; France, 138; Hungary, 191; Ireland, 215; The Netherlands, 312; Romania, 352; Russian Federation, 371, 378, 387; United Kingdom, 444
INDEX
Immigration and refugees: Estonia, 119; France, 140; Israel, 235; Italy, 257; Norway, 335–36; Spain, 420, 429; United Kingdom, 447 Immunization: Cyprus, 44; Czech Republic, 76; Denmark, 102; Estonia, 129; Hungary, 201–2; Ireland, 224; Israel, 243–44; Malta, 285; Russian Federation, 381; Slovenia, 405; Spain, 430; United Kingdom, 458 Income allowances: Denmark, 101; France, 146–47 Infant mortality: Cyprus, 42, 43; Czech Republic, 75; Estonia, 128–29; Hungary, 200; Ireland, 216, 224; Israel, 243; Italy, 265; Malta, 284–85; The Netherlands, 313; Norway, 336; Romania, 358; Russian Federation, 371, 381; Slovenia, 396, 403–4; United Kingdom, 446, 457–58 International Labour Organization (ILO): Bulgaria, 28–29; Cyprus, 49; Germany, 166; Italy, 261; Malta, 283; Romania, 356 Internet. See Television/media Irish National Children’s Strategy, 219 Islam (Muslim): Bulgaria, 33–34; Israel, 246–47; Italy, 269 Jewish community, Romania, 352 Juvenile crime/justice: Belgium, 12–13; Bulgaria, 34; Cyprus, 53; Czech Republic, 72; Denmark, 106–7; Estonia, 131; France, 149–52; Germany, 178–79; Hungary, 204–5; Ireland, 226–27; Israel, 246; Italy, 268; Malta, 289; The Netherlands, 316–17; Norway, 338–39; Romania, 361; Russian Federation, 383–84; Slovenia, 407–8; Spain, 431– 32; United Kingdom, 463–64 Language: Belgium, 1–2; France, 137–38; Romania, 354; Russian Federation, 370
Laws and legal status: Belgium, 12–13; Bulgaria, 33; Cyprus, 52–54; Czech Republic, 76– 79; Denmark, 105–7; Estonia, 130–31; France, 149–52; Germany, 178–79; Hungary, 204–5; Ireland, 226–27; Israel, 245–46; Italy, 266–68; Malta, 288–90; The Netherlands, 314–17; Norway, 338–39; Romania, 360–61; Russian Federation, 382–85; Slovenia, 406–9; Spain, 431–32; United Kingdom, 462–65 Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) youth: Denmark, 105; Hungary, 203; Ireland, 225; Romania, 359; United Kingdom, 462 Literacy: Czech Republic, 69; Denmark, 92–93; Estonia, 120–21; France, 144; Hungary, 193; Ireland, 218; The Netherlands, 301; Romania, 353–55; Russian Federation, 371, 374 Marriage: Czech Republic, 66– 68, 72–75; Malta, 276; Norway, 332; Romania, 356– 57; Slovenia, 402; United Kingdom, 444, 454 Maternity leave, Denmark, 101–2 Mental health problems: Denmark, 104; Hungary, 203; Ireland, 225; Israel, 244; Malta, 286; Slovenia, 406; United Kingdom, 460–61 Music education, Denmark, 97–98 National Committee on Environment and Children’s Health (NCECH), Cyprus, 51 National Health System (NHS), United Kingdom, 458 National profile: Belgium, 1–3; Bulgaria, 21–23; Cyprus, 41– 43; Czech Republic, 63–68; Denmark, 89–91; Estonia, 113–17; France, 137–38;
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Germany, 161–66; Hungary, 189–92; Ireland, 213–15; Israel, 235–37; Italy, 253–54; Malta, 275–78; The Netherlands, 301–3; Norway, 325–26; Romania, 347–48; Russian Federation, 369–71; Slovenia, 395–96; Spain, 417– 19; United Kingdom, 443–46 National Youth Council, The Netherlands, 309–10 NATO: Czech Republic, 63; Denmark, 90 Obesity: Italy, 266; Norway, 337; Slovenia, 405–6; United Kingdom, 460 Operation Young, Dutch government program, 304–5 Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD): Czech Republic, 63; Denmark, 92–93 Organization of Successful Children, Estonia, 125 Overview: Bulgaria, 23; Cyprus, 43–46; Denmark, 91–92; Estonia, 117–20; France, 139– 40; Germany, 166–67; Hungary, 192–93; Ireland, 215–17; Italy, 254–56; Malta, 278–79; The Netherlands, 303–6; Romania, 348–53; Russian Federation, 371–72; Slovenia, 397–98; Spain, 419– 22; United Kingdom, 446–47 Parental responsibility, Czech Republic, 77 Play and recreation: Belgium, 7–8; Bulgaria, 26–28; Czech Republic, 70; Denmark, 96– 99; Estonia, 124–26; France, 145; Germany, 170–72; Hungary, 196–97; Ireland, 219–20; Israel, 239–40; Italy, 258–61; Malta, 280–83; The Netherlands, 308–10; Norway, 328–30; Romania, 355–56; Russian Federation, 375–76; Slovenia, 399–401; Spain, 423– 25; United Kingdom, 450–52
INDEX
Pollution. See Environmental issues Pornography. See Sex industry Postcompulsory education, Denmark, 94–95 Poverty: Bulgaria, 22; Estonia, 118; France, 146–47, 149; Germany, 165; Ireland, 223; Italy, 264; Norway, 335; Russian Federation, 379; Slovenia, 397; United Kingdom, 445 Preschool education: Belgium, 5; Cyprus, 46; Czech Republic, 69; Denmark, 91–92, 93; France, 141; Germany, 168; Israel, 238; Malta, 279; The Netherlands, 307; Romania, 353–55; Slovenia, 403; United Kingdom, 456–57 Preventive health services, Cyprus, 44 Professional Education Act, Bulgaria, 24 Public Education Act, Bulgaria, 24 Religious life: Belgium, 13; Bulgaria, 33–34; Cyprus, 54– 55; Czech Republic, 79–80; Denmark, 107–8; Estonia, 131; France, 152–53; Germany, 179–80; Hungary, 205–6; Ireland, 227–28; Israel, 246–47; Italy, 268–69; Malta, 290–91; The Netherlands, 318; Norway, 339–40; Romania, 361–62; Russian Federation, 385–86; Slovenia, 409; Spain, 432–35; United Kingdom, 465–66 Scandinavian welfare model, Denmark, 91 School health services: Cyprus, 51– 52; France, 148–49; Malta, 286 Schooling system: Belgium, 4–7; Bulgaria, 23–26; Cyprus, 46– 49; Czech Republic, 69–70; Denmark, 93–96; Estonia, 120– 24; France, 140–45; Germany, 168–70; Ireland, 217–19; Israel, 237–39; Italy, 256–58; Malta, 279–80; The Netherlands, 306–
8; Norway, 326–28; Romania, 353–55; Spain, 422–23; United Kingdom, 448 School violence: Romania, 362– 63; Slovenia, 407–8 Sex education: Denmark, 104–5; Estonia, 129; Hungary, 203; Ireland, 225; Malta, 287–88; Romania, 359; Slovenia, 406; United Kingdom, 461–62 Sex industry: Cyprus, 49–50, 54; Czech Republic, 80; Denmark, 107; Hungary, 204; Italy, 267; Malta, 290; Russian Federation, 378, 387; United Kingdom, 454 Sexual exploitation. See Sex industry Sexuality, Bulgaria, 32 Smoking: Russian Federation, 380; Slovenia, 405; United Kingdom, 459–60 Social assistance, Czech Republic, 63 Social inheritance, Denmark, 101 Social insurance, Czech Republic, 63 Social-Legal Child Protection, Czech Republic, 77–78 Special education. See Disability Speech language services, Malta, 286 Sports/physical education: Denmark, 97; France, 145; Hungary, 197; Ireland, 220; Malta, 280–81; Russian Federation, 375–76; United Kingdom, 460 State Church, Norway, 339–40 State social support, Czech Republic, 63–64 Teachers: France, 142; Russian Federation, 373–74 Technical and vocational education, Cyprus, 48 Technology, Italy, 259 Television/media: Belgium, 7–8; Bulgaria, 26–28; Denmark, 98– 99; Estonia, 125; France, 145; Germany, 171–72; Hungary, 196–97; Ireland, 220; Israel, 239–40; Italy, 259; Malta, 282;
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Norway, 329; Romania, 356; Slovenia, 401; Spain, 424; United Kingdom, 451 Theatre, Malta, 281 Twenty-first century: Belgium, 14–16; Bulgaria, 35–36; Cyprus, 56–58; Czech Republic, 81–82; Estonia, 133; France, 156; Germany, 181– 82; Hungary, 208–9; Ireland, 229–30; Israel, 248–49; Italy, 270–71; Malta, 292–93; The Netherlands, 319–20; Norway, 340–42; Romania, 364–65; Russian Federation, 388–89; Slovenia, 411–13; Spain, 437– 39; United Kingdom, 468–69 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child: Belgium, 13; Bulgaria, 23, 36; Cyprus, 43, 45; Czech Republic, 78; Denmark, 105–6; France, 146; Hungary, 205; Ireland, 226; Italy, 261; Malta, 280, 292; The Netherlands, 310; Norway, 338; Romania, 347–48, 356, 360; Russian Federation, 382; Slovenia, 397; United Kingdom, 445–46, 464–65 Unemployment, The Netherlands, 311 Universal child benefit, Estonia, 116–17 Vocational education: Denmark, 94–95; France, 143 Welfare services: Belgium, 10; Cyprus, 52–53, 56–58; Germany, 165–66; Hungary, 191, 199; Ireland, 215; Israel, 237; Malta, 277; Norway, 334; Spain, 427–28 Welfare system, United Kingdom, 445 Welfare system, Romania, 349–51 Youth Care services, Dutch government program, 305–6, 314 Youth health care system, The Netherlands, 314
ABOUT THE EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
EDITORS IRVING EPSTEIN, Professor of Educational Studies at Illinois Wesleyan University, has published two edited volumes, Chinese Education: Problems, Policies, and Prospects (1991), Recapturing the Personal: Essays on Education and Embodied Knowledge in Comparative Perspective (2007), and served as an associate editor of the Comparative Education Review from 1988–1998. His interests include Asian education, educational policies involving street children, and issues of social theory. LESLIE J. LIMAGE has been a UNESCO Education programme specialist for twenty-three years. She is author of numerous articles, chapters, books, and studies on education in France; minority and diversity issues; literacy and basic education; migration; gender and the labor market; education in conflict and reconstruction settings; educational policies and reform; and international organizations and education cooperation.
CONTRIBUTORS DOINA BALAHUR, Ph.D., psycho-sociologist and jurist, is currently Professor at Alexandru Ioan Cuza University in Iasi, Romania, Department of Sociology and Social Work. Her books, studies, and research projects are in the fields of sociology of law, psycho-sociology of childhood, human rights, juvenile justice, restorative justice, women’s studies, social management, and community development. PATRICK BEARY is a graduate from Illinois Wesleyan University with a major in International Studies. In addition, he is a Rotary Ambassadorial Scholar studying in Buenos Aires, Argentina. With a wide range of interests and direct experience in South Africa, Washington, D.C., Europe, Central America, and Morocco, he has worked on human rights issues
ABOUT THE EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
with the Washington Office of Latin America and the Center for International Human Rights at Northwestern Law School. ASHER BEN-ARIEH, Ph.D., is a senior lecturer at the Paul Baerwald School of Social Work and Social Welfare at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem and serves as the associate director of the Israel National Council for the Child. Dr. Ben-Arieh initiated and coordinated the multinational project, ‘‘Measuring and Monitoring Children’s Well-Being.’’ He was among the founding members of the International Society for Children Indicators (ISCI) and serves as its first co-chair. Dr. Ben-Arieh is one of the leading international experts on social indicators, particularly as they relate to child well-being, he has published extensively on the politics of social policy and child well being in Israel, and on child well being indicators and their measurement. C is a Ph.D. student and senior researcher at the Analy RUZICA BOSKI sis and Development Unit of the Slovenian Social Protection Institute. Her main research fields are the role of non-governmental organizations in social services provision, user empowerment, and the studies of vulnerable groups of children and young people. € DORIS BUHLER-NIEDERBERGER is Professor of Sociology at the University of Wuppertal, Germany. Her research concerns notions and conditions of childhood in different societies, political debates and decisions, expertization, and new forms of private life and their effects on childhood. She is President of the Research Commission ‘‘Sociology of Childhood’’ of the International Sociological Association and speaker of the section ‘‘Sociology of Childhood’’ of the German Sociological Association. FERRAN CASAS is Senior Professor of Social Psychology in the Faculty of Education and Psychology at University of Girona, Spain. He is the director of the Doctorship studies on Psychology and Quality of Life, and Director of the Research Institute on Quality of Life at the university. He has served as Director of the Spanish Childhood Studies Center in Madrid and President of the Experts Committee of the Project on Childhood Policies of the Council of Europe (Strasbourg, France). He is also coordinator of the Catalan Interdisciplinary Network of Researchers on Children’s Rights and Quality of Life. During the last ten years he has produced eight books, including Psychosocial Perspectives on Childhood (1998), more than thirty articles or book chapters in English, and more than seventy in other languges. His main topics of research are well-being and quality of life, children’s rights, adolescents and audiovisual media, families’ quality of life in city environments, and intergenerational relationships.
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ABOUT THE EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
THEOPHANIA CHAVATZIA has been working as an Assistant Programme Specialist in Education Sector at UNESCO for six years. She previously taught for about six years in Cyprus from secondary school to college level. Her studies and interests revolve around educational policy and issues that influence education decision making at the national and international level. Ph.D., is a researcher and manager of the ANDREJA CRNAK MEGLIC, Unit for Analysis and Development–Child Observatory at the Slovenian Social Protection Institute. Her main field of professional activity is studies of social policy, nongovernmental organizations and quality of life of children and young people. She is Associate Professor of Non-Profit Management at the Faculty of Economics and Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Ljubljana. LOURDES GAITAN, sociologist, coordinates a postgraduate course on social policies of childhood at Complutense University (Madrid). She is the author of several books and articles on sociology, social work, and social welfare, the last one being Sociologı´a de la infancia (Sintesis, Madrid, 2006). Her main research areas are children’s participation in generational distribution of social resources and children as citizens—the living space of children in the cities. SHEILA GREENE is a developmental psychologist and director of the Children’s Research Centre, Trinity College, Dublin. She also holds the AIB Chair of Childhood Research. Her publications include The psychological development of girls and women: Rethinking change in time (2003) and Researching children’s experience: approaches and methods (2005), co-edited with Dr. Diane Hogan. DANIELA GRIGNOLI is a researcher at the Department of Human, Historical and Social Sciences of the University of Molise, Italy. She has written several articles on children’s rights. She is also involved in various international research networks on children’s rights and on children and new technologies. DOMINIQUE GROUX is a full professor at the University Institute for Teacher Training (IUFM) of Versailles (University of Cergy Pontoise). She is a specialist in comparative education and has co-authored with Louis Porcher in French, L’ e ducation compar e e (Nathan), L’enseignement pr e coce des langues, and Chronique sociale, and co-authored with Marijana Benesh Weiner, Short stories, First readings in English. AN-MARGRITT JENSEN, Ph.D., is Professor in Sociology, Department of Sociology and Political Science, Norwegian University of Science and
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ABOUT THE EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
Technology (NTNU) and chair of COST A19 Children’s Welfare (2001– 2006), European Science Foundation. She co-edited Gender and Family Change in Industrialized Countries (1995) and Children and the Changing Family: Between Transformation and Negotiation (2003), and is currently co-editing Children’s Welfare in Ageing Europe (2004) with Asher Ben-Arieh, Cinzia Conti, Dagmar Kutsar, Maı´re Nic Ghiolla Phadragi, and Hanne Warming Nielsen. KAIRI KASEARU is a Ph.D. student of Sociology and a researcher at the Unit of Family and Welfare Studies of the Department of Sociology of Tartu University. Her research interests center around family research, focused on family formation and new family structures. LIZ KERRINS trained in sociology and social policy and has worked as a social researcher and as a policy analyst. She is the Policy Officer at the Children’s Research Centre, Trinity College, Dublin, where her current projects include work on children and the built environment and child poverty. MICHAL KIMCHI is a co-editor of the annual reports on the state of children in Israel and on immigrant children in Israel. She is a coordinator at the research and development department of the Israel National Council for the Child. She also serves as a research assistant for the research group of the Paul Baerwald School of Social Work and Social Welfare at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem. Through this she participated in the multinational project of ‘‘Measuring and Monitoring Children’s Well-Being in Israel.’’ € ALEXANDRA KONIG works at the Department of Sociology at the Distance University of Hagen and the University of Wuppertal in Germany. Her main focus is on the sociology of youth. Her research concerns juvenile strategies of self-presentation as well as the transition from school to apprenticeship. DAGMAR KUTSAR, Ph.D. in Psychology, is currently an Associate Professor of Social Policy and a research scientist at the Unit of Family and Welfare Studies at the Department of Sociology and Social Policy of Tartu University. Her research interests center around family and childhood research and policies, poverty, social stress, and social exclusion. € is a member of the Center for Studies and GABRIEL LANGOUET Research on Social Relationships at the Center for National Scientific Research in France (CERLIS-CNRS). He has conducted considerable research on educational technologies, pedagogical innovation, democratization of education, and the relationship between public and private education. From 1999–2005 he directed the Observatory on Childhood in France.
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ABOUT THE EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
ANTONIO MANCINI is a junior researcher at the Department of Human, Historical and Social Sciences of the University of Molise, Italy. His research focuses on poverty, social, welfare, and social policy and he is currently involved in research projects on the implementation of children’s rights. He is the author of several articles on children’s rights and he is also co-editor of a book about the rights of children. is a teacher and researcher at the FacMONIKA MORGENSTERNOVA ulty of Philosophy, Department of Psychology, Charles University in Prague, Czech Republic. Dr. Morgensternova specializes in developmental and social psychology and cross-cultural psychology, and is a member of professional association ESFR. KATHERINE PINNOCK has been working in the field of children’s issues for more than 10 years and has a special interest in the areas of UK child poverty, social exclusion, and child participation. Dr. Pinnock has worked in a range of research and policy roles in both the charity and university sectors, including Save the Children and the University of Birmingham’s National Evaluation of the Children’s Fund. She is currently senior researcher for the Policy Research Institute, University of Wolverhampton. LILIA RAYCHEVA is a member of the Council for Electronic Media (the regulatory authority for radio and television broadcasters in Bulgaria). Dr. Raycheva has been Vice-Dean and Head of Radio and Television Department of the Faculty of Journalism and Mass Communication of the St. Kliment Okhridski Sofia University where she is on the regular staff. She has been extensively published at home and abroad. She has participated in a number of international projects on mass media issues. ANGELO SAPORITI is full Professor of Sociology at the Faculty of Economics of the University of Molise, Italy. He is author of many books and articles on children’s rights. He is also involved in various international research networks on childhood sociology and children’s rights. € LOTTE RAHBEK SCHOU has worked as an active researcher at The Danish University of Education in Copenhagen, Denmark, since 1988. As a member of the research program ‘‘Ethics and Political Education,’’ her writings have mainly been within themes related to ethics, justification of education, and Bildung theory. In 2007 Dr. Schou was elected Secretary General of the International Society of Teacher Education. VALERIE SOLLARS is a senior lecturer in early childhood education and the head of the Department of Primary Education within the Faculty of Education at the University of Malta. She has conducted research in emergent literacy, teaching English to young learners, children’s
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perspectives on play and their engagement in leisure-time and recreational activities. She was also commissioned by the Ministry of Education, Youth & Employment to draw up a national policy for early childhood education and care for Malta. She has coordinated and participated in several international projects focusing on language learning, intercultural competence, and the use of ICT among young children. CSc. is a teacher and researcher at the Faculty of Phi LENKA SULOV A losophy, Department of Psychology, Charles University in Prague, Czech Republic. Dr. Sulov a specializes in developmental and social psychology. She has been a Guest Professor at the University in Toulouse, France, and is a member of several professional associations, including IPPF, ESFR, and AIFREF. † CS is engaged as a consultant with UNICEF, working on ESZTER SZU education and exclusion in Central and Eastern Europe/Commonwealth of Independent States. She has also worked with UNESCO, IIEP, on educational decentralization in Hungary. Ms. Szu†cs holds a Bachelor of Arts in Social and Political Sciences from Cambridge University and a Master of Philosophy in Sociology from Columbia University. CAROLINE VINK is a senior advisor on international children and youth policy at the Netherlands Youth Institute. Her work is to monitor trends and (international) developments that are relevant for the policy and practice of children and youth policy in the Netherlands. A large part of her work is focused on policy developments in the field of youth of international bodies such as the European Union, Council of Europe, and the United Nations. Her work has covered a wide range of topics, reaching from youth participation and children rights to child abuse. ARABELLA WEYTS studied orthopedagogics at Ghent University and is a qualified teacher. She has a Ph.D. in Advanced Social Work and Probation Studies from Exeter University (UK) on the topic of the needs and educational opportunities of children in substitute care in four European countries. She has worked as a practitioner with children in special youth care settings in Belgium; as a researcher for the Dartington Social Research Unit in England; as a consultant for Dartington-i, an international R&D unit, in the UK, Norway, Spain, and Flanders and as a senior researcher and trainer at the Children’s Rights Centre at Ghent University, Belgium. At present, she is a freelance researcher.
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THE GREENWOOD ENCYCLOPEDIA
Children’s Issues WORLDWIDE
OF
THE GREENWOOD ENCYCLOPEDIA
Children’s Issues WORLDWIDE
NORTH AFRICA AND THE MIDDLE EAST General Editor
Irving Epstein Volume Editor
Ghada Hashem Talhami
GREENWOOD PRESS Westport, Connecticut x London
OF
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Greenwood encyclopedia of children’s issues worldwide / Irving Epstein, general editor. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-313-33614-0 (set : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33620-1 (v. 1 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33618-8 (v. 2 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33619-5 (v. 3 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33617-1 (v. 4 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33616-4 (v. 5 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33878-6 (v. 6 : alk. paper) 1. Children—Encyclopedias. I. Epstein, Irving, 1951. II. Talhami, Ghada Hashem. HQ767.84.G74 2008 305.2303—dc22 2007031312 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available. Copyright C 2008 by Irving Epstein All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2007031312 ISBN: 978-0-313-33614-0 978-0-313-33620-1 978-0-313-33618-8 978-0-313-33619-5 978-0-313-33617-1 978-0-313-33616-4 978-0-313-33878-6
(set) (Asia and Oceania) (Central and South America) (Europe) (North America and the Caribbean) (Sub-Saharan Africa) (North Africa and the Middle East)
First published in 2008 Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881 An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc. www.greenwood.com Printed in the United States of America
The paper used in this book complies with the Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National Information Standards Organization (Z39.48–1984). 10
9 8
7 6 5 4 3 2 1
CONTENTS
Preface
Irving Epstein
vii
User’s Guide Introduction 1.
Algeria
2.
Bahrain
3.
Egypt
4.
Iran
5.
Iraq
6.
Kuwait
7.
Lebanon
8.
Libya
9.
Morocco
xv Ghada Hashem Talhami
xix 1
Micah L. Issitt
19
Heidi Morrison Martin Rowe and Helen Rizzo
37
Amir H. Mehryar, Shirin Ahmad-Nia, and Ava Jalali-Savar
63
Shereen T. Ismael
87 107
Amer Alsaleh Sima Aprahamian
139
C. Scott Maravilla Brigitte H. Bechtold
10.
Oman
11.
Palestinian Territories
12.
Qatar
Mohamed Daadaoui
Naji Abi-Hashem
123
Rima Merriman
153 173 189 217
CONTENTS
13.
Saudi Arabia
14.
Syria
15.
Tunisia
16.
The United Arab Emirates
Natana J. DeLong-Bas
239
Naji Abi-Hashem
269
Micah L. Issitt
293 Toni Briegel
311
Appendix 1. United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child
331
Appendix 2. Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution, and Child Pornography
353
Appendix 3. Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict
363
Bibliography
371
Index
375
Six-Volume Comprehensive Index
379
About the Editors and Contributors
403
[ vi ]
PREFACE Irving Epstein
The decision to publish The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide involved a number of considerations, but was primarily influenced by an understanding that children were deserving of an encyclopedia solely dedicated to a discussion of the quality of their lives. Although there are many sources that compile statistical information and data about the state of children around the world, we believed that by summarizing much of that information in one format, it would be easier for the general public, as well as students, teachers, and policy-makers, to gain a foundational understanding of the challenges the world’s children currently confront. However, the difficulties inherent in completing a project of this size and complexity raise larger questions about the ways in which we think about children and childhood in an era of globalization, and it is these questions that I intend to address in the following paragraphs. To begin with, it should be acknowledged that the Encyclopedia is both selective and comprehensive. It is selective, in the sense that we have not been able to adequately cover children’s lives in every country or nationstate throughout the world. Due to the prevalence of political, social, and economic conflict and dislocation, it proved impossible to locate experts who had access to the requisite information, and had the time to write about children in certain countries and affected geographical areas. However, the Encyclopedia is comprehensive, insofar as all major aspects of children’s lives: including educational provision, legal status, family life, health, abuse and neglect, play and recreation, and religious affiliation, are covered within each chapter. Together, the chapters give us a clear picture as to how children are treated and cared for within specific countries and geographical areas, as well as their general quality of life in the twenty-first century. The fact that so many of the chapters within these volumes are co-authored speaks to the penchant for disciplinary specialization that characterizes contemporary academic discourse within the social sciences, a tendency that makes it difficult for a single person to master the many facets of childhood that are covered in the Encyclopedia.
PREFACE
It also reaffirms, however, the usefulness of collaboration, in order to better facilitate the framing of a holistic representation of children’s lives. One can certainly raise the issue as to why we need an encyclopedia that is country and region specific in a globalized age. From an organizational and aesthetic perspective, it is reasonable to ask whether this project includes basic redundancies that could be eliminated by adopting a broader, thematic approach. From a conceptual standpoint, it is reasonable to ask whether privileging the nation-state and/or geographic region as a basic unit of analysis makes sense, given the challenges to the longterm viability of the nation-state that globalization tendencies seem to create. My response to both questions is strongly negative, for I believe that issues involving the characteristics of globalization and the nature of childhood can best be understood if they are contextualized. I would therefore reject contentions that an understanding of childhood can be essentialized or that any authentic view of globalization can be formulated through adhering to assumptions that dichotomize the global and the local. By embracing the importance of context, one may indeed at times sacrifice conceptual elegance, and as one reads the various chapters of this volume, no doubt one will find that similar stories are being told in different ways. Certainly, the current legitimacy and long-term viability of certain nation-states and political institutions is implicitly questioned, as the reader learns of their inability to protect children and their complicity in endangering children’s lives. Nonetheless, it is doubtful that within our lifetimes, in spite of the growing prominence of transnational influences we associate with globalization, that the nation-state will dissolve as a basic unit of governance, or that our sense of geographical place will no longer have an impact upon our expressions of personal and cultural identity. Therefore, while the importance of globalization influences upon the twenty-first century lives of children must be acknowledged, and while it is clear that our understandings of childhood are informed through cross-cultural comparison and generalization, the Encyclopedia’s authors reaffirm the importance of focusing upon the lives of children as they are understood within the regional, area, and nation-state framework. This being said, there are a number of issues involving the nature of globalization and childhood that can be noted from the outset. First, globalization has been defined according to radically different terms. For some scholars, it has signified the permanent and inevitable ascendancy of empire, be it Western (Fukayama 1992; Huntington 1996), or in reaction to the self-serving nature of that analysis, Asian (Frank 1998). For others, it has signified both the triumph of neo-liberal liberalism and the decline of the nation-state as a fundamental organizational unit. Proponents of neo-liberalism, with its embrace of a de-regulated capitalism thriving within an environment of privatization, have associated globalization with these policies; critics point to the resulting the decline and elimination of
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PREFACE
social services traditionally provided by the state that such policies have promoted. Widespread international institutional neglect and indifference to the needs of children can certainly be viewed in part, as a result of these policies. Regardless of one’s political views regarding globalization, its economic dimensions have been characterized by the increasing power of consumption rather than production as a driving economic force. Global consumption patterns are, by their nature, more difficult to chart and are less subject to hierarchical control, than are traditional patterns of industrial production. The fluid nature of global trade created a sense of decentering that has been observed in other realms too, including the use of technology to create an information age society (Castells 2000), the fluidity with which cultural interactions are transmitted (Appadurai 1996), and the existence of general patterns of flux, mobility, change, complexity, randomness, and contingency (Bauman 2004). The impact of these forces upon the world’s children is graphically portrayed within the pages of this Encyclopedia. Whether it be through the use of child soldiering, an over-reliance upon child labor and its subsequence denial of basic educational provision, engagement in child trafficking and prostitution, or the promotion of child pornography, often through use of the Internet, children in the twenty-first century are increasingly being defined in global terms as consumable and perishable items, to be used, abused, and then discarded by those who are more powerful. Globalization theorists disagree as to whether the effects of these trends are irrevocable or whether the trends themselves need be viewed as rigidly deterministic. What is clear though, is that populations in the developing world are becoming increasingly young; 1.5 billion people throughout the world are aged 12–24; 1.3 billion live in the developing world (World Bank 2007). Demographically, a ‘‘youth bulge’’ is predicted, as fertility rates decline. As a result, there will be new pressures for developing countries to integrate their youth into the workforce, encourage more civic engagement, and discourage risk-taking behavior on their part. Most importantly, because of their increasing numbers, youth will have greater opportunities to articulate their own needs within public spaces, to become public self-advocates. The work of UNICEF and other NGOs, in promoting greater child and youth participation in their own affairs, over the past fifteen years, is noteworthy in this regard. The tensions we have noted, between the casual disregard of children’s basic needs and the cynical use of children for personal interest and gain, on the one hand, and the increasing recognition of the potential for child and youth advocacy on the other hand, raise even larger questions as to how basic understandings of childhood are being defined and contested in the twenty-first century. One of the main conclusions one can deduce from a reading of the various chapters of the Encyclopedia is that our understandings of childhood
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PREFACE
express a significant variation as to how childhood is defined, how children develop, and how their interests are protected. Changing biological characteristics associated with childhood and adulthood have had an influence in expanding what it means to be a child in the twenty-first century. In addition, it is clear that notions of childhood are largely social constructions, influenced by such cultural, economic, political, and social factors as the nature of labor markets, demographic trends, the creation and growth of mass education, and the changing notions of patriarchy and family roles and their relationship to the state. No longer can childhood be simplistically expressed as simply a transient state of dependency, defined by the child’s relationship to an adult world that she will eventually enter. Instead, it is important to acknowledge the complexity, ambiguity, and malleability that characterize the category we define as childhood. Archaeologists nonetheless point to the materiality of childhood as being an essential factor in understanding how children have lived their lives, and their emphasis upon the materiality of the child’s body (Derevenski 2000, 3–16) has resonance within the pages of this Encyclopedia as well. Throughout these volumes, one gains an appreciation as to how children’s bodies are abused, violated, harmed, or are in fewer cases protected and nourished, One can find a considerable degree of controversy, associated with how the chronological age of the child is defined, or what constitutes child abuse and neglect, when basic educational provision is satisfactory, or when certain forms of child labor can be considered productive and useful. But, as the chapter authors also emphasize the material nature of childhood, including how children play and negotiate social space, and how they adapt to the conditions around them, they reaffirm the view that it makes sense to examine childhood materiality while acknowledging its ambiguity. Governments, activists, scholars, and experts have been aided in their efforts to document how children live through their use of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and as the Convention has indirectly played a significant role in the construct of the categories of analysis within each Encyclopedia chapter, it is useful to make a few comments about its utility and the process through which it has been implemented. The Convention itself was adopted by the General Assembly on November 20, 1989 and entered into force on September 2, 1990. Two subsequent protocols have been passed that deal with the sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography, and child soldiering. Since its inception, the Convention has become one of the most successful international human rights instruments that have ever been created. Ratified by 192 countries (the United States and Somalia are the only two countries belonging to the U.N. that have failed to do so), it sets standards as to how children’s needs and interests should be defined and articulated. Countries are required to regularly report to the
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PREFACE
Committee on the Rights of the Child, a body charged with implementing the Convention, and NGOs are also encouraged to raise questions of concern with the Committee. As a result of this reporting process, member states have improved their data collection mechanisms for assessing the conditions under which their children live; some states have created ombudspersons and national governmental units specifically designed to protect and address the needs of children; others have made a good faith effort to give older children and youth a formal means of articulating their interests through the establishment of youth parliaments and related institutional structures. Indeed, national constitutions now include specific provisions regarding the protection of children. It is undeniable that the nearly universal ratification of the Convention has been accompanied by increased world attention to the plight of children and in that process, children’s lives have been saved as their interests and needs are being more clearly articulated (Epstein 2005). It is not surprising therefore, that many of the Encyclopedia authors have used information within country reports submitted to the Committee, documenting specific progress in complying with the articles of the Convention, as a basis for assessing the quality of children’s lives within the specific country. The Convention of course is not a perfect document. Scholars have pointed to its contradictory perspectives with regard to its ambiguous definitions of the chronological age of childhood, contradictory perspectives involving the degree of autonomy that should be afforded the child, the gendered nature of document language (emphasis on child soldiering but not arranged early child marriage, and the lack of attention to the specific challenges girls confront, for example), and its privileging of the protection of children’s political rights over economic, social, and cultural rights as major deficiencies. Nonetheless, its importance and influence as an international instrument is beyond dispute, its significance enhanced by the reporting process to which States voluntarily commit themselves and the responses to state reports offered by the Committee on the Rights of the Child. Although many of the rights enumerated within the Convention replicate those that appear in other international instruments, until the Convention was ratified, the rights of children in particular were merely assumed to fall within larger frameworks that were created for adults. It is perhaps the Convention’s greatest strength that it recognizes the fact that children are deserving of rights due their inherent status. This being the case, the rather progressive sections of the document that argue in favor of children themselves exercising their rights to the best of their capabilities makes logical sense. When examining country reports, the Committee operates from a fundamental assumption that the implementation of children’s rights cannot be viewed as a voluntary or charitable exercise. Bestowing rights to children is not an act of kindness or generosity; it is a
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state responsibility to secure, protect, and promote such rights insofar as they are inherently guaranteed to children on the basis of their humanity. Although the Convention was adopted at a time when the nature of globalization forces was just beginning to be appreciated, its wisdom has stood the test of time at least in one respect. The increasingly harsh circumstances with which many of the world’s children must contend, brought about to some degree by the globalization tendencies we have previously described, reinforce the truism that it is becoming increasingly perilous to their own health, safety, and well-being for children to be forced into relying upon adults to defend and protect their basic interests. They are too often the first casualties of poverty, internal conflict and displacement, and illness; the first victims when widespread social suffering occurs. Thus, the need for children to play an increasingly assertive role in defending and articulating their own interests through public advocacy, given the frequent abdication of adult responsibility in this area, is a theme that is strongly expressed within the Convention and is one that has become more salient through the passage of time. It is our hope that this Encyclopedia will serve a useful purpose by enhancing understanding about children’s lives, the challenges they confront, and the courage they and their advocates express, as they struggle to create a better future during the first decade of the twenty-first century. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide could not have been published without the collective efforts of hundreds of international scholars, a dedicated group of volume editors, and the hard work of the Greenwood Publishing Group editorial staff. Marie Ellen Larcada, who has since left Greenwood, was instrumental in conceiving of the project more than two years ago. But it is acquisitions editor Mariah Gumpert, who through her unlimited patience, laserlike focus, and generous encouragement, is most responsible for the Encyclopedia’s completion. My personal gratitude for her efforts is enormous. The task of generating substantive essays about the lives of children in so many countries and regions was extremely complex but was made easier through the hard work of volume editors Laura Arntson, Leslie J. Limage, Sheryl L. Lutjens, Jyotsna Pattnaik, Ghada Hashem Talhami, and Eleonora Villegas-Reimers. Each volume editor contacted numerous experts and convinced them of the importance of the project, worked assiduously with their authors in editing and revising manuscripts, and framed each volume in ways that have insured that the entire Encyclopedia is accessible and reader friendly. For their efforts and for the efforts of the chapter contributors, I wish to convey my deepest appreciation.
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REFERENCES Appadurai, Arjun. 1996. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Bauman, Zygmunt. 2004. ‘‘A Sociological Theory of Post-modernity.’’ In: Contemporary Sociological Theory, Craig Calhoun, James Moody, Steven Pfaff, Joseph Gerteis, and Indermohan Virk, eds. Oxford: Blackwell. 429–440. Castells, Manuel. 2000. The Rise of the Network Society, 2nd ed. Oxford: Blackwell. Derevenski, Joanna Sofner. 2000. ‘‘Material Culture Shock: Confronting Expectations in the Material Culture of Children.’’ In: Children and Material Culture, Joanna Derevenski, ed. London: Routledge. 3–16. Epstein, Irving. 2005. ‘‘The Convention on the Rights of the Child: The Promise and Limitations of Multilateralism as a Means of Protecting Children.’’ UNICEF– China, International Forum on Children’s Development, October 29–31. http://www.unicef.org/china/P3_EPSTEIN_paper.pdf. Frank, Andre Gunder. 1998. Reorient: Global Economy in the Asian Age. Berkeley: University of California. Fukayama, Francis. 1992. The End of History and the Last Man. New York: Free Press. Huntington, Samuel P. 1996. The Clash of Civilizations and the Making of the New Order. New York: Simon and Schuster. World Bank. 2007. World Bank Report: Development and the Next Generation. Washington, DC: World Bank.
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USER’S GUIDE
The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide is a six-volume set covering the world’s most populous regions. . . . . . .
Asia and Oceania Central and South America Europe North America and the Caribbean Sub-Saharan Africa North Africa and the Middle East
All of the volumes contain an introduction to the set from the general editor and a more specific introduction to the volume, written by the volume editor. A copy of the Convention on the Rights of the Child is also printed as an appendix in the North Africa and the Middle East volume. The volumes are divided into chapters organized alphabetically by country or in a few instances by regional name (where countries are grouped together on a regional basis). The following outline includes the sub-sections for each chapter. In a few instances, particularly when information is unavailable or irrelevant to a specific country or region, the sub-section has been eliminated. NATIONAL PROFILE The information gathered for this sub-section may include general demographic information, a summary of recent historical and political change within the country or region, a summation of the general challenges that confront the population, and how they might affect children.
USER’S GUIDE
OVERVIEW A discussion of the issues that affect children within the population, highlighting the general state of their welfare and the changing nature of their circumstances. EDUCATION A discussion of issues of access, literacy levels, drop-out, opportunities for educational advancement, equity and fairness with regard to socioeconomic status, gender, ethnic and religious affiliation, and disability. PLAY AND RECREATION A discussion of popular forms of play, children’s use of toys and the media, their use of technology, sports, games, and other types of recreation. CHILD LABOR A discussion of relevant legislation to protect children, efforts to enforce such legislation, cultural norms, social values, and economic pressures involving the use of child labor, the type of work children are expected to complete, the effects of globalization tendencies upon child labor abuses. FAMILY A discussion of relevant family structures, gender roles within the families, demographic trends regarding family size, effects of divorce, intergenerational relationships, effects of poverty and general socio-economic status upon family organization and behavior, rites of passage. HEALTH A discussion of issues related to infant and child mortality, vaccination and childhood disease, the general quality of medical care provided to children, access to clean water, exposure to air and other forms of pollution, and relevant sex education programming. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS A discussion of how the country’s legal system affects children—what protections they are given under the law, and how legal safeguards are guaranteed. The nature of the juvenile justice system, if one exists, how
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USER’S GUIDE
gang activity is handled, conditions for children and youth who are incarcerated. RELIGIOUS LIFE A discussion of prevailing religious practices and their meanings for children, forms of religious training, the role of religious organizations in children’s lives. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT A discussion including statistics that illustrates the scope of child abuse and neglect within the country or region, types of abuse and neglect and the reasons for their occurrence, and preventative measures that have been taken; how specific issues such as child soldiering, child trafficking, and child pornography are addressed. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY A discussion summarizing findings from other sub-sections of the chapter while offering assessments as to future prospects as well as what further measures will have to be taken in order to significantly improve children’s lives in the immediate and near future. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested readings, relevant video, film and media sources, web sites, and relevant NGOs and other organizations are listed in this section. Whenever possible, sources are annotated. MAPS AND INDEXES A regional map accompanies each volume, and each chapter has its own country or regional map. Each volume includes an index consisting of subject and person entries; a comprehensive index for the entire set is included at the end of the North Africa and the Middle East volume.
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INTRODUCTION Ghada Hashem Talhami This work is intended to fill a huge void in development and socioeconomic studies on the Middle East. Studies relevant to Arab and Muslim women in this region abound and have been on the increase beginning in the 1960s. What is more, Western social science has steadily moved from examining this sector through an exotic lens to a more realistic approach dealing with the women’s question from an indigenous historical and cultural perspective. This resulted in a dual approach, one emphasizing gender as a tool for understanding the impact of male-dominated societies on women, and the other emphasizing women’s roles in development as third-world societies begin to assess the strength of their human capital. Clearly, these changes have been occurring as a result of the transformation of developing societies under the impact of globalization and liberalization. There has been no similar expansion in studies on children capable of matching the expansion of women’s studies. Instead, much of the literature on children in general remains within the domain of the field of anthropology, particularly cultural anthropology. The only addition to this genre has resulted from newly found emphasis on human rights of children in time of war or during the early phase of industrializing economies. The field of anthropology has adhered to the notion that childraising practices produce a number of personality traits that define society’s common cultural patterns. Margaret Mead, Ruth Benedict, and Abram Kardiner, to name a few, all took an interest in how society treated children to gauge the uniformity of emerging cultural terrains. Even some psychologists, like Eric Erikson, had long assumed that focusing on society’s treatment of its children elucidated our understanding of the community’s moral and social values (Fernea 2002). By contrast, development studies, which were largely the product of the Cold War, tended at first to distance themselves from this focus, limiting their interest instead to emphasizing class and ignoring issues of gender and children altogether. This situation
INTRODUCTION
prevailed until the recent popularization of the concepts of globalization and liberalization as two credible tools for understanding post–Cold War trends and their implications for the development of better standards of democracy and human rights That is when the study of women acquired new significance as something that might shed additional light on the massive economic shifts resulting from these global trends. Children also began to attract attention as an additional piece of the development and globalization puzzle. The manner in which a society treated its children, whether or not it condoned child labor, their military impressments, or their early marriages, became an index of development. Children became a human rights issue, just as women before them, and states were held responsible for providing them with a social welfare infrastructure. As the notion of human rights began to mesh with citizens’ rights under a democracy, the study of children became an element in understanding liberalization and democracy. Even third-world societies, which resisted the inevitability of acceding to Western-style systems of government, felt the need to refine traditional guarantees afforded to children under the old traditional systems of political and social control. Yet, whereas we have yet to develop a prism similar to that of gender with which to assess the case for children, we have at least conceded that the welfare of children affects all of society, particularly those communities that still straddle traditional and modern cultures like the Middle East and North Africa. The geographic perimeters of the area covered in this volume deserve definition. There have been several attempts in recent years to define the Middle East variously as a consequence of the massive changes resulting from the sudden collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War. The new definitions, however, carry within them an implicit choice of assumptions regarding the question of the unity or disunity of this region, as well as, its relationship to the developed world. Those who still adhere to the term Middle East should be reminded of the relative short history of this appellation, dating only to the beginning of the twentieth century, but coming into general use as recently as World War II. They should also take into consideration the arbitrary nature of these definitions, as the initial application of the term Middle East covered only the Persian Gulf region. This term, it should also be added, did not include North Africa and referred only to that area co-terminus with the military supply centers of the European and American allied commands (Ismael 2001). North Africa remained mostly outside this designation in the English-speaking world during the following years because of the inaccessibility of its French-language records. Since the fall of the Soviet Union, however, some began to extend the term Middle East to Central Asian states and the Caspian Sea region (Long et al. 2007). The new application of the term implied the existence of a unified area dominated by an Islamic
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culture and oil deposits. Those focused on studying the political economy of this region are increasingly using the term MENA (Middle East and North Africa), which implies a region characterized by underdevelopment, especially as it relates to the European continent and the northern Mediterranean shore (Doumato and Posusney 2003). The term carries with it a subtle connotation deemphasizing the predominantly Arab and Islamic culture of the region. Post–Cold War developments have accelerated this tendency, resulting in the emergence of a new perception of this region as a poor performer on the economic scales of liberalizing developments. Moreover, in the era after the attacks of September 11, 2001, on the World Trade Center, the Western media has increasingly adopted the term Muslim World, encompassing the old Middle East and south and Eastern Asia. The emphasis this time was on culture, specifically on the Islamic faith as the supreme and enveloping manifestation of this common cultural denominator. But the Islamic rubric tended to drown out nationalist differences between sub-regions and the manner in which these reflected the development of countries and societies. It is important to note that this volume makes no such ideological choices but follows the most widely used designation ‘‘the Middle East and North Africa,’’ which includes such widely dissimilar and contrasting countries like Lebanon and Saudi Arabia. In other words, this volume has chosen to follow a geographic, rather than, an ideological designation. This volume, in addition, makes no distinction between oil-rich countries such as those of the Persian Gulf region or war-torn countries and societies such as Iraq, Lebanon, and the Palestinian territories. Hopefully, this approach will best illustrate the impact of certain dynamics on the development of children such as religion, culture, state policy, social ideology, economic well-being, and openness to modernization. The fact that the core area of this region is Arab is also mitigated by policy and developmental differences. In the end, the impact of traditional cultures will be balanced by changes that altered the developmental status of these countries and societies since their independence in the post–World War II period or since the inception of the oil revolution in the Persian Gulf region. Political ideologies as sharply contrasting as those of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Egypt’s current officially liberalist regime, or those shaping the political and social chaos currently overtaking Iraq and the Palestinian territories, are also reflected in the socioeconomic status of children. The study of these countries at hand reveals all these complexities without necessarily passing judgment on the innate merit of one ideology over the other. If some of these studies reveal the stark inadequacy of certain policies to meet the expanding demand for better and wider childcare and educational facilities, it will be found that such neglect also occurs in some of the world’s most developed countries, or members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. The United States, for
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instance, lags behind many states in its willingness to provide daycare facilities for working mothers, leaving this important safety net benefiting working mothers and their children to private community groups (Henderson and Jeydal 2007). The Arab core within the Middle East and the North African region, nevertheless, came in for serious criticism by the Arab Human Development Report of 2002. The report, which was prepared by Arab experts and intellectuals, marshaled an impressive array of socioeconomic data to buttress its conclusions regarding the deteriorating social fabric of Arab society in general. Matched only by similar conditions in sub-Saharan countries, the report seemed to hint at the grave and unmet responsibility of Arab governments. The report not only emphasized the lack of women’s empowerment and their limited educational and employment opportunities, but it also castigated children’s health conditions and general well-being. The Arab Human Development Report also shed some light on existing and extreme variations between the levels of development of different Arab countries, particularly when it comes to the area of infant mortality. For instance, the ratio of infant and child mortality in Qatar was 10.2 per 1,000, whereas the Yemen had a ratio of 75.3 per 1,000. The ratio for children younger than 5 years of age could be as little as 20 per 1,000 or 100 per 1,000. Yet most Arab countries have registered great progress in infant and child survival rates, even within the region’s poorest societies. The one country in which infant mortality showed a dramatic increase from 20 to 100 per 1,000 was war-torn Iraq. The Arab Human Development Report makes a special case for emphasizing the well-being of children on the basis of the nature of the demographic profile of most of these countries. Most, if not all, of them show an expanding proportion of young people, as well as a growing sector of aging and dependent population. These are formidable challenges for the working population, which must not only cope with these demographic pressures but also engage in serious planning for the future of their young generation. Commentators addressing this report also point to the difficulty of relying on aggregate data from this part of the world. This critique is applicable to this project as well, because all aggregate data, by reducing socioeconomic reality to quantifiable statistics, tend to obliterate all differences and create false generalizations (Prince Hasan bin Talal 2004). Furthermore, these untenable generalizations occur within countries by submerging gender, sect, and class differences. Although some of the studies at hand manage to differentiate these data by segmenting them accordingly, much of the information presented here deals with the general category of children. The hardest distinction to make seems to be related to class. This has produced in most cases an elusive picture of a country’s general underage population, irrespective of class or time period. Only anthropological narratives that eschew statistical data
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manage sometimes to elucidate different levels of children’s social experience, be they in the Middle East or anywhere else (Fernea 2002). The Middle East and North Africa, as defined in this volume, present a mosaic of developmental patterns characterized not only by their level of adaptation to modernity but also by the degree of state involvement in social policy. Thus, the difficulty of clarifying and commenting on the status of children in these countries derives mostly from generalizations pertaining to what is and is not defined as modern. The Arab Persian Gulf countries, for instance, may not have met modernity’s standard of development in terms of their political system and human rights practices, yet they do boast of possessing one of the world’s most-developed social welfare systems. Children who enjoy living under the state’s protective safety net of guaranteed access to health and education also benefit from all the protections afforded by the traditional family system. On the other hand, the most Westernized core of the Arab Middle Eastern states that experienced the disruptions of modern colonialism show no such overwhelming commitment to state-sponsored social welfare targeting children. Some of the explanation for this may not be related solely to the absence of natural wealth such as the oil money. Rather, this may be attributable to the requirements of structural adjustment that the international lending institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund generally impose on the debtor countries. Among the first consequences of this policy is the curtailment of state-funded social programs affecting children. The absence of such programs is severely felt in areas experiencing great political turmoil, such as Iraq and the Palestinian territories. It is within these societies that the human toll of war and economic sanctions has been mostly levied on the weaker members of society such as children. It is also in these areas that the traditional fabric of social relationships has been frayed, leaving the essential societal role of sustaining and protecting the children to the haphazard care of international humanitarian groups. Additionally, it is these societies that, as the result of economic and policy limitations, seem to be in a race with time while trying to secure a better future for their children. Thus, it would not be always possible to divide this region into traditional and modern spheres without running into the perplexing problem resulting from defining all aspects of these terms. The general approach of this study is to present each country separately and highlight its particular weaknesses and achievements. The Persian Gulf countries covered in this volume present a hopeful picture of steady improvement in the area of social policy, with the exception of Kuwait. Children in this country, as shown in this study, may still be suffering today from the trauma of military occupation that exposed them in 1990 to the brutalities of a foreign invading army. Amer Alsaleh describes the fallout from the Iraqi occupation during the First Gulf War by borrowing Erik Erikson’s term ‘‘collective trauma.’’
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This has been experienced by many Kuwaiti families through the destruction of their homes and inflicting havoc on their places of business and work. Children witnessed great levels of violence during the most crucial and formative years of their lives, which have impacted their psychological development, with older children becoming increasingly open to experimentation with premarital sex and drug use. The entire family system was wrenched out of its moorings, with women engaging in more underground resistance activities and the majority of men either jailed or in self-imposed exile. Disciplining children became more difficult because they adopted increasingly rebellious behavior as a result of the political and social chaos during the occupation years. The author concludes that, during the post-occupation years, Kuwait witnessed a steep rise in juvenile delinquency rates. The Palestinian and Iraqi cases betray similar declines in the social development of children and youth due to the political upheaval overtaking their countries. In both, the extended political and social unraveling of their societies resulted in governments of dubious legitimacy and long periods of international economic sanctions, which gave rise to dismal economic and social conditions. In the case of Iraq, the destruction of the civilian infrastructure, especially in the areas of health facilities and clean water, had a disastrous effect on the civilian population in general and on children in particular. The total absence of general safety was devastating to female children and youth, who paid the ultimate price of abstaining from formal schooling. Children also suffered the long-term psychological aftereffects generally associated with war and lack of security. International welfare agencies have noted the widespread phenomenon of trafficking in child labor and the sexual exploitation of children. The country became beset with a large number of children who resorted to street life, looking for ways to gain any means of support for their families. Incidentally, the author does not extend her investigation to the expatriate Iraqi communities and their children in neighboring Arab countries, which would be beyond the scope of this study but which would have deepened our view of the Iraqi humanitarian crisis. Palestinian children living in areas under the control of the Palestine National Authority, surprisingly, come off rather well when compared statistically with children of other countries in this region. This finding, which attests to the concern of the international aid agencies for the welfare of Palestinian children, must also be kept in perspective. A better comparison should be made with Israeli children who enjoy Western European standards of welfare and well-being. The author points to this fact to draw our attention to the general debilitating impact of the Israeli occupation in terms of poverty, which left the Palestinian-occupied territories sorely lacking in the areas of health and educational facilities. Palestinian children are also the beneficiaries of a resilient extended family system that withstood the test of time ever since the destruction of
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Palestinian society in the 1948 Arab–Israeli war. It is this family network, we are reminded, which distinguishes the Palestinian case from that of other war-torn societies. Other country studies in this volume illustrate the impact of a different set of conditions on children as a result of frequent experimentation with opposing economic systems. The chapter on Egypt, although full of praise for the state’s commitment to free education for all of its children, has failed to bring this system up to the level of other modern societies. Some of the weaknesses of Egypt’s educational network, which began as the hallmark of President Jamal Abd al-Nasser’s socialist reforms of the 1950s, relate to the substandard educational opportunities commonly found in rural areas more than the system prevailing in urban centers. Similarly, the educational network seems to favor male over female children. As a developing society still awaiting the launch of its full industrializing phase, Egypt is also guilty of permitting child labor in several areas of production. The family system, which can best be described as patriarchal in nature, still socializes male children differently than female children. Gender inequality affecting children and youth can still be attributed to the survival of the Islamic Personal Status Law, governing general family relationships. Yet, one cannot overlook the fact that issues hindering the full development of female children are the result of hardened traditions rather than Islamic laws. A society in which religious laws still play a huge role in determining the development and socialization of females is the Islamic Republic of Iran. The impact of a religiously oriented state on males, however, should not be overlooked. Despite the severe sex-segregation of school-age children in Iran, we learn that females outnumber males throughout the school and university levels. Such practices as lowering the marriage age for females and their confinement to a strict Islamic dress code apparently did not hinder their access to education. The state has also set the age of maturity for both boys and girls at unusually lower levels, making it 9 to 12 years for girls and 12 to 15 for boys. Iran’s adherence to a traditional definition of the family as a building block of the primordial society has worked to limit state intervention on behalf of abused children. This, naturally, relegates to the family unit several regulatory and disciplining duties normally associated with state institutions. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) presents a different model of an Islamic state, combining aspects of the traditional culture with a comprehensive and modern welfare system. Yet, just as in all Persian Gulf countries, the UAE dispenses these benefits to its small native population, leaving few services open to its foreign expatriate population. Here, native children are beneficiaries of a system of free public education, as well as a network of private schools that cater mostly to the needs of the nonnative population. It is also worth noting that the UAE, with its special blend of private and public economy, has pioneered the area of children’s
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entertainment and cultural activities. The state provides special children’s television channels and a government publication specifically for children, known as Majed, in addition to a ‘‘Knowledge Village,’’ which educates and trains children while entertaining them. The report on Lebanon presents the unusual case of a divided sectarian society in which children are cared for more by their individual communities than by the state. The state, although weakly present in the area of education, cannot match the varied educational services provided by the various sectarian communities. Lebanon also has class differences, which are reflected in the sectarian divisions as well. Thus, the poorest children so far happen to belong to the country’s Shi’a community. It is these children as well as those of the lower socioeconomic strata in general who appeared as boy soldiers during most of Lebanon’s recent wars. The children of southern Lebanon, who are Shii in the main, suffer additionally from degraded environmental conditions as a result of Israeli attacks on that part of the country. Syria’s children, by contrast, are beneficiaries of a government-subsidized educational system. Only girls lag behind in this setting. Child labor appears to take the form of agricultural work for boys and domestic work for girls, with both serving on family farms and businesses. The study on Bahrain deals with the often submerged issue of child abuse, particularly pertaining to migrant child labor. Perhaps more prevalent throughout the Gulf region than is often recognized, this question raises serious concerns about the treatment of foreign expatriate communities in general. Who should advocate on behalf of such children when their own governments lack the means of extending its protection to areas far away from the country of origin? Is it the United States, is it foreign nongovernmental organizations, or should these cases be entrusted to the jurisdiction of the host country’s department of social welfare? The case of Oman also sheds some light on the welfare of expatriate children in another Persian Gulf country. Here, official neglect of the safety and living and working conditions of children from the southern Asian region contrasts sharply with the Omani state’s careful attention to the needs of its native children. Oman, in addition, illustrates the difficulty of prosecuting offenders when it comes to children, because abuses of official restrictions on child employment occur mostly within the informal economy. Oman is noted, however, for the creation of the National Committee on the Rights of the Child as a step towards the implementation of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Saudi Arabia’s record on child protection and development is distinguished by how much has been achieved since the discovery of oil in that country. The government’s role as the guardian of the family impacts the lives of children greatly. There are specialized health facilities to take care of the country’s disproportionate number of children suffering from genetic problems. Child abuse as indentured domestic servants and beggars exists
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largely among the expatriate community of workers and is vigorously prosecuted by the authorities. The one glaring deficiency in the lives of native children is their heavy dependence on television shows and electronic games. North African countries, in general, show very little sign of child abuse or child labor. Libya has been singled out by international human rights agencies as a conduit of African slaves, which may involve children. Tunisian children are beneficiaries of improved family laws. Additionally, there has been greater government awareness in these countries of the need to guard against the spread of infectious diseases, such as AIDS, among the younger population. Morocco, on the other hand suffers from an educational system that is irrelevant to the market demands in that country. Child abuse as a result of rampant child labor also plagues Morocco, particularly among young female domestic workers and children employed in agriculture or craft production. This volume goes a long way in illustrating the role of government in the provision of social services for youth and the family. It should also be noted that the impact of technology on children’s games in the oil-rich countries provides an unanticipated negative aspect to certain facets of development as experienced by that part of the Middle East region. BIBLIOGRAPHY Anker, Richard. 1998. Gender and Jobs: Sex Segregation of Occupations in the World. Geneva: International Labor Office. Bauman, Zugmunt. 1998. Globalization: The Human Consequences. New York: Columbia University Press. Best, J. 1990. Threatened Children: Rhetoric and Concern about Child-Victims. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Doumato, Eleanor Abdella, and Marsh Pripstein Posusney, eds. 2003. Women and Globalization in the Arab Middle East: Gender, Economy and Society. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers. Erikson, Eric. 1963. Childhood and Society. 2nd ed. New York: Norton. Fernea, Elizabeth Warnock, ed. 2002. Remembering Childhood in the Middle East: Memories from a Century of Change. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. Henderson, Sarah, and Alana S. Jeydel. 2007. Participation and Protest: Women and Politics in a Global World. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ismael, Tareq. 2001. Middle East Politics Today: Government and Civil Society. Gainesville, FL: University of Florida Press. Long, David E., Bernard Reich, and Mark Gasiorowski, eds. 2007. The Government and Politics of the Middle East and North Africa. 5th ed. Boulder, CO: Westview. Mahdi, Ali Akbar, ed. 2003. Teen Life in the Middle East. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Talal, Prince Hasan bin. 2004. ‘‘The Arab Human Development Report, 2002: Review and Reform.’’ Arab Studies Quarterly, Special Issue. Kamel S.Abu Jaber, ed. 26 (Spring 2004).
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ALGERIA Micah L. Issitt NATIONAL PROFILE Algeria is a North African nation located on the Mediterranean Sea between Morocco and Tunisia. Occupying more than 2.4 million square kilometers, Algeria is composed mainly of arid and semi-arid plateaus with patches of mountainous terrain and a narrow 998kilometer coastline. Algeria is home to more than 33.3 million residents, 91 percent of whom live on the coast. A majority of Algerians (99 percent) are descended from Arab/Berber ethnic groups, but the country also has small pockets of European and other African groups (CIA World Factbook 2007). Among modern Algerians, approximately 30 percent identify themselves as Berber, whereas 69 percent identify themselves as descendents of Arabs (BBC News 2007). The Berber ethnic group was the first to inhabit the region and was grouped into small clans until Arabians invaded the country in the seventh century CE. The Berber and Arab populations
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remained separate for centuries and existed in an uneasy relationship with frequent armed conflicts (McDougall 2006). In 1517, Algeria was conquered by the Ottoman Empire, which established a thriving naval export industry that often involved piracy. During the 1800s, the ‘‘Barbary Pirates’’ from Algeria raided a number of American cargo ships, inciting the First and Second Barbary Wars in 1801 and 1815, respectively (McDougall 2006). The French invaded Algeria in 1830, beginning a long occupation marked by frequent civil uprisings and the death of nearly 30 percent of the Algerian population. The Algerian War of Independence—which officially began in 1954 but had its roots in intermittent struggles occurring since the 1850s—resulted in an initial French victory, but, as the nation’s colonial period was drawing to a close, the French decided to grant Algeria independence (Stora 2004). From the establishment of the first native government in 1962, Algeria suffered poor relations and frequent clashes between the government and Islamist militant groups, resulting in the Algerian Civil War beginning in 1991. Between 1991 and 2002, more than 150,000 Algerians died and the country was brought to the brink of economic collapse. By 2002, the government regained control over most of the nation, but as of 2007 intermittent fighting continues in some portions of the country (McDougall 2006; BBC News 2007). The government of Algeria is an Islamic republic with powers divided between executive, legislative, and judicial branches. The constitution, most recently revised in 1996, designates a dual executive system with a president as head of state and a prime minister as head of government. The bicameral parliament is composed through a combination of popular vote and executive appointment (CIA World Factbook 2007). Current president Abdelaziz Bouteflika has so far been successful in his reconciliation policies aimed at ending the persistent conflict between the government and Islamist factions (BBC News 2007). Algeria’s government functions partially as a democratic state and partially as an authoritarian regime. Television, radio, and Internet are under state control, but Algeria has a free print press that regularly exercises its right to criticize government policy. Islam is the state-sponsored religion and receives special status in terms of government financing and development (U.S. Department of State 2007). The Algerian economy is based largely on the production and export of hydrocarbon products, including oil, natural gas, and petroleum, together accounting for 30 percent of the nation’s gross domestic product and more than 90 percent of the nation’s export revenues. During the past 5 years, Algeria’s economy has been growing at a rate of 5 percent annually, with 5.6 percent growth in 2006. Economic reforms have allowed the country to reduce foreign debt and combat inflation, but falling export revenues threaten economic stability (U.S. Department of State 2007; Oxford Business Group 2006).
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In 2006, the unemployment rate was measured at more than 15 percent, and an estimated that 25 percent of the population was living in poverty. Many of the poorest residents are in the agricultural sector, accounting for roughly 14 percent of the population. Algeria’s main agricultural products are wheat, barley, olives, citrus, and meat products. Major export partners are the United States, Europe, and South America (CIA World Factbook 2007). Despite years of warfare and a moderately dangerous climate for foreign relations, Algeria’s tourism industry grew by 20 percent between 2000 and 2005. Given the success of Tunisia’s tourism industry, Algeria’s Ministry of Tourism has announced plans to make tourism a national priority with hopes of making tourism the nation’s second major source of income after petroleum products. In 2005, the government invested US$42 million in the tourism industry (Oxford Business Group 2006). As of 2007, 45 percent of the population lived in the urban areas, and urbanization continues to pose a major logistical problem, as Algeria’s cities were not designed to support current population levels. The desert regions are sparsely populated, but census estimates indicate that over one million Bedouin and other tribes are still living in the desert (U.S. Department of State 2007). Algeria’s republic has adopted KEY FACTS – ALGERIA some characteristically socialist Population: 33,333,216 (July 2007 est.) policies, including free education Infant mortality rate: 24.93 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) and free health care, although Life expectancy at birth: 73.52 years (2007 est.) primary health care is basic or Literacy rate: 69.9 percent (2002 est.) absent in some rural areas. Since Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 97 percent (2000– 2005 est.) the end of the Civil War in Internet users: 1.92 million (2005) 1999, Algeria has been strugPeople living with HIV/AIDS: 9,100 (2003 est.) gling to rebuild the country’s Human Poverty Index (HP-1) rank: 46 infrastructure and public serSources: CIA World Factbook: Algeria. https://www.cia.gov/library/ vices. With an overburdened publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ag.html. June 18, 2007; medical system, many Algerians UNICEF. At a Glance: Algeria–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ turn to alternative treatment infobycountry/algeria_statistics.html. June 18, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development options, significantly increasing Report 2006–Algeria. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ mortality and disease rates (BBC countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_DZA.html. June 18, 2007. News 2007). OVERVIEW Algeria is home to more than 13 million children, comprising more than 30 percent of the total population (International Bureau for Children’s Rights 2007). As of 2007, the infant mortality rate was estimated at 29 per 1,000 live births (CIA World Factbook 2007), largely due to malnutrition and a lack of adequate health care. According to the United Nation’s Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the nutritional status of the
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nation’s children has not improved significantly since 2002 and remains the worst in the region (UNICEF 2006). Roughly 20 percent of the rural population do not have access to adequate sanitation and water facilities and are forced to subsist on substandard nutritional intake (UNICEF 2006). Child abuse and spousal abuse are major issues in Algeria, and the government is currently attempting to strengthen legal prohibitions. The nation’s patriarchal heritage remains evident in the priority afforded to the medical care and protection of male children (Country Reports 2007). Primary and secondary education is free and compulsory for all children younger than 16 years of age; however, the dropout rate is high, especially among young girls. The government has recently reallocated budgetary revenues to promote greater involvement in education, but a lack of economic stability in rural areas prevents families from taking advantage of the education system (UNICEF 2006). Although labor laws prohibit child labor, approximately one quarter of the nation’s children are engaged in some type of work. Children in rural areas have a greater tendency to leave school to assist their families whereas urban children are more likely to remain in the school system (UNICEF 2006). Conflict between ethnic/political/religious groups continues to play a major and detrimental role in the lives of children. Children from families who have adopted secular culture might clash with those who follow traditional Islamic culture. Instances of violence toward and between children are common, reflecting larger issues in society as a whole (McDougall 2006; UNICEF 2006). EDUCATION Public education, administered by the Ministry of National Education, is free and compulsory for all children ages 6 to 15. The basic curriculum consists of 6 years of primary school, followed by 3 years of lower secondary school and 3 years of upper secondary school. After completing secondary school, students may seek admittance to higher education at one of the nation’s universities. The first 9 years—6 years of primary education and 3 years of lower secondary education—comprise the compulsory educational requirements. The public education system was established in 1976, and in 2004 the government enacted revisions to the education code, allowing for the establishment of a supplementary private school system (Clark 2006). The French colonial government established Algeria’s first school system to cater to foreign students. After gaining independence, the government conducted extensive educational reforms, including training native teachers to replace European instructors and changing the official language to Arabic (Metz 1994). French is still used in some postsecondary and technical schools and is common in government terminology (Clark 2006).
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Primary education comprises grades 1 through 9, but parents in some regions have the option of enrolling their children in preprimary education. As of 2004, roughly 5 percent of the population enrolled students in preparatory education programs. Upon reaching age 6, students are required to begin the basic education program (UNESCO 2004). The UNICEF has recently begun working with the government to expand and enhance the preprimary education system for children between 3 and 6 years old (UNICEF 2006). Since the 1960s, government reforms have established a system for channeling students into specialization during secondary school and offering vocational programs as an alternative to higher education. From the 1960s to the 1990s, the government expanded the education system as part of a national campaign to increase enrollment (Metz 1994). Currently, 24 percent of the national budget is allocated to the education system (International Bureau for Children’s Rights 2007). Between 1962 and 2000 enrollment in primary, secondary, and higher education increased from 940,000 to more than 8 million out of a population of more than 30 million (Kateb 2003). By 2004, enrollment rates for primary education were 95 percent for female students and 98 percent for male students (UNESCO 2004). Despite national requirements, the number of students continuing to secondary education decreases by more than 20 percent for both males and females. A greater percentage of females (68 percent versus 65 percent) continue into the secondary education system (Kateb 2003; UNESCO 2004). The number of females enrolled increased during the 1990s, and in 2005 60 percent of secondary school graduates were female (UNICEF 2006). Secondary schools students have the choice of three broad areas of study: technical, vocational, or basic. After completing their secondary requirements, students are required to take an examination to receive the ‘‘Baccalaureat de l’Enseignement Secondaire,’’ after which they can proceed to universities, technical schools, or vocational training programs (Metz 1994). Secondary education students pursuing either the basic or technical programs are further divided into one of three specialties—language and social studies, sciences, or technology—during their first year, and further specialize when they enter upper secondary school. In total, Algerian students have the option of fifteen areas of specialization before entering the higher education system (Clark 2006). As of 2006, Algeria listed twenty-seven public universities and twentynine additional higher education programs, including specialized institutes for training teachers and government employees. In 2004, roughly 20 percent of secondary level graduates enrolled in higher education programs (UNESCO 2004). The current system is changing with the institution of the LMD (License, Master, Doctorate) program, which is seen as more compatible with foreign educational systems. Under the LMD, students will spend 3 years working toward a basic license (equivalent to
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a bachelor’s degree), and will then have the option to study an additional 2 years to receive a masters degree. Students wishing to continue may spend an additional three years past the master’s level to receive a doctorate degree (Clark 2006). At nearly 30 percent, dropout rates after primary school are a significant source of concern. Many students who leave the education system do so to contribute financial support for their families. In addition, poverty prevents some children from attending secondary schools. The government has attempted to integrate enrollment initiatives with efforts to control school-age labor and poverty levels. Additional measures to provide transportation for school children and financial aid for impoverished families are intended to increase secondary school enrollment (Kateb 2003). Educational improvements are largely responsible for major gains in the overall literacy rates. The Conquest of Literacy program, started during the 1960s, helped to raise the national literacy rate from under 10 percent to more than 57 percent by the 1990s (Metz 1994). Illiteracy continues to be a major problem as, in 2006, it was estimated that more than 6 million were illiterate (Clark 2006). Literacy rates are greater for males, indicating a gender disparity in the educational priorities of Algerian families. This statistic may change, however, as more females take a greater involvement in the education system (Kateb 2003). In 2006, approximately 80 percent of males were literate compared with 60 percent of Algerian women. Developmentally disabled children and those with special needs have few options in Algeria. Although some public schools provide programs for special education, geographic distribution prevents many special needs children from accessing appropriate programs. Families are aided by a system of regional programs, begun in the 1970s, that provide support and supplementary care for developmentally disabled children (Boucebci 1981). PLAY AND RECREATION Since the civil war ended in 1999, the safety and security of Algerian children have increased dramatically. Parks and recreational centers have been rebuilt and are now open to children. The Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports is the executive office in charge of administering the nation’s recreational facilities and children’s sports facilities (International Bureau for Children’s Rights 2007). Algerian children play a variety of games, with football (soccer) being the most popular sport in the country. Male and female children take part in regional sports groups while children in rural areas may be more likely to pursue traditional forms of recreation like horseback riding and falconry (Algeria Online 2007). Algeria has a national scouting organization, the Algerian Muslim Scouts, which was founded by the French in the 1930s and converted to
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a native institution after independence. The Algerian Muslim Scouts are part of the World Organization of the Scout Movement (World Organization of the Scout Movement 2007). Algeria is currently developing a female scouting organization and is one of five Arab nations attempting to join the World Association of Girl Guides and Girl Scouts (WAGGGS 2007). Although children have a government-sponsored right to enjoy sports, play, and recreation, there are significant societal pressures that prevent children from enjoying recreational activities. Many Algerian children are forced to work to supplement family income and many additional children suffer from disease, malnutrition, and other health-related factors (UNICEF 2007). CHILD LABOR Child labor is a persistent problem in Algeria, and current estimates indicate that over 25 percent of children (UNICEF 2006), including 63 percent of children from 13 to 16 years of age (Country Reports 2007), were working in 2006. A significant majority of child laborers were working with family members in the agricultural or private sectors (Country Reports 2007). The national Labor Code sets the minimum age of employment at 16 years, and further prohibits minors from working in a capacity that might pose a danger to their lives and from working at night until 19 years of age. Children younger than 16 may seek apprenticeships but must first have the permission of a parent or legal guardian (U.S. Department of Labor 2006). The Ministry of Labor is the executive office responsible for enforcing labor laws and developing child labor policies. The ministry’s Labor Inspection Department conducts periodic and unannounced inspections of industrial facilities but has failed to adequately measure or enforce labor laws in the private or agricultural industries (U.S. Department of Labor 2006; Country Report 2006). In a survey conducted in 2004, the Ministry of Labor found that low family income and unemployed parents were the two major factors contributing to school-aged children seeking employment (Country Report 2006). The Penal Code sets severe penalties for forcing children into labor. Minors may accept temporary employment during nonschool hours, but must seek guardian permission and apply with the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare (U.S. Department of Labor 2007). As of 2007, the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare were collaborating with UNICEF to develop a comprehensive Child Protection Code that will partially address issues related to child labor. The government hopes that strengthening educational initiatives and social aid will help to reduce the dropout rate and thereby alleviate concerns over child labor (UNICEF 2006). Human rights organizations have expressed concern at the number of Algerian children who were working as street vendors in urban areas, and attempts to prohibit street vending have so far proven unsuccessful (U.S. Department of Labor 2006).
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FAMILY Although social and societal norms have changed since independence, Algeria is still a predominantly patriarchal society in which women are often treated as subordinate. Article 9 of the national constitution guarantees gender equality, and state law provides women with the right to vote and to participate in politics. Despite constitutional emancipation, women’s rights are still curtailed in many areas (Metz 1994; U.S. Department of Labor 2006). The rights of families are outlined in the Family Code, established in 1981 and revised, under pressure from women’s rights groups, in 1984. The Family Code of 1984 was largely based on the sharia, an Islamic ethical and legal code. The Family Code requires women and children to behave obediently to the male, who is considered the leader of the house (Metz 1994). Under the 1984 Family Code, men were granted superiority in guardianship, property ownership, and inheritance. Polygamy is rare in Algeria but is permitted, under certain conditions, by the Family Code (Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women 2005). Pressure from women’s rights groups and human rights organizations prompted the government to revise the Family Code under a 2005 presidential decree. The revised code allows women to seek divorce in cases of abandonment and abuse, or if the husband violates terms laid out in a prenuptial agreement (U.S. Department of Labor 2006). Since independence, divorce rates have increased, but men still have an easier time obtaining a divorce than women. The current age for marriage is set at 19 years, and state law prohibits forced marriage (International Bureau for Children’s Rights 2007). Rural women are more likely to fulfill traditional roles whereas women in urban societies take a greater role in education and private industry. Although women represented only 18 percent of the workforce in 2006, the number of women in the private sector continues to grow, as does the number of women involved in politics. By 2003, it was estimated that 1.3 million women were employed of a total of 9.5 million workers (Benmouffok 2006). In private society, there is a general segregation between men and women, who tend to congregate in separate social groups (U.S. Department of Labor 2007). Domestic violence poses a threat to family security in Algeria. Despite legal statutes prohibiting spousal and child abuse, adherence to traditional Muslim codes prevents many women from reporting abuse or seeking aid. Penal codes are biased towards male rights, and women must be incapacitated and have physician-validated proof of injury before filing suit. According to research by the National Institutes of Health, over 70 percent of women decline to report abuse (U.S. Department of Labor 2006). Statistics of spousal rape are unavailable but the government has no specific laws prohibiting it (Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women 2005).
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It was estimated in 2007 that the Algerian population is growing at 1.2 percent annually with an average of 1.9 children born to each woman. In rural areas, families tend to be larger, with 5 to 10 children per household (CIA World Factbook 2007). High fertility rates and migration served to increase the average family size from 5.9 to 7.0 persons between the 1960s and the 1980s (Metz 1994). A majority of Algerians are of mixed Arab/Berber descent, but Berber and Arab nationalist groups exist in some parts of the country, generally living in a more traditional manner. Algerian couples often live in close association with extended family members and cooperate in child rearing and household expenses. As of 2006, approximately 60 percent of the Algerian population was living in urban areas, and the urban population was growing by 2.4 percent annually (UNICEF 2006). Housing shortages continue to be a major problem, contributing to the number of households that exceed residency restrictions (Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs 2007). Children born out of wedlock have been classified as illegitimate and subject to discrimination. In 2005, the Ministry of Employment and Solidarity estimated that approximately 3,000 children were born to unmarried women each year. Approximately 90 percent of children born out of wedlock are abandoned by their parents and are thereafter classified as wards of the state and placed under government protection (International Bureau for Children’s Rights 2007). HEALTH The Algerian healthcare system, under the auspices of the Ministry of Health, Population, and Hospital Reform, suffers from insufficient funding and a lack of qualified healthcare professionals. Although twenty-first century initiatives have enhanced the government’s focus on children’s health, poverty continues to pose a significant danger to many children (International Bureau for Children’s Rights 2007). Partnerships with aid organizations, such as the World Bank and UNICEF, have helped enhance healthcare quality and coverage since 1990. Health care comprises approximately 3.4 percent of the annual budget. Since 1974, Algeria has provided free health care and preventative coverage to most of the population, though families earning significant incomes pay approximately 20 percent of national expenditures through a proportional payment system (World Bank 2006; Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs 2007). The health system is focused on preventative care and immunization and operates through a system of clinics and health centers rather than major hospitals. Remote portions of Algeria are sometimes devoid of modern health care and rely on private or aid-based medical centers. Nearly 20 percent of the population lacks adequate water and sanitation
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facilities, contributing significantly to illness in rural areas (UNICEF 2006; Britannica 2006). UNICEF statistics indicate that the mortality rate for children under 5 years currently stands at roughly 39 percent, with an infant mortality rate of 25 percent. Malnutrition is a leading cause of infant mortality and government initiatives have not significantly improved nutrition levels since 2002. Approximately 7 percent of children suffer from low birth weight, and 10 percent of children suffer from chronic malnutrition. The government has strengthened its commitment to improving nutrition by sponsoring a number of new food programs for marginalized families (Ministry of Health 2006). Childhood vaccinations are provided free through government sponsorship, and in 2005 more than 80 percent of the population was vaccinated against measles, rubella, polio, DPT, HepB, and TB. Algeria is a leader among North African nations in vaccination coverage and has recently initiated a new program to combat instances of hepatitis (International Bureau for Children’s Rights 2007). Algeria has been fortunate among African nations in that the rate of HIV/AIDS infection has remained relatively low. In 2005, it was estimated that 85 of every 100,000 Algerians were infected with HIV/AIDS, constituting roughly 0.1 percent of the adult population (UNICEF 2006; World Health Organization 2007). Between 9 and 59 percent of HIV/AIDS cases are related to mother/infant transmission. The number of children living with AIDS is currently unknown, but the government has recently adopted new programs to estimate and reduce HIV rates (UNICEF 2006). Currently, fewer than 10 of every 100,000 annual deaths are attributed to HIV/AIDS (World Health Organization 2007). A survey of medical facilities in 1990 reported 284 hospitals, 1,300 health centers, and approximately 1,000 clinics, over half of which specialized in maternal care. From 1990 to 2006, the number of medical centers has increased but the total coverage remains low, with 1 doctor per 1,000 persons (World Health Organization 2007). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Algeria’s juvenile justice system was established under the national Penal Code of 1966. The penal code has been revised and amended over the years to update the status of children and to conform to United Nations statutes (Algeria Penal Code, Ordinance 66 1966). The most recent amendments established in 2005 a new system for rehabilitation and reintroduction to society (Convention on the Rights of the Child 2005). As of 2007, the age of criminal responsibility is 13 whereas the age of majority is set at 18. Certain penalties, including the death penalty, are reserved for persons 18 and older. Children under the age of 18 may not be detained by civil authorities unless it is to prevent an imminent threat to security (International Bureau for Children’s Rights 2007). [ 10 ]
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In 2004, more than 10,000 children were convicted of crimes, of which more than 4,000 were cases of theft. As of 2005, juvenile defenders are divided by age, severity of crime, and potential for rehabilitation and are placed in a public correctional school or a remedial education institution. Both types of organization focus on rehabilitation. Human rights organizations have objected that the current system offers little recourse for detainees to report abuse. Although children from 13 to 18 are protected from the death penalty, they may be sentenced to up to 20 years in detention (International Bureau for Children’s Rights 2007). The United Nations has recommended that Algeria develop a more comprehensive system for alternative rehabilitation, including a community service system (Convention on the Rights of the Child 2005). The legal age for marriage is set at 19, and the family code prohibits females of any age from marrying without permission of a male guardian. In cases where the female has no male guardian, the courts will appoint someone to act in that capacity. Early marriages are common in rural areas and the government has few measures to investigate or prevent illegal marriage practices (Freedom House 2005).
RELIGIOUS LIFE Approximately 99 percent of Algerians belong to the Sunni sect of Islam (CIA World Factbook 2006), currently the largest Islamic group, accounting for approximately 90 percent of Muslims worldwide. The Sunni sect is distinguished by its focus on orthodox Islamic law and government and developed the Sharia legal code (see page 8), which plays a major role in many Islamic nations (Armanios 2004). The constitution establishes Sunni Islam as the official state religion under the auspices of the Ministry of Religious Affairs and requires that the president be a member of the Sunni sect. The government requires the mandatory observance of Muslim holy days as government holidays and requires that Islamic religious leaders be approved and licensed by the state. Islamic education is a mandatory part of the public curriculum and the government requires all private schools to submit their curriculum programs for approval. Although there are Christian, Jewish, and other Islamic sects in Algeria, they are present in small numbers and generally confined to major cities like Algiers and Oran. The constitution prohibits discrimination on the basis of religion and guarantees the right to practice alternative religions, so long as their practice does not interfere with the dominance or political guidance of Sunni Islam. Members of other religious groups are allowed to participate in government, but according to state law nonMuslims are required to practice in buildings that have been preapproved by the state. The government has the ability to monitor the numbers and locations of non-Muslim religious groups and reserves the right to [ 11
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prohibit private religious practice. Non-Muslims are prohibited from proselytizing and may be penalized by 1 to 5 years imprisonment and fines of over US$13,000 (Ministry of Religious Affairs 2006). Conversion from Islam is not prohibited under civil law but is generally done in secret to avoid social reprisal. The government does not officially recognize the right of a Muslim to convert to another religion. As of 2006, the government reserved the right to exercise censorship or prior restraint on any media that could violate Islamic law, ethics, or morality. Literature for other religions has been severely restricted and the government has prevented importation of religious texts and other materials. Any religious material imported into the country must receive prior approval from the Ministries of Religious Affairs, Commerce, Interior, and Foreign Affairs. Muslim women are prohibited from marrying non-Muslim men, although on some occasions the government has allowed interfaith marriages. Muslim men are allowed to marry non-Muslim women, but if a child results from the marriage, the child is automatically designated as Muslim. Despite government-sanctioned religious discrimination, the relationships between religious groups in Algeria are relatively peaceful. Radical Islamist groups pose a threat both to government supporters and members of other religious groups (International Religious Freedom Report 2006). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Despite government prohibitions, child abuse remains a significant problem, and human rights organizations have petitioned the Algerian government to reform current laws and institute more aggressive preventative measures. According to the Civil and Criminal Codes and Ordinance 72-03, the government is required to protect children from physical and mental abuse, desertion, and other forms of neglect (International Bureau for Children’s Rights 2007). Analysts visiting Algeria since the start of the civil war have commented on a ‘‘culture of violence,’’ wherein the seriousness of domestic violence and child welfare are seen as trivial in comparison to the violence the country witnessed during the civil war. Numerous families were displaced or split by violence, leading to an increased number of neglected and orphaned children (Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs 2007). In 2005, there were more than 5,000 reported cases of sexual or physical violence against children and 28 children were killed (International Bureau for Children’s Rights 2007). Statistics from 2004 indicate that more than 2,000 children were hospitalized for abuse-related injuries, including more than 1,300 cases of sexual abuse. Some instances of rape, abuse, and torture were considered terrorist acts and linked to Islamist groups (Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs 2007).
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Some Algerian children suffer from trauma related to the Civil War and ongoing terrorist violence. In 2001, the government instituted the Programme of Mental Health, in conjunction with the United Nations, to address victims of psychological trauma. The Ministry of Employment and Solidarity operates counseling services in some of the nation’s youth services centers, but large numbers of the population are still vulnerable and current facilities are not sufficient to address the needs of the population (International Bureau for Children’s Rights 2007). Corporal punishment in schools is prohibited by law and monitored by the Ministry of Education. There are no laws preventing corporal punishment in the home and few measures are taken to prevent domestic violence. The process required for women or children to bring legal action against a male family member is prohibitive (International Bureau for Children’s Rights 2007). According to recent investigations, instances of sexual exploitation have been increasing in urban areas. Though prohibited by penal codes, instances of underage prostitution and rape are not sufficiently addressed by government programs and services. Victims of sexual abuse have difficulty obtaining law enforcement support, and convictions for rape by family members are a rare occurrence (International Bureau for Children’s Rights 2007). The existence of child trafficking in Algeria is a matter of debate because instances have been reported but remain unconfirmed. The government has ratified UN conventions prohibiting the sale of children and there are provisions addressing trafficking in the penal code. There is no current system in place for the recovery and return of children (International Bureau for Children’s Rights 2007). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Algeria is recovering from more than a decade of civil war, and hundreds of families have lost one or more members to violence. Aid organizations are overburdened, and the government’s facilities are inadequate to administer to the current situation. Children in rural areas face malnutrition and other dangers related to poverty. Government initiatives have significantly increased the aid available to vulnerable children but more aggressive policies are needed to raise the standard of living. Although legal statutes are in place to punish violators of children’s rights, the government maintains few preventative policies and law enforcement agencies are inefficient in addressing most instances of abuse. The Algerian government is working closely with the United Nations to ensure that national policies are current with United Nation’s conventions. Though most human rights organizations recommend major reforms to the current system, the Algerian government has made
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children’s rights a priority and is working to adopt and implement preventative policies. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Bougherira, Redh. Algeria in Transition: Reforms and Development. Abingdon, UK: Routledge Press; 2004. This book explores the background and development of political change in Algeria including an exploration of recent cultural and governmental policies. Charrad, Mounira. States and Women’s Rights: The Making of Postcolonial Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press; 2001. This book explores the development of women’s rights in Islamic nations and also addresses the development of children’s and families’ rights in patriarchal societies. Lazreg, Marnia. The Eloquence of Silence: Algerian Women in Question. Abingdon, UK: Routledge Press; 2004. This book explores the experience of Algerian women both from the context of Muslim codes of conduct and from the context of Islamic objections to western culture and society. McDougall, James. History and the Culture of Nationalism in Algeria. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press; 2006. This book presents an overview of Algerian history beginning with the Berber culture and explores the effect of nationalism on state policy and the continued conflict in the region. Also explores the relationship between Islamic and secular law in the nation. Ruedy, John. Modern Algeria: The Origins and Development of a Nation. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press; 2005. This book gives an overview of Algerian history with a focus on recent political developments and the struggle between religious and nationalist factions. Stora, Benjamin, Jane Marie Todd, and William B. Quandt. Algeria 1830–2000: A Short History. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press; 2004. This book focuses on modern Algerian history and explores the civil war that occurred after 1992 and the war of independence. Volpi, Frederic. Islam and Democracy: The Failure of Dialogue in Algeria. London, UK: Pluto Press; 2001. This book analyzes the political landscape of Algeria with a focus on the role of Islam in politics and in the events surrounding the civil war and the terrorist threat.
Web Sites Algeria Ministry of Tourism and Handicraft (Arabic and French), http:// www.mta.gov.dz. Algeria Ministry of Youth and Sports (Arabic and French), http://www.mjs.dz/ar/ accueil.
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Embassy of Algeria in the United States, Washington, DC, http://www.algeria-us.org. National Assembly of Algeria (Arabic and English), http://www.apn-dz.org.
Organizations and NGOs Algerian Association for the Elimination of Illiteracy 4 Street Wargnier, B.P. 377 Ben Aknoun Algiers, 16030, Algeria Phone: 213 21 91 35 76/73 52 47 Fax: 213 21 73 52 51/91 35 76 Email: [email protected] Algerian Red Crescent 15(a) Boulevard Mohamed V Algiers, Algeria Phone: 213 2 72 60 90 Fax: 213 2 72 54 05 Association Algerienne for Family Planning 49 Street of the Gardens Said Hamdine, Hydra Algiers, Algeria Phone: 213 2 60 31 68 Fax: 213 2 60 49 75 Association S.O.S. Women in Distress 1 Avenue of Independence Country Cottages 1 & 2 Palate of the People Algiers, Algeria Phone: 213 2 66 74 34/92 60 76 Fax: 213 2 54 04 38/68 76 71 Email: [email protected] Committee for the Human Rights of the People 11 Serpentine Street El Mouradia, Algeria Phone: 213 216 94 323 Fax: 213 216 94 323 Email: [email protected] Foundation for the Promotion of Health and the Development of Research Farming Center of Hussein Dey Algiers, Algeria Phone: 213 2 23 16 44 Fax: 213 2 23 16 55 Email: [email protected]
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Selected Bibliography Armanios, Febe. ‘‘Islam: Sunnis and Shiites.’’ CRS Reports for Congress. Congressional Research Service. United States Department of State. February 23, 2004. http://fpc.state.gov/fpc/34546.htm. BBC News. Country Profile: Algeria. April 11, 2007. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/ middle_east/country_profiles/790556.stm. Benmouffok, K. ‘‘The Rise of Employment in Algeria.’’ GPN World Economies. November 2006. Boucebci, Mahfoud. ‘‘Special Education through Neighborhood Centers in Algeria.’’ Assignment Children. 53–54 (Spring 1981): 153–63. Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs. United States Department of State. Algeria: Profile. February 2007. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/8005.htm#people. Central Intelligence Agency. The World Factbook. Algeria. May 10, 2007. http:// www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ag.html. Clark, Nick. ‘‘Education in Algeria.’’ World Education News and Reviews. 19 (April): 2006. http://www.wes.org/ewenr/06apr/practical_algeria.htm. Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women. United Nations. Concluding Comments: Algeria. February 2005. http://www.un.org/women watch/daw/cedaw/cedaw32/conclude-comments/Algeria. Convention on the Rights of the Child. United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child. Concluding Observations: Algeria. October 2005. http:// www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/. Country Reports of Human Rights Practices 2006. U.S. Department of State. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. March 6, 2007. http:// www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2006/78849.htm. Freedom House. Special Reports: Algeria. 2005. http://www.freedomhouse.org/ template.cfm?page¼170. International Bureau for Children’s Rights. ‘‘Making Children’s Rights Work in North Africa: Country Profiles . . .’’ IBCR Press. 2007, 7–38. International Religious Freedom Report 2006. U.S. Department of State. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. Algeria. September 15, 2006. http:// www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2006/71418.htm. Kateb, Kamel. ‘‘The Expansion of Access to Education and the Demography of Algeria.’’ Gender and Education for All: the Leap to Equality. Education for All Global Monitoring Report. United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization. 2003. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0014/ 001467/146791e.pdf. Metz, Helen Chapman. Education. Algeria: A Country Study. Washington, DC: Library of Congress; 1994. Oxford Business Group. Emerging Algeria: 2006. Country Business Intelligence Reports. London. September 8, 2006, 33–55. Terre de Homme. ‘‘Child Relief 2007.’’ Algeria: Prevent Abandonment and Infant Mistreatment. 2007. http://www.tdh.ch/website/tdhch.nsf/pages/algeriaE. UNESCO—United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization. UNESCO Institute for Statistics. Statistics in Brief. Participation in Education. 2004. http://www.uis.unesco.org/profiles/EN/EDU/countryProfile_en.aspx? code¼120. UNICEF. Algeria: Background. United Nations Children’s Fund. 2006. http:// www.unicef.org/infobycountry/algeria_478.html.
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U.S. Department of Labor. Bureau of International Labor Affairs. Algeria. 2006. http://www.dol.gov/ilab/media/reports/iclp/tda2004/algeria.htm. U.S. Department of State. Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs. Background Note: Algeria. February 2007. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/8005.htm. WAGGGS. World Association of Girl Guides and Girl Scouts—Arab Region. 2007. http://arab.wagggsworld.org/en/about. World Health Organization. ‘‘World Health Statistics 2007.’’ Core Health Indicators. Online Database. 2007. http://www.who.int/whosis/database/core/ core_select.cfm. World Organization of the Scout Movement. Arab Region. 2007. http://www .scout.org/en/arab.
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BAHRAIN Heidi Morrison NATIONAL PROFILE More than a quarter of the population in Bahrain is younger than the age of 15. The total population is 727,000, an estimated one-third of whom are noncitizens, primarily from Asia. The annual birth rate is 13,000. Life expectancy at birth is 75 years of age. Bahrain has one of the highest standards of living in the Gulf and the Middle East, in general. One of the reasons the United Nations (UN) has consistently cited Bahrain as the most developed Arab or Muslim country is the government’s long-term strategy of ensuring that all Bahrainis benefit from the country’s economic progress. Access to free health care and education is available to every citizen in Bahrain. The adult literary rate is 87 percent. Approximately 30 percent of the population lives in the urban areas of Manama and Al-Muharraq. Manama, the capital, is a modern, cosmopolitan city. Al-Muharraq is a more traditional city, with narrow, winding streets. Bahrain has a mixed economy, deriving income from exports of petroleum and petroleum
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products and depending on tourism from Saudi Arabia. Citizens do not have the right to change their government. The government prohibits political parties, and none exist. The religious courts in Bahrain have jurisdiction over personal status cases involving citizen and noncitizen Muslims. Children who commit political crimes, such as staging prodemocracy demonstrations, have reportedly been arbitrarily arrested and ill-treated in detention. Bahrain boasts the highest literacy rate in the Gulf and has a nearly 100 percent attendance of girls in elementary school. In 1999, the government formed the National Committee on Childhood to implement the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and to promote awareness campaigns. Bahrain has had unique success in the KEY FACTS – BAHRAIN Middle East at implementing the Population: 727,000 CRC through a nonsecular poInfant mortality rate: 16.18 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) litical system. Life expectancy at birth: 74.68 years (2007 est.) Most nongovernmental orLiteracy rate: 86.5 percent (2001 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 86 percent (2000– ganizations (NGOs) for children 2005 est.) in Bahrain prioritize child abuse Internet users: 152,700 (2005) and migrant child labor, reflectPeople living with HIV/AIDS: less than 600 (2003 est.) ing the fact that the government Sources: CIA World Factbook: Bahrain. https://www.cia.gov/library/ meets the basic needs of educapublications/the-world-factbook/geos/ba.html. June 18, 2007; tion and health care for Bahraini UNICEF. At a Glance: Bahrain–Statistics. http://www.unicef children. .org/infobycountry/bahrain_statistics.html. June 18, 2007. OVERVIEW The majority of children in Bahrain enjoy a high standard of living as a result of the favorable economic context. There is no obvious poverty, overcrowding, or deteriorating infrastructure. Despite these favorable conditions, some scholars argue that future generations of children in Bahrain will face precarious circumstances because of the country’s dependence on one nonrenewable and unreliable source of income: sale of oil revenues (Mohammed 2003; Abdelkarim 1999). Mohammed expounds that levels of overall development will further worsen due to rapid population growth rates. The current population growth rates of the Gulf States are greater than those found in today’s developed countries when at comparable stages of development because of a reduction in mortality and the spread of modern medication in the absence of contraception (Mohammed 2003). Scholars question whether countries like Bahrain will be able to continue providing quality education, health, and employment. Although fertility rates are decreasing gradually in Bahrain, Mohammed claims that the country cannot afford to wait for fertility decline to occur naturally. The limited government revenues will have to be divided amongst an ever-increasing number of people who will
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continue to demand the same luxuries, such as free health and education, rather than being invested in the development of the human and economic resources. Mohammed claims that this will occur at the expense of the future human development of the region. The uncertain future of children in Bahrain is perhaps best captured by the novel Cities of Salt, written in 1986 by Abdelrahman Munif, in which the oil-based societies are portrayed as ones built of salt, and with the end of oil resources these societies crumble away. EDUCATION Bahrain has the oldest free public education system in the Arabian Peninsula. The system began in 1919 with the opening of Al-Hidaya AlKhalifia School for boys in Muharraq. In 1926, the government opened the second public school for boys in Manama and, in 1928, the first public school for girls was opened in Al-Muharraq. Prior to these schools, the only form of education in Bahrain was the Quranic schools (kuttab), aimed at teaching children and youth the reading of the Quran. Since gaining independence in 1971, education has been one of Bahrain’s largest government expenditures and literacy rates have increased dramatically. Although primary and secondary education only recently became compulsory in Bahrain, literacy levels among Bahrainis born since independence were high because an estimated 70 percent of primary and secondary school-age children attended school (Library of Congress Country Studies 1993). In 1990, the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization estimated literacy rates to be 77 percent for adults (82 percent for males and 69 percent for females). According to UNICEF, the current adult literacy rate for males in Bahrain is 89 percent and for females 84 percent. Although it is highly unusual for school-age children in Bahrain not to attend school, courts have the power to impose fines on those parents whose children are not at school. Parents whose children do not attend school for more than ten days each academic year risk prosecution. The public education system does not provide a comprehensive early childcare program for children younger than 6 years of age. Early-year provision is provided by the private sector under infant-toddler settings (for children younger than 3) and kindergarten/preschool settings (for children ages 3 to 6 years). Most of these institutions are poorly equipped and emphasize a dominant role of teachers, not encouraging children to initiate their own interests (Hadeed and Sylva 1999). Research on children in Bahrain has found that children at educationally oriented centers demonstrated greater improvement in several developmental areas compared with children at care-oriented centers and at home. Efforts are being made by the Mother-Child Home Education Programme to provide training for mothers on how to develop the cognitive and social skills of their children before entering primary school.
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Basic education in Bahrain is divided into three stages: primary lasts for six years, intermediate for three years, and secondary—general, industrial, or commercial—for 3 years. Nearly 100 percent of primary-school-age children attend school (UNICEF 2007). Children attend school from Saturday to Wednesday. School supplies, uniforms, meals, and transportation to and from school are all provided free of charge. A system of special education exists in Bahrain for students with special needs in public schools, offering remedial classes for slow-learners or low achievers. The Directorate of Special Education takes the responsibility of diagnosing cases of mental retardation, deafness, speech defect, and blindness in government schools and transferring them to specialized institutions funded by the government, such as the Saudi-Bahraini Institute for the Blind and the Al-Amal Institute. Although education is free and compulsory, the quality of the public education is debatable. In discussions with Bahraini primary school teachers, one researcher found that the teachers believed that Bahraini students graduate from high school literate, but not necessarily educated (Mohammed 2003). The teachers said that the topics of coursework were not thought-provoking, too simple, and were an exercise in plagiary from various reference books. Coursework did not contribute to extending or developing the critical and analytical skills of the students. For example, examinations were based on multiple-choice questions rather than granting the student the right to creative expression. Another criticism that has been waged against the curriculum used in Bahraini schools is that it perpetuates the stereotypical role of the woman in society (Suliman 2005). Most schoolbooks do not acknowledge the changing role of women in Bahraini society nor do history textbooks address the influence of women. The stereotypes in school curriculum in turn impact the girl child in such a way as to decrease her self-confidence and ambition. Education in Bahrain often reinforces the sex-role stereotypes that girls are to be passive while boys are seen as strong and successful (Hadeed and Sylva 1999). The post-9/11 environment of increasing state control over terrorism has influenced the Bahraini school curriculum. As part of the U.S. strategy in the War on Terrorism, top U.S. politicians have argued that terrorists find success in capturing the hearts and minds of young people and, thus, the U.S. advocates for reform of education in Muslim countries, such as increasing enrollment of girls in school, changing religious curriculum, and providing scholarship opportunities for study in the United States. Some Bahrainis fear that the educational experience of the country’s children risks losing its unique cultural and religious aspects in acquiescence to American ideas (Fatuh 2005). Despite these challenges facing the educational system in Bahrain, the government has made a series of positive reforms over the last few decades. For example, in the early 1970s, Bahrain’s Ministry of Education adopted an employment policy that permitted the female national
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teachers to dominate primary education. This successful innovation in the education system is considered a good example in increasing female participation (Abdelkarim 1999). To promote technical education, a ‘‘10,000 Training Plan’’ was launched in 1980 and now nearly 6,500 students have participated. Furthermore, Bahrain has cultivated a strong partnership with NASA’s GLOBE Program (Global Learning and Observations to Benefit the Environment), which is a worldwide, hands-on, primary and secondary school-based education and science program. There are 29 GLOBE schools in Bahrain. In 2005, the GLOBE Program was implemented as a three-credit required course into the national curriculum. In 2004, King Hamad bin khalifa Al-Khalifa introduced a new project (King Hamad Schools of Future) that uses the Internet to connect and link all primary and secondary schools within the kingdom. Several international private schools have also been established in Bahrain. Recently, The Guardian named one of these schools, St. Christopher’s School, as among the top 10 schools in the world outside of the United Kingdom. High-quality private schools also exist in Bahrain to cater to the needs of the Asian expatriate community. Two such schools are the Pakistan Urdu School and the Indian School Bahrain. The main institution of higher learning in Bahrain is the University of Bahrain, which provides standard undergraduate and graduate study as well as a College of Health Sciences—operating under the direction of the Ministry of Health—which trains physicians, nurses, pharmacists, and paramedics. In 2001, the first private universities, such as Ahlia University, were established with the passing of the national action charter. The Arabian Gulf University (founded in 1980) has faculties in science, engineering, and medicine and is in fact a joint venture project among the six Gulf Cooperation Council members and Iraq. Each nation is allocated 10 percent of the seats (total 70 percent) and the remaining 30 percent are given to other countries. PLAY AND RECREATION Because of the exceedingly high temperatures in Bahrain in the summer, there are extensive indoor recreation facilities. All major shopping malls in Bahrain have a children’s club or indoor fairground, including roller coasters, which are staffed by professionally trained employees. Several businesses exist, both internationally and in Bahrain, that specialize in designing children’s indoor entertainment that is culturally sensitive. For example, some centers cater to the mothers of the children by having a comfortable ladies-only place. Most children in Bahrain also have access to satellite television, broadcasting channels from all around the world. There is a growing interest in Bahrain to train Bahrainis on how to make children’s TV programs on par with the latest TV trends. For example, the Gulf Cooperation Council organized in March 2007 in Abu Dhabi a training session for directing children’s TV programs.
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As for outdoor recreation, there are opportunities for camps, fishing, jet skiing, and horseback riding. Outdoor playgrounds and ‘‘spraygardens’’ also exist (a spray garden is a zero-depth water park or a waterfountain garden). Soccer is the main sport. Other popular sports include dune-buggy racing and falconry (hunting with falcons). Bahrain has had a scouting organization since 1953 and it became member of the World Organization of the Scout Movement in 1970. The Bahraini scouting organization often cooperates in events with Kuwait and Qatar. The Scouts are involved in community service such as blood drives, cleaning polluted areas, spraying insecticides, assisting at sports events, and running first aid at schools. The Girl Guides of Bahrain was introduced to Bahrain in 1970 and it became a member of the World Association of the Girl Guides and Girl Scouts in 1981. Overall, the lifestyle of children in Bahrain depends on the social class to which they belong. The social relationships between different nationalities within Bahrain follow a set of rules that are unofficial yet publicly acknowledged and closely observed (Mohammed 2003). Social intermingling between children of different classes is confined as a result of the hierarchy. Westerner occupy the highest strata of the non-nationals, and they have well-paid executive positions, which may additionally offer for their families full accommodation, club membership, and vacation allowances. Western children are often registered in private schools, offering the same curriculum as that given in their home country. Arabs from the Levant and North Africa occupy the second level in the non-national social hierarchy, and the extent to which these families socialize with Gulf nationals depends on their economic status. At the lowest rung of the social ladder are the Asians, including Indians, Pakistanis, Koreans, and Philipinos. This group tends to be geographically isolated in work camps. This social hierarchy discourages intermingling of children outside their respective circle. CHILD LABOR Child labor is much less of a problem among Bahraini nationals than it is among foreigners living in Bahrain, despite the national laws and acceptance of international human rights laws. The Labor Law for the Private Sector sets the minimum age for child labor in Bahrain at 14, applying to both nationals and foreigners. The law requires that children between 14 and 16 who are employed may not be employed in hazardous conditions, may not work overtime or at night, may not work on piecework basis, and may not work for more than four consecutive hours or 6 hours total per day. Child labor is monitored effectively in the industrial sector but not as effectively for children outside the industrial sector, which often includes foreign children from Southeast Asia. The Labor Law does not monitor include domestic servants, construction, and camel jockeying. Bahraini
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law exempts domestic workers from the purview of law due to the private nature of housework (Al-Najjar 2002). House workers are treated as part of the family and disputes are expected to be settled internally to protect the privacy of the household. In the case of a dispute, the worker can appeal to the police or to the court; however, most workers are unaware of the actions they can take to secure their rights (Al-Najjar 2002). Nonpayment of wages and refusal of the sponsor to provide a return ticket after 2 years of work are the main complaints, along with extreme cases of maltreatment, sexual harassment, or rape. Bahraini law does not specifically prohibit trafficking of children. Although there have been reports that some foreign workers were recruited on fraudulent contracts and have faced sexual and physical abuse, the number of minors involved is uncertain. In a 2006 UNCHR report, it was found that many domestic migrant workers in Bahrain had documents falsifying their age as minors in order to gain access to the country. (Officially the Directorate of Immigration and Passports does not issue visas for domestic workers under 20 years of age.) There have also been reports of enslaved camel jockey children being rescued from Bahrain and other Arab Gulf countries (Asian Child Rights 2004). Human rights abuses against these camel jockeys include purposeful underfeeding to keep body weight low, injuries, deterioration of the lower body from constant rubbing of upper leg flesh, and living in unhygienic camps. Child prostitution, procuring, and pimping are illegal in Bahrain. Violators can be imprisoned, and the children are reportedly returned to their families (U.S. Department of Labor 2005). The Government of Bahrain ratified International Labour Organisation (ILO) Convention 182, Worst Forms of Child Labor, in 2001, but it has not ratified ILO Convention 138, Minimum Age. There is no compulsory military service in Bahrain and the minimum age of enlistment into the Bahraini Defense Force is 15 years. As of now, child labor among Bahraini nationals is not a problem; however, unemployment for young Bahrainis due to the depletion of underground oil resources risks being a major problem in the long term. FAMILY Despite modernization and rapid economic development in recent decades, Bahraini family life retains many aspects of traditional Islamic ideals and beliefs. The Kingdom currently applies the Sharia (Islamic laws) with regard to marriages, divorce, inheritance, and other family cases, meaning judges render judgments according to their own reading of Islamic jurisprudence. For instance, in the absence of a direct male heir Shi’a women may inherit all property whereas Sunni women in the same position may inherit only a portion; the balance is divided among the male relatives of the deceased (although in practice, wills may override this). In either
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branch, women can initiate divorce and can represent themselves in all public and legal matters, but some have complained that the religious courts lean in favor of the man.1 Sharia law in Bahrain gives custody of female children younger than 9 and male children younger than 7 to the mother, but the father has legal authority over all decisions about their welfare and schooling. A personal status law granting divorced woman automatic custody of the children has been discussed but not enacted as of yet. There is a growing movement in Bahrain for the creation of personal status laws to govern family relations instead of placing the situation of women and children at the discretion of court judges who have no formal text to guide them on the verdict. Efforts to reform the legal system have been met with prosecution by the Bahraini government. Amnesty International reported that Ghada Jamsheer, Director of the Women’s Petition Committee, a group formed in October 2002 that is concerned with the reform of the family courts and the codification of family laws, has been charged with defamation and slander, that is, ‘‘insulting the judiciary,’’ for her stances on several court cases (Amnesty International 2005a). Other Bahraini human rights activists have been prosecuted in the past for their activities to create codified personal status laws for women and children. In May 2003, 11 family court judges brought defamation and slander charges against seven activists in connection with an article published in a daily newspaper concerning a hunger strike begun by a Bahraini woman after the family court granted her former husband custody of their two children. On a positive note, in 2006 the King of Bahrain took the pioneering measure to grant Bahraini citizenship to 372 children of Bahraini women married to non-Bahrainis. In general, the law in Bahrain does not grant citizenship to children of mixed marriages. Previously these children were required to obtain resident permits, were not eligible for some social services, or had to pay for some other services. Although traditional gender roles remain in place in the family, females’ lives are not as restricted as that of women in other Gulf countries.2 The typical Bahraini household includes a stay-at-home mother, a working father, and domestic servants. The majority of working women tend to be single women who work for between 2 to 5 years after completing secondary school or university and before marriage. For those mothers who do work, all employers are required to grant new mothers 45 days of full-pay maternity leave plus 15 days at half-pay. Additionally, employers are obligated to provide nursing periods for new mothers. For the most part, familial norms in Bahrain are patriarchal. It is not unheard of for husbands to take up to four wives (Toumi 2007c). The patriarchal norms of Bahraini society support a high-fertility regimen, keeping women in the child-bearing role (Mohammed 2003). The patriarchal norms also encourage fathers to raise their daughters to believe
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that their place is in the home and that they must follow the decisions made for them by others (Suliman 2005). An increased ability for the Bahraini girl to share in decision-making in the house could give her the confidence and strength to work, succeed, and liberate herself from fear. Education for girls is often encouraged for the sake of the girls’ eventual needs as child-rearers (Suliman 2005). In the past, the raising of children in Bahrain was a shared responsibility between the mother, the grandmother, and any other adult living in the house of the extended family. All the daughters-in-law, who lived in the same house, took care of household work. Nowadays, with the increase in social obligations of women, the increase in number of working women, the replacement of the extended family with the nuclear family, yet the continued responsibility of women for housework, women have been seeking assistance in hiring domestic helpers. Further, Bahrainis are reluctant to perform household chores because of the ‘‘culture of shame.’’ Employing domestic workers became a status symbol. Almost every household in Bahrain employs one or more domestic helpers (Al-Najjar 2002). Bahraini women select their domestic workers based on a variety of characteristics (Al-Najjar 2002). Some Bahraini women believe that employing non-Muslims is an act against Islam and these non-Muslims will negatively influence the family as children could be affected by their beliefs. Bahraini women who prefer to employ non-Muslims cite the idea that these women are usually more educated and that their standard of living in their own countries is higher than that of Muslims. There is a dearth in studies on the relationship of children with the domestic workers and the impact of such relationships. Al-Najjar’s study finds that adults use verbal insult and humiliation frequently against domestic workers, and children are given free rein to indulge in this practice as well. Domestic workers are vulnerable to sexual abuse from the sponsor’s teenage sons and other male teenagers visiting the house. Children are taken to and from school by the workers and are seen with them in fast-food restaurants, in parks, at children’s parties, and recreational activities. During the traditional weekly gatherings of the extended family where sons and daughters, their spouses, and children spend a day in the parent’s house, the children are fed and taken care of by the accompanying nannies. Rites of passage for Bahraini children include the conventional birthday and marriage. For boys, however, there is circumcision 40 days after birth, and, at the age of 7, boys begin to attend mosque regularly as their rite of passage to full membership in the community. For girls, there is no circumcision and no female puberty rituals. Orphans in Bahrain are provided for by a system of state fosterage, which is an alternative to the adoption system of the CRC, which contradicts Islamic rules that the child must retain their independent name.
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HEALTH Children in Bahrain have a high standard of health care. UNICEF reports that more than 90 percent of children in Bahrain have been immunized against preventable diseases and reported maternity mortality death rates are less than 50 per 100,000 births (UNICEF 2007). In the 1990s Bahrain initiated birth spacing programs moreso within the framework of improving maternal health than within the framework of reduction in high fertility reduction. The infant mortality in Bahrain is the lowest in the Middle East. Increasingly, all-Bahraini medical teams are performing complex surgeries on children without any supervision from international experts. Bahrain has an active health awareness culture for children. In March 2006, Bahrain hosted the first conference on healthy diets for children and teenagers organized by the Bahrain Center for Studies and Research in cooperation with the Arab Nutrition Center. The conference aimed to identify the main health and dietary problems faced by Gulf youth, specifically issues of obesity, lethargy, tooth decay, and the importance of iron and zinc for babies. In 2005 Bahrain joined the rest of the world in celebrating World Health Day, the theme of which was mothers and children. Starting in the 2004–2005 academic year, ‘‘family education’’ was taught to both boys and girls in the last year of primary school. Previously, only girls were instructed in this subject, which deals with sexual education. The government of Bahrain is fully committed to the policy that all residents in the country enjoy the right to free comprehensive health care. Health services are available to non-nationals for a token fee. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The legal status of children in Bahrain is shaped by tradition and religion more so than by actual civil law, particularly in nonpolitical crimes. In general there are few reports of arrests and detention of juveniles. There is no secular juvenile court, based on the idea that protection of children is a religious function and opposes greater government involvement. For example, children arrested for prostitution are generally returned to their families instead of prosecuted. If a child commits a political crime, the child is often subject to human rights violations by the government of Bahrain. Although at the present moment there is little available information on conditions of children arrested for political crimes, the Bahrain Center for Human Rights website reports continued prohibition by the government of freedom of expression and assembly, particularly in regards to criticism of the Bahraini government and counterterrorism measures. The only Internet service provider in the country is government-owned and prohibits user access to Internet sites considered to be antigovernment or anti-Islamic.
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One of the most well-documented cases of human rights violations against children under political arrest dates to the prodemocracy demonstrations in the mid-1990s, during which time Bahraini children suffered unprecedented abuse at the hands of security forces. Amnesty International reported that in December 1994 children as young as 9 years old were targeted for arrest and ill-treated in custody, taken away in house raids, peaceful demonstrations, or other clashes with security forces (Amnesty International 1996). Some children were even dragged off school buses. Children joined the protest movement by staging sit-in strikes in schools and participating in street demonstrations that sometimes developed into clashes with security forces. The government dealt with the children by arresting them arbitrarily, holding them for extended periods in incommunicado detention, and often torturing them during investigation. Security forces often targeted children to hold them ‘‘hostage’’ until relatives sought by police turned themselves in. International standards addressing the rules of detention and trial for children were consistently violated. When disturbances broke out again in November 1995 and March 1996 over the continued detention of opposition activists, dozens of students were arrested, many younger than 18 and some as young as 7 years old. A number of children were handed the maximum sentence of 10 years to be served in a corrective institution. (Many of these sentences were later overturned on appeal and reduced to 2 or 3 years.) During the demonstrations, female high school students were among those detained, often as punishment for their male relatives or to deter other females from protest. The female high school students were reportedly threatened with rape, stripped of their underclothes, denied food, and exposed to verbal abuse of a sexual nature. Among the children detained after the mass arrests, a 16year-old student died in custody in circumstances suggesting torture was a contributory factor in his death. He had been detained on suspicion of having sprayed antigovernment graffiti on walls near his home. During the 1980s and 1990s, the Bahraini government forcibly exiled suspected political activists and/or their families, creating suffering for children members of the family (Amnesty International 1996). In some cases, Bahraini authorities refused to allow the suspect’s wife and children to join him in exile. In other cases, where the father was imprisoned, the female relatives and children spent several years abroad to avoid harassment and then were banned from entering Bahrain and immediately forcibly exiled. In 2001 a series of referendums on state security (amending the 1974 Decree Law on State Security Measures) allowed for the return of scores of exiled Bahraini families and the release of political prisoners held in connection with the civil unrest of the 1990s (Amnesty International 2001). Children’s involvement in civil society, as well as adult involvement in children’s rights measures, remains tightly regulated. In June 2005, the Bahrain Youth Human Rights Society attempted to register as a civil
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society group, but received no response from the Ministry of Social Development. Unofficial sources claimed the registration was prohibited because there weren’t enough members older than 18 years of age, but members speculate that the reason was political (U.S. State Department 2006). In 2005, the Bahrain Human Rights Watch Society (BHRWS), established in 2004, announced the establishment of a new coalition called Respect to focus on the twin issues of the need for a Family Law code and the protection of abused domestic workers. BHRWS was forced to disband the coalition by the Ministry of Social Affairs on the grounds that the coalition had to be registered as a new organization, but members of BHRWS took on the full campaign independent of other members of the coalition. Despite the restrictions placed on children’s participation in civil society and NGO efforts to increase children’s rights, there is increasing activity to provide youth with a political voice. On July 30, 2006, an amendment was added to The Political Rights Law of 2002, lowering the voting age to 20 years of age for men and women. In 2006, the Bahrain Youth Parliament was launched, giving teens an opportunity to share their opinions on the issues that shape their lives. Forty youngsters formed the Parliament, set up under the National Youth Strategy: 20 were selected, and 20 were elected, replicating Bahrain’s own Parliament. The Bahrain Child Society, run by youth, was established in 2003 as one of the first in its kind to publish for the public information about the rights and duties of children. RELIGIOUS LIFE Primary and secondary curricula include a 9-year course in Religious Study. Specialized training in religious education is offered in Bahrain by the government for boys only; not one religious school for girls exists in Bahrain. This education is the same as the basic education except that its emphasis is on Islamic studies with the goal of preparing men with a background in religious affairs. The relationships between adolescent unmarried males and females, aside from family relationships, are strictly controlled by religious tradition. The majority of boys and girls attend segregated government schools until their graduation from high school. There have been coeducational expatriate schools for decades in Bahrain, such as St. Christopher’s, Sacred Heart, the Bahrain School (American), and the Indian School, which a percentage of Bahrainis have attended. During the last 10 years, elite coeducational private schools have opened to specially cater to Arabic-speaking Bahraini and expatriate Arab students, e.g., Al Bayan, Ibn Khaldoon, and Al Hekma. In all of the coeducational schools, boys and girls study together, take school trips with their parents’ permission, and sometimes socialize. Because dating in the Western sense is not
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common, this is the only opportunity for some students to meet members of the opposite sex. Students in mixed groups may also socialize in the shopping malls and hamburger and pizza places, but, generally, male teenagers are freer than female teenagers to spend time out of the house with friends, expatriate students, and workers.
CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Reports of child abuse in Bahrain are rare, as is public discussion of the matter. However, the Bahrain Center for Human Rights website includes a report that says over 150 cases of child abuse were reported by hospitals between 1999 and 2001. Sexual abuse victims accounted for almost 87 percent, physical abuse victims were 50 percent, and 10 percent of the cases included both forms of abuse. The median age among these children was 7 years, and more than 50 percent of the victims were male. The increasing number of organizations established to deal with abuse indicates that the matter is more pervasive than portrayed (Amnesty International 1996). Independent and quasi-governmental organizations, such as the Bahraini Society for the Protection of Children and the Mother and Child Welfare Society, have played an active part in protecting children by providing counseling, legal assistance, advice, and, in some cases, shelter and financial support to distressed children and families. The Child Care Home, funded from both government and private sources, provides shelter for children whose parents are unable to care for them. The Bahrain Women Society has established a ‘‘healing center’’ and twenty-four-hour hotline to offer counseling, workshops, and therapy to victims of child abuse. The Bahrain Islamic Bank has sponsored the publication of a booklet entitled ‘‘Protection Plan for Family Violence Victims’’ and the opening of the Bahraini first-ever specialized Bahrain Islamic Bank Child Therapy Centre. The National Center for Child Protection is scheduled to open in 2007, and there is talk that Parliament is discussing a child abuse law (Ginete 2007).
GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY With an 87 percent literacy rate, free mandatory education, and free health care, UNICEF reports that Bahrain is on the track to meet most of the Millennium Development Goals. Improvement needs to be made in public awareness and discussion of child abuse and in the well-being of the migrant children workers. Further, until personal status laws are established, the legal situation of children will remain in the hands of arbitrary decisions made by the religious courts. The future impact of the ever-present domestic workers on children’s lives remains to be seen.
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NOTES 1. For more details on this matter, refer to the women’s rights activism of Ghada Jamsheer. 2. One explanation for this is the culture of the pearling industry that dominated the local economy for thousands of years. Because men stayed out at sea on pearling boats for up to four months at a time, women took on more responsibility.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Abdelkarim, Abbas. Change and Development in the Gulf. Basingstoke: Macmillan; 1999. This edited volume contains an informative, although slightly outdated, chapter on human resources that review the population policies of the Gulf States. Longva, Anh Nga. ‘‘Keeping Migrant Workers in Check: The Kafala System in the Gulf.’’ Middle East Report. 211 (1999), 20–22. Although this article focuses primarily on Kuwait, it provides a useful insight into the foreign migrant population in the Gulf States. This article takes a close look at the legal rights of migrant workers and the social gap between these workers and the nationals. Mohammed, Nadeya Sayed Ali. Population and Development of the Arab Gulf States: The Case of Bahrain, Oman, and Kuwait. Burlington, VT: Ashgate; 2003. This book looks at the impact of population growth in Bahrain, Oman, and Kuwait and questions the respective governments on their ability to continue providing in the long term. Zahlan, Said Rosemarie. The Making of the Modern Gulf States: Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman. Reading: Ithaca; 1999. This book is a good introduction to the historical patterns of development in the Gulf, showing the emergence of the present-day political-economy.
Web Sites Bahrain Brief (can search for specific articles on childhood), http://www.bahrainbrief .com.bh/english/back-issue.htm. Central Intelligence Agency, The World Factbook—Bahrain, https://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/geos/ba.html. Gulf Center for Strategic Studies, http://www.gcss.org.bh/index_english.htm. Library of Congress Country Studies, Bahrain, http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ query/r?frd/cstdy:@field(DOCIDþbh0030). UNICEF Bahrain, http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/bahrain_816.html.
Organizations and NGOs There are 400 NGOs registered with the Ministry of Social Affairs in the country, most of which are sports clubs and charitable organizations. NGOs must report to
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the Ministry of Social Affairs if their members participate in international NGO events. Bahrain Center for Human Rights (BCHR) Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.bahrainrights.org The mission of this NGO is to promote human rights in Bahrain in accordance with international norms. Although not exclusively devoted to children’s rights, this organization touches upon related topics such as migrant workers. The government in 2004 dissolved BCHR but former members continue to report. Bahrain Child Center Villa 73, Road 3401, Block 734 A’ali, Bahrain Phone: 301 031 Fax: 643 721 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.bahrainchild.org This organization publishes information for the public regarding children’s rights and duties, works to increase volunteer work for children, and researches children’s rights. The Bahrain Human Rights Watch Society (BHRWS) P.O. Box 15055 Kingdom of Bahrain Phone: 536 222 Fax: 531 822 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.bhrws.org This Society works on eradicating human rights violations in Bahrain and raising democratic standards in the country. BHRWS runs the Respect movement, which aims to ensure the protection of women and children in the new Family Law and to include housemaids in the new Labor Law. Bahrain Red Crescent Society Web site: http://www.ifrc.org/cgi/pdf_profile.pl?bhprofile.pdf Among its diverse constituencies, the Bahrain Red Crescent Society reaches out to youth through first-aide courses, a youth committee, and health education. The Child Care Home Building No. 288 Road Shaikh Daij 2510, Block 266 Phone: 716 332 Fax: 780 112 Web site: http://www.bah-molsa.com/english/prog2b-2.htm The Child Care Home was opened in 1984 and is sponsored by the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs. It cares for children of unknown parents, orphans, and socially disrupted families. The Mother-Child Home Education Programme P.O. Box 30537
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Manama, Kingdom of Bahrain Phone: 292 877 Fax: 291 1744 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.mocep-bahrain.com This is a home-intervention program in Bahrain that empowers women to educate their children. The program shows mothers how to present lessons to their children for building preliteracy, prenumeracy, and social skills before entering primary school. The Saudi-Bahraini Institute for the Blind Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.blindinstitute.org/english/page-5.htm The primary goal of this institute is to prepare blind children for higher education. Supreme Council for Youth and Sports P.O. Box 5498 Manama, Bahrain Phone: 973 725 500 Fax: 973 728391 Web site: http://www.infoyouth.org/cd_rmed/English/countrygov/bahrgov.htm This governmental organization coordinates the national youth policy for Bahrain. Women’s Society P.O. Box 11425 Manama, Bahrain Phone: 973 826 117 Fax: 973 826 117 Email: [email protected] The general objectives of this organization are to promote girls’ literacy and the rights of young women in Bahrain.
Selected Bibliography Abdelkarim, Abbas. Change and Development in the Gulf. Basingstoke: Macmillan; 1999. Al-Najjar, Sabika. ‘‘Child Labor: A Study in the Social-Economic Challenges of Child Labor in Bahrain.’’ Childhood and Development 3 (Winter 2003), (in Arabic). ———. ‘‘Women Migrant Domestic Workers in Bahrain.’’ International Migration Papers (47) of the ILO. 2002. http://www.ilo.org/public/english/protection/ migrant/download/imp/imp47e.pdf. Amnesty International. ‘‘Bahrain: Ghada Jamsheer at risk for imprisonment.’’ 2005a. http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGMDE110022005?open. ———. ‘‘Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Countries: Women deserve dignity and respect.’’ 2005b. http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/engmde040042005. ———. ‘‘Democracy for Bahrain.’’ 2001. http://web.amnesty.org/wire/may2001/ bahrain. Asian Child Rights. ‘‘Camel Jockeys: 40,000 children on slave labor as ‘child camel jockeys’ in Middle East and Arab countries.’’ 3 (no. 47), 2004. http://acr .hrschool.org/mainfile.php/0205/390/.
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———. ‘‘Bahrain: Women and Children Subject to Increasing Abuse.’’ 1996. http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/engMDE110181996. Bahrain News Agency. ‘‘Bahrain to Host Gulf Conference on Children’s Healthy Diets.’’ 2006. http://english.bna.bh/?ID¼51989. ———. ‘‘Bahrain Joins World on Healthy Mothers and Children.’’ 2005a. http:// english.bna.bh/?ID¼29815 ———. ‘‘Eid Joy for Four Deaf Children.’’ 2005b. http://english.bna.bh/ ?ID¼37281. Birks, J.S., and C.A. Sinclair. ‘‘Preparations for Income after Oil: Bahrain’s Example.’’ Bull Br Soc Middle Eastern Studies 6 (1979), 39–57. Fatuh, Mohammed. ‘‘Challenges of Education in the Countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council.’’ Gulf Matters 40 (2005), published by The Gulf Center for Strategic Studies (in Arabic). Ginete, Ayla Marisse G. ‘‘Home of Abused Kids Ready.’’ Bahrain Tribune. April 18, 2007. Hadeed, Julie. Poverty Begins At Home: The Mother-child Education Programme (MOCEP) in The Kingdom of Bahrain. New York: Peter Lang; 2004. Hadeed, Julie, and Kathy Sylva. ‘‘Center Care and Education in Bahrain: Does It Benefit Children’s Development?’’ Early Child Development and Care 157 (1999), 67–84. Longva, Anh Nga. ‘‘Keeping Migrant Workers in Check: The Kafala System in the Gulf.’’ Middle East Report 211 (1999), 20–22. Mohammed, Nadeya Sayed Ali. Population and Development of the Arab Gulf States: The Case of Bahrain, Oman, and Kuwait. Burlington, VT: Ashgate; 2003. Suliman, Selma. ‘‘The Situation and Challenges of the Education of Gulf Women.’’ Gulf Matters 40 (Winter 2005), published by The Gulf Center for Strategic Studies (in Arabic). Toumi, Habib. ‘‘Liberals Seek to Grant Citizenship to Children of Non-Bahraini Fathers.’’ March 9, 2007a. http://archive.gulfnews.com/articles/07/03/ 09/10109829.html. ———. ‘‘Women’s Union Vows to Push for Family Status Law.’’ Gulf News March 26, 2007b. http://archive.gulfnews.com/articles/07/03/26/10113737 .html. ———. ‘‘Take Four Wives, Urges Bahrain MP.’’ Gulf News April 5, 2007c. http:// archive.gulfnews.com/articles/07/04/05/10116106.html. ———. ‘‘Bahraini Women Bridge Modernity and Tradition.’’ Gulf News April 7, 2007d. http://archive.gulfnews.com/articles/07/04/07/10116390.html. United Nations Commission on Human Rights. ‘‘Expert on Trafficking in Persons Ends Visit to Bahrain.’’ Press Release, 2006. http://www.unhchr.ch/huricane/huricane .nsf/view01/58FAF1D58BE8FAAFC1257219005C3225?opendocument. U.S. Department of Labor. Bahrain: Laws Governing Exploitive Child Labor Report. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Labor; 2005. http://www.dol.gov/ ilab/media/reports/usfta/BahrainLaws.pdf. U.S. State Department. Bahrain Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. Washington, D.C.: U.S. State Department; 2006. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/ rls/hrrpt/2006/78850.htm. Zahlan, Said Rosemarie. The Making of the Modern Gulf States: Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman. Reading: Ithaca; 1999.
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EGYPT Martin Rowe and Helen Rizzo NATIONAL PROFILE Almost one-third of Egypt’s population is younger than the age of 15 years with a ratio of 1.05 males to females. The national birth rate is 22.94 births per 1,000 population, whereas infant mortality stands at 29.5 deaths per 1,000 live births. Total fertility is estimated at 2.83 children per woman. Life expectancy at birth is 73.93 years for females and 68.77 years for males. Poverty rates are high in Egypt. The International Labour Organisation (ILO) estimated that in 1999–2000 more than 20 percent of the Egyptian population (about 12 million people) fell below the lower poverty line (an inability to meet basic needs) and more than 50 percent (about 32 million people) fell below the upper poverty line (an indication of consumption expenditures among the poor, not just basic needs) (Human Rights Watch 2003). In 1991, approximately 33 percent of Egyptian children in urban areas lived below the poverty line whereas 25 percent of rural children lived in poverty (NGO Coalition on the
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Rights of the Child 2000, 21). These numbers reflect only the Egyptian population. Statistics for refugee children are not compiled, but their circumstances are presumably worse. In 1994, the International Conference on Population and Development drew more attention to ‘‘youth’’ in Egypt, a term with little consensus in meaning. Various agencies purporting to deal with youth issues conceptualize this age range as anywhere from eight to forty years old (Al-Bassusi 2001, 4–5). Under Egypt’s 1996 Child Law, a child is defined as one ‘‘who has not completed eighteen full years of age,’’ the definition assumed by this article. At least ten Egyptian nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have been established with specific mandates to serve youth, whereas perhaps another twenty organizations include youth issues as an explicit policy concern (Al-Bassusi 2001). A number of NGO administrators view ‘‘youth’’ in general as a ‘‘potential social problem’’ in Egypt (Al-Bassusi 2001, 6). Such an orientation leads to approaches aimed at remedying problems rather than programs emphasizing youth as an untapped resource in society. Consequently, many youth NGOs prioritize ‘‘civic responsibility, vocational and livelihood skills, and . . . initiative’’ as chief concerns. This orientation also reflects recent Egyptian emphasis on statewide development and greater attempts to participate in globalizing markets and communications (Al-Bassusi 2001, 6). At the other end of the spectrum, some NGOs target the array of social problems faced by Egyptian youth, including substandard education, joblessness, and the cycle of poverty. Many of the first NGOs to reach KEY FACTS – EGYPT out to youth set out specifically Population: 80,335,036 (July 2007 est.) to address these social barriers Infant mortality rate: 29.5 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) (Al-Bassusi 2001, 8). These Life expectancy at birth: 71.57 years (2007 est.) organizations aim at offsetting Literacy rate: 71.4 percent (2005 est.) the social and structural disadNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 83 percent (2000– 2005 est.) vantages of youth in more preInternet users: 5 million (2005) carious circumstances. Finally, People living with HIV/AIDS: 12,000 (2001 est.) NGOs working with youth in Human Poverty Index (HP-1) rank: 44 Egypt often do not make youth Sources: CIA World Factbook: Egypt. https://www.cia.gov/library/ the exclusive target demographic publications/the-world-factbook/geos/eg.html. June 18, 2007; for their services (Al-Bassusi UNICEF. At a Glance: Egypt–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ 2001, 7), but at least services are infobycountry/egypt_statistics.html. June 18, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development available and policy remains open Report 2006–Egypt. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ to youth needs even if this is not countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_EGY.html. June 18, 2007. an explicit objective. OVERVIEW Following increased awareness of children’s issues as a result of studies prompted by the International Year of the Child in 1979, Egypt has
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made the needs of children and youth a top priority in its development planning (Ciaccio 1979). A lagging economy, deteriorating infrastructure, and a burgeoning population have all combined to hamper the attainment of many key development goals, but public discourse continues to emphasize children as the cornerstone of Egypt’s future success. Marking its commitment to children and youth, Egypt has ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC); yet despite being a signatory to the CRC, Egypt has not fully implemented the agreement. Several NGOs have worked diligently to raise awareness of CRC statutes and have demanded Egypt honor its obligations as a signatory (NGO Coalition on the Rights of the Child 2000); however, the universality of the CRC is too often overlooked, leaving unacknowledged the rights of nonEgyptian children residing in Egypt. The NGOs Report on the Rights of the Child in Egypt fails even to mention non-Egyptian children, whose rights are also protected under the CRC. Egypt hosts large numbers of displaced persons. Although many are Palestinians, the Egyptian government does not recognize Palestinians as refugees. Most officially recognized refugees in Egypt have arrived from sub-Saharan African nations, the overwhelming majority being Sudanese. The total number of refugees in Egypt remains unclear. Estimates range from the low figure of 20,000 (UNHCR Cairo 2005) to as many as 500,000 to 3 million (Shafie 2005). Thus, a precise figure for the number of refugee children in Egypt is difficult to surmise. According to the most recent official statistics from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 2,360 refugees in Egypt are younger than the age of 5 years. Another 4,609 are between the ages of 5 and 17 years (UNHCR Cairo 2005). Combined, these children represent approximately 34 percent of the total refugee population recognized by UNHCR. Actual numbers are likely to be much greater. Relative to Egyptian children, little documentation exists concerning refugee children in Egypt. The only sources available are prepared either by the Forced Migration and Refugee Studies Program at the American University in Cairo or by NGOs working with refugee children. Some common problems among the refugee population include broken families, long waiting periods for status determination, lack of information about asylum procedures and family tracing, high housing costs and medical fees, and overcrowded living conditions. Refugee children often face disruption of normal childhood activities, absence of psychosocial services, inability to acquire nationality or travel documents despite being born in Egypt, parental neglect, and ignorance of nutritional and educational rights guaranteed under international law. Little effort has been made by the Egyptian government to address any of these concerns. Children without guardians are a specific issue of concern. UNHCR reports more than 250 unaccompanied minors residing in Egypt (Maxwell and El-Hilaly 2004, 5). Some arrive alone while others are
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abandoned or orphaned after arrival (Maxwell and El-Hilaly 2004, 12– 13). Egypt does not currently implement any mechanism to determine the actual age of unaccompanied minors and whether or not a minor is in fact separated from a guardian (Maxwell and El-Hilaly 2004, 12). Many times, these children are simply left to fend for themselves. Foster care arrangements and ‘‘transit houses’’ are available, but these often lead to servitude, exploitation, or sexual mistreatment (Maxwell and El-Hilaly 2004). UNHCR now grants immediate asylum-seeker status to individuals identified as unaccompanied minors (Maxwell and El-Hilaly 2004, 32), but waiting for final status determination is still a long and troublesome process during which these children are especially vulnerable. Their rights under the CRC are severely compromised. EDUCATION Education is one area where almost all Middle Eastern countries have been successful as the result of state policy intervention. Education levels for both males and females have increased across the region. In the Arab states, female education made some of the biggest gains in the world for the period 1970 to 1990 as literacy rates doubled (Taraki 2004). According to the Egyptian Constitution, children are provided free, compulsory basic education through grade 9 and free education beyond these basic levels. Basic education includes primary education, grades 1 to 6 (typically students 6 to 11 years old), and preparatory education, grades 7 to 9 (typically students 12 to 14 years of age). Most students ages 6 to 14 attend public schools (90 percent in 1998) with the rest attending either private schools (7.6 percent) or religious schools (2.8 percent). On average, children in this age group spend almost 6 hours per day in school (Assaad et al. 2005). Despite mandatory education through the lower secondary stage since 1991, the law is not strictly enforced, and there are incidents of school dropout before the mandatory minimum age requirement (Assaad et al. 2005; Human Rights Watch 2003). Moreover, Education Law 139 of 1981 makes it legal for public schools to charge fees. Thus, even public education can be costly and often prohibitive for many poor families after taking into account the cost of registration, health insurance, school uniforms, supplies, and providing children with private tutoring (often given by underpaid school teachers) to do well on government-mandated standardized exams (Assaad et al. 2005; Human Rights Watch 2003; Nagi 2001). Also problematic is the quality of education in public schools where poor instruction, undue emphasis on memorization, high student-toteacher ratios, and outdated facilities and equipment are commonplace (Afifi 2003). Teachers do not have the time or the resources to inspire student imagination or curiosity let alone help students develop creativity, resourcefulness, independence, and critical thinking (Nagi 2001).
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Cheating is rampant, and teachers express intense dissatisfaction with high numbers of students, a heavy curriculum, and low salaries (Afifi 2003). Owing to a dramatic increase in the number of school-age children since the 1960s, many schools face overcrowding and teacher shortages. Consequently, many schools hold sessions in shifts, with some having up to three shifts a day (Nagi 2001). A total of 46 percent of children in Egypt are in schools with more than one shift (Assaad et al. 2005), depriving children of a full day in addition to shorter class periods and lack of extracurricular activities. These problems affect all levels of education and have increased over time (Nagi 2001). As a result of poverty, poor quality of education, and low levels of educational achievement among poor heads of households, in 1999 one-quarter of Egyptian boys and one-third of Egyptian girls were not attending school at all. Rates were even greater among the rural population (Human Rights Watch 2003; NGO Coalition on the Rights of the Child 2000), thus perpetuating the cycle of poverty and illiteracy. Children with little or no education face severe disadvantages in the labor market, limiting their opportunities to dangerous and exploitive work. Furthermore, children not enrolled in schools face a greater likelihood of arrest for delinquency and are not eligible for such social services as state-subsidized health insurance. Finally, children who drop out of school have a difficult time reentering the system later and find that they are excluded from all forms of secondary education, including technical and vocational training (Human Rights Watch 2003). To continue schooling beyond basic education, students must pass a government-mandated exam taken at the end of the last year of basic education. Scores on this exam determine whether or not they continue their education and what type of secondary education they can receive. If their grade is beyond the upper cutoff, they can enroll in the university-bound secondary track. Grades in the next lowest tier permit students to enroll in the terminal vocational secondary track (which is divided into subtracks). Both of these main tracks take three years to complete. Those whose grades do not make the lower cutoff cannot continue with their schooling. In 1998, of individuals aged thirty-five or below who completed basic schooling but were no longer in school, 8 percent left school after completing basic education, 33 percent went on to the university preparatory track, and 56 percent took the vocational secondary track (Assaad et al. 2005). Students who take the university preparatory track again face a government-mandated exam administered during the final 2 years of secondary school to determine whether or not they can proceed to national universities and what university faculties will accept them for further study. Students are under immense pressure from families, teachers, and the broader society to score high. Many families with greater means resort to private lessons in order to improve their children’s chances on this exam. As with the earlier exam, this system tests memorization abilities without promoting critical thinking or long-term comprehension. Students who
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score highest on these exams have their choice of entering the most prestigious faculties at national universities such as medicine and engineering. Those with lower scores must settle for less prestigious fields. If a student’s score falls below a certain cutoff point, he or she cannot attend national universities but can attend institutes specializing in advanced vocational training such as tour guides, secretarial work, etc. National universities and institutes charge only minimal fees, giving some opportunities to a wider range of social backgrounds depending on standardized test scores. For families with means, children also have the choice of attending a growing number of private universities, such as the British and German Universities, which specialize in technology and the sciences, whereas the American University in Cairo has a long-standing reputation for providing a quality American-style liberal arts education. The Egyptian educational system retains a strong class bias. In other words, the Egyptian government has not made universal literacy a priority. Until government officials invest more educational expenditures into primary education, where people learn to read and write, the likelihood that Egypt can dramatically improve its adult literacy rate is very low (Adams 2000; Richards and Waterbury 1996). There is also growing concern for children with special needs; however, these children still face severe barriers to receiving a quality education. The public school system has no resources for dealing with special needs cases, and many children with learning disabilities go undiagnosed. The stigma of having a mental or physical disability often means that people are reluctant to admit that they or a family member has a disability. As a result, surveys often underestimate the incidence of disabilities in addition to governments and institutions having limited resources to collect reliable information and statistics on the prevalence of this problem. Although a growing number of NGOs (with limited government funding) provide some services at a subsidized rate to children with special needs, the quality of services does not compare to those provided by expensive private institutions. These institutions offer individualized educational programs aimed at integrating children into the mainstream school system. Thus, proper diagnosis and quality education is still only available for those from advantaged families. Despite obstacles to quality education, overall access to education has increased. School enrollment rates dramatically improved between 1988 and 1998 in part because of a large-scale school construction campaign in rural areas. Rural girls were the main beneficiaries, but they were also the group with the lowest enrollments starting out. In 1988, 62 percent of rural girls ages 6 to 14 were enrolled; by 1998, 81 percent were enrolled. In 1988, 87 percent of rural boys were enrolled, increasing to 91 percent by 1998. In urban areas, girls’ enrollment rose from 89 to 93 percent whereas for boys it went from 92 to 95 percent. Enrollments for 15- to 17-year-olds also improved during this time period. For rural girls,
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enrollment went from 35 percent in 1988 to 57 percent in 1998 whereas boys’ enrollment increased from 59 to 68 percent. Urban areas also saw improvements with girls’ enrollment rising from 71 to 78 percent and boys going from 74 to 80 percent (Assaad et al. 2005). For several reasons, rural areas still face disadvantages in enrollment and literacy rates as compared with urban areas. In some areas, children do not have schools close to their residence. Some students, particularly boys, leave school for parts of the academic year to work. Many end up repeating grades or failing out of school without attaining basic literacy. Because sex-segregated schools are often not available in rural (and some urban) areas, conservative parents often opt to keep their girls at home. Moreover, some families do not have the resources to educate all of their children. Instead it is common for families to pool their resources to educate at least one son with the expectation that he will be able to find a stable government job to help support the rest of the family (Adams 2000). Gaps remain between male and female educational enrollments. In 1997, 95 percent of boys ages 10–19 years old had attended school compared with 84 percent of girls. However, once a girl enters school, the chances she will not drop out are almost equal to that of a boy. Rather than high dropout rates for girls, the primary cause of the gender gap in educational attainment is that girls do not enroll at the same rates as boys (Mensch et al. 2003). The reason behind this gap, especially in rural areas, is that boys are still seen as the better ‘‘investment’’ because of their obligations to contribute their labor/income to the household and to financially support elderly parents and any unmarried sisters due to the lack of state-supported pensions and social security. As a signatory to both the CRC and the 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees, Egypt recognizes the right of all children in its territory to education, but in actuality, the system effectively bars refugee children from receiving an education. In 2000, the Egyptian Ministry of Education amended its requirement of residence permits for foreign children attending public schools (Dingemans 2002, 41), but current requirements for identity documents, residency permits and special fees still disfavor unrecognized refugees. In addition to fees, special ‘‘contributions,’’ or bribes may be demanded by school officials (Afifi 2003, 12–13). Many refugee parents simply cannot afford to send their children to school (Dingemans 2002, 23). Some complain that there are no places for children in public schools and that private schools do not promote cultural values important to the parents (Save the Children 2004, 54). Others worry about the safety of their children in busy Cairo streets as they travel to and from school as well as the potential for harassment. Maltreatment is the greatest concern of parents who refuse to send children to Egyptian public schools (Dingemans 2002, 21, 23, 28). Many refugee children have special psychological needs resulting from traumatic experiences, loss of family members or separation of families, or
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racial discrimination. They may also need special attention in areas of cultural adjustment and language acquisition. As noted previously, children with special needs are a low priority in the Egyptian educational system. Egypt has done little to facilitate the education of refugees, and most refugee children do not receive an education. One report estimates that approximately 2,000 refugee children are enrolled in schools in Cairo. Based on statistics cited previously, this means a minimum of 5,000 refugee children are not attending school. Refugee schools are privately funded and were established to lessen the gaps in education for refugees, but a recent study of Sudanese children found that almost all of the children attending school were functioning at lower-than-expected levels for their ages (Dingemans 2002, 22). The vast majority of students in these schools are at primary levels (Save the Children 2004). Older students who lack only 1 or 2 years in completing their education or who need only to sit for exams are routinely denied these opportunities (Afifi 2003, 20–25). UNHCR has made some efforts in promoting education, but its budget limitations preclude an effective role. Funds are provided only to children of recognized refugees; even recognized asylum seekers do not receive educational assistance (Dingemans 2002, 12–13). Moreover, UNHCR’s implementing partner, Caritas, will not continue to fund a child’s education if he or she fails to pass a grade (Dingemans 2002, 22). PLAY AND RECREATION Football (soccer) is by far the most popular sport in Egypt, especially among young boys. Children can often be observed playing football or other games in the streets of cities and villages alike. Class differences are apparent in the options children have for organized play and recreation. Children of families with some means may be members of the various sporting/social clubs where they participate in a wide variety of activities such as football, handball, and swimming. Although schools have physical education programs and competitive sports teams, a 2004 United Nations Development Programme survey found that 67 percent of Egyptian schoolchildren had never participated in extracurricular activities. Private schools are far more likely to offer organized competitive sports. Video games are very popular among children whose families can afford them; these children enjoy the same brands that are popular in other countries. In addition to physical recreation activities, Egyptian television offers a significant amount of programming for children. Cartoons and learning programs such as the Arabic-language production of Sesame Street are viewed by millions of Egyptian children. CHILD LABOR In recent years, Egypt has been criticized for permitting human rights abuses of children in contravention of its own national laws as well as
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international human rights instruments to which it is signatory. Under reforms to Egyptian law in 1996, children younger than 15 are not permitted to work, reflecting the age of mandatory schooling. The law is supposed to regulate working hours and provide safe working conditions for those between the ages of 15 and 17 (Child Rights Information Network 2006; Assaad et al. 2005; Human Rights Watch 2003; UNICEF— Egypt Country Office 2002). The law allows exceptions for children ages 12 to 14 provided that employment is either vocational training or seasonal agricultural work. The law stipulates that this is acceptable as long as the work ‘‘is not hazardous to their health and growth, and does not interfere with their studies’’ and is approved by the Ministry of Education and the responsible governor (Human Rights Watch 2003, 10; UNICEF—Egypt Country Office 2002). There are several weaknesses in the existing law. Low enforcement leads to violations of human rights as well as a substantial proportion of children under the age of 15 who are working (Child Rights Information Network 2006; Assaad et al. 2005; UNICEF—Egypt Country Office 2002; Human Rights Watch 2003, 2001). A 1997 nationally representative survey conducted by the Population Council estimated that around 1.7 million children ages 6 to 14 were engaged in either paid or unpaid work (Human Rights Watch 2003) although UNICEF estimates that about 25 percent of these work only in summer (Shahine 2002). The law does not protect child domestic workers or children working in family enterprises even though a significant number of children are involved in these activities (UNICEF—Egypt Country Office 2002). A 1999 Greater Cairo study found that many child workers, both boys and girls, were working more than nine hours a day, on average, in violation of the maximum number of working hours allowed by law (6 hours per day, 6 days per week). In many cases, children were also working more than 6 days per week (UNICEF—Egypt Country Office 2002). Child workers are often victims of serious human rights abuses including overwork and physical or sexual abuse. The most notable abuses concern underage workers in the agricultural sector where 80 percent of Egypt’s child workers can be found (ILO 2002). In Egypt’s cotton industry for example, children suffer from excessive working hours (often 9 to 11 hours per day, 7 days a week), exposure to harmful pesticides and extreme heat, and physical abuse at the hands of farm foremen. More than 1 million children between the ages of 7 and 12 are hired each year by Egypt’s agricultural cooperatives in activities related to pest management, a violation of Egypt’s 1996 Child Law in terms of minimum age requirements, maximum working hours, and working conditions (Human Rights Watch 2001). A substantial proportion of children are exposed to the dangers of irreversible health problems, impaired growth, or permanent disability. In construction, 25 percent of children (34 percent of girls) risk illness and injury. In mining and quarrying, the risk is 15.9 percent of children (20.8
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percent of girls), and in agriculture 12.2 percent of children (15.5 percent of girls) are exposed to these risks (ILO 2002). A 1991 Greater Cairo study found that 43 percent of children had been injured at work; 66 percent have been hurt more than once (UNICEF—Egypt Country Office 2002). In the quarry industry, 2,000– 3,000 children younger than the age of 18 are illegally working in more than 500 rock quarries near the town of Minya in central Egypt. Children are exposed to very dangerous conditions from rock cutting machines, risking serious injury or even death. Many children have broken bones or lost fingers in accidents with machine blades. Others suffer long-term health problems from carrying heavy limestone bricks, which they drop into rock crushers. Health risks include muscle and back problems as well as asthmatic bronchitis, pulmonary infections, and chronic cough due to inhaling dust from the crushers. The unregulated and unorganized nature of the quarry sector makes it easy for owners to hire children while ignoring child labor laws and safety standards that would require employers to provide safety equipment such as masks, goggles, or footwear. Despite the risks, children, motivated by poverty, choose quarry work because it pays better than other jobs. Employers prefer child laborers because they are cheaper, less demanding, and easier to manage than adult workers (Child Rights Information Network 2006). Child workers also risk not attaining adequate levels of education, thereby limiting future employment opportunities. According to a 1998 Labor Force Sample Survey, 45 percent of paid child workers were not in school. Many studies find that family poverty is a contributing factor in both child labor (UNICEF—Egypt Country Office 2002) and failure to enroll in school (Assaad et al. 2005; Human Rights Watch 2003; Nagi 2001). The 1991 Child Labor in Egypt Survey, based on a sample of working children younger than the age of 15, found that 53 percent of boys were working because they failed out of school whereas 48 percent were working because they thought it was a better way than school to get training in a profession. Two-thirds of girls were working to contribute to the family income. Compared with two-parent households, child workers in female-headed households overwhelmingly (62 percent) worked to contribute to family income. Parents also cited the burdens of schooling expenses along with the value of work experience over basic education as reasons for their children working. They also reported that children’s earnings made up almost 23 percent of household income. For children in rural areas, according to the 1998 Social and Health Status and Educational Achievement of Adolescents in Egypt Survey, the most important reason for working was to help the family by contributing to the family’s farming activities (Azmi 2003). It is important to keep in mind that not all work is abusive or interferes with schooling. Most children who work are engaged in agricultural production and/or domestic work, which may or may not affect school
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attendance, and most parents would agree that doing small jobs to help the family is good for children. Assaad et al. (2005) argue that child labor becomes a problem when it interferes with opportunities to develop intellectual capabilities and skills for future endeavors. In their study, they examine under what conditions work interferes with school attendance. They found that children working more than 14 hours a week are less likely to be attending school. Work interferes with the schooling of girls more than boys in Egypt. When domestic labor is counted in the definition of work, girls are more likely to be working more than fourteen hours a week. It is harder to develop labor policies that would affect girls’ work because most of their labor involves subsistence or domestic activities, which must be done at particular times of the day or may involve the whole day. Examples include walking long distances to get water and/or fuel, preparing the main meal from unprocessed food by midday, supervising or caring for infants or young children in the household, and washing laundry in the morning so it is dry by the end of the day. Policies that would reduce the amount of time involved in domestic chores (e.g., increased access to piped water and sewage systems, garbage collection, necessary energy sources for cooking and refrigeration) could increase girls’ school attendance. Lastly, an outright ban on child labor may not affect boys because most legally work on family farms or in family enterprises. To reduce the amount of time boys spend working, policies would need to make it easier for parents to hire outside labor (Assaad et al. 2005). International, governmental, semi-governmental, and local nongovernmental organizations have become involved in eliminating child labor and protecting children from severe abuse and exploitation. Both UNICEF and the ILO’s International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour in Egypt are working with local NGOs to solve the problems associated with child labor. UNICEF concentrates on preventing child labor and protecting children in the labor force. In terms of prevention, UNICEF works with social workers and community leaders to identify children at risk of entering the work force. Children identified as ‘‘at risk’’ include potential school dropouts, children in families with interpersonal and/or financial problems, and children with health problems. Assistance for these children includes educational support to reintegrate them into school, subsidized school support classes and payment of school fees, government-supported social assistance, and referral to governmental health services. Social workers make sure the assistance is implemented and monitored until the child is no longer considered at risk. UNICEF also sponsors programs to provide credit and training to mothers of working children and female-headed households to increase income-generating abilities in the hopes that these mothers will send their children to school instead of relying on children’s income. In terms of protection for working children, UNICEF has programs to develop children’s talents and abilities through services such as nutritious
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meals, recreational and sports activities, cultural and social activities, literacy classes, and regular medical check-ups. UNICEF also conducts training and awareness workshops for employers and child workers on occupational safety measures. These include follow-up and monitoring of workplaces to ensure safety. UNICEF works with local NGOs and parental workshops to educate parents on health, social, and psychological issues to reinforce protection as well as to identify children at risk. In Cairo, UNICEF has been working with the Egyptian Red Crescent Society while in Alexandria it has been working with three local NGOs—Regional Maritime Scouts Association, Sidi Ali El Sammak Association, and Sidi Gaber Association (UNICEF—Egypt Country Office 2002). The ILO’s International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour has been working with a local NGO, Abul-Seoud, providing literacy classes, vocational training, medical and recreational services, and food to working children on weekends (Shahine 2002). Egypt’s first lady, Suzanne Mubarak, called attention to the importance of ending child labor in Egypt by participating in the ILO’s International ‘‘Red Card to Child Labour’’ campaign during the African Football Cup of Nations hosted by Egypt in 2006 (Child Rights Information Network 2006). The National Council on Childhood and Motherhood in cooperation with the Central Authority for Public Mobilisation and Statistics has sponsored a survey to study the extent of the problem and has developed a comprehensive plan for eliminating child labor that includes awareness campaigns on the dangers of children working and the need for quality education to end poverty (Shahine 2002). The World Bank has given a large grant to Caritas-Egypt to eliminate child labor in Minya’s quarries. Caritas, an international Catholic NGO, will work with the Minya-based Wadi El-Nil Association for the Protection of Quarry Workers, which has already begun efforts to get children out of the quarries and to improve working conditions for those who remain. The association funds professional training in less dangerous occupations and has also set up a fund to assist quarry owners in buying safety equipment. Caritas, along with Wadi El Nil and six other local NGOs, will use the World Bank grant to raise awareness, reintegrate child workers into school, and train older children for new jobs. They will also provide families of quarry workers with alternative sources of income through micro-credit loans. The project began in January 2006 and aims to remove all child workers from the quarries by 2008 (Child Rights Information Network 2006). FAMILY The roles of male and female children in the family are heavily influenced by what Moghadam (2003, 41) calls the ‘‘patriarchal gender
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contract,’’ which is the ‘‘agreement that men are the breadwinners and are responsible for financially maintaining their wives, children, and elderly parents, and that women are wives, homemakers, mothers and caregivers.’’ It is used to justify men’s control of the economic and political spheres while relegating women to the private sphere of the family. Patriarchal interpretations of Islamic teachings on complementary gender roles further legitimize the contract (Moghadam 2003). Although this ideal is becoming less and less a reality because of social changes such as urbanization, income opportunities outside the household, disintegration of the extended family, increasing divorce rates, increasing age of marriage for both males and females, increasing educational levels, and rural to urban migration (Taraki 2004), these expectations still shape how boys and girls are socialized within the family. Girls are expected to take on more household chores than boys and face greater restrictions in mobility, especially after they reach puberty, in preparation for their future roles as wives and mothers (Assaad et al. 2005; Mensch et al. 2003). Boys often have fewer restrictions and household responsibilities as they get older, to distance them from the roles of women and children. They have more freedom to go out with friends, play sports, work outside the home, and increase community involvement to prepare for future roles as income earners and heads of household (Mensch et al. 2003). In a study of Egyptian adolescents’ gender role attitudes, Mensch et al. (2003) found that, overall, boys and girls support the traditional division of roles, although girls wanted slightly more egalitarian marriages in terms of household decision-making. This finding was consistent across background characteristics such as educational levels, socioeconomic status, and residence (urban versus rural). For the most part, socialization into the patriarchal gender contract has been successful; adolescents support traditional ideas of gender roles (Mensch et al. 2003). The educational curriculum reinforces the patriarchal gender contract and socialization into traditional gender roles. Ibrahim and Wassef (2000) found that despite references to principles of gender equality, discussion overwhelmingly emphasized that these ‘‘equal rights’’ were in different spheres: women contribute to society as wives and mothers whereas men participate through public roles. More specifically, a review of history and civics textbooks discovered that ‘‘[w]ith few exceptions, women . . . are depicted in supporting roles rather than independent or leadership positions’’ (quoted in Mensch et al. 2003, 16). Another arena that deeply affects the family is personal status codes, that is, family law. Personal status codes are based on religious law, sharia for Muslims and the Coptic Church’s teachings for most of Egypt’s Christians. These laws regulate issues of marriage, divorce, maintenance, child custody, and inheritance (Moghadam 2003). Inheritance for both Egyptian Muslims and Christians reinforces the patriarchal gender contract with the underlying assumption that male members of the family are
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financially responsible for the material well-being of the female members and therefore are entitled to a larger share of inheritance (Taraki 2004). The inheritance system is being challenged by the aforementioned social changes. Female-headed households and working women contributing financial resources to the household are realities the inheritance system needs to address (Taraki 2004). Whether women will claim their inheritance depends on a number of factors. Marital status, social class, and position in the family influence whether or not women will receive or ask for their share of inheritance. Moors (1996) found that women without brothers and their widowed mothers were the most likely to ask for their shares of inheritance. Women from wealthy families were more likely to receive their share of inheritance, but the majority of women in Moors’ study (1996) did not claim their share of family property because they had brothers and were from families with only moderate resources. Women often justified this decision by saying that their brothers needed the inheritance more because they were financially responsible for their wives and children whereas the women could depend on their husbands for financial support. By not claiming their rightful share of family property, women improved the status of their brothers and strengthened ties to their brothers’ families. This practice reinforces brothers’ sense of obligation to help their sisters in times of crisis such as marital or financial problems or in extreme cases of divorce or abandonment (Taraki 2004; Moors 1996) but, as Moors (1996) points out, because the inheritance system reinforces women’s financial dependence on men, whether as husbands or as brothers, this system is becoming less stable as the tie between husband and wife becomes stronger and ties of women to their own male kin weakens. Women may lose the ‘‘security’’ that the inheritance system in practice had provided for them (Taraki 2004). Reforms to the personal status code in 2000 gave women the right to unilateral divorce (a right typically reserved for men elsewhere in the region) through a procedure known as khul’. Other reforms included the creation of a new family court system, a fund to provide child support for poor families, authorization to garnish the wages of fathers who refuse to pay alimony and child support, and expedited resolution of divorce and paternity claims in urfi (unregistered) marriages (Sonneveld 2006; Singerman 2004). The khul’ reform is based on a hadith in which a woman spoke to the Prophet Muhammad about how she did not want to be married anymore even though she saw her husband as a good and religious man. The Prophet asked the woman if she would give back the dowry that her husband gave her when they married. She consented and after she returned the dowry, the Prophet granted her the divorce. Feminist activists worked with the Ministry of Justice, government officials, lawyers, and religious leaders on this reform for several years before it was finally approved by Parliament in 2000 (Sonneveld 2006; Singerman 2004). Under Egyptian
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law, ‘‘a married couple may mutually agree to separation. However, if they do not agree and the wife sues demanding it; separates herself from her husband by forfeiting all her financial legal rights; and restores to him the sadaq (dowry) he gave to her, then the court is to divorce her from him’’ (Sonneveld 2006, 51). This coalition of activists was also instrumental in the 2004 reforms granting citizenship rights to children born to Egyptian mothers and foreign fathers (Singerman 2004). In terms of child custody, additional reforms to personal status law were passed in 2005. Before the reforms, mothers had custody of sons until age 10 and daughters until age 12. After that, children were under the custody of their fathers. With the most recent reforms, mothers now have custody of both sons and daughters until age 15. At that time, children can decide if they want to continue living with their mothers or if they want to live with their fathers. Even if children decide to continue living with their mother, she no longer receives child support or has the right to live in the family home and must provide financial support and a home for the family. HEALTH In the past twenty years, Egypt has made dramatic improvements in life expectancy. One of the contributing factors to this progress has been advancement in child survival. The under-5 child mortality rate declined from 175 in 1980 to 66 in 1996, a 5.91 percent annual decrease in infant mortality. As a result, life expectancy has increased faster than in other developing countries. The increasing number of doctors and public health clinics, especially in rural areas, has improved access to health and medical facilities for the poor. Also important to the health of Egyptian children has been the distribution of oral rehydration therapy packets to mothers through public and private clinics. Oral rehydration therapy packets have played a key role in preventing young children from dying of dehydration during severe cases of diarrhea. In 1980, dehydration killed more than 100,000 children a year; in 1995, fewer than half that number died. Second, the Egyptian government has increased access to safe water and sanitation facilities. By the end of the 1990s, more than 92 percent of urban households and about 53 percent of rural households had access to piped public water in their homes. These advances have contributed to decreased prevalence of water-born diseases and parasites throughout Egypt (Adams 2000). Finally, according to results from the 2000 Egypt Demographic and Health Survey, more than 90 percent of children have received their vaccinations, a finding consistent across educational levels and residence (urban versus rural) (Population Council 2002). Another important health concern is pregnancy and childbirth before the age of twenty, which increases the probability of maternal and infant deaths and morbidity. Adolescent fertility is also associated with increased
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risks of dropping out of school and limited opportunities in the job market, which can negatively affect the well-being of young women and their children (United Nations Population Fund [UNFPA] 2003). In Egypt, most adolescent fertility is a result of early marriages and most pregnancies are wanted. However even under these conditions, early pregnancies are associated with health risks to both mothers and children. Early childbearing also contributes to high rates of fertility and rapid population growth, problems the Egyptian government is trying to tackle (UNFPA 2003). As a result of the pressure it puts on limited government and private resources, the Egyptian government views overpopulation as a serious social problem and an impediment to development and the eradication of poverty. Recognition that improvements in women’s status, particularly access to education and health care, can reduce fertility and overpopulation reflects long-term policy goals of reducing the general fertility rate through family planning programs and increased access to contraception. Early marriage is a common occurrence in Egypt. In 2000, 11 percent of girls ages 15 to 19 were already married; more than one-third of females ages 20 to 24 were married. The median age of marriage for females ages 25 to 29 is 20.8 years old. In the 3-year period preceding the 2000 EDHS, adolescent fertility was 51 per thousand births, representing 11 percent of all live births, lower than the level for less developed countries but higher than the level for developed countries. Egypt’s adolescent fertility rate is considered high by global standards because its total fertility rate is higher than the global average. Additionally, the large number of adolescents in the Egyptian population translates into a large number of births to adolescent mothers, estimated at 187,000 births each year to mothers less than 20 years old (UNFPA 2003). On the positive side, the adolescent fertility rate has declined since 1988, especially in Upper Egypt and among illiterate girls. The main reason behind this decrease has been the increasing age of first marriage. Increased contraceptive use among married adolescents after having their first child has also contributed to the decline. Although not specifically directed at adolescent fertility, part of the credit for increased contraception use goes to the government’s long-term population policy aimed at reducing the general fertility rate. Declines in adolescent childbearing outstripped the decrease in total fertility rate after the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo. As new strategies in population policy will be directed at adolescent reproductive health, there is hope that fertility rates will continue to decline. Also encouraging are the continuing efforts of development projects to support gender and regional equality in terms of education and labor market opportunities (UNFPA 2003). As a result of the strong religious and cultural norms against premarital sex, fertility surveys are limited to married women. Sexually active girls who are not married are actively excluded from these studies. Although available evidence suggests that the number of sexually active unmarried
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females is very small, scholars do not have the data to study the causes and consequences of their behavior (UNFPA 2003). Furthermore, taboos against discussing sexuality outside of heterosexual marital relations limits the role of sex education, and support for gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender youth is practically nonexistent. There is a clear class bias in terms of care for disabled children and for children with mental health problems. For those with means, high-quality private services and clinics are available to support families with children who have special needs and those who need mental health care. For most of the population, disabilities and mental illness still carry stigmas that make it difficult for people to admit they have a problem, and for those with problems to get a proper diagnosis or affordable quality care. Reliable statistics for the prevalence of female genital cutting (FGC) remain difficult to obtain. The practice appears to be most common in rural areas (perhaps as high as 90 percent of women and girls in Upper Egypt), but estimates run as high as 50 percent in urban areas as well. Both Christian and Muslim populations practice FGC. Less severe variations of FGC (i.e., those that do not completely remove the clitoris and labia) predominate and are practiced by Christians and Muslims. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Egypt’s 1996 Child Law covers various aspects of a child’s life, including work, abuse and neglect, the juvenile justice system, and protection for children who are ‘‘vulnerable to delinquency’’ and ‘‘vulnerable to danger.’’ The reforms included in this law were to bring Egypt into accordance with the CRC, but there have been problems with implementation and enforcement (Human Rights Watch 2003). Egypt’s juvenile justice system handles children who have committed crimes, children considered at risk of committing a crime (‘‘vulnerable to delinquency’’), and children who need protection (‘‘vulnerable to danger’’). Options available for dealing with juveniles vulnerable to delinquency and with children younger than the age of 15 found guilty of a crime range from a warning to confinement in a social welfare institution or a specialized hospital for up to three years. Children older than 16 years of age who commit a crime punishable by death for an adult offender are sentenced to a minimum of 10 years in prison. Those found guilty of crimes punishable by permanent hard labor for adult offenders receive a minimum of seven years in prison. The Child Law also provides for fines and warnings to guardians responsible for children who become vulnerable to delinquency and calls for imprisonment of persons who corrupt or exploit children or otherwise contribute to a child’s delinquency. For circumstances not covered under the Child Law, the appropriate measures of the Penal Code and Code of Criminal Procedures are used (Human Rights Watch 2003).
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The three ministries responsible for the juvenile justice system are the Ministry of Interior, the Ministry of Justice, and the Ministry of Insurance and Social Affairs. The Ministry of Interior makes arrests and operates facilities where children are detained. They also investigate crimes committed by children, children who are vulnerable to delinquency and vulnerable to danger, as well as cases involving adults charged with exploiting children or leading them into criminal activities. Under the Ministry of Interior, each governorate has a Juvenile Welfare Administration employing two to three police officers and one or two female social researchers. Each administration operates a police lockup for children. The ministry also oversees with the Ministry of Insurance and Social Affairs the Marg Penal Institution for Juveniles for boys older than 15 who have been convicted of crimes. There is no equivalent facility for girls (Human Rights Watch 2003). The Ministry of Justice is responsible for public prosecutors and judges who rule on the fate of detained children and is required by law to check on police lockups, reformatories, and welfare institutions. One weakness of the system is that Egypt does not have a regular staff of public prosecutors and judges who specialize in juvenile cases. In most governorates, the Public Prosecution Office and the Court of First Instance deal with juvenile cases. One exception is the Cairo governorate, which has both a permanent Public Prosecution office for juveniles and a juvenile court. Alexandria also has a juvenile court. These courts adjudicate cases of children under the age of eighteen at the time they are accused of committing a crime or children that the juvenile prosecutor sends to the courts on charges of being vulnerable to delinquency or vulnerable to danger. Police are obliged to bring detained children to the Public Prosecution Office within 24 hours of arrest. From there, the public prosecutor decides whether to release the child, order some kind of punishment, or send the child to the court. Children fortunate enough to be sent to a juvenile court are judged by a panel of three judges, aided by two social welfare experts, at least one of whom must be a woman, appointed by both the Ministry of Justice and Ministry of Insurance and Social Affairs. Experts are required to attend the trial, and the court cannot make a ruling unless the experts have submitted reports on the child’s situation, reasons for delinquency, and recommendations for rehabilitation. Appeals go to a three-judge panel at the Court of First Instance where social welfare experts again are required to participate in the hearings. Unless the court gives special permission for exceptions, only relatives, witnesses, social welfare experts, and lawyers may attend these proceedings. Hearings and sentencing can take place without the child’s presence if the child’s guardian attends or if the public prosecutor acts as the legal guardian. The court also retains discretion to send the child, relatives, witnesses, social welfare experts and lawyers out of the courtroom after questioning. The child has the right to a lawyer when the case is a felony.
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If the child does not have a lawyer, the Public Prosecution Office or the court must appoint a defense lawyer. In misdemeanor cases, the court can choose whether or not to appoint a defense lawyer in cases involving children fifteen years old or older. The law does not require lawyers for children who are detained for being vulnerable to delinquency or danger (Human Rights Watch 2003). The Ministry of Insurance and Social Affairs is responsible for providing care and services to children in the juvenile justice system, running the institutions where children are held pending trial and after sentencing, and for providing the experts needed to evaluate the situation and needs of children who come before the Public Prosecution Office and the court (Human Rights Watch 2003). RELIGIOUS LIFE The Egyptian population is approximately 90 percent Muslim and 10 percent Christian (primarily Coptic Orthodox). Most children inherit their religious beliefs from parents and are taught to observe the customs of their respective faith communities. Coptic children are baptized and confirmed in the Church, and there is widespread participation in Sunday schools. Circumcision is required for Muslim boys, and most Muslim children will begin to observe religious duties such as fasting during Ramadan and regular prayer times from an early age. Many are gradually conditioned to be able to maintain a full month of fasting by early adolescence. Religious festivals often provide special events specifically tailored to children. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Corporal punishment is legal in the home and children have some limited protection from violence and abuse under the Children’s Code (1996) and the Criminal Code (1937). However, recent studies in Egypt show that there are incidents of what can be considered physical abuse. More than 37 percent of children surveyed in Alexandria reported being beaten at home as a form of punishment, a minority reported being burned (4 percent) and even being tied up (0.37 percent). For 23 percent, severe injuries, such as fractures, loss of consciousness, and permanent disability, were the result. For 61 percent, injuries consisted of bumps and contusions, and another 53 percent experienced wounds; 23 percent sought medical attention for their injuries. Preparatory schoolaged children, children with fathers of low educational achievement, and those from larger families were at greatest risk of corporal punishment (Youssef et al. 1998a, 1998b). Similarly, family violence (most often abuse by parents) is one of the most common ‘‘bad things’’ reported by refugee children in Cairo (Save the Children 2004, 29–30). A nationwide
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study found incidents of both ‘‘severe physical punishment’’ and ‘‘moderate physical punishment.’’ Among the ‘‘severe forms’’ reported were hitting the child with an object not on the buttocks (26 percent) and beatings (25 percent). The most common ‘‘moderate forms’’ were shaking (59 percent), pinching (45 percent), and slapping the face or head (41 percent) (Krug et al. 2002). Physical abuse in the form of corporal punishment in schools, an act forbidden under Egyptian national law, has also become an issue of concern. A survey conducted in 1999 found that 54 percent of Egyptian schoolchildren report being beaten by teachers. Rates were highest for younger male children in rural areas (NGO Coalition on the Rights of the Child 2000, 14). In Alexandria, almost four of five boys and 61 percent of girls surveyed reported experiencing corporal punishment by teachers in a 1-year period using hands, sticks, straps, shoes, and kicks. More than 25 percent of boys and 18 percent of girls reported that these beatings caused injuries (Youssef et al. 1998a, 1998b). A Human Rights Watch investigation in 2002 also found that children who are vulnerable to delinquency and vulnerable to danger were being abused by Egyptian police. Police regularly arrest and detain these children for being homeless, truant, mentally ill, or involved in begging. Thus, the children most in need of protection and aid are being punished. Some of the abuses these children face by the police are beatings, sexual abuse, and violence; being held in unsafe and unclean conditions for days or weeks sometimes with adult offenders who also abuse them; and deprivation of sufficient food, water, bedding, and medical attention (Human Rights Watch 2003). Refugee children have also been victimized in recent abuses. In January 2003, Egyptian police carried out mass arrests of African foreigners in Cairo. Many children, including one group arrested as they were leaving school, were detained along with adults (Lindsey 2003). At least eleven children were killed as a result of the forced removal of protestors by Egyptian police during a refugee protest in Cairo in December 2005. As stated previously, Egypt’s Child Law created categories of vulnerable to delinquency and to danger to protect children, but these categories have been used to remove children from the streets, to obtain information from children about crimes, to force children to move to different neighborhoods, and to bring children in for questioning when there is insufficient evidence of criminal activity on the part of the children. Arrests have increased dramatically since 2000. In 2001 a total of 11,000 arrests took place, constituting 25 percent of all child arrests that year. These children are among the most vulnerable in Egypt, often victims of domestic violence, working in dangerous or exploitative conditions, or without access to education because families cannot afford school fees, books, and uniforms. These children and their families often have few resources or legal avenues to combat abuses. Public prosecutors often release these children without investigating obvious signs of police brutality and give their cases
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scant attention. In many cases, parents do not even know about the arrest until the child has been released, while in other cases police just return the child to the street (Human Rights Watch 2003). In addition to these abuses, procedures clearly stated by the law are often not followed by the police or criminal justice system in the cases of children who are vulnerable to delinquency or to danger. For example, the law requires that all persons be brought to the Public Prosecution Office within 24 hours of arrest. However, vulnerable children are often held for longer than 24 hours or are released without seeing the prosecutor at all. This procedural abuse denies the rights of children to challenge the legality of their arrests, file a complaint about abuse, or request protective action. Despite violations of rights, Egyptian authorities do not regularly check up on children’s detention centers, investigate obvious cases of arbitrary arrest, or abuse or properly punish abusers (Human Rights Watch 2003). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Although Egypt has made dramatic improvements in access to health care and education, particularly for rural areas and females, there are still areas that need improvement. Many children in Egypt still face a future of economic stagnation, poverty, unemployment, lack of quality education, class bias, and abuse and neglect either in the home, school, workplace, or by the police. With the growing recognition of these problems by the government, international organizations, and local NGOs, hopefully the future will be brighter for more and more Egyptian children. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Afifi, Wesal. Preliminary Investigation of Educational Opportunities for Refugee Children in Egypt. Field Report, American University in Cairo; 2003. http:// www.aucegypt.edu/fmrs/documents/wesal.pdf. Although journalistic in tone, this paper contains useful and original research comparing the experiences of Egyptians and refugees in the educational system. Assaad, Ragui, Deborah Levision, and Nadia Zibani. ‘‘The Effect of Child Work on Schooling: Evidence from Egypt.’’ Working Paper No. 2005–10. Minneapolis, MN: Minnesota Population Center, University of Minnesota; 2005. This study is based on a comprehensive, multivariate analysis of the relationship between children working and their likelihood of attending school. It is based a nationally representative household sample and it is innovative in that it includes household chores in its definition of work, which enables the study to examine the gender aspects of the school–work relationship. Human Rights Watch. ‘‘Charged with Being Children: Egyptian Police Abuse of Children in Need of Protection.’’ Egypt 15, no. 1 (E). New York: Human Rights Watch; 2003.
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Not only does this study give a comprehensive picture of the abuse at the hands of the police faced by many children who live on the street but it also examines the roles that family crises, poverty, lack of educational opportunities, and child labor play in children becoming vulnerable to abuse. It also gives an excellent overview of the juvenile justice system in Egypt. Maxwell, Laura, and Aya El-Hilaly. ‘‘Separated Refugee Children in Cairo: A Rightsbased Analysis.’’ FMRS Working Paper No. 5. Cairo: Forced Migration and Refugee Studies Program; 2004. http://www.aucegypt.edu/fmrs/documents/SepChildCKedited.pdf This comprehensive report represents the most extensive work to date on the issue of unaccompanied minors in Egypt. It also draws attention to many general social concerns related to children in Egypt. Mensch, Barbara S., Barbara L. Ibrahim, Susan M. Lee and Omaima El-Gibably. ‘‘Gender-Role Attitudes Among Egyptian Adolescents.’’ Studies in Family Planning 34 (2003), 8–18. This study, based on a representative sample of Egyptian adolescents ages 16–19, gives an interesting picture of gender role attitudes and qualities wanted in a spouse among males and females as well as the background context surrounding gender socialization in Egypt. Nagi, Saad. Poverty in Egypt: Human Needs and Institutional Capacities. New York: Lexington Books; 2001. Although this book has a broad focus on inequality in Egypt, it provides key insights into the Egyptian educational system.
Web Sites Amnesty International (can search the site for specific articles on Egypt), http:// www.amnesty.org. CIA, The World Factbook—Egypt, https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/fact book/geos/eg.html. Human Rights Watch, articles on Egypt, http://www.hrw.org/doc?t¼mideast&c¼egypt. The Population Council, Egypt, http://www.popcouncil.org/me/egypt.html. Save the Children Egypt, http://www.savethechildren.org/countries/middle_east_ eurasia/egypt.asp. UNDP Egypt, http://www.undp.org.eg/default.aspx. UNICEF Egypt, http://www.unicef.org/egypt/index.html.
Organizations and NGOs The Population Council, Regional Office—Egypt 59 Misr-Helwan Agricultural Road, Maadi P.O. Box 168
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Cairo, Egypt Phone: þ20 2 525 5965 Fax: þ20 2 525 5962 Email: [email protected] Council researchers work with governmental agencies, NGOs, researchers, and the media to examine important population and development issues particularly in the areas of health and well-being. Save the Children Egypt P.O. Box 5854 Heliopolis West, 11771 Cairo, Egypt Phone: þ202 638-6764 Fax: þ202 639-4602 Its mission is to work with disadvantaged children in Egypt, particularly in the areas of health and in increasing access to education and economic opportunities. UNDP Egypt 1191 Corniche El Nil, World Trade Center P.O. Box 982 Boulac, 11599 Cairo, Egypt Phone: þ202 578-4840 Fax: þ202 578-4847 Email: [email protected] Research and projects aimed to improve human development in Egypt. UNICEF Cairo 87 Misr Helwan Agricultural Road, Maadi Cairo, Egypt Phone: þ202 526-5083 Fax: þ202 526-4218 Email: [email protected] Its activities aim to put children and women’s rights high on the agenda of development decisions, broadly defined, by working with local NGOs and government agencies.
Selected Bibliography Adams, Richard H., Jr. 2000. ‘‘Evaluating the Process of Development in Egypt, 1980–97.’’ International Journal of Middle East Studies 32 (2000), 255– 275. Afifi, Wesal. Preliminary Investigation of Educational Opportunities for Refugee Children in Egypt. Field Report, American University in Cairo; 2003.
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Al-Bassusi, Nagah. NGOs Serving Youth in Egypt: A Directory. New York: Population Council; 2001. Assaad, Ragui, Deborah Levision, and Nadia Zibani. ‘‘The Effect of Child Work on Schooling: Evidence from Egypt.’’ Working Paper No. 2005–10. Minneapolis, MN: Minnesota Population Center, University of Minnesota; 2005. Azmi, Nassif. Working Children in Egypt–An SRC Resource Site. Cairo, Egypt: Social Research Center, The American University in Cairo; 2003. http://www.aucegypt.edu/src/childlabor/prevalence.html. Child Rights Information Network (CRIN). ‘‘Egypt: Children of the Quarries.’’ 2006. http://www.crin.org/resources/infodetail.asp?id¼7933. Ciaccio, Nicholas V., ed. Child Development in Egypt. Cairo: American University in Cairo; 1979. Dingemans, Esther. Educational Needs and Priorities for South Sudanese Refugees in Cairo. Field Report, American University in Cairo; 2002. Harrell-Bond, Barbara, Aya El-Hilaly, and Abigail Schaeffer. ‘‘Refugee Children in Cairo: An Invisible ‘At Risk’ Group in the City.’’ Paper presented at the ‘‘Children and the City’’ Conference, Amman, Jordan, December 2002. Amman, Jordan: Arab Urban Development Institute; 2002. Human Rights Watch. ‘‘Underage and Unprotected: Child Labor in Egypt’s Cotton Fields.’’ Egypt 13, no. 1 (E). New York: Human Rights Watch; 2001. ———. ‘‘Charged with Being Children: Egyptian Police Abuse of Children in Need of Protection.’’ Egypt 15, no. 1 (E). New York: Human Rights Watch; 2003. Ibrahim, Barbara L., and Hind Wassef. ‘‘Caught between Two Worlds: Youth in the Egyptian Hinterland.’’ In Youth and Culture in the Arab World, edited by R. Meijer. London: Curzon; 2000. International Labour Organization (ILO). A Future Without Child Labour. Geneva: International Labour Office; 2002. Krug, Etienne G., Linda L. Dahlberg, James A. Mercy, Anthony B. Zwi, and Rafael Lozano, eds. World Report on Violence and Health. Geneva: World Health Organization; 2002. Lindsey, Ursula. ‘‘Roundup: Hundreds of African Refugees and Asylum Seekers Have Been Arrested in Security Sweeps.’’ Cairo Times 19 February 2003. Maxwell, Laura, and Aya El-Hilaly. ‘‘Separated Refugee Children in Cairo: A Rightsbased Analysis.’’ FMRS Working Paper No. 5. Cairo: Forced Migration and Refugee Studies Program; 2004. Mensch, Barbara S., Barbara L. Ibrahim, Susan M. Lee, and Omaima El-Gibably. ‘‘Gender-Role Attitudes among Egyptian Adolescents.’’ Studies in Family Planning 34 (2003), 8–18. Moghadam, Valentine M. Modernizing Women: Gender and Social Change in the Middle East, 2nd ed. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers; 2003. Moors, Annelies. ‘‘Gender Relations and Inheritance: Person, Power and Property in Palestine.’’ In Gendering the Middle East, edited by Deniz Kandiyoti. London: I.B. Tauris Publishers; 1996. Nagi, Saad. Poverty in Egypt: Human Needs and Institutional Capacities. New York: Lexington Books; 2001. NGO Coalition on the Rights of the Child. NGOs Report on the Rights of the Child in Egypt. Cairo: NGO Coalition on the Rights of the Child; 2000. Population Council. ‘‘Egypt 2000: Results from the Demographic and Health Survey.’’ Studies in Family Planning 33 (2002), 274–278.
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Refuge Egypt. Annual Report. 2003. http://www.refuge-egypt.org/download/ pdf/AnnualReport2003.pdf Richards, Alan, and John Waterbury. Political Economy of the Middle East. Boulder, CO: Westview Press; 1996. Save the Children. Displaced and Refugee Children and Service Providers Cairo 2003: How Children See Their Situation. Cairo: Save the Children Middle East and North Africa; 2004. Shafie, Sherifa. FMO Research Guide: Egypt. 2005. http://www.forcedmigration .org/guides/fmo029/fmo029-1.htm Shahine, Gihan. ‘‘No Time for Fun.’’ Al-Ahram Weekly Issue No. 587 (May 23–29, 2002). http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2002/587/feature.htm. Singerman, Diane. ‘‘Women and Strategies for Change: An Egyptian Model.’’ Arab Reform Bulletin 2 (2004), 5–6. Sonneveld, Nadia. ‘‘If Only There Was khul’ . . .’’ ISIM Review 17 (Spring 2006), 50–51. Taraki, Lisa. ‘‘The Role of Women.’’ In Understanding the Contemporary Middle East, 2nd ed., edited by Deborah J. Gerner and Jillian Schwedler. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers; 2004. UNHCR Cairo. Country Operations Plan: Arab Republic of Egypt, Planning Year 2006. Cairo: UNHCR; 2005. UNICEF—Egypt Country Office. ‘‘Child Labour: What Could be Done?’’ Paper Presented to the Youth Employment Summit. 2002. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Human Development Report 2005. New York: United Nations Development Programme; 2005. United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA). Adolescents Fertility Rate in Egypt. Cairo, Egypt: Unit for Monitoring Population Activities; 2003. Youssef, Randa Mahmoud, Medhat Salah-El-Din Attiab, and Mohamed Ibrahim Kamel. ‘‘Children Experiencing Violence I: Parental Use of Corporal Punishment.’’ Child Abuse & Neglect 22 (1998a), 959–973. ———. ‘‘Children Experiencing Violence II: Prevalence and Determinants of Corporal Punishment in Schools.’’ Child Abuse & Neglect 22 (1998b), 975–985.
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IRAN Amir H. Mehryar, Shirin Ahmad-Nia, and Ava Jalali-Savar NATIONAL PROFILE Iran, officially known as the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI), is a large country situated in southwest Asia, usually classified as part of the Middle East and North Africa. Iran is one of the world’s leading producers of petroleum and natural gas. With a land area of 1,648,195 square kilometers, Iran is the nineteenth-largest country of the world and occupies a similar rank in terms of population size. The population of Iran, which increased from 16 million to 34 million between 1950 and 1976, doubled again during the next three decades to reach 70,045,000 by 2006. Currently more than two-thirds of the population live in urban areas. Just more than half of the population of Iran are Farsi-speaking Persians, the rest being Turkishspeaking Azaris, Kurds, Lurs, Baluchis, Turkomans, and Arabs. Persian is the official national language, and the common medium of instruction and communication. All literate Iranians can speak and write Persian.
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The official religion of Iran is the Shiite branch of Islam, which is followed by more than 93 percent of the population, the rest being mostly Sunnid Muslims (about 6 percent). A dwindling number of Christians (Armenians and Assyrians), Jews, and Zoroastrians continue to live in Iran. They are recognized as religious minorities by the Constitution of the IRI and enjoy full rights of citizenship. Each of these five ethno-religious groups is represented by one or two separately elected deputies in the parliament. Since the 1970s, several million Afghan and Iraqi citizens have entered Iran as refugees or illegal immigrants. Despite efforts by the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) and the Iranian government to repatriate them, a large proportion (estimated at 1.2 million) are still living in Iran. The gross domestic product of Iran is currently estimated to be around US$137.1 billion (464.4 billion ppp US$), per capita Gross Domestic Product being around US$2056 (6,995 ppp US$). With a human development index of 0.736, Iran occupied the 99th place among the 177 members of the United Nations in 2003 (United Nations Development Programme [UNDP] 2005). Thanks to its huge oil and gas resources and generous government spending on basic social services in recent years, residents and nonresidents alike have witnessed noticeable improvements in the Millennium Development Indicators of Iran. The proportion of population with per KEY FACTS – IRAN capita income less than US$1 Population: 70,045,000 (July 2007 est.) (ppp) per day has decreased from Infant mortality rate: 38.12 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) 2.24 percent to 0.62 percent Life expectancy at birth: 70.56 years (2007 est.) between 1995 and 2004. The proLiteracy rate: 77 percent (2002 est.) portion of population with per Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 89 percent (2000– 2005 est.) capita income less than US$2 Internet users: 7.5 million (2005) (ppp) per day has decreased simiPeople living with HIV/AIDS: 31,000 (2001 est.) larly, from 13.46 percent to 6.21 Human Poverty Index (HP-1) rank: 35 percent during the same period. Sources: CIA World Factbook: Iran. https://www.cia.gov/library/ The proportion of population publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ir.html. June 18, 2007; below minimum level of dietary UNICEF. At a Glance: Iran–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ energy consumption has fallen infobycountry/iran_statistics.html. June 18, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development from 12.75 percent in 1995 to Report 2006–Iran. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ 8.99 percent in 2002 (UNDP/ countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_IRN.html. June 18, 2007. IRI 2004). OVERVIEW Iranian society has undergone tremendous changes during the past 30 years, and these changes have significantly affected the life and future of Iranian children. Until 1979 Iran was ruled by an authoritarian monarchic system of government, which celebrated its 2,500 years of establishment in early 1970s. After the triumph of the revolution, it was replaced by an unprecedented form of theocracy combining the Shiite doctrine of
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Velayat Faghih (absolute guardianship of the Jurist) with such liberaldemocratic institutions as a directly elected president answerable to a similarly elected parliament. Both men and women aged older than 15 years are entitled to vote in all national and local elections. They can also stand as candidates in national and local elections provided they are beyond a certain age and have the necessary educational qualifications. Even the all-powerful spiritual leader (rahbar) is chosen, monitored, and theoretically removable by a popularly elected body of top jurists (Mojteheds) known as the Majlis Khebragan Rahbari (Expert Council of Leadership). Although the explicit objective of the new regime has been to Islamicise all aspects of Iranian society and to pave the way for the emergence of the long-awaited Mahdi (the last Imam of the twelve Shiite Islam who went into occultation more than 1,000 years ago), it has in no way ignored the provision of basic services required from a modern government. Health, education, and welfare of children and protection of family life have been explicitly mentioned in several articles of the Constitution prepared and put to public referendum shortly after the triumph of the Islamic revolution. Demographic Changes The population of Iran has more than doubled since the revolution, increasing from 34 million to 49.5 million between 1976 and 1986 and just more than 60 million between 1986 and 1996. It increased to just more than 70 million in November 2006. Immediately after the revolution, the family planning program established in 1967 was suspended, and early marriage and large families were promoted as major Islamic values. This change in policy, in combination with the prevailing war situation and the economic incentives for large families, resulted in a significant increase in fertility and population growth rates and ushered in a ten-year period of baby boom. According to the 1986 census, the population of Iran was growing at the rate of 3.9 percent per year. This rate led to a change in government policy. In 1989, the family planning program was revived, and people were encouraged to have no more than two or three children. The policy change proved exceptionally successful. In less than 3 years, more than 60 percent of eligible couples were using contraceptives, and there were clear signs of fertility decline by 1991. The second census held by the IRI in 1996 revealed a total fertility rate of 2.4 (number of children born by each woman during her reproductive life) and an annual growth rate of 1.96. The process of fertility decline has continued. By November 2000, total fertility rate had decreased to around 2.2, being below replacement level in the urban areas of most provinces. The general census conducted in late 2006 indicates an annual growth rate of 1.4 (Aghajanian and Mehryar 1999a, 1999b). The dramatic fertility decline experienced by Iranian women since the late 1980s has resulted in considerable reduction of children aged under
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15 (from 23.65 million in 1996 to 19.1 million in 2006) and their relative share of the total population (to about 27 percent as compared with 45.5 percent in 1986 and 39.5 percent in 1996 censuses). If one considers the age group 0 to 18 years, the number of children now living in Iran will exceed 26 million (as compared with more than 29 million in 1996). About one-half of these children are female. Iran has also experienced a high rate of urbanization since the 1960s. More than two-thirds of the population now live in urban areas (1,015 cities and towns with a municipal administration) with almost universal access to clean drinking water, electricity, piped gas, and modern consumer goods, including various means of mass communication. The rural population lives in more than 50,000 small and widely scattered agricultural communities (villages). Although there is still a considerable gap between urban and rural areas in terms of adult literacy, household income/expenses, housing standards, and level of modernization, more than 80 percent of the rural population has access to safe drinking water, electricity, and basic healthcare services. During the past two decades, urban–rural differences in terms of access to basic health services and formal education have been very much narrowed. After the establishment of the Islamic Republic, a determined effort was made to remold all aspects of Iranian society according to Islamic tenets. This remolding has resulted in the segregation of sexes within the school system (from primary school through secondary education) as well as in most public spheres. Strict enforcement of Islamic dress code (hejab) on women but not men has also resulted in the peculiarly non-Western and uninformed public image of Iranian women. Yet, creation of educational opportunities for women and active encouragement of their participation in public affairs, particularly national and local elections, has in no way been ignored. In fact, since 1995, girls have tended to outnumber boys at almost all levels of education. Their over-representation among the youth applying for and passing the highly competitive university entrance examinations has recently led to serious discussions regarding the need for setting a quota system for male university applicants in most fields of higher education. Refugees and Immigration During its first decade of existence, the IRI was forced to cope with one of the largest groups of displaced people fleeing from war-torn Afghanistan and Iraq. The exact number is not known, but it is estimated to have reached almost 4 millions in the late 1980s. Many of these were young men with few assets but their physical force, which was used in meeting some of the labor shortage that Iran felt during the 8-year war. Most of the Afghan refugees and illegal migrants were of ethno-linguistic backgrounds similar to Iranian nationals and could not be easily detected
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by government officials who might have tried to block their way into Iran or to return them once caught inside Iran. Those caught and settled in guest camps organized in collaboration with the UNHCR in areas near the border accounted for only a small proportion of illegal migrants scattered all over the country. The Iraqi (and Kurdish) refugees fleeing war and persecution at home were mostly settled in the Kurdish- and Arabicspeaking provinces of Kurdistan and Khuzestan and were even more difficult to distinguish from local people. Many of the refugees and illegal migrants were accompanied by their family and children who had to be accommodated by local schools. The number of Afghan and Iraqi children attending public schools in Iran had increased from 98,851 to 130,707 between 1991 and 1998. Although after the fall of Taliban regime in Afghanistan many efforts have been made to persuade Afghan refugees to go back to their country, the economic and security problems still affecting that country have proven to be stronger, and at least one million Afghan refugees are believed to be still living in Iran. Until early 2000, Afghan and Iraqi children as well as their families were allowed to make use of all health and education services and subsidized consumer goods available to Iranian families and children. In recent years, however, the government has decided to charge refugees and unauthorized foreigners living in Iran for health and education services they are using. In view of the high rate of unemployment currently experienced by Iran and a variety of social problems allegedly associated with continuing presence of a large number of unauthorized migrants from Afghanistan, Iranian authorities are determined to put further pressure on them to leave Iran. These include imposition of heavy penalties, both financial and criminal, on foreigners caught working in Iran without an official permit and their forced repatriation. Iranian employers of such illegal migrants also face legal prosecution and heavy fines. A large number of Afghan and Iraqi men and women have married Iranian nationals and produced children. Although children born by foreign women married to Iranian men have no problem in getting Iranian citizenship, those born by Iranian women married to a foreigner are not automatically accepted as Iranian nationals by Iranian civil law. The problem of such hybrid children whose mothers are reluctant to leave Iran even if the father is forced to do so has caused a good deal of concern to Iranian nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) interested in refugees and children. EDUCATION Article 30 of the Constitution of the IRI has mandated that ‘‘the government must provide all citizens with free education up to secondary school, and must expand free higher education to the extent required by the country for attaining self-sufficiency.’’ Thus, although not declaring it
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compulsory, the Constitution of the IRI has made the government responsible for providing free primary (ages 6 to 11years) and junior secondary (orientation) (ages 11 to 14 years) education to all children regardless of their gender, ethnic background, and area of residence. In line with this obligation, since its establishment, the government of the IRI has devoted between 3 to 5 percent of its gross domestic product (and 7 to 17 percent of annual government budget) to public education (Mehryar et al. 1999) and has expanded opportunities for public education throughout the country. The major beneficiaries of this enlarged national investment in education have been women and rural population. The overall literacy rate of men and women has increased from 58.6 and 35.6 percent to 84.7 and 74.2 percent, respectively, between 1976 and 1996. Those of rural men and women have increased from 43.6 and 17.4 percent to 76.7 and 62.4 percent respectively, during the same period. A large-scale, nationally representative survey conducted in April 2004 (Statistical Center of Iran [SCI] 2003) revealed that 81.5 percent of the population ages 15 or older (86.7 percent of men versus 76.1 percent of women) were literate. Corresponding literacy rates for groups aged 6 to 10, 11 to 14 years, and 15 to 24 years were 96.8 percent, 98.3 percent, and 97.2 percent, respectively. In the case of the latter groups, gender gap in literacy has been reduced to 1 to 2 percent. As an indication of public attitude to women’s education, it may be worth noting that in several recent surveys parents have said that the most appropriate time for a girl to marry is ‘‘after she has finished her studies’’ (which means at least secondary education). Interestingly, in the case of boys the most appropriate time to get married is ‘‘after he has a stable job.’’ Except for kindergartens and a small proportion nongovernmental institutions (about 7 percent of primary and secondary schools classified as nonprofit organizations), the educational system is entirely funded by the national government. It is also highly centralized in terms of organization, curriculum, and evaluation. In addition to general education for children ages 6 to 18 years, which is divided into three major levels of Primary (5 years), Orientation (3 years), Secondary (3 years), and Pre-university (one year), there are a variety of technical/vocational schools for youngsters who are unable or unwilling to pursue the more academically oriented secondary curriculum. The public higher education system has also expanded enormously since the revolution so that currently there are at least one publicly funded general university and one university of medical sciences in each of the 30 provinces. Tehran, the national capital, boasts almost a dozen government universities. Students who are able to pass the highly competitive entrance examination of these public universities pay almost nothing for their higher education but have to work inside Iran for a number of years before their degree will be officially released. A private system of higher education, charging relatively high fees, was also created shortly after the revolution to meet the rising social demand
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for higher education. The oldest among these is the Islamic Azad (Free) University, which was established shortly after the revolution (1983). Although neither free nor more Islamic than the rest of Iranian universities, it has been exceptionally successful in establishing branches in all provincial centers as well as a large number of small towns scattered across the country. Currently, its annual intake and output exceeds that of all universities run by the government. More than half of its students and graduates are girls who, even if they fail to enter formal labor market, are likely to provide their children as better-educated mothers and thus contribute to the health and welfare of children and the human capital of the nation. There is a separate system of ‘‘exceptional education’’ for mentally and physically disabled children who cannot benefit from normal school programs. The system is better developed and more readily accessible in urban areas than the rural. In the academic year 2003–2004, the number of students enrolled in these ‘‘exceptional schools’’ exceeded 77,000, of which 60.5 percent were boys. This is over twice the number reported for the academic year 1991–1992 (37,970). Children with learning disabilities and/or physical problems needing special care and attention can attend schools for exceptional children. Those without sufficient parental support are offered daycare or residential treatment facilities by the State Welfare Organization as well as charitable foundations and NGOs. There are also counseling services associated with primary and junior secondary schools that offer some measure of mental health services to children. Available resources in these areas, particularly in rural areas, are far less adequate than physical health services. PLAY AND RECREATION Play and physical exercise are considered important parts of children’s life and essential for their physical, social, and emotional development. Traditionally sports and recreational activities of children were part of normal family activities and gatherings. With the expansion of the nationally controlled public education system, physical exercise has become recognized as a major part of the official curriculum of primary and secondary schools and universities. Both the Ministry of Education and the National Sports Organization (a body attached to the President’s office and headed by a vice president) are active in the area of building sports facilities for children and youth. Municipalities of major cities have also developed ‘‘Culture Houses’’ where children and young people can spend their free time, engage in a variety of recreational activities, and attend formal and informal courses on music, literature, arts, and drama. Despite the fact that playing chess and musical instruments was regarded as prohibited by Islam before the revolution, they have received a good deal of attention and support from religious leaders since the 1980s.
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Despite regular broadcast of classical Iranian music and male singers, however, musical instruments and their players are not shown on any of the TV channels operated by the national broadcasting system, nor are women singers allowed public performance or shown on TV unless acting as a group (chorus). Since the 1990s, soccer has acquired the status of a national sport, and the success of Iranian soccer teams in international matches have given rise to huge demonstrations of public excitement and support. However, women are barred from watching live soccer and all other games involving male players! As far as toys are concerned, Iranian children have access to a large variety of western toys (including the American ‘‘Barbie’’ doll, or barbi), mostly imported from China. In an effort to reinforce the Islamic identity of children and promote the compliance of children with the Islamic dress code (Hejab), a local rival to barbi has recently been promoted by the authorities, which includes a girl named Sara and a boy called Dara. The commercial production and marketing of these dolls have been given to Chinese toy manufacturers. Their success in challenging the better known barbi and other imported dolls remains to be seen. The national broadcasting system (IRIB) initiated by the previous regime has been expanded enormously since the revolution. Currently it operates seven national, two international, and more than two dozen provincial channels broadcasting in Persian and several other languages as well as local dialects. Thanks to these channels as well as those created by Iran’s neighbors and Los Angeles-based opposition groups, the Iranian public has become extremely media-exposed. Programs aimed at children constitute a large share of the daily programs of various IRIB channels. CHILD LABOR Traditionally, there was little difference between home life and labor market. Working with father (in the case of boys) or mother (girls) from an early age was a major part of socialization. With the expansion of public schooling and assumption of the major function of socialization by the school system the situation has changed drastically. Currently more than 95 percent of children ages 6 to 14 years are enrolled in primary and junior secondary schools and thus there is little room for child labor. Parttime participation of children in home-based or agricultural productive activities as family workers is more or less confined to rural areas and lower-class urban families. According to official statistics on labor force participation by age collected by the SCI, in 1996 only 2.8 percent of urban and 8.6 percent of rural boys as compared with 1.0 percent of urban and 6.0 percent of rural girls ages 10 to 14 were economically active. By 2003 the figures had decreased to 2.1 vs. 0.5 percent of urban boys and girls and 5.2 percent vs. 2.9 percent of rural boys and girls, respectively. The DHS-type survey conducted in late 2000 revealed that
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8.7 percent of urban boys and 7.5 percent of urban girls aged 5 to 9 years were described as economically active, mostly as unpaid family workers. Corresponding figures for rural boys and girls (18.1 percent vs. 10.2 percent) ages 5 to 9 were much greater. The overwhelming majority of these children are known to work on a part time basis or seasonally in homebased productive activities involving the whole family. FAMILY Islam considers the family the main pillar of society. Marriage and reproduction are promoted as a value not only because of their importance for safeguarding the growth and strength of Islamic community but also as a means of ensuring the physical welfare and mental health of individual members. Islam has recognized sex as a basic human need that should be satisfied and enjoyed within legitimate marital relationships. Celibacy is considered as an aberrant and sinful behavior. Early marriage, when economic circumstances allow it, is considered as a religious duty both to ensure the tranquility and mental health of youth and to protect them from engaging in illegal sexual interactions and having illegitimate children. By law and tradition, children belong to their natural parents and their proper upbringing is one of the main responsibilities of the family. Usually young men continue to live with their parents as long as they are studying, unmarried, and have not found a job. Families are considered responsible for their female children as long as they are not married as well as when they end up with an unhappy marriage and get divorced. The rapid urbanization of Iranian society, however, has seriously undermined the traditional extended family system and household structure. The mean household size has decreased from 4.8 to 4.0 between 1996 and 2006. Despite government efforts to promote and reward early and universal marriage as basic Islamic values, mean age of marriage went up considerably between 1975 and 1996 for both girls (from 19.7 to 22.4 years) and boys (from 24.1 to 25.6 years). The increase in the age at marriage of girls was even larger in rural areas (from 19.1 to 22.3 years) than the urban (from 20.2 to 22.5 years). By 2001, mean age at first marriage of men and women had risen to 26.1 and 23.4 years, respectively (SCI 2005). Almost all children are born within legally registered marital unions, the overwhelming majority live with their natural parents and are likely to do so well beyond age 18. An analysis of 1996 census has shown that more than 97 percent of children aged 0 to 10 years and over 96 percent of those aged 11 to 14 were living with their natural parents (SCI 2000). A large scale DHS-type study conducted in late 2000 showed that only 13.5 per 1,000 of children aged 0 to 14 years were living without a father, 7.7 per 1,000 of them having lost their father to death. In contrast, only 5.8 per 1,000 of children were living without a mother, 2.2 per 1,000 having lost their mother to death (Ministry of Health and Medical
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Education [MOHME] 2003). A more recent national household survey conducted in 2004 (SCI 2004) found that over 99 percent of children aged 0 to 14 years were living with their parental family. A recent survey on urban adolescents aged 15 to 19 years too found that the overwhelming majority of both boys (93.6 percent) and girls (88.0 percent) were living with both parents. Only 3.5 percent of male and 7.9 percent of female adolescents were living alone or in non-parental relationship, including marriage. Over 90 percent of parents were described as married and living together, 84 percent of boys and 79 percent of girls regarded the relationship between their parents as ‘‘warm/cordial.’’ Less than 4 percent described their own relationship with parents as ‘‘cold’’ (Mehryar et al. 2006). Children without parents or close relatives as well as widowed and divorced women who have lost their breadwinners and have no other resources to rely on are usually taken care of by the Imam Khomeini Relief Committee, a huge social assistance organization that emerged as a popular mutual help association during the revolution. It is now the main social assistance organization of Iran with enormous resources provided by the government but not under normal government control. Abandoned children and those from broken homes or addict, imprisoned, criminally indicted, and otherwise irresponsible parents are usually entrusted to the State Welfare Organization (SWO), a more professional social assistance/rehabilitation organization funded by the government and responsible for taking care of physically or mentally disabled as well as socially vulnerable groups. The latter include abandoned children, runaway youth, street women, addicts, chronic mental patients, and victims of domestic violence. In addition to the two major social assistance organizations already named, there are a number of charitable organizations run by NGOs, voluntary charitable organizations, and religious groups that provide a variety of services for vulnerable families, children with special diseases and problems, and elderly and disabled adults. Among modern NGOs that flourished during the 8-year rule of President Khatami, the Association for Protection of Children is the most notable one. This association works closely with the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and has been particularly active in promoting the rights of children, encouraging the IRI to join international conventions on child labor and campaigning for development of special courts for children and young offenders. All religious organizations or foundations concerned with the health, welfare, and education of children and protection of other vulnerable groups have to obtain explicit or tacit permission of the government departments in charge of public health, education, and welfare and prove that they are bona-fide Muslim institutions or affiliated with religious minorities recognized by the Constitution. Thus, there is little room for direct intervention of foreign or non-Muslim missionary schools or charitable organizations in present day Iran. In fact, such Western,
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missionary-type organizations had enjoyed little popularity or success in Iran even before the Islamic revolution. In view of the emphasis on family life and relations by Islam, all religious leaders, regardless of their involvement in politics and the day-today administration of the country, are committed to supporting the family system and ensuring that children are brought up by their natural parents or are provided socially acceptable alternatives if they lose their parents and the extended family is not able to provide the necessary care and protection. For this reason, creation and maintenance of orphanages, hospitals, and sanctuaries for homeless children, women, and the elderly continues to be a highly regarded charitable act in Iran. On the other hand, because of Islam’s emphasis on the separation of sexes, the adoption of children by strangers is not allowed unless the adopter can prove that he or she is a Muslim (or of the same religious group as the child) and already in a stable marital union. Even then, they may have to undertake rituals that will enable the adopted child to be treated as ‘‘mahram,’’ that is, someone who is entitled to see or touch the body of his/her parents and next of kin and to be touched by them without committing a sin. To achieve this status, the child may have to be symbolically married to her/his adopted grandfather/grandmother and thus become a family member of the adopting couple! Despite great improvements in their level of education since the revolution, only a small proportion (about 13 percent) of Iranian women are economically active in the formal sector of the economy (Mehryar et al. 2005). The rate of labor force participation is somewhat greater in rural areas where a larger proportion of women, mostly illiterate, are actively engaged in agricultural production as well as home-based industries like carpet weaving. In contrast, more than 16 percent of women with secondary education and 75 percent of those with postsecondary education are economically active. Because of the continuing stagnation of Iranian economy since the 1980s and the high rate of fertility during the first decade after the revolution, a large proportion of youth entering labor market face unemployment. The unemployment rate of women is almost twice that of men. In traditional Iranian society, girls and boys were trained for very different life careers. Girls were expected to become mothers and housekeepers whereas boys were expected to work outside home and act as the breadwinner and guardian of the family. The distinction was, however, much more clearly enforced in middle-class urban families. In rural areas and among nomadic tribes, women played a major role in the economy, actively helping their male folks in farming, animal husbandry, and dairy production. Among urban lower classes, also, women had to work (either as unpaid family workers or as domestic servants, cooks, and nannies) outside the home as well as look after their home and children. Such economic productivity had, however, little impact on rural or lower class
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urban women’s social status or power in a male-dominated patriarchal system. Although Islamic law had recognized women’s right to ownership of whatever they had inherited or earned by their own effort, men were often in a position to exploit their wives and other female relatives. They had the exclusive right to divorce their wife or take another wife. The main mechanism to protect women against such exploitation and desertion was mahrieh (or bride price) that men undertook to pay the woman in case of divorce. Women were entitled to their mahrieh and one-eighth of the property of the husband in case of his death. A few years before the revolution, the government had enacted a law raising age at marriage, taking away the right to divorce from husband, and setting up special family tribunals to decide on marital conflicts. The law was annulled immediately after the revolution, age of marriage was lowered to around 13 for girls and 15 for boys, and men were allowed their traditional right to divorce and to take more than one wife. The abuse of this change in law, along with the rising power of increasingly educated and politically active women, forced the government to pass a new law under which women are allowed to set any legitimate conditions they can make their future husband agree to in an official form attached to the marriage registration document. Notary publics are legally required to read out this form to couples getting married and to ensure that the woman knows about it. This has led to some improvement in the bargaining power of women and has given them more security. At the same time, mahrieh has gradually attained the power of a status symbol, and most young women (as well as their parents) insist on having a heavy one (usually defined in terms of gold coins to protect its value against inflation). This, in combination with a variety of other factors, has contributed to the recent increase in age of marriage of women and the creation of a marital squeeze situation under which women, particularly the better educated, have difficulty in finding a suitable husband of their preferred age and social status. A number of women have also used the new law to demand their mahrieh without getting divorced. A large number of men are known to be imprisoned for this reason each year. Since the increase in age at marriage, child marriage, although endorsed by Islamic shariah and traditions, has almost disappeared. In 2003, only 0.26 percent of boys and 0.57 percent of girls younger than 15 years of age were reported as married (SCI 2003). The rate is equally low among boys ages 15 to 19 years (1.54 percent) but somewhat higher among girls (13.15 percent) ages 15 to 19. Similarly, although according to Shiite interpretation of Islamic shariah men are allowed to take four permanent and an almost unlimited number of temporary wives (Haeri 1994), polygamy has become a socially unacceptable, largely underground practice. According to a survey conducted in 2001 (SCI 2002), less than 1 percent of men had admitted to having more than one wife,
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and the overwhelming majority of both men and women were opposed to temporary marriage. According to Iranian civil code (which is based on the Shiite version of Islamic shariah), men are responsible for the economic support of their wives and children. In case of divorce, men are entitled to keep male children aged 3 years or older whereas female children are given over to their mother until they reach the age of 7. Although the legal system favors entrusting all children younger than 12 to their mother in case of divorce, it cannot force the father to give up his right to guardianship unless he is found to be physically, morally, or socially unqualified to look after the children. Divorced fathers who agree to give the guardianship of their children to their ex-wife are legally bound to pay for their expenses (nafagheh). Single-parent families, usually referred to as female-headed households, account for less than 9 percent of all households. Most of them consist of widowed elderly women. If not self-supporting, such single-parent families are covered by the Imam Khomeini Relief Committee described previously. A small proportion is covered by the SWO, which is specialized in providing a shelter for residential treatment and care of socially vulnerable women as well as the rehabilitation of physically or mentally disabled individuals of both sexes. HEALTH Since the revolution, the IRI has devoted a sizeable proportion of its gross domestic product (3 to 5 percent) and annual government budget (14 to 26 percent) to public health (Mehryar et al. 1999) and has made every effort to expand basic public health services throughout the country, particularly the traditionally neglected rural areas and less developed provinces (Mehryar et al. 1999). The primary healthcare system created for this purpose has been exceptionally successful in providing such public health services as vaccination of children against common diseases, preand post-natal care for pregnant women, and a variety of reproductive health services (Aoyama 2001). Efforts have also been made to promote breast-feeding as an Islamic value and to encourage women to use iodized salt. Thanks to these efforts and improvements in nutrition of women and children, health indicators of children and mothers have improved significantly and neonatal, infant and child mortality rates have dropped significantly (UNICEF 1997). According to UN estimates (UN 2005), infant mortality decreased from 186 to 115 between 1950 and 1975. By 1985, it had decreased to 88.4 and at the beginning of the new millennium stood at 42.1 per 1,000 live births. Several surveys conducted by the Ministry of Health and such international organizations as the United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA) and UNICEF since the early 1990s support these estimates. According to the huge DHS-type
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study conducted in late 2000 (MOHME 2003; Mehryar 2001), infant mortality rates had decreased to 27.7 (SE ¼ 5.6) and 30.2 (SE ¼ 5.5) per 1,000 live births in urban and rural areas, respectively. UNICEF (2007) has given the figures of 54 and 31 per 1,000 for the years 1990 and 2005, respectively. A recent analysis of data collected by Rural Health Houses (RHH) (Naghavi et al. 2005) indicate further improvements in various mortality and morbidity indicators of rural population. According to this set of data, infant mortality rate of rural areas served by the RHH decreased from 36.3 to 23.7 per 1,000 between the years 1993 and 2003. By 2003, infant mortality rates of rural areas of the 28 provinces of Iran varied between 9 and 32, with a national average of 24 per 1,000 live births. Under-5 mortality rates had similarly decreased from 45.3 to 29.0 between 1993 and 2003. Provincial variations in under-5 mortality rates for 2003 varied between 45 and 15 per 1,000 live births. Judging by existing urban–rural differences in availability and quality of health services, corresponding rates for urban areas and the country as a whole must be considerably lower. The primary healthcare system operated by the government in rural areas is basically designed to meet the needs of mothers and children. The urban arm of primary healthcare network plus Iran’s well-developed private health sector offer similar preventive and treatment services in urban areas. A comprehensive health insurance system developed since the mid-1990s covers the majority (around 85 percent) of urban population. A similar system, generously subsidized by the government and specifically addressing the rural population not covered by the social security system covering the urban labor force, has recently been introduced. Although part of the general problem of poverty, homelessness has not yet attained the status of a special social problem in Iran. With the increasing cost of housing, particularly in large urban centers, housing has become a major problem for young couples, poor families, and single parents. Despite efforts by the government, the problem remains acute and a matter of heated public debate. Female genital mutilation or female circumcision is not required by Shiite doctrine, nor is it practiced by the majority of Sunnid sects living in Iran. It is, however, known to be practiced by some tribal communities in the Northwestern province of Kurdistan where it would seem to be more of a symbolic type rather than mutilation. Traditionally the area of sex education has been largely left to parents and peers. Although the HIV/AIDS pandemic is still at its very early stage in Iran, it has persuaded the media and health authorities to talk more openly about need for sex education. As a result, the Fourth FiveYear Plan of Development passed in 2004 has mandated the government to develop a comprehensive program of intervention for prevention of high-risk behaviors exposing children and youth to HIV/AIDS and other
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sexually transmitted diseases. Although the program is still at an early stage, it has already attracted the attention of international health community and press as a promising bold model for other Muslim nations. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Children are explicitly mentioned in the Constitution of the IRI and assured of the right to education, health, and social protection. Since the revolution, all Iranian laws have been changed to comply with the Shiite version of Islamic shariah. Under this law, girls aged 12 years and boys aged 15 years are regarded as mature (balegh) and criminally responsible. Both sexes are entitled to vote in elections after age 15 and boys have to do 2 years of military service after age 18. Efforts by human right organizations, including UNICEF, Amnesty International, and Iranian NGOs active in the field of human rights, to raise the age of criminal responsibility has resulted in modest changes in practice. Children convicted of murder are no longer executed but are kept in prison until they reach age 18 and face charges again. Child offenders younger than 18 are sent to rehabilitation centers instead of normal prisons. Special courts for trial of juvenile offenders have been set up where children have access to legal counsel as well as psychological evaluation and counseling. The legal protection against maltreatment (violence against children) by parents has, however, run into conflict with parental rights over children as defined by Islamic shariah. According to the latter, a parent convicted of having murdered his or her child cannot be given the death penalty that is required by law. Islamic shariah has moreover different provisions for girls and boys. A girl or woman is entitled to half of the dieh (blood money) set for serious physical injury or death of a man. So were members of non-Muslim minority groups like Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians until recently when the supreme leader issued a decree giving them equal rights with Muslims. Despite several attempts by the reformist parliament that was in session between 1980 and 1984 (during President Khatami’s second term of office), the Guardians’ Council responsible for ensuring the consistency of all new laws with Islamic tenets and the Constitution of the IRI refused to endorse the bill concerning Iran’s membership of the UN Convention on Children’s Rights as well as the Universal Convention banning the use of torture. The aforementioned limitations notwithstanding, Article 20 of the Constitution of the IRI has proclaimed that ‘‘all citizens of the country, both men and women, equally enjoy the protection of the law and enjoy all human, political, economic, social, and cultural rights, in conformity with Islamic criteria.’’ Article 21 specifies additional measures to protect women, children, and the family. Acording to this article, ‘‘The government must ensure the rights of women in all respects, in conformity with Islamic criteria, and accomplish the following goals:
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.
. .
.
Create a favorable environment for the growth of women’s personality and the restoration of their rights, both the material and intellectual; Provide for the protection of mothers, particularly during pregnancy and child-rearing, and the protection of children without guardians; Establish competent courts to protect and preserve the family; Provide special insurance for widows, aged women, and women without support; Award guardianship of children to worthy mothers, in order to protect the interests of the children, in the absence of a legal guardian.’’
RELIGIOUS LIFE Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has been ruled by a form of theocracy that is explicitly devoted to meeting the spiritual needs of all citizens and securing their salvation in the other world. The official religion of the IRI is Twelver Shiism, a branch of Islam that has been the national religion of Iran since the Safavid period (sixteenth to eighteenth century) (Foran 1993). More than 92 percent of the population are Shiite. Most of the remaining population are Sunni Muslims. The dwindling minority of Christians (Armenians and Assyrians), Jews, and Zoroastrians still living in the country are officially recognized and protected as full citizens by the IRI Constitution. Shiism shares most of the basic tenets and daily practices of Islam but has special occasions or ceremonies surrounding the births and deaths of the 12 innocent Imams. These occasions, particularly the month-long mourning ceremonies commemorating the martyrdom of the third Imam (a grandson of the prophet Muhammad) during the Arabic month of Muharram and birthdays of other 11 Imams and Prophet Muhammad provide an opportunity for public participation of children and helps in the strengthening of their Shiite identity. It is worth noting that the major Iranian holiday is Now Rooz (New Year, 21st of March) rather than the Islamic holidays celebrated in other Muslim countries. Now Rooz, which is celebrated in Iran as well as most of the neighboring Central Asian countries, actually dates back to pre-Islamic times, but the Islamic Republic has decided to keep it as the main national holiday when all schools and universities are closed for 2 weeks. Religious socialization of children begins with their birth when the father or a religious person whispers his/her name into her/his ear along with some passages from the holy Quran. The family plays a major role in further development of the Islamic identity of the child before he/she can venture out of home and enter kindergarten or school. Currently, the whole program of primary school is designed to reinforce the Islamic (and, to some extent, the Iranian) identity of children. So is the extensive
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mass media system, which is exclusively controlled by the government. Families who are not happy with this kind of religious indoctrination have no power to oppose it openly. But, as the result of their close relationship with their children, they would seem to have been much more successful than desired by the more fundamentalist groups in the school system or the government in shaping the attitudes and behavior of their children. It may be of interest to note that, for historical reasons rooted in early development of Shiism as a repressed minority sect, regular mosque attendance (or collective praying) has not been an important source of religious socialization of children in Iran. Despite all efforts made by the IRI leaders, even now most children and adults visit mosques during the mourning ceremonies of Muharram or when someone dies and his family and friends gather in a mosque to pay tribute to the deceased and offer their sympathies to his/her family. Since the revolution, all school curricula and textbooks have been carefully revised to assure their consistency with Shiite teachings and the goals of the revolution. The whole system of higher education was in fact suspended for about 4 years (1980–1984) under the guise of cultural revolution to review the system and Islamicise it. In view of the immense belief of Islamic scholars in the basic innocence of children and their need for proper education to become true Muslims, a great deal of emphasis has been put on the careful selection, training, and on-the-job supervision of teachers. To this end, many teachers with leftist or secular leanings were retired immediately after the revolution, and a large number of clergy trained in traditional seminaries were recruited as teachers and educational supervisors. Teacher training colleges that used to be part of university colleges of education were taken away and put under direct control of the ministry of education. All textbooks were reviewed by a group of top level clergy and revised. Compliance with the appearance of Islamic behavior (e.g., wearing the Islamic uniform by female students and teachers and wearing long sleeve jackets or having beards by male teachers) became a condition for admission into school or employment by government agencies. In addition to these, the state-controlled broadcasting system devoted most of its time to propagating Islamic slogans and indoctrinating children and youth. Thus, every effort was made to bring up the new generation of Iranian children and youth according to Islamic tenets as conceived by the Shiite clergy. Despite these efforts and much propaganda by a variety of religious organizations and groups, the changes in the private behaviors and attitudes of Iranian public in general and the younger generation in particular would seem to have fallen far short of the expectations of some political groups and the more fundamentalist religious leaders. This dissatisfaction was clearly reflected in the last presidential elections when Mr. Ahmadinejad (a university-trained engineer) and his followers (known as Usulgarayan, fundamentalists) attacked the previous governments of
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Ayatollahs Hashemi Rafsanjani and Khatami (both Shiite scholars trained in traditional seminaries and actively involved in the establishment of the IRI) for their failure to create the Islamic society promised by the Constitution. It would seem that the vastly increased urban middle-class parents of Iran are too deeply modernized and accustomed to the values and life styles of Western liberal societies to allow their children to accept whatever is taught by their school or broadcast by the national broadcasting system without question. Despite all the efforts made by some zealot groups, the majority of teachers, too, identify themselves with the modern middleclass sector of society and do not insist on monitoring and changing the private attitudes and practices of their students once they leave the physical boundaries of the school. The sharp discrepancy between private behaviors, beliefs, and lifestyles of most Iranian families (including children) and their public appearances has surprised many foreign observers (Wright 2000). It is amazing how even young children attending kindergarten easily learn to differentiate between what they are required to do in the school or other public places and what they may do and say inside their home or family gatherings where most men and women dress in Western style clothing, listen to music, and exchange politically tainted jokes. It may be that the long history of Shiism as a repressed minority sect and its formal promotion of Taghiyah (emulation, public conformity) as a means of survival in a hostile environment has made this kind of double life part of Iranian culture and national character. There were no formal rites of passage in the exact sense of the word in the mainstream Islamic traditions practiced in Iran. As performance of most religious duties and practices are conditional on children reaching a certain age (known as bulugh or physical maturity, which is 7 to 9 years for girls and 9 to 12 years for boys) the Islamic government has recently tried to use the occasion as a means of strengthening children’s religious identity and to encourage them to perform the required daily prayers and other religious duties (e.g., fasting during the month of Ramadan). To this end, the supreme leader and some high level religious figures frequently engage in widely publicized group prayers involving boys and girls who have just reached the age of bulugh and are officially required to perform their religious duties (taklif). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Iran has not been involved in any war since 1987, when the 8-year war initiated by Saddam Hussein’s Iraq was ended. Ironically, Iran has largely depended on her-arch enemy and regional rival, the United States, to annihilate its most threatening neighbors (Saddam-dominated Iraq and Taliban-dominated Afghanistan) and usher in an at least 17-year period of peace and tranquility for Iranian children. Thus, the current generation
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of Iranian children has been entirely spared the violence and war that their parents and elder siblings had to suffer during the 1980s. Although cases of child neglect and maltreatment of children by their stepparents are occasionally reported in the press, there are almost no reliable statistics on the magnitude and correlates of child abuse. Because of the traditional emphasis of Iranian culture and Islam on family and the mutual obligations of parents and children, the problem is believed to be of relatively low prevalence and limited to hard-core addicts and mentally deranged parents. Iran has not historically been active in slavery business and servitude in the exact sense of the word, and the phenomenon is believed to be very rare except in backward tribal areas bordering Pakistan. In recent decades this area has become the main point of entry of narcotic drugs from Afghanistan and the criminal gangs controlling illicit drug markets are known to occasionally resort to abduction of children and indenture. They are occasionally reported to use servitude as a means of forcing their counterparts to deliver money or drugs they are entitled to. The same group is suspected of being involved in cross-border trade of women as sex workers. There is little evidence to indicate the extent of such problems and the government of Iran is determined to fight them. Adults charged with mistreatment of children can face enormous social sanctions as well as prosecution by the police and the legal system. Those convicted of child murder can face capital punishment unless they happen to be the parents of the child. Victims of parental neglect or mistreatment are cared for by the SWO, which is legally responsible for the protection, treatment, and education of such children. Homeless or runaway children and adolescents are similarly protected by the SWO. Reporting of abuse and neglect usually is done by medical personnel, teachers, and social workers who happen to find out about the case. Neighbors and other citizens can also alert the police or the SWO if they come across cases of child neglect or abuse. Because employment of children by the formal sector is legally forbidden, the majority of employers are parents or other family members. Cases of abuse or maltreatment of such family workers is thus very infrequent unless it leads to serious injury or the child is forced to run away from the family and the workplace. Occasionally neglect or abuse of a child by a stepparent may also be reported by the other parent. In either case, SWO is the official source of support and protection to be sought. Refugees and Immigration During its first decade of existence, the IRI was forced to cope with one of the largest groups of displaced people fleeing from war-torn Afghanistan and Iraq. The exact number is not known, but it is estimated to have reached almost 4 million in the late 1980s. Many of these were young men with little assets but their physical force, which was used in
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meeting some of the labor shortage that Iran felt during the 8-year war. Most of the Afghan refugees and illegal migrants were of ethno-linguistic backgrounds similar to Iranian nationals and could not be easily detected by government officials who might have tried to block their way into Iran or to return them once caught inside Iran. Those caught and settled in guest camps organized in collaboration with the UNHCR in areas near the border accounted for only a small proportion of illegal migrants scattered all over the country. The Iraqi (and Kurdish) refugees fleeing war and persecution at home were mostly settled in the Kurdish- and Arabicspeaking provinces of Kurdistan and Khuzestan and were even more difficult to distinguish from local people. Many of the refugees and illegal migrants were accompanied by their family and children, who had to be accommodated by local schools. The number of Afghan and Iraqi children attending public schools in Iran increased from 98,851 to 130,707 between 1991 and 1998. Although after the fall of Taliban regime in Afghanistan, many efforts have been made to persuade Afghan refugees to go back to their country, the economic and security problems still affecting that country have proven to be stronger, and at least 1 million Afghan refugees are believed to be still living in Iran. Until early 2000, Afghan and Iraqi children as well as their families were allowed to make use of all health and education services and subsidized consumer goods available to Iranian families and children. In recent years, however, the government has decided to charge refugees and unauthorized foreigners living in Iran for health and education services they are using. In view of the high rate of unemployment currently experienced by Iranian citizens and a variety of social problems allegedly associated with continuing presence of a large number of unauthorized migrants from Afghanistan, Iranian authorities are determined to put further pressure on them to leave Iran. These include imposition of heavy penalties, both financial and criminal, on foreigners caught working in Iran without an official permit and their forced repatriation. Iranian employers of such illegal migrants also face legal prosecution and heavy fines. A large number of Afghan and Iraqi men and women have married Iranian nationals and produced children. Although children born by foreign women married to Iranian men have no problem in getting Iranian citizenship, those born by Iranian women married to a foreigner are not automatically accepted as Iranian nationals by Iranian civil law. The problem of such hybrid children whose mothers are reluctant to leave Iran even if the father is forced to do so has caused a good deal of concern to Iranian NGOs interested in refugees and children. Military Service The age of military service being at least 18 years, no child is likely to be forced into military service. Even during the 8-year war, when a good
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number of adolescents ages 12 to 18 years were known to be actively involved in the war effort, all of them were volunteers and had to get the approval of their parents before being inducted into the revolutionary guards. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Given its enormous natural resources, Iran is in a position to provide her children and youth with adequate living conditions and a rich environment to grow. The very low level of fertility and dwindling number of children will help Iranian authorities in which further improve the quality of formal education and other social services needed by children. At the same time, social problems inherent in the process of rapid development and modernization are bound to present Iranian society with new challenges. Increased rates of divorce and broken families and the impact on the health and well-being of children is only one of these potential outcomes. With enormous changes in Iranian society, rapid urbanization, almost universal access to such modern means of communication as radio, television, cell phones, and internet, and the rising level of education and sophistication of parents and their exposure to different cultures and customs, there is no doubt that the traditional culture of parenting and childhood will also undergo a good deal of change and modernization in years to come. The change will be largely determined by the balance of forces currently vying for the control of the socialization process in Iran. The main players in this process are the traditional agents of child-rearing and socialization, which is the family system and the formal institutions (schools, mass media, and religious institutions) outside home that are currently either completely controlled by or allied with the central government. On the one hand, the increasingly nuclear family system that has resulted from rapid fertility decline and urbanization of the late 1990s has become very much child-centered. Despite official government emphasis on basic Islamic values and practices, parenting attitudes, and practices of educated Iranian couples are increasingly shaped by American pop psychology books translated into Persian by private publishers. Most of the materials covered by academic textbooks on developmental and educational psychology taught in teacher training centers and colleges of education are similarly translated (or adopted) from American sources. Thus, contrary to its conservative, fundamentalist fac¸ade, Iranian society is probably more modern and Westernized than most other countries in the Middle East region. On the other hand, Iranian parents can no longer act as the sole agents of socialization. Their control over the upbringing of children, although much strengthened as a result of the disappearance of the traditional extended family system and the reduced presence and power of once allpowerful grandparents and tribal groups, has been seriously undermined by both the formal education system and the informal groups working
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from outside the home. The latter include both ordinary peer groups and parastatal organizations developed and retained by the government since the revolution (e.g., the Basij [mobilization] organization affiliated with the Revolutionary Guards). Expanded coverage of mass media, particularly national and international television broadcasts and the omnipresence of television, has further undermined the traditional role and power of parents. Even the Iranian government’s exclusive control of mass media and other means of political and religious indoctrination have been challenged by television stations broadcasting Western music and films from neighboring countries (particularly Turkey and the Persian Gulf area). The result has been increased child-centeredness, liberalism, and a laissez-faire approach to child-rearing that does not seem to be in line with the traditionally authoritarian style of Iranian parents, government, and clergy. Many middle-aged parents nostalgically complain that they had to suffer parental authoritarianism as children and now have to endure equally authoritarian rule of children (Koodak Salari). Thus, despite government efforts, the inevitable impact of globalization has become a third major force to be considered in thinking about the future of childhood in Iran and most other developing countries. So far, Iranian authorities have been partially successful in restricting the exposure of Iranian families and youth to undesirable television broadcasts by banning use of satellite dishes and filtering Internet sites. Future developments in communications technology will no doubt seriously undermine the power of governments to impose such restrictions. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Foran, John, Fragile Resistance: Social Transformation in Iran, from 1500 to the Revolution. San Francisco: Boulder Press; 1993. Mehryar, A. H. Demographic and Health Survey of Iran: A Summary of Main Findings. Tehran: Population Studies and Research Center Working Paper Series in English; 2002. Mehryar, A. H., Roudi, F., Aghajanian, A., & Tajdini, F. ‘‘Repression and Revival of the Family Planning Program and its Impact on Fertility Levels in the Islamic Republic Of Iran. Cairo, Egypt: Economic Research Forum for the Arab Countries, Iran and Turkey. Working Paper 2022; 2000. Wright, Robin. The Last Great Revolution: Turmoil and Transformation in Iran. New York: Alfred A. Knopf; 2000.
Web Sites Iran Chamber Society: Iranian Education and Institutions, http://www.iranchamber .com/education/education.php Iran Online: Children’s Stories, http://www.iranonline.com/kids/stories/index .html.
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Iranian Children’s Rights Society, http://www.iranianchildren.org/index.php. Sara and Dara: ‘‘Iran’s Alternative to Ken and Barbie,’’ http://darasara.kanoon parvaresh.com. UNICEF: Islamic Republic of Iran–The Children, http://www.unicef.org/iran/ children.html. United Nations Children’s Fund, 2006.Unicef Iran, http://www.unicef.org/iran.
Selected Bibliography Aghajanian, A., and A. H. Mehryar. ‘‘Fertility, Contraceptive Use and Family Planning Program Activity in the Islamic Republic of Iran, 1976–1996.’’ International Family Planning Perspectives 25 (1999a), 98–102. ———. ‘‘Fertility Transition in the Islamic Republic of Iran, 1976-1996.’’ Asian-Pacific Population Journal 14 (1999b), 21–42. Aghajanian, A., A. H. Mehryar, and S. Ahmad-Nia. ‘‘The impact of a low cost program of health attainment on poor rural population of Iran.’’ Health Policy & Planning, 31 (2005) No. 1. Aoyama, A. Reproductive Health in the Middle East and North Africa. Washington, DC: The World Bank; 2001. Haeri, S. Law of Desire: Temporary Marriage in Shi’i Iran. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press; 1994. Hojat, M. R., and A. H. Mehryar. ‘‘Iran,’’ in International Encyclopedia of Marriage and Family, 2nd ed., edited by Ponzetti Jr., 948–952. New York: The Macmillan Reference; 2003. Hull, Terrence H., 2005. ‘‘Reproductive Health Trends in Islamic Countries,’’ in Islam, the State and Population, edited by Gavin W. Jones and Mehtab Karim, 56–80. London: C. Hurst and Co.; 2005. Islamic Republic of Iran, Chamber of Commerce. The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Tehran: IRI Chamber of Commerce (Official English Translation), 2000. Jones, Gavin W., and Mehtab Karim. Islam, the State and Population. London: Hurst & Company; 2005. Mehryar, A. H. ‘‘Shiite teachings, pragmatism and fertility change in Iran,’’ in Islam, the State and Population, edited by Gavin W. Jones and Mehtab Karim, 118– 156. London: C. Hurst and Co.; 2005. Mehryar, A. H., ed., Proceedings of the First International Workshop on Integrated Approach to Reproductive Health an Family Planning in the Islamic Republic of Iran, Isfahan. April 31 to May 13, 2000. Tehran: United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA) & the Institute for Research on Planning & Development (IRPD); 2001. Mehryar, A. H., G. Farjadi, and M. Tabibian, M. ‘‘Labor Force Participation of Women in Contemporary Iran,’’ in Women in Iran: From 1800 to the Islamic Republic, edited by L. Becka and G. Nashat, 182–203. Chicago: University of Illinois Press; 2005. Mehryar, A. H., G. A. Farjadi, and H. Abbassi. Government Spending on Basic Social Services and its Share of GDP an Total Government Budget in the Islamic Republic of Iran, 1971–1999. Tehran: United Nations Children’s Fund; 1999.
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Mehryar, A. H., et al. Iranian adolescents’ perception of and attitude to parental relations. Paper presented at the 2nd National Conference on Family, Tehran, Shahid Beheshti University; 2006. Ministry of Health & Medical Education (MOHME). Population and Health in the Islamic Republic of Iran: Iran Demographic and Health Survey, October 2000. Tehran: Ministry of Health & Medical Education; 2003. Naghavi, Mohsen. A Profile of Mortality in 23 Provinces [of Iran]. Tehran: Tandis Publications (in Farsi); 2003. Naghavi, M., et al. Changes in the Health Profile of Rural Population of Iran, 1993– 2003: An Analysis of Vital Horoscope Data Collected by Rural Health Houses. Tehran: Ministry of Health & Medical Education (in Persian); 2005. Pileroudi, C. The District Primary Health Care Networks in Iran. Tehran: UNICEF & MOHME; 2002. Plan & Budget Organization and United Nations Development Program. Human Development Report of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Tehran: United Nations Development Program; 1999. Statistical Center of Iran (SCI). Household Employment and Unemployment Survey. Tehran: SCI Press (in Persian); 2003. Statistical Yearbook of Iran, 1381. Tehran: Statistical Center of Iran (SCI) Publications; 2002a. ———. Social and Economic Characteristics of Iranian Households. Tehran: SCI Press; 2002b. (in Persian.) ———. Estimation of Fertility Levels and Patters of Iran in 1986 and 1996 Using Own-Children Method. Tehran: SCI Press (in Persian); 2000. ———. National Census of Population and Housing of Iran, 1986. Tehran: Iran Statistical Center (in Persian); 1988. ———. National Census of Population and Housing of Iran, 1996. Tehran: Iran Statistical Center (in Persian); 1997. United Nations. World Population Prospects: The 2004 Revision. New York: United Nations; 2005. Available online at http://www.un.org/esa/population/ publications/wpp2002/WPP2002-HIGHLIGHTSrev1.PDF. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). The State of the World’s Children: The Double Dividend of Gender Equality. 2007. http://www.unicef.org/ sowc07/statistics/database.php. ———. The Progress of Provinces in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Tehran: MOHME and UNICEF; 1998a. ———. The State of the Young in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Tehran: UNICEF; 1998b. ———. The State of the Young in the Islamic Republic of Iran, Supplement 1: The Convention on Rights of the Child [compared with] Relevant Laws of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Tehran: UNICEF; 1998c. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)/Iran IRI. The First Millennium Development Goals Report 2004: Achievement and Challenges. Tehran: UNDP & Management & Planning Organization of Iran; 2004. United Nations Population Fund & Iranian Ministry of Health and Medical Education. ICPD at 10: Country Report of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Tehran: UNFPA; 2005.
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IRAQ Shereen T. Ismael NATIONAL PROFILE Iraq, the cradle of civilization, whose culture archaeologists have traced back to 5,000 years, faced the greatest culture disaster of its modern history with the Anglo-American invasion of March 2003, resulting in the disappearance of more than 8,000 priceless artifacts (Johnson 2005). Moreover, where in the late 1970s Iraq was among the most-developed countries in the Middle East, enjoying a sophisticated human infrastructure as well as the second-largest oil reserves in the world, the events of the last few decades have shuttled it into a preindustrial era. The Iraq–Iran war, which took place between 1980 and 1988, followed in 1991 by the American campaign to oust Iraqi forces from Kuwait, devastated the Iraqi standard of living. The 13-year AngloAmerican sanctions regime that was subsequently imposed, followed by the invasion of 2003, has devastated the socioeconomic infrastructure of the country. At the time of writing, Iraq is in a state of lawlessness, widespread insecurity, and crippling corruption. The fluid situation in Iraq and the flux
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in the many facades of peoples’ lives have consistently eclipsed facts presented in book form. Accordingly, articles and creditable websites are the main source of this work. According to the 2006 CIA World Fact Book, Iraq’s total area is 437,072 square kilometers, of which land comprises 432,162 and water 4,910 square kilometers (CIA World Factbook 2007). The arable land is about 13.15 percent and the total irrigated area is 35,250 square kilometers. Iraq borders Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Syria, Turkey, and Jordan. The main natural resources of the country are petroleum, natural gas, and sulfur. The Iraqi population, estimated in July 2007 to be 27,499,638, is distributed among eighteen Governorates; the population growth rate is 2.7 percent and infant mortality is 47.04 deaths per 1,000 live births. The ethnic composition of the people is mainly Arabs and Kurds, with a small Turkoman and Assyrian minority. Islam is the predominant religion at 97 percent, and Arabic and Kurdish are the two main official languages of the country (CIA World Factbook). Unemployment is high, 68 percent (Al-Furat 2005), as result of the 2003 invasion and was further compounded by an already high dependency ratio of 74 (Ministry of Planning and Development Cooperation 2005, 15, 17). Dozens of religious organizations (http://www.peace makers.ca) and about 160 U.S.-based relief agencies set up InterAction to support some 6.5 million people (25 percent of the population), who still remain heavily dependent on food rations and are therefore vulnerable. Other areas of support include health care, water/sanitation, and protection of vulnerable populations, like women, children, and the elderly (http://www.interaction.org). According to Reuters in November 2005, the U.S.-sponsored government of Iraq does not seem to offer any significant support to alleviate the hardship of Iraqi living conditions (http://www.globalpolicy.org). From 2003, the number of people living below the poverty line has progressively increased to 20 percent. Of two million Iraqis under the poverty line, which international criterion defines as US$1 per person per day, only 171,000 KEY FACTS – IRAQ persons receive social assistance Population: 27,499,638 (July 2007 est.) of $30–35 per month (Iraq AnalInfant mortality rate: 47.04 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) ysis). Although women have the Life expectancy at birth: 69.31 years (2007 est.) legal right to confer citizenship Literacy rate: 74.1 percent (2000 est.) on their children and have child Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 78 percent (2000– 2005 est.) custody according to the terms of Internet users: 36,000 (2005) Islamic law, which is centuries old, People living with HIV/AIDS: less than 500 (2003 est.) they are in no position to help financially. In 1976, women held Sources: CIA World Factbook: Iraq. https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/iz.html. June 18, 2007; almost one-third of all positions in UNICEF. At a Glance: Iraq–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ the educational and medical proinfobycountry/iraq_statistics.html. June 18, 2007. fessions. After the American-led
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war in 1991, women lost many of those jobs. Now, with widespread public violence, many women and girls have been forced to stay at home, especially after jobs for women have disappeared after the invasion (Subramanian n.d.). In response to the widespread insurgency, the U.S. military resorted to aerial bombing and massive assaults on urban centers suspected of harboring insurgents, and by August 2005 produced about 450,000 homeless families, 54,000 in Baghdad alone (http://www.irinnews.org). OVERVIEW Right after the invasion, the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) representative Carel De Rooy warned that Iraqi children face many hazards arising from the country’s state of war, including, among others, malnutrition, socio-psychological trauma, and school dropout. According to De Rooy, former head of UNICEF in Baghdad, the postwar environment leaves children exposed to not only exploitation but also to international trafficking for child labor and sexual abuse (http://www.unicef.org). In fact, the newspaper al-Sharq alAwasat reported in early 2006 on the phenomenon of ‘‘street children,’’ which refers to thousands of children younger than 18 years of age who roam the streets in search of anything of value to support their families, especially when the primary caregiver has been killed. Worse still is the employment of children younger than the age of 12 years by the Iraqi government for street cleaning. The current status of schools and educational facilities deepen the tragedy of Iraqi children. In January 2006, according to the Iraqi paper Azzaman, the education minister revealed that there were 4 million children eligible for primary education in 14,000 primary schools, of which only 10,000 schools were functional, with about 106,000 students attending schools that are without running water or working toilettes. With the prevalence of lawlessness threatening every aspect of living, about one million Iraqis have left for Jordan and many thousands for Syria, Egypt, and the Gulf states (Steele 2006a). EDUCATION Since Iraq’s 1958 revolution, access to all levels of education and health care was progressively free. Despite the war with Iran, in 1989 Iraq allocated 5 percent in the budget to education while neighboring countries never exceeded 3.8 percent. A United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) fact sheet in March 2003 reported, ‘‘The education system in Iraq, prior to 1991, was one of the best in the region, with over 100% gross enrollment rate for primary schooling, which is compulsory and high levels of literacy, both of men and women. The
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higher education, especially the scientific and technological institutions, was of an international standard, staffed by high-quality persons.’’ Jairam Reddy, director of UN University, reported that the 2003 invasion resulted in burning of 84 percent of Iraq’s higher education institutions and the destruction of 2,000 laboratories and 30,000 computers. Under the Anglo-American occupation, one in four students does not have access to preuniversity education. Paul Hetherington, a spokesman for Save the Children UK, told the UN Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN) that almost 50 percent of children do not go to school because their parents are too scared to send them, having heard the stories about children being kidnapped and held for ransom (Hassan 2005). In this atmosphere of violence and occupation, the adult literacy rate decreased to 60 percent, according to a March 2006 report by the Associated Press (Zavis and Juhi 2006). According to a 2004 UNDP report, the literacy rate for women in Iraq has stagnated and the gender gap is diminishing as the result of a decrease in the literacy level of men (Iraq Living Conditions Survey: Education). There are also regional differences in illiteracy rates. Among the urban population, illiteracy tends to be 21 percent; among the rural, 39 percent. Among all Iraqis, about 22 percent never went to school, 15 percent had only 6 years of elementary schooling, and 10 percent between the ages of 15 and 24 years never had any schooling. In Baghdad itself, 25 percent never completed elementary school. Although the enrollment rates in elementary and preparatory levels are high on paper, actual attendance is significantly lower because of the prevalence of lawlessness, killing, and kidnappings (Ministry of Planning and Development Cooperation 2004, 80). The deliberate killing of university professors and top-ranking experts has led to an exodus of academics and is undermining the entire educational system. As a result of economic sanctions and war, the Iraqi economy collapsed, producing high unemployment, hyperinflation, rising prices, and scarcity of decent jobs. To survive, Iraqi families resort to extreme measures like taking their children out of school to put them to work. After 9 years of sanctions, the American Friends Service Committee found that only the desire to teach remained; Iraqi teachers’ salaries had decreased from $450 to just $3 a month. When the Committee visited the al Bakr School for boys in Nasiriyah, they found there were neither desks nor chairs; the windows were broken, and there were no supplies of any kind. The principal of another school estimated that between seven and eight students faint each day from the lack of food (Capaccio 2000). PLAY AND RECREATION Throughout history, parks have been part of Iraqi family life. And whether public or private, Iraqi parks have a tradition of being open to all: personal gardens, private orchards, and state parks alike have been
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available for all to enjoy. In spring, throughout Iraq, families go to natural areas and parks or shrines to rejoice in the coming of spring. In Baghdad, Kaslah is a spring festival celebrated around shrines like Sayid Adris in Baghdad’s Karadah district, or Salman Pak on the city’s outskirts. In the Kurdish areas of Northern Iraq, Nuruz is a national holiday ushering in spring. Many of Iraq’s public parks were initiated by the state after formal independence from British occupation in the 1920s. Although initially responsibility was passed on to municipalities, the parks gradually became state-sponsored, peaking under Abdul Karim Kassem (1958–1963) and the Ba’ath Party. At recreational areas like Luna Park in Baghdad, the Ministry of Youth would organize games and races for children and huge coliseums were built, but they were minimally maintained under the yoke of the sanctions imposed on Iraq between 1991 and 2003, and have since been destroyed by the U.S. invasion and occupation. Today, under occupation, video games have grown in prominence along with cheap American toys—some even banned in the United States but made widely available on the Iraqi market. Internet cafes, known as ‘‘networks,’’ have become popular along with their often-violent computer games. Toy guns have become particularly prominent and are commonly asked for as gifts by Iraqi children. Influenced by the military images and violence that dominate contemporary Iraqi experience and their media, some Iraqi children have begun organizing gang fights in their neighborhoods, complete with minor injuries from the various projectiles (darts, BB pellets, etc.) of their mock weapons (http://www .elaph.com). These negative cultural influences are exacerbated by what UNICEF calls an insufficient emphasis on opening schools, overburdening parents, and leaving children on the streets, where they are exposed to hazards like unknown numbers of unexploded munitions, leading to daily reports of injuries and deaths among children (UNICEF 2003). CHILD LABOR In late 2004, UNICEF spokeswoman Ban Dhayi told IRIN that the lack of security and social safety nets that accompany deepening unemployment and poverty forced ever increasing numbers of children to work or beg on the dangerous streets to support dwindling family income or to replace their dead or unemployed parents. More than 1 million such children are out on the streets, and vulnerable to sexual abuse. They are selling cigarettes, newspapers, and other small household items. But many others, according to the Iraqi Red Crescent Society, make a living through drug peddling and prostitution. It is estimated that, by late 2004 nearly 1,300,000 children between the ages of 8 and 16 years of age were working; 27 percent of children worked longer than 8 hours daily, 9 percent were injured, and 58 percent suffered violence because there are no laws that protect child laborers. In late April 2005, the
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Ministry of Public Works and Social Affairs supported the opening of Mercy House in Baghdad, where poor and street children receive support, education, and protection from abuse (http://www.truthout.org). FAMILY Given the prevailing atmosphere of violence and confusion, the orphan houses department of the Iraqi Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs has no reliable statistics for the number of the orphans in the country. Officially, there are 642 registered orphans, but the department director Abeer Mahdi al-Chalabi estimates that this represents a mere 10 percent of the total number nationwide. A 2005 report by the U.S. Agency for International Development pegged the number of orphans at 5,000 in the Baghdad area alone. In April 2006, there were 23 orphanages with a capacity of 1,600 orphans in Iraq. Orphans often live in the streets as beggars or drug addicts and some are believed to have been used by insurgents to carry out attacks; others have reportedly been forced by criminal gangs to work as thieves. ‘‘We are taking care of the orphans, trying to give them love,’’ an Iraqi woman told the National Catholic Reporter. ‘‘But they are traumatized. They don’t speak’’ (IRIN 2006d; Chittister 2006). Iraqi families driven from their homes by sectarian violence also became a growing problem in 2006. A government official told IRIN in late April that some 25,000 people had fled their homes in the preceding 3 weeks, bringing the total number of displaced families to 13,750, or about 90,000 individuals. Similarly, the Iraqi Red Crescent Society has registered 11,000 displaced families (IRIN 2006b). HEALTH The U.S.-led war with Iraq in 1991 destroyed Iraqi infrastructure, including health facilities. The sanction regime, however, targeted the living conditions, the education, and the health systems of the people. According to much literature on the subject, the sanctions regime was the leading cause of death of hundreds of thousands of children. The 2003 war naturally worsened the health and living situation. But there was the hope that with the occupation and lifting of the sanctions the situation would improve. Statistics compiled by the World Health Organization (WHO) on the health conditions in Iraq tend to mirror the past, not the present situation. As the current situation is unstable, it is unsafe for UN personnel to be actively involved in improving and inspecting the living conditions of the Iraqi people. According to WHO, the child mortality rate in Iraq for 2003 was 130 per 1,000 births for males and 120 per 1,000 births for females (http://www.who.int). According to their 2004 survey, which was conducted by the U.S.-sponsored Iraqi
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authorities in late 2004, only 15 percent of the population gets around 12 hours of electricity per day; in Baghdad, only 4 percent. In urban areas, about 66 percent have access to safe drinking water, and the rate in the rural centers goes down to 43 percent. About 63 percent are not connected to the sewerage system, and 37 percent of those who are connected suffer various levels of problems (Ministry of Planning and Development Cooperation 2004, 28, 32, 34–35). Surveys of Iraq since the Gulf War by various organizations found the degree of severe malnutrition in Iraqi children ranged from 3 to 13 percent for wasting (i.e., having acute malnutrition), 14 to 30 percent for undernutrition, and 12 to 32 percent having chronic malnutrition. A small survey in the Kerbala District by the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organization found the situation worse than in the capital, Baghdad: 27 percent were chronically malnourished, 18 percent were underweight, and 5 percent were acutely malnourished (Pellet 2000). In a September 2005 study commissioned by Iraq’s Central Organization for Statistics and Information Technology, the World Food Programme and UNICEF found that this tragic situation had actually grown worse since the March 2003 invasion. According to a May 2006 UNICEF report, a full 25 percent of Iraqi children between 6 months and 5 years of age suffer from either acute or chronic malnutrition; one in three Iraqi children are malnourished and underweight. Aggravating the situation are recent price increases: ‘‘My son is suffering from malnutrition because I can’t afford to give him a balanced diet,’’ Salua Kamar, a mother of three, told IRIN (2006a). Entisar Mohammad Ariabi the director of the pharmacy of Yarmmok hospital in Iraq on March 18, 2006, told an American gathering in Florida that many of the Iraqi hospitals in cities like Baghdad, Al-Qaim, and Fallujah were destroyed by bombing and medical staff and ambulances were attacked. Diseases that were under control under the regime of Saddam Hussein, such as cholera, hepatitis, meningitis, and polio, have returned, with affliction particularly hitting children. Death caused by cancer has increased because most treatment programs have stopped and medicines are not available. Pregnant women prefer to give birth at home for fear that they may be shot on the way to the hospital and, as a result, many newborn babies die unnecessarily (Ariabi 2006). According to Dr. Entisar, under the sanction regime, Iraq was eightieth in the worldwide list of child death under 5 years. Now, Iraq is thirty-sixth, and the rate of severe malnutrition among Iraqi children has almost doubled to 8 percent since the occupation. Twelve percent of that age suffers from general malnutrition, 8 percent from acute malnutrition, and 23 percent from chronic malnutrition. Although about 4 percent reported acute illness or severe injuries, many could not afford health services, especially in rural areas, where 30 percent cannot use health services owing to poverty (Ministry of Planning and Development Cooperation 2004, 55).
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Dr. Entisar emphatically told the audiences that the United States has not shared its knowledge or medical technology, nor did the Americans give the Iraqis new equipment, let alone basic medicines despite all the rhetoric from the U.S. administration (Ariabi 2006). In fact, the widespread violence and lawlessness combined with insufficient electricity generation and frequent power interruption render any health system ineffective; the reliable availability of power, so necessary for health services, is, as of this writing, still absent. Iraqis nationwide receive on average less than 12 hours of power a day. For residents of Baghdad, it was 6 hours a day in December 2005. According to the Washington Post on January 2, 2006, half of the US$18.4 billion, allocated to reconstruction projects, was spent on security issues. As of this writing, no American funds have been allocated for restoring the electricity grid, water systems, and sewerage; works that are estimated in tens of billions of dollars. In recent years, Iraqi doctors have suspected a fourfold increase of cancer in children. By the late 1990s, Western evidence was offering support for those Iraqi doctors. The likely culprit was depleted uranium (DU). According to an internal document from Britain’s atomic energy authority in April 1991, if the DU fired by U.S. tanks during the 1991 war was inhaled, it could potentially cause 500,000 deaths. It added that it would be unwise for people to stay close to large quantities of DU and that this would obviously be a concern for the local population. As British Middle East correspondent Robert Fisk noted more than 7 years later, no one had yet bothered to even suggest a cleanup. This was the first time that DU-tipped munitions had ever been used in warfare. The consequences of ingesting DU dust are comparable with the serious health hazards associated with lead, another toxic heavy metal. Conservative estimates put the amount of DU debris scattered across Gulf War battlefields at 300 tons (Fisk 1998a, 1998b; Kelly 2000). There was an oil-for-food program implemented in the mid-1990s to help ease the plight of Iraqis. Dennis Halliday, then UN humanitarian coordinator in Baghdad, wrote in 1999 that the program, however intended, was a largely ineffective response to the humanitarian crisis and, furthermore, failed to tackle the underlying infrastructure problem: infrastructure, which despite protection by international law, was destroyed by coalition forces in 1991. As Hans von Sponeck, another former UN humanitarian coordinator, noted, the positions taken by the United States in the Security Council during the 13 years of sanctions reveal concern first and foremost with nonexistent weapons of mass destruction rather than the humanitarian implications of its Iraq policy (Halliday 1999, 65; von Sponeck 2005, 42). By January 2002, the Iraqi government informed the United Nations that 1,614,303 Iraqis, including 667,773 children under 5, had died from diseases that could not be treated because of the sanctions. Even
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taking into account the possibility of Iraq exaggeration, nearly 3 years earlier two prominent U.S. strategic analysts had concluded, ‘‘economic sanctions may have been a necessary cause of the deaths of more people in Iraq than have been slain by all so-called weapons of mass destruction throughout history’’ (Simons 2002, 82; Mueller and Mueller 1999, 50–51). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Children have been arrested for incidents ranging from robbery to involvement in violent acts, according to the UN’s children’s agency, UNICEF, which recently took part in an April 2006 conference in Amman, Jordan, to discuss the matter of child detainees with senior Iraqi government officials. UNICEF encouraged the Iraqi community and government to address the reasons why children commit these acts in order to prevent their recurrence and help them change their lives for the better (IRIN 2006e). RELIGIOUS LIFE Under the Ba’ath regime (1968–2003), the Iraqi state was secular, and religion was confined to the teaching of rituals and cultivation of individual moralities. The courts applied secular laws to family issues, including those of the children. Thus, Shi’ite and Sunni versions of Islamic legal thought were subordinated to the dictates of the state. With the overthrow of the Ba’ath and the ensuing occupation, a new constitution was drafted in December 2005 and subsequently approved. The constitution emphasizes religion as the source of law and leaves much ambiguity as to what version of legal thought would be in effect. According to Islamic law expert Clark Lombardi, the area of family law, personal status, and the effects on children are problematic. Whether the courts should apply a body of national law that has been determined to be consistent with the broad principles of Islamic sharia, or whether the constitution should require that the courts apply to every Iraqi the Islamic version of family law consistent with his/her sect remains debatable, with significant complexities (Lombardi 2005). The cataclysmic change from a secular to religious atmosphere, amidst violence and lack of security, must leave an indelible impact on Iraqi children, although at the moment, it cannot be fully grasped. The available Islamic religious organizations have been born out of conditions of occupation and resistance, which make them militant. The involvement of children with such organizations affords the children a sort of hazardous support system where children act as the eyes of armed groups, recording the actions and the whereabouts of the enemy. Hence, the position of children within the militant organizations is not only life-risking but also may have the long-term effect of militarizing the mindset of the future
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generations of Iraqis as well as their conceptualization of the roles of religion. Risks notwithstanding, children and, for that matter, Iraqis generally, cannot afford to do without the protection of the militant religious organizations. Thus, the humanitarian roles that religions, like Islam, play in the lives of the people have been transformed inadvertently by the occupation to belligerency and aggressiveness. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT IRIN reported in late August 2005 (IRIN 2005b) that hundreds of families in Iraq have turned to the child sex trade as a means of living. The deterioration of the security conditions in Iraq have left the children without those who would defend them or voice protest to their abuse. (http://www.globalresearch.ca). In December 2005, IRIN (2005a) reported that street children are subject to all sorts of violence because, according to one such a child, ‘‘People don’t care who we are and where we come from.’’ Such children do not have a choice, poverty and widespread violence frequently having killed their primary caregiver. There are no laws in place to punish the abusers and, even if there were, there is not enough force to implement them. A senior official in the Ministry of Public Work and Social Affairs, Safa’a Muhammad, admitted that only a few programs were available to help street children and protect them from abuse and neglect. But, she added, that corruption in the ministry has sabotaged or delayed all of them. The Iraqi Red Crescent Society has reported that a lack of financing and constant insecurity has prevented the organization from effectively helping street children. Sexual abuse is one of the most common dangers facing Iraqi children. Women for Peace, an Iraqi nongovernmental organization (NGO), reported that the incidence of sexual abuse has increased during 2005, resulting in at least one case of a girl raped weekly and one boy every 2 weeks. When younger than the age of 16 years, girls suffer 70 percent of abuses and boys 30 percent, according to the spokeswoman of the Ministry of Social Affairs. Some Iraqi children, as a result of their living conditions, resort to illicit drugs to face their daily ordeals. According to the director of the drugcontrol program at the Ministry of Health, Kamel Ali, the number of registered heroin addicts in suburban Baghdad has more than doubled in 2005; it went up from 3,000 in 2004 to 7,000 (http://www.globalresearch.ca). Further, the Iraqi state engages in not only abuse of children but also in their torture in Iraqi prisons. The London newspaper al-Quds al-Arabi reported in February 2006 that the Iraqi Minister of Human Rights admitted that there were 1,070 children younger than the age of 16 in the prisons, which were revealed earlier to be involved in systematic torture. Some are labeled as criminal suspects and others are suspected of having taken part in clashes against government or American forces, including those suspected of links with the Mahdi Army (Human Rights Watch 2006).
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Although admitting that kidnappings increased dramatically after February 2006 because of lawlessness and chaos, Iraqi government officials dismissed as exaggerated a survey conducted by 125 NGOs that estimated about 20,000 people had been kidnapped in the first three and a half months of the year. According to the NGO survey, nearly half of them were women or children. The Baghdad-based Organization for Women’s Freedom in Iraq estimates that more than 2,000 young women have gone missing since the 2003 invasion. Many of these kidnapped girls are part of something virtually nonexistent under Saddam Hussein: sex trafficking. One 14-year-old Iraqi girl who told her story to Time magazine was kidnapped and imprisoned in a dark house in Baghdad’s middle-class Karada district for 3 weeks. There, she was tortured, beaten, and insulted while her captors haggled over her selling price to a man from Dubai, finally settling on $10,000 (Bennett 2006). An armed gang took another 18-year-old Iraqi girl from an orphanage to brothels in Samarra and Mosul before they drugged her, dressed her in a suicide belt, and sent her to bomb a cleric’s office. A ‘‘Western official in Baghdad’’ told Time in April 2006 that sex trafficking had become a serious issue. ‘‘It is a problem, definitely. Unfortunately, the security situation doesn’t allow us to follow up on this’’ (Bennett 2006). Iraqi women’s advocates are trying to set up halfway houses to care for survivors of kidnapping, but the new Iraqi government has set up a number of bureaucratic roadblocks. ‘‘They want to close our women’s shelter and deny our ability to open more,’’ says Yanar Mohammed (IRIN 2006f; Bennett 2006). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY In a country plagued by occupation, indiscriminate killing, massive unemployment, loss of basic infrastructures, lawlessness, and armed resistance, the future must look depressing, particularly for the most vulnerable like children, the elderly, and women. Captain Jonathan Powers, who served for fourteen months in Iraq, returned to the United States and has reported recently in the Statesman General that there were at least 5,000 orphans in Baghdad alone; the number did not include those whose families have lost everything. According to the report, the surviving children are literally starving and more than 3.4 million school-aged children could not attend schools because schools were targets for violence. Wars, sanctions, and the occupation have created in Iraq a generation of youth traumatized by violence, besieged by a sense of hopelessness and adrift amid the collapse of civic institutions that would normally provide the framework for an ordered life (Cocco 2006). Captain Powers told the paper that the U.S. reconstruction projects did very little to help the Iraqi children though half of the Iraqi population was under the age of 18 years. He said, ‘‘A youth center can be refurbished for just $50,000, complete with
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computers and the generators necessary to supply power. For $200,000, the center can run for two years. Compare this sum with more than $250 billion already spent on the war’’ (Cocco 2006). The Anglo-American war unleashed primordial social affiliations of tribalism and ethnicity that are further complicated by divisive religious animosity. Reconstruction projects did not aim at nation building through national dialogue or genuine national reconciliation and fueled resistance and exacerbated lawlessness. The American-brokered Constitution of Iraq in December 2005 has legalized the schismatic and sectarian conditions in Iraq, compounding the bleakness of the future Iraqi landscape. In March 2006, the U.S. President, Mr. Bush, proclaimed: ‘‘Despite massive provocations, Iraq has not descended into civil war, most Iraqis have not turned to violence, and the Iraqi security forces have not broken up into sectarian groups waging war against each other.’’ When progress is defined in negatives, you have a measure of how bad the situation is (Steele 2006b). In many ways, things have not improved since the 2003 invasion of Iraq either. According to Dr. Haydar Salah, a pediatrician at the Basra Children’s Hospital, the mortality of children in Basra has increased by nearly 30 percent since the Saddam Hussein era. Children are dying daily, Salah said in April 2006, and no one is doing anything to help them. According to doctors and NGOs, the primary causes of high infant mortality are unsafe water, diarrhea, malnutrition, infectious diseases, maternal stress, and poverty (IRIN 2006f). Happy children form the base of a happy future of any country. But as one Iraqi woman commented: ‘‘Our childhood is killed in Iraq. It is killed’’ (Chittister 2006). The Iraqi children, who make up the future generation of the Iraqi people, may become the next confrontational force with the United States in the Middle East. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Abdul-Jabar, Faleh (ed.). Ayatollahs, Sufis and Ideologues: State, Religion and Social Movements in Iraq. London: Saqi Books; 2002. Presents the multitude of forms and structures of religion present in Iraq: from organized religion to popular religion, the various Islamist social movements and organizations in existence, which serve complex social, political, and economic functions. Also attempts to avoid the oversimplification that current views have on the nature of Islam and its roles within Iraq, especially with regard to the interaction between ethnicity and religion. Abdullah, Thabit. A Short History of Iraq. Toronto, ON: Pearson/Longman; 2003. Abdullah explores the transition of Iraq from a part of the Ottoman Empire to one of the most important states in the Middle East today. Covers Iraq as a modernizing region within the Ottoman Empire in the late nineteenth century, as well as Iraq under British control after World War I. Also takes a closer
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look at the Iraqi people, asking what divides them and what unifies them. Abdullah focuses on the interaction between the old and the new and how their interaction is made real in the nature of social development, nation building, the state, and political opposition. Herring, Eric, and Glen Rangwala. Iraq in Fragments: The Occupation and Its Legacy. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University, 2006. In examining the Iraqi conflict from regional, global, and American political contexts, Drs. Herring and Rangwala are able to explain why the lives and loyalties of the Iraqi people have changed. Herring and Rangwala attribute this change to the international relations of consent, coercion, and the accumulation of capital by certain regional, global, and American actors. As questions on the future of stability and the Middle East and Iraq still abound, this book offers a new outlook on Iraq’s future and the impact that the occupation has had on the people. Ismael, Tareq Y., and Jacqueline S. Ismael. The Iraqi Predicament: People in the Quagmire of Power Politics. London: Pluto; 2003. Provides a historical account of modern Iraq, assesses its position in global affairs, and gives an account of the day-to-day lives of the Iraqi people under occupation. The authors look at Iraq’s relations and influence within the Middle East and explore the impact of UN sanctions and war on Iraqi civilians. Ismael, Tareq Y., and William W. Haddad (eds.). Iraq: The Human Cost of History. London: Pluto; 2004. Seven essays explore the issue of the sanctions imposed by the United States and Britain on Iraq in the wake of the invasion of Kuwait, condemning them as detrimental to the Iraqi people and as violations of international law. Also explored are the reasons that the United States and Britain insisted on maintaining the policy despite knowing its effects. Marr, Phebe. Modern History of Iraq. Boulder, CO: Westview; 2004. Marr focuses on the numerous crises and calamities, past and present, that affect modern Iraq. Many important themes are dealt with, including the search for national identity in a multi-ethnic/multi-religious state, the struggle to achieve economic development and modernity in a traditional society, and the political dynamics that have led to the current dire situation in Iraq. Tripp, Charles. A History of Iraq, 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University; 2002. Tripp traces Iraq’s troubled history from its nineteenth-century roots in the Ottoman Empire to the rise of the Ba’ath party and Saddam Hussein. Takes into account social conflict, power struggles between rival clans, hostility and wars with neighboring states, and the region-wide consequences of those wars.
Web Sites BBC News. Country Profile: Iraq, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/ country_profiles/791014.stm. An up-to-date profile of Iraq that includes a historical and situational overview, general facts, and leader profiles, with links to various Iraqi media websites. Investing in the Children of the Islamic World, http://www.unicef.org/publications/ files/Investing_Children_Islamic_World_full_E.pdf.
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An in-depth analysis of the situation of children in the Islamic world, including health, education, protection of children, and the combating of HIV/AIDS. Iraq. Amnesty International Report 2005, http://web.amnesty.org/report2005/irqsummary-eng. Reports human rights abuses in Iraq between January and December 2004, including extensive information on illegal detention, torture, murder of civilians, abuse, violence against women, and inadequate investigation of human rights abuses. Iraq. CIA World Fact Book, http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/iz.html. An up-to-date, in-depth profile of Iraq, including details about Iraq’s historical background, geography, people, government, economy, communications, transportation, military, and transnational issues. Medact: Reports on Iraqi Health (2004–2006). Medcat, http://www.medact.org/ pub_reports.php Medact is a global health charity tackling issues at the center of international policy debates. Led by its health professional membership it undertakes education, research, and advocacy on the health implications of conflict, development, and environmental change, with a special focus on the developing world. This website provides access to reports, beginning in 2004, that delineate the impact of war on Iraqis’ health. UNESCO. Iraq Education in Transition: Needs and Challenges, 2004, http:// www.unesco.org/education/iraq/na_13jan2005.pdf. This report sets out the state of Iraq’s educational system, offering insight to Iraqi authorities and the international community for its reconstruction. UNICEF—Iraq, http://unicef.org/infobycountry/iraq.html. Outlines the living conditions and obstacles to the children of Iraq before and during occupation, as well as UNICEF’s goals in the region. World Health Organization. Office in Iraq, http://www.emro.who.int/iraq With close collaboration with the Ministry of Health, this website provides updated information on WHO’s contribution to the health system in Iraq. You will find reports, speeches, press releases, and documents covering the latest health developments in Iraq.
Organizations and NGOs American Council for Voluntary International Action (InterAction) 1717 Massachusetts Ave NW, Suite 701 Washington, DC 20036, USA Phone: þ1 202 667 8227 Fax: þ1 202 667 8236 Website: http://interaction.org Amnesty International Website: http://www.amnesty.org
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Canadian Office: AI Canada 312 Laurier Avenue East Ottawa, Ontario K1N 1H9, Canada Phone: þ 1 613 744 7667 Fax: þ 1 613 746 2411 Website: http://www.amnesty.ca American Office: AI United States of America 5 Penn Plaza - 14th floor New York, NY 10001, USA Phone: þ1 212 807 8400 Fax: þ1 212 463 9193 \ þ1 212 627 1451 Website: http://www.amestyusa.org Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG) 101 Cardinal Leger P.O. Box 51004 Pincourt, Quebec J7V 9T3, Canada Phone: þ1 514 425 3814 Fax: þ1 514 425 6224 Website: http://www.globalresearch.ca Global Policy Forum Headquarters 777 United Nations Plaza, Suite 3D New York, NY 10017, USA Phone: þ1 212 557 3161 Fax: þ1 212 557 3165 Website: http://www.globalpolicy.org European Office: Global Policy Forum Europe Bertha-von-Suttner Platz 13 D-53111 Bonn, Germany Phone: þ49 228 965 0510 Fax: þ49 228 963 8206 Website: http://www.globalpolicy.org/eu/index.htm Medact The Grayston Centre 28 Charles Square London, N1 6HT, United Kingdom Phone: þ44 (0)20 7324 4739 Fax: þ44 (0)20 7324 4734 Website: http://www.medact.org Peacemakers Trust 1745 Garnet Road Victoria, British Columbia
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V8P 3E2, Canada Phone: þ1 250 477 0129 Fax: þ1 250 477 0152 Website: http://www.peacemakers.ca Truthout P.O. Box 231278 Encinitas, CA 92023, USA Website: http://www.truthout.org United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Headquarters: Office 1: UNESCO 7, place de Fontenoy 75352 Paris 07 SP, France Office 2: UNESCO 1, rue Miollis 75732 Paris Cedex 15, France Phone: þ33 (0)1 45 68 10 00 Fax: þ33 (0)1 45 67 16 90 Telex: 204461 Paris 270602, France Website: http://www.unesco.org United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) UNICEF House 3 United Nations Plaza New York, NY 10017, USA Phone: þ1 212 326 7000 Fax: þ1 212 887 7465 \ þ1 212 887 7454 Website: http://www.unicef.org World Health Organization Avenue Appia 20 1211 Geneva 27, Switzerland Phone: þ 41 22 791 2111 Fax: (þ 41 22) 791 3111 Telex: 415 416 Website: http://www.who.int
Selected Bibliography Articles and Books Ariabi, Entesar Mohammad. ‘‘Welcome to Liberated Iraq.’’ Alternet. March 20, 2006, http://www.alternet.org/waroniraq/33771. Bennett, Brian. ‘‘Stolen Away’’ Time (New York). April 22, 2006. http://www .time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1186558,00.html.
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Capaccio, George. ‘‘Sanctions: Killing a country and a people,’’ in Iraq under Siege: The Deadly Impact of Sanctions and War, edited by Anthony Arnove, 143– 146. Cambridge, MA: South End Press; 2000. Chittister, Joan. ‘‘ ‘Our childhood is killed in Iraq. It is killed’.’’ National Catholic Reporter. Kansas. 4 (April 10, 2006). Cocco, Marie. ‘‘Vet will keep fighting for Iraq’s kids.’’ Statesman General. April 1, 2006. http://159.54.226.83/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID¼/20060401/OPI NION/60331012/1049. Fisk, Robert. ‘‘The West’s poisonous legacy.’’ Independent. London. May 28, 1998a. 13, and Iraq Under Siege: The Deadly Impact of Sanctions and War, edited by Anthony Arnove, 93–95. Cambridge MA: South End Press; 2000. ———. ‘‘The evidence is there—we caused cancer in the Gulf.’’ Independent. London. October 16, 1998b. 4, and Iraq Under Siege: The Deadly Impact of Sanctions and War, edited by Anthony Arnove, 98–101. Cambridge MA: South End Press; 2000. Global Research. ‘‘United Nations report on sexual abuse of children in Iraq.’’ August 31, 2005. http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context¼viewArticle& code¼20050831&articleId¼889. Halliday, Denis J. ‘‘Iraq and the UN’s weapon of mass destruction.’’ Current History. 98 (February 1999), 65. Hassan, Ghali. ‘‘The destruction of Iraq’s educational system under US occupation.’’ Global Research. May 11, 2005. http://www.globalresearch.ca/articles/HAS505B.html. Human Rights Watch. The New Iraq? Torture and ill-treatment of detainees in Iraqi custody. 62, http://www.hrw.org/reports/2005/iraq0105/iraq0105.pdf. ‘‘Iraq: Focus on child labor.’’ Reuters. May 10, 2005. http://www.truthout.org/ cgi-bin/artman/exec/view.cgi/37/11114. Johnson, Chalmers. ‘‘The smash of civilizations.’’ Information Clearing House. July 8, 2005. http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article9424.htm. Kelly, Katy. ‘‘Raising voices: The children of Iraq, 1990–1999.’’ in Iraq under Siege: The Deadly Impact of Sanctions and War edited by Anthony Arnove, 122. Cambridge MA: South End Press; 2000. Knickmeyer, Ellen. ‘‘US has end in sight on Iraq rebuilding.’’ Global Policy. January 2, 2006. http://www.globalpolicy.org/security/issues/iraq/reconstruct/ 2006/0102rebuilding.htm. Lombardi, Clark. ‘‘Even with constitution, Iraq faces major crises.’’ Council on Foreign Relations. August 17, 2005 http://www.cfr.org/publication/8625/ islamic_law_expert_lombardi.html. Mueller, John, and Karl Mueller. ‘‘Sanctions of mass destruction.’’ Foreign Affairs (New York). Vol. 78, No. 3 (May/June 1999), 50–51. Pellet, Peter L. ‘‘Sanctions, food, nutrition, and health in Iraq’’ In Iraq under Siege: The Deadly Impact of Sanctions and War, edited by Anthony Arnove, 159– 160. Cambridge, MA: South End Press; 2000. Simons, Geoff. Targeting Iraq: Sanctions and Bombing in US policy (London: Saqi, 2002). 82. Steele, Jonathan. ‘‘The Iraqi brain drain.’’ Guardian. March 24, 2006a. http:// www.guardian.co.uk/Iraq/Story/0,1738575,00.html. ———. ‘‘The challenge of ensuring stability: Rule of terror and chaos in Iraq.’’ War in Iraq. April 2, 2006b. http://iraqwar.mirror-world.ru/article/83948. Subramanian, Meera. ‘‘V-Day Spotlights the Women of Iraq.’’ http://www.planned parenthood.org/pp2/portal/files/portal/webzine/globaldispatch/gd-050216vday.xml.
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‘‘Unemployment rate in Iraq is 68% and the Government is sending for 1 million Egyptian workers.’’ Al-Furat (Baghdad). July 24, 2005. http://www .iraqupdates.com/p_articles.php?article¼2171. UNICEF News, ‘‘War is over, but the battle to protect Iraq’s children is far from won.’’ UNICEF. May 2, 2003. http://www.unicef.org/newsline/2003/ 03pr31iraq_printer.htm. United Nations Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN). ‘‘UN report cites vast under-nutrition among children.’’ May 8, 2006a. http://www .irinnews.org/print.asp?ReportID¼53203. ———. ‘‘Increasing numbers of displaced families in need of assistance.’’ April 26, 2006b. http://www.irinnews.org/print.asp?ReportID¼52983. ———. ‘‘NGOs’ report puts kidnappings this year at 20,000.’’ April 20, 2006c. http://www.irinnews.org/print.asp?ReportID¼52884. ———. ‘‘Ministry copes with rising numbers of orphaned children.’’ April 18, 2006d. http://www.irinnews.org/print.asp?ReportID¼52836. ———. ‘‘Aid agencies focus on children detainees.’’ April 18, 2006e. http://www .irinnews.org/print.asp?ReportID¼52835. ———. ‘‘Iraq: Doctors, NGOs warn of high infant mortality in Basra.’’ April 11, 2006f. http://www.irinnews.org/print.asp?ReportID¼52727. ———. ‘‘Street children face hunger and abuse.’’ December 26, 2005a. http:// www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID¼50850&SelectRegion¼Middle_ East. ———. ‘‘IRAQ: Housing problems increase as conflict hits hearth and home.’’ August 4, 2005b. http://www.irinnews.org/report.asp?ReportID¼48443& SelectRegion¼Middle_East. von Sponeck, Hans. ‘‘Iraq and the United Nations.’’ Spokesman (Nottingham). 86 (2005). 42. Zavis, Alexandra, and Bushra Juhi. ‘‘Schools also on the front lines in Iraq.’’ Chron. March 24, 2006. http://www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl/ap/world/3747614.html.
Other Sources Arabic Source. http://www.elaph.com/ElaphWeb/Reports/2006/4/143641.htm. CIA World Fact Book. http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/print/iz.html. ‘‘Emergency Humanitarian Action and Relief for the People of Iraq: A List.’’ http://www.peacemakers.ca/research/MiddleEast/IraqHumanitarianRelief .html. ‘‘InterAction Members Provide Emergency Relief in Iraq.’’ http://www .interaction.org/iraq/index_press.html. ‘‘Poor Iraqis Face Struggle for Survival.’’ http://www.globalpolicy.org/ security/issues/iraq/attack/consequences/2005/1118survival.htm. Global Research. ‘‘United Nations report on sexual abuse of children in Iraq.’’ August 31, 2005. http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context¼viewArticle& code¼20050831&articleId¼889. Iraq Analysis, ‘‘Poverty’’ http://www.iraqanalysis.org/info/381. ‘‘Iraq: more than 450,000 homeless across the country.’’ SquatterCity. http://squattercity.blogspot.com/2005/08/iraq-more-than-450000-home less-across.htm. Ministry of Planning and Development Cooperation. Iraq Living Conditions Survey 2004. (Baghdad, 2005). Vol. 1. http://www.iq.undp.org/ILCS/PDF/ Tabulation%20Report%20%20Englilsh.pdf.
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Ministry of Planning and Development Cooperation. Iraq Living Conditions Survey 2004: Education. (Baghdad, 2005). http://www.iq.undp.org/ILCS/ education.htm. World Health Organization. Iraq. http://www.who.int/countries/irq/en/.
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KUWAIT Amer Alsaleh NATIONAL PROFILE Kuwait is an Arabic Islamic country located in the northwest corner of the Arabian Gulf. To the north and west, it shares a border of approximately 150 miles with Iraq. To the south and southwest, it shares a border of about the same length with Saudi Arabia. To the east, it has a 200-mile coastline along the Arabian Gulf. Kuwait is approximately the size of New Jersey and has been an independent state since 1961, with a current population of 2.5 million (CIA World Factbook 2007). Kuwaiti society is based on a highly stratified social class system. The more educated groups are wealthy and enjoy employment in several highstatus professions. The less educated are the middle and working classes who work in middle- to low-income service occupations or are employed as manual laborers. Kuwaiti citizens pay no income tax, and health, education, and social services are provided free of charge to all citizens, including legal immigrants. Kuwait’s economy is centered largely on the country’s sizable oil revenue. Crude oil
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reserves total about 98 billion barrels, which comprise 10 percent of the world’s reserves (United Nations 2007). The Kuwaiti government plays a major role in collecting and distributing the oil-generated wealth of the country. The discovery of oil in 1946 unleashed dramatic social changes that transformed this small, tribal state into an industrialized and modern nation. As a result of this transition, changes occurred in the functioning of every major social institution. With the discovery of oil, the values of the Kuwaiti culture shifted from those living in a small modest community gemeinschaft, which means a type of social organization by which people are closely tied by kinship and tradition (Tonnies 1963) to the gesellschaft, which means a type of social organization by which people come together only on the basis of individual self-interest (Tonnies 1963). Kuwait made international headlines in 1990 during the Persian Gulf War, when the Iraqi army attempted to invade and annex the tiny country. In early 1991, a United Nations (UN) coalition led by the United States drove the invading army out of Kuwait, but not before the Iraqi forces had looted the country and set fire to a large portion of its massive oil reserves. The Iraqi occupation severely damaged Kuwait’s oil and capital reserves. The estimated capacity before the occupation was about 2.4 million barrels per day. During the war, Kuwait’s oil-producing capacity was reduced to practically nothing. However, tremendous recovery and improvements have been made. Pre-war capacity was restored in 1993, and Kuwait’s current production capacity is estimated to be 2.5 million barrels per day. Kuwait also enjoyed a limited economic boom after Operation Iraqi Freedom, as many companies working in Iraq established offices in Kuwait and procured goods through Kuwaiti companies. The banking and construction sector, in particular, have grown in the last year. The sustained high oil price also provided the Kuwaiti government with a substantial windfall in 2003 and 2004. Today, a more stable Kuwait has accomplished much in the way of recovery, and boasts one of the highest per capita incomes in the world. Studies have shown that Kuwaiti family structure has likewise KEY FACTS – KUWAIT proved resilient. Scholars assert Population: 2,505,559 (July 2007 est.) that a tendency toward authoritaInfant mortality rate: 9.47 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) tive parenting and a high regard Life expectancy at birth: 77.36 years (2007 est.) for the importance of family tradiLiteracy rate: 93.3 percent (2005 est.) tions reinforces socialization and a Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 86 percent (2000– 2005 est.) sense of community and stability, Internet users: 700,000 (2005) and raises autonomous adults. These patterns and ties to tradiSources: CIA World Factbook: Kuwait. https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ku.html. June 18, 2007; tional culture have helped Kuwaiti UNICEF. At a Glance: Kuwait–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ families recover in the aftermath of infobycountry/kuwait_statistics.html. June 18, 2007. the Gulf War (Sandman 2006).
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OVERVIEW Since oil was discovered in Kuwait, the country has developed from a tribal entity into a state, moving from a subsistence economy based on hunting and pearl-diving to a state-sponsored welfare system. As the economy grew and the country emerged as a significant regional and international power, new social forces began to take shape. The Kuwaiti welfare system provided generous social benefits to its citizens—including subsidized education, healthcare, and guaranteed employment opportunities— without taxation of the public. With traditional social arrangements yielding to new lifestyles, Kuwaitis witnessed vast improvements in their living conditions. Kuwait sponsored a massive education program, created jobs for all its citizens, and constructed modern housing on newly developed plots of desert land. The government offered subsidies to replace traditional mud brick houses with new housing in the neighborhoods located in the center of Kuwait City. Also, many citizens moved outside the walls that surrounded Kuwait City. These walls had symbolized Kuwaitis’ fear of the outside world and had physically isolated them from it. In modern Kuwait, these walls became reminders of the country’s cultural heritage, but they no longer served to keep Kuwaitis isolated. Massive immigration and a population explosion accompanied the modernization of Kuwait. With the enormous increase in oil revenues and subsequent employment opportunities, Kuwaiti Bedouins moved into the neighborhoods and cities newly built by the state to accommodate them. Despite the fact that they had integrated into Kuwaiti society, the Bedouins retained many of their customs and traditions, including patriarchal family values, marriage to more than one wife, and tribal unity. These developments did not promote social cohesion and urbanites looked down on the Bedouins and marginalized them. Immigration patterns produced a population in which non-Kuwaitis significantly outnumbered the Kuwaiti citizens. A social class system soon emerged in Kuwait on the heels of modernization and immigration (Ghloum et al. 1994). The class structure in Kuwait is largely dependent on education, and the upper and middle classes are composed of highly skilled natives and foreign-born professionals. Undereducated natives and unskilled immigrants, both of whom serve as manual laborers in the nation’s factories and oil refineries, occupy the lower class. Although Kuwait is not a socialist country, oil revenue is channeled to the government, which then disburses salaries according to the social value given to the various jobs needed to make the national economy function effectively. The more educated Kuwaiti citizens and residents (e.g., professors, scientists, and high-level government officials) are the most privileged social class and command the most lucrative government-subsidized salaries. Less-educated Kuwaitis and residents (e.g., manual laborers, unskilled service workers) are considerably less privileged
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and subsist on a meager government salary. A large number of foreignborn workers have immigrated to Kuwait to assist in the modernization of the country. In fact, immigrants now outnumber native-born Kuwaitis. Given this development, the government has recently imposed a more restrictive immigration policy on those wishing to enter the country. In addition to rapid social change and modernization, immigration has also produced significant challenges for Kuwaiti culture. Immigrant groups are faced with the clash between the values of their traditional cultures and the norms of their new environment (Ghloum et al. 1994). As Kuwaitis moved to the cities in pursuit of jobs created through the oil boom, the nuclear family replaced extended families that had constituted the traditional Kuwaiti household. EDUCATION Kuwait places great value on education, and its approach is defined by its constitution: Article 40 gives all Kuwaitis the right to a free and compulsory education, with particular emphasis on literacy and ‘‘the physical, moral, and mental development of youth.’’ Article 10 indicates that any ‘‘father’’ who does not enroll his child in school risks incurring a fine or a prison sentence. For Kuwaiti citizens, free education includes free food, clothing, books, stationery, and transportation, from kindergarten through the fourth year of college. The Kuwaiti government has adopted a program to wipe out illiteracy by opening adult education centers. For the year 2000, adult illiteracy rates were estimated at 17.7 percent (males, 15.7 percent; females, 15.7 percent). In 2005, the country’s literacy rate was at 93.3 percent and included 94.4 percent of males and 91 percent of females. The net primary school enrollment rate from 2000 to 2005 was estimated at 86 percent, up from just 66 percent in 1999. The Ministry of Education provides free kindergartens for Kuwaiti children between the ages of 4 and 6. There are a large number of schools for expatriate children aged between 2 and 4 years. Primary education is obligatory for all Kuwaitis from the age of 6 to 14—primary school to the intermediate level. Attendance at schools run by the state is limited only to Kuwaiti children. Private schools for Arab expatriate children receive generous government support, land to construct schools, and free textbooks. Some assistance is also provided to non-Arab schools. Private schools for non-Arab children follow the curricula of their respective home country. The school year runs from about mid-September to mid-June. The school week is Saturday through Wednesday. Most schools start at 7:45 a.m. and finish at 2:00 p.m., although this varies a bit between summer and winter and between schools for different nationalities. Schools below university level are segregated by sex. Kuwait University was established in 1966 with the aim of providing academic, professional, and technical rehabilitation and supplying the
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country with scientifically and practically qualified manpower in different fields. Kuwait University is open to expatriate students, provided their grades meet the requirements for admission. State-funded adult education and vocational training is provided by the Public Authority for Applied Education and Training. Additionally, there are several private institutions in the country that offer a variety of full- and part-time courses in various subjects such as business studies, secretarial skills, computing, and languages. Effects of the War and the Danger of School Violence The aftermath of the Persian Gulf War has negatively impacted the education of Kuwaiti children. Studies have shown that, during the occupation, many families lost control over their children. Schools and all other formal institutions were closed and routine activities were altered. Children did not have to go to sleep early and get up early; they did not have to do any homework, making discipline difficult. Special programs have been set up for children of martyrs lost to the conflict. A specialist body observes the educational progress of the martyrs’ children to follow up their educational progress in schools, arrange special exclusive courses for them, and eliminate any obstacles that may hinder their progress. The aim behind this is to improve their educational level and raise their academic attainment. Moreover, material and moral motivations are used to encourage the students to study and excel. This is realized in coordination with the Ministry of Education and under the guidance of the social specialists of schools. Martyrs’ children are sent abroad for education to complete their academic studies according to the rules placed by the board of trustees and provisions of Ministry of Education and High Schools. Peer violence is another factor that hinders educational progress in some Kuwaiti schools. Statistics published by Kuwait’s Ministry of Planning in 2000 gave the total Kuwaiti population as 2,228,363 and the total number of violent crimes as 14,322. The violent behavioral incidents registered in the record of Social Service Offices in public schools during the 2000–2001 academic years were 15,123 single student cases, with some students having more than one case, out of a total student population of 264,408. Only 1,224 of these cases were reported to the police. In other words, violent crimes in Kuwait are nine times more likely to occur within the public schools’ boundaries than in the outside community. A 2000 study conducted by the Ministry of Education indicated that 40 percent of male students were physically or verbally abused by other male students, whereas 34 percent of female students were verbally or physically abused by other female students. In addition, the study
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indicated that violence in the general system of education, in which students stay in the same classroom and take the same courses with the same teachers for the entire academic year (two semesters), is higher than it is in the credit-related system, in which students change classes, classrooms, and teachers each semester. Students have the option to choose either system. Although the difference between male and female school violence is expected due to the social and traditional behaviors that limit females’ actions, the study found school violence to be higher in schools with a large population of Bedouins. In two school districts where the majority of residents consider themselves members of tribes, 45 percent of the participants noted that they were physically or verbally abused by other students. PLAY AND RECREATION Kuwaiti families participate in a variety of recreational activities, including water sports, fishing, boat rides, and cycling. Al-Madina Al-Tarfihiya (the City of Entertainment) in Al-Doha, an amusement park based on themes from the ‘‘Arab World,’’ the ‘‘International World,’’ and the ‘‘Future World,’’ is also a favorite (Kuwaiti Pocket Guide 2007). Sports are a key aspect of Kuwaiti recreational pursuits, and many children take part. Soccer, in particular, is very popular. It is played in most schools and sport clubs in the country, which boasts over 120 soccer fields. Children and youth also enjoy watching the Kuwaiti national soccer team play (Citizenship and Immigration Canada 2007). Kuwaiti children enjoy most amenities that are popular in the Western world, and video games are no exception. Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, and Kuwait lead the regional markets in video games sales, and Kuwait has imported video games from different countries such as Jordan, Saudi Arabia, China, Japan, and the United Kingdom with an approximate amount of 1,014,453 Kuwaiti dinar in 2002 (Ministry of Planning 2002). Sony Computer Entertainment Europe, based in London, is responsible for the distribution, marketing and sales of Play Station in 102 territories across Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. By the end of June 2003, more than 39 million PlayStation video game units had been shipped across these territories. In the Middle East, computer games Sony and PlayStation topped 600,000 units by the end of 2003. The popularity of video games has caused some concern, as their content is becoming increasingly violent. It has been argued that the games also encourage antisocial behavior and promote actions without consequences. A 2005 study found that high school students in Kuwait who were exposed to high levels of video game violence were more irritable, reported getting into arguments with teachers, were more likely to be involved in physical fights, and performed more poorly in academic performance, namely grades (Alsaleh 2005).
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CHILD LABOR The Kuwaiti constitution prevents the employment of any child of either sex under the age of 14. ‘‘Juveniles’’ between the ages of 14 and 18 are permitted to work if they are granted a license from the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor, they are cleared by a medical exam, and they are not working in an industry that may cause them harm. FAMILY According to Kuwaiti law, the family is the ‘‘corner-stone of society . . . founded on religion, morality, and patriotism.’’ The Ministry of Social Affairs and Labour Social Care Department aims to protect the living environment and physical and psychological health of all children; maintain their educational progress; educate them in ‘‘religion, patriotism and morals;’’ and provide adequate medical and social care. Although Kuwaiti social structure has always included a close-knit family unit, the nature of that unit has changed in recent years. Long-term economic changes have provided contemporary Kuwaiti families with both novel opportunities and new difficulties. Families of this Gulf nation have benefited from an increased standard of living and the introduction of modern conveniences (e.g., automobiles, air conditioning, inexpensive food, and computer technology). Kuwaiti children have outstanding educational opportunities and a modern school system. However, many families have been affected negatively by some of these social changes. Modern values focus on women being educated and finding fulfillment in roles outside of the home. Although those who support gender equality have welcomed these changes, many Kuwaitis find these changes to be a direct challenge to established values. Traditionally, Kuwaiti women have been expected to find fulfillment in religious pursuits, as well as marriage and motherhood. Consequently, these changes have caused conflicts between traditionalists and feminists, who disagree about the proper place of women in Kuwaiti society. It is the parents of young couples who find these modern values more challenging. There is often strong intergenerational conflict over differing views of women’s roles on the basis of religion. Unsupervised interaction between unmarried males and females is strongly proscribed by Islam. Traditionally, the elder man in the family was expected to provide a highly protective environment in which the women of the family (his wife and daughters) are afforded both an academic and spiritual education. After marriage, the woman’s husband takes on the protective role that was previously filled by her father. If they are religious, husbands often expect the women in the family to limit their social interaction to the private (i.e., domestic) realm. Husbands also expect the wives to defer all family decision-making to them.
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Although religious tradition has historically restricted the role of women to the domestic realm, modernization has produced sociocultural changes such that an increasing number of middle- and upper-class women are receiving an education and are participating more fully in the labor force. Moreover, in contemporary Kuwait, sociocultural change has introduced new expectations in both marriage values and mate selection. There are more heterogamous marriages (between people of different nationalities, sects, castes, and religious groups) than there were during previous decades. This phenomenon is largely the result of increased education of Kuwaiti men and women, increased contact with other nations, and massive immigration of foreign laborers. The grandparent–grandchild relationship is a good example of how the roles of modern Kuwaiti children differ from the traditions and extended familial relationships of the past. Today’s children are exposed to more of the outside world than their grandparents were and have more of a global perspective, as a result, in part, of the increased influence of factors like school, day care, and mass media. For this reason, the roles of grandparents and other extended family members are of less importance in Kuwaiti children’s lives. In modern society, familial interactions and obligations are thought of as occurring primarily within the nuclear rather than the extended family. Further, the mobilization of family members makes it difficult for the family to stay in contact with each other. HEALTH The healthcare system and health conditions improved dramatically in the years after oil revenues brought wealth to the country. Kuwait’s first attempts to introduce a modern healthcare system date back to the first years of the twentieth century when the ruler, Shaykh Mubarak Al Sabah the Great, invited doctors from the Arabian Mission of the Dutch Reformed Church in the United States to establish a clinic. By 1911 the group had organized a hospital for men and in 1919 a small hospital for women. In 1934 the thirty-four-bed Olcott Memorial Hospital opened. Between 1909 and 1946, Kuwait experienced gradual, albeit limited, improvement in health conditions. General mortality stood between 20 and 25 per 1,000 population and infant mortality between 100 and 125 per 1,000 live births. After the government began receiving oil revenues, it expanded the healthcare system, beginning with the opening of the Amiri Hospital in 1949. The Kuwait Oil Company also opened some small health facilities. By 1950, general mortality had decreased to between 17 and 23 per 1,000 population and infant mortality to between 80 and 100 per 1,000 live births. In the 1950s, the government introduced a comprehensive healthcare system offering free services to the entire population. Free health care was so extensive that it even included veterinary medicine. Expenditures
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on health ranked third in the national budget, after public works and education. As with education, the system relied heavily on foreigners. Most of the physicians were foreigners, particularly Egyptians. Critics charged the designers of the system with paying undue attention to acquiring the most modern and expensive medical equipment, without regard to the country’s health priorities, and favoring treatment over prevention. Nonetheless, improvements in available health care and in public health were dramatic. The number of doctors grew from 362 in 1962 to 2,641 in 1988. The doctor-to-patient ratio improved from 1:1,200 to 1:600. Infant and child mortality rates have decreased dramatically; in 1990 the infant mortality rate was 15 per 1,000 live births. Life expectancy increased 10 years in the post-independence years, putting Kuwait at a level comparable to most industrialized countries. In 1990 life expectancy for males was 72 years and for females 76 years. Today, the improvements are even more dramatic; the infant mortality rate is 9.47 per 1,000 live births, and life expectancy is 77.36 years. There are many provisions under the law that protect the health of children in Kuwait. Article 24 of the constitution protects a child’s right to good health and proper treatment of illness through decreased infant and child mortality, access to nutritious food and clean drinking water, protection from environmental pollution, and quality postnatal care. Kuwait is moving to privatize some of its healthcare services by establishing private hospitals. In the future, government-owned hospitals may be privately managed as well. Furthermore, recent legislation requires all expatriates workers to have health insurance. This should create opportunities for health insurance and/or health maintenance organizations and provide funding for additional projects such as Afiya Net, a program to automate patient record keeping (U.S. & Foreign Commercial Service and U.S. Department of State, 2004). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Kuwait adheres to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, and the constitution mandates that the Convention be upheld, regardless of a child’s race, status, sex, or religion. Per Article 2 of the constitution, children may not be discriminated against in any way because of these characteristics, or kept from reaping the benefits of what the Convention entails. With regard to the juvenile justice system, the years since the Gulf War have seen a dramatic increase in the number of juvenile delinquents in Kuwait. The years before 1990 show only a slight increase in juvenile crime from year to year. The postwar picture in Kuwait is somewhat different. Beginning in 1993, the number of juvenile offenders in Kuwait increased dramatically. Kuwait’s juvenile offender population increased by
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56 percent between 1992 and 1996, more than two times greater than the population increase (approximately 25 percent) during this same time period. Most notably, for most of the post-war period, Kuwaiti youth constituted either a majority of the delinquent population (up to 62 percent) or were about evenly split with non-Kuwaiti delinquents. (Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor, Kuwait, 1999). The Gulf War marks an important shift in the composition of Kuwait’s population of juvenile offenders. Whereas foreign offenders predominated during the prewar period, the postwar era is characterized by an increased number of Kuwaiti-born delinquents. These trends raise important questions about the effect of long-term social changes in Kuwait and the impact of the Gulf War on this country’s youth. Studies have shown that increased levels of youths who commit crimes are more likely to have come from polygamous families, unmarried households, households with little religious commitment, or households with more siblings. They are also more likely to have friends that are deviant. It is possible that longterm historical changes to Kuwaiti culture (e.g., modernization, economic development) or more recent traumatic events (e.g., the Gulf War) to the social fabric have decreased the socializing influence of the family in this Gulf nation while increasing the power of peer associations (including perhaps teen gangs and youth networks) (Al-Saleh 2002). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The Gulf War decimated Kuwait and brought about some of the most dramatic threats to children’s well-being. The Iraqi occupation destroyed the infrastructure of the nation’s factories and transportation system, as well as the citizens’ homes. Many Kuwaiti families experienced the collective trauma of pervasive fear and anxiety, along with the loss of loved ones. These women as well as their families suffered extreme collective and psychological trauma because of rape, as well as the pregnancies that resulted from this sexual abuse. Children who were exposed to enemy occupation and the war itself faced high levels of violence during their formative years of psychosocial development. Youth are often affected adversely by war. Some research indicates that the traumatic experiences of the Gulf War generated more risk-taking behavior (e.g., sexual activity, drug use) among Kuwaiti youth soon after the Gulf conflict ended (Foaziah and Maria 1998). After Iraqi troops crossed the border into Kuwait on August 2, 1990, women from all socioeconomic classes and backgrounds were at the center of the 7-month sustained resistance. Further, women were central to the task of meeting community needs, including food, water, housing, health, medicine, and the care of the young and old. Households were run as shelters and asylums. Women took in orphans, the sick, and the disabled; they aided armed resistance fighters; and they cared for the mentally impaired people who remained in institutions.
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The Al-Ruqaei Specialized Center conducted a study on a random sample of 564 families containing a total of 2,854 persons, and another 139 families of POWs, martyrs, and the physically injured containing a total of 946 persons. The study concluded that adults in these families (33 percent to 43 percent) suffer post-traumatic stress disorders. The children who suffered post-traumatic stress disorders represent about 20 to 25 percent of the sample, which is a relatively high percentage in comparison to the results of similar studies conducted in other countries. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Ali, Yoosuf. Political Participation in a Developing Nation: The Case of Kuwait. Doctoral dissertation, The Ohio State University. Columbus, Ohio; 1989. Amin, Q. The Liberation of Women. Cairo, Egypt: The University of Cairo Press; 1992. An-Na’im, A. ‘‘Human Rights in the Muslim World: Socio-political Conditions and Scriptural Imperatives.’’ Human Rights, 3 (1990), 13–15. An-Na’im, A. ‘‘Religious Minorities Under Islamic Law and the Limits of Cultural Relativism.’’ Human Rights Quarterly, (1987), 9, 1. Ayubi, N. ‘‘State Islam and Communal Plurality.’’ The Annals of the American Academy of Political Science and Sociology, 524 (1992), 79–91. Badran, M. ‘‘Gender, Islam, and the State: Kuwaiti Women in Struggle, Pre-invasion to Postliberation,’’ in Islam, Gender, and Social Change, edited by Y. Haddad and I. Esposito. New York: Oxford University Press; 1998, 190–208. Barakat, H. The Arab World: Society, Culture, and State. Berkeley: University of California Press; 1993. Hadi, R., and M. Orlin. ‘‘Dealing with Disaster Victims.’’ Journal of the Social Sciences, 24 (Winter 1996). Hadi, R., and J. Maria. ‘‘Women and War: The Role Kuwaiti Women Played During the Iraqi Occupation.’’ Journal of International Development, 13 (2001), 583–598. Al-Najjar, Baqer. Challenges of Globalization and the Future of the Family in Arabian Gulf (preliminary reading), Kuwait, 2003. MICS-2000 in Enel-Decade Report, World Summit. Al-Naqeeb, Khaldoum. ‘‘Present and Future of Gulf Social Conditions,’’ in Challenges of Globalization and the Future of the Family in Arabian Gulf (preliminary reading), edited by Baqer Al-Najjer, Kuwait, 2003. Al-Thaqeb, Fahd. ‘‘Women and Divorce in Kuwaiti Society: Psychological, Social and Economic Dimensions.’’ Kuwait University; 1999: 23–30, cited in ‘‘A Comprehensive Study of the Issues and Problems of Marriage in Gulf Council Countries. Executive Bureau of the Council of Labor and Social Affairs Ministers of the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Marriage Fund of the United Arab Emirates. The comprehensive study was conducted by Abu-baker Baqader, 2003, 293. Al-Thaqeb, Fahd. ‘‘Engagement, Marital Interaction and Divorce in Kuwaiti Society.’’ Journal of Social Sciences, 26 (1998), 105–120, cited in BaqerAl-Najjar ‘‘Challenges of Globalization and the Future of the Family in the Arab Gulf Region: a Preliminary Reading,’’ 9.21.
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Al-Thaqeb, Fahd. ‘‘Rates of Marriage and Divorce in Kuwait and Other Countries: A Comparative Study.’’ Journal of Social Sciences, 60 (Autumn 1997). Al-Zafiri, Abdel Wahhab. ‘‘A Field Study to Explore the Opinion of Kuwaiti Women Regarding Work Outside the Home’’ Journal of Gulf and Arabian Penninsula Studies, 80 (Winter 1996).
Web Sites Gulf International School: Bringing Talent to Life, http://www.gis-kuwait.com. Kuwaiti Pocket Guide.com: For the Citizen, Resident, and Visitor, http://www .kuwaitpocketguide.com/recreation.asp. Kuwaitiah.net: index.html.
A
Complete
Guide
to
Kuwait,
http://www.kuwaitiah.net/
Al-Sha’ab Amuseument Park, http://www.shaabpark.com. UNICEF: At a Glance–Kuwait, http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/kuwait .html.
Selected Bibliography Abrams, R. ‘‘Adolescent Perceptions of Parental Discipline and Juvenile Delinquency,’’ in Explaining the Relationship between Child Abuse and Delinquency, edited by Robert J. Hunner and Yvonne E. Walker, 252–265. Montclaire, CA: Allanheld, Osmun; 1981. Agnew, Robert. ‘‘A Revised Strain Theory of Delinquency.’’ Social Forces, 64 (1985) 151–167. Agnew, Robert. ‘‘A Longitudinal Test of the Revised Strain Theory.’’ Journal of Quantitative Criminology, 5 (1989), 373–387. Agnew, Robert. ‘‘A Longitudinal Test of Social Control Theory and Delinquency.’’ Criminology, 28 (1991), 125–156. Agnew, Robert, and Helen White. ‘‘An Empirical Test of General Strain Theory.’’ Criminology, 30 (1992), 475–499. Akers, Roland L. Deviant Behavior: A Social Learning Approach, 3rd ed. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth; 1985. Al-jishi, A. Untitled Paper on Juvenile Delinquency. Bahrain Ministry of Interior Working Paper. Bahrain: Ministry of Interior Press; 1986. Al-Naser, Fahad. Socio-Cultural Dimensions of Homogamous and Heterogamous Marriages in Kuwait. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Michigan State University; 1986. Al-Rashid, A. Juvenile Delinquency in Kuwait. Kuwait: Ministry of Interior Press; 1988. Al-Saleh, Amer. Social Influences on Juvenile Delinquency in Kuwait. Published doctoral dissertation, Mississippi State University; 2002. ———. ‘‘The Effects of Watching Violent Video Games on Physical Fights, Arguments With Teachers, Irritability, and School Performance Among High
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School Students in Kuwait: An Experimental and Survey Designs.’’ Journal of the Gulf and Arabian Peninsula Studies, 31 (2005), No. 119. ———. ‘‘The Differences of Social Bond between Male and Female Grandchildren and Grandparents in Modern Kuwait Society,’’ Bulletin of the Faculty of Arts. Cairo University, 2007a. ———. ‘‘Violence among High School Students in Kuwait,’’ Bulletin of Human Sciences, University of Baskra, Algeria, 2007b. Al-Sammak, Amina. Female Health and Social Cultural Change in Kuwait. Unpublished dissertation, California School of Professional Psychology; 1994. Alyassin, J. The Impact of Broken Family on Juvenile Delinquency. Beirut: Alam Almaerefah Press; 1981. Anderson, C. A., and K. E. Dill. Video games and aggressive thoughts, feelings, and behavior in the laboratory and life. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 78 (2000), 772–790. Badawi, J. The Status of Women in Islam. Indianapolis, IN: American Trust; 1983. Baranowski, Marc. ‘‘Grandparent-Adolescent Relationship: Beyond the Nuclear Family.’’ Adolescence, 17 (1982), 575–585. Brezina, T. ‘‘Adapting to Strain: An Examination of Delinquent Coping Responses.’’ Criminology, 34 (1996), 39–60. Buzaboon, B. Y. A Study of Psychological and Environmental Factors Associated with Delinquency in Bahrain. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Wales, UK; 1986. Cernkovich, A., and C. Giordano ‘‘Family Relationships and Delinquency.’’ Criminology, 25 (1992), 295–321. CIA World Factbook: Kuwait. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-worldfactbook/geos/ku.html. June 18, 2007. Citizenship and Immigration Canada: Kuwait—Sports and Recreation. http:// www.cp-pc.ca/english/kuwait/sports.html. 2007 Cohen, A. New game [PlayStation 2]. Time, 156 (2000), 58–60. Constitution of the State of Kuwait. http://www.mideastinfo.com/documents/ Kuwait_Constitution.htm El-Islam, M. F. ‘‘Cultural Change and Intergenerational Relationships in Arabian Families.’’ International Journal of Family Psychiatry, 4 (1983), 321–327. El-Islam, M. F., T. H. Malasi, and S. I. Abu-Daga. ‘‘Interparental Differences in Attitudes to Cultural Changes in Kuwait.’’ Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology, 23 (1986), 109–113. Erikson, Kai. A New Species of Trouble (The Human Experience of Modern Disasters). New York: Norton; 1994. Flannery, Daniel J. ‘‘Evaluating Family-Based Services.’’ Family Relations, 45 (1996), 114. Foaziah, H., and L. Maria. ‘‘The Gulf Crisis Experiences of Kuwaiti Children.’’ Journal of Traumatic Stress, 11 (1998), 45–56. Funk, J., J. Hagan, and J. Schimming. Children and electronic games: A comparison of parents’ and children’s perceptions of children’s habits and preferences in a united states sample. Psychological Reports, 85 (1999), 883–888. Garbarino, J. ‘‘The Youngest Victims: Kuwaiti Children Bear Psychic Scars of Conflict in Gulf.’’ Psychology International, 2 (1991), 3. Ghloum, A., R. Khalaf, and S. Aljasmi. The Social and Labor Studies. Kuwait: Almutaba Library, no. 30 (1994), 45. Gottfredson, Michael R., and Travis Hirshi. General Theory of Crime. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press; 1990.
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Greenberg, David F. ‘‘Delinquency and the Age Structure.’’ Contemporary Crises, 1 (1977), 189–223. Hirschi, Travis. Causes of Delinquency. Berkeley: University of California; 1969. Husayn, Abd. Lectures on Arab society in Kuwait. Kuwait: Dar Qurtas; 1994. Junger, M. ‘‘Religiosity, Religious Climate, and Delinquency among Ethnic Groups in the Netherlands.’’ The British Journal of Criminology, 33 (1992), 416–435. Kennedy, Gregory E. ‘‘Shared Activities of Grandparents and Grandchildren.’’ Psychological Reports, 70 (1992), 211–227. Khouja, M. W., and P. G. Sadler. The Economy of Kuwait. London: Macmillan; 1979. King, S. ‘‘An Overlooked Diagnosis among Adjudicated Juvenile Delinquents.’’ Journal of Science and Engineering, 61 (2000), 163. Kliewer, Wendy, and Eva Kung. ‘‘Family Moderators of the Relation between Hassles and Behavior Problems in Inner-City Youths.’’ Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 27 (1998), 278–292. LaGrange, R., and H. White. ‘‘Age Differences in Delinquency: A Test of Theory.’’ Criminology, 23 (1985), 19–45. Lemue, A. Women in Islam. England: Derbyshire; 1978. Lunden, W. A. War and Delinquency. The Art Press; 1963. Macksoud, M., A. Dyregrove, and M. Raundalen. ‘‘Traumatic War Experiences and Their Effects on Children,’’ in International Handbook of Traumatic Stress Syndromes. New York: Plenum; 1993, 625–633. Macri, D. ‘‘Comparison of Male Juvenile Sex Offenders and Non-Sex Offenders on Prior Sexual Abuse and Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder.’’ Journal of Sciences and Engineering, 61 (2000), 164. Maguin, Eugene, and Rolf Loeber. ‘‘Academic Performance and Delinquency,’’ in Crime and Justice: A Review of Research, vol. 20, edited by Michael Tonry, Chicago: University of Chicago Press; 1996, 145–264. McLanahan, Sara S., and Gary Sandefur. Growing Up With A Single Parent: What Hurts and What Helps. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; 1994. Meleise, A. ‘‘Effect of Modernization on Kuwaiti Women.’’ Social Science Medicine, 16 (1982), 965–970. Mernissi, F. Beyond the Veil. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman; 1975. Ministry of Planning. Central Statistical Office, Kuwait, 2002. Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor, Kuwait, 1999. Morrow, K., and T. Sorell. ‘‘Factors Affecting Self-Esteem, Depression, and Negative Behaviors in Sexually Abused Female Adolescents.’’ Journal of Marriage and Family, 51 (1989), 677–686. O’Brien, Shirley J. ‘‘The Intergenerational Dilemma: Where Have All the Grandparents Gone?’’ Childhood Education (1990 Fall) 40–42. Sampson, Robert J., and John Laub. Crime in the Making: Pathways and Turning Points Through Life. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; 1993. Sampson, Robert J., and John Laub. ‘‘Crime and Deviance over the Life Course: The Salience of Adult Social Bonds.’’ American Sociological Review, 55 (1994), 609–627. Sandman, Mark. ‘‘Kuwaiti Resilience.’’ The American Academy of Experts in Traumatic Stress. Last updated 2006. http://www.aaets.org/article91.htm Schwab-Stone. ‘‘No State Haven: A Study of Violence Exposure in an Urban Community.’’ Journal of American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 34 (1995), 1343–1352.
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Segev, H. Patterns of Delinquency in Tel Aviv During the Yom Kippur War. Unpublished master’s thesis, Institute of Criminology, Law Faculty, Tel Aviv University, 1974 (in Hebrew). Stark, Rodney, Daniel Doyle, and Lori Kent. ‘‘Rediscovering Moral Communities: Church Membership and Crime,’’ in Understanding Crime: Current Theory and Research, edited by Travis Hirschi and Michael Gottfredson. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage; 1980, 43–52. Straus, M., and D. Donnelly. ‘‘Corporal Punishment of Adolescents by American Parents.’’ Youth and Society, 24 (1993), 419–442. Sutherland, E., and D. Cressey. Principles of Criminology. Philadelphia: Lippincott; 1974. Tarner, R. ‘‘International War and Domestic Turmoil,’’ in The History of Violence in America, edited by Graham and Gurr. New York: Praeger; 1969. Thornberry, T. ‘‘Toward an Interactional Theory of Delinquency.’’ Criminology, 25 (1987), 863–891. Thornton, W. E., L. Voigt, and W. G. Doerner. Delinquency and Justice. New York: Random House; 1987. Tittle, Charles, and Michael Welch. ‘‘Religiosity and Deviance: Toward a contingency Theory of Constraining Effects.’’ Social Forces, 62 (1983), 34–77. Tonnies, F. ‘‘Community and Society (Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft).’’ New York: Harper and Row; 1963. United Nations Environment Programme: Country Environmental Profile Information System. Kuwait–General Information–Socioeconomic Status. 2007. http://countryprofiles.unep.org/profiles/KW/profile/general-information/ socio-economic-status. U.S. & Foreign Commercial Service and U.S. Department of State, 2004. Vissing, Yvonne ‘‘Verbal Aggression by Parents and Psychological Problems of Children.’’ Child Abuse and Neglect, 15 (1991), 223–238. Webster, P. S., T. L. Orbuch, and J. S. House. ‘‘Effects of Childhood Family Background on Adult Marital Quality and Perceived Stability.’’ American Journal of Sociology, 101 (1995), 404–432. Wells, L., and J. Rankin. ‘‘Families and Delinquency: A Meta Analysis of the Impact of Broken Homes.’’ Social Problems, 38 (1991), 71–93. Wiatrowski, M. ‘‘Social Contol Theory and Delinquency.’’ American Sociological Review, 46 (1981), 525–541. Yablonsky, L., and M. Haskell. Juvenile Delinquency. Chicago: Rand McNally; 1988.
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LEBANON Sima Aprahamian NATIONAL PROFILE Estimates indicate that about 30 percent of the Lebanese population is younger than 15 years of age. Youth younger than the age of 25 years constitute more than half of the population. Early studies of children in Lebanon have focused on orphans (Dennis 1973), youth of specific villages (Williams 1968), or on child-rearing practices (Prothro 1961). Recent studies focus on the impact of the 1975–1990 civil war on children (Maksoud 1996). Still others focus on childhood memories (Malti-Douglas 2002; Ajami and Reed 1988). Lebanon is small democratic republic of 10,452 square kilometers (4,036 square miles) on the east coast of the Mediterranean Sea. Its southern border is with Israel and Syria to its East and North. Its population is estimated to be slightly more than 4 million or perhaps around 5 million. The CIA World Factbook gives a slightly lower population estimate of 3,925,502 (CIA World Factbook). The great majority of the inhabitants of Lebanon live in its
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capital, Beirut. Because of the politics of demographics, no census has been conducted since 1932. Lebanon has constituted an Independent Republic since 1943. Before that, from 1919 to 1943, it was under a French Mandate of the League of Nations. Historians trace several periods in Lebanon: Antiquity, which included Phoenician, Greek, and Roman epochs and a brief period in which parts of it fell under the rule of the Armenian king Tigran the Great; the Middle Ages, which include the period of the Arab conquest, the epoch of the Crusaders, and that of the Mamlouks (1252–1516); and finally, the period starting after the Ottoman conquest. The history of Ottoman domination was marked with inconsistencies. In 1860, a major peasant revolt had turned into a sectarian war and led to Mount Lebanon’s internal autonomy. The current system of a politics based on religious communities is traced to the Ottoman millet system. Lebanon represents a contradictory reality with its multireligious, multidenominational society. This system is often called ‘‘confessional.’’ In a Weberian sense, the religious groups making Lebanon can be considered ‘‘denominations.’’ Yet, in the political field in the Weberian sense, these act as sects (in sectarian politics). Within this system, each religious group or denomination or confession has internal autonomy with respect to the regulation of educational, socializational, and judicial concerns in areas of personal status law. Lebanon has inherited this system through the Ottoman system of millets. This is a serious concern for many because the religious communities have judicial and educational autonomy. In addition, in Lebanon ‘‘place and faith are inextricably’’ linked as Fuad Ajami notes (1988, 13–14). Along with regional disparities, there exists unequal access to resources as the result of religious beliefs and practices. Lebanese constitution has designated proportional representation in Parliament to the religious communities or the former Ottoman millets based on the 1932 census. Also, the President has to be a Maronite Christian, the Prime Minister must be a Sunni Muslim, and the Speaker of the House of Commons or Parliament has to be a Shi’ite. The 18 recognized religious denominations (or confessions) that have representation in Parliament have different positions concerning women and children. Access to education and resources vary regionally and across religious communities. Although the Lebanese constitution guarantees equality to all, there are some discriminatory laws, such as the Nationality Law. There are limits to the transference of citizenship on the basis of gender. Lebanese men have the right to pass their citizenship to their non-Lebanese spouses but Lebanese women do not have the right to transfer their citizenship to their non-Lebanese spouses and their children (Chahine 2003). Patrilineal descent is emphasized. Likewise, family status law discriminates against women. Many nongovernment organizations
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(NGOs) have been advocating amendments to citizenship laws as well as against the family status laws that discriminate against women (Aprahamian 2003). This religious community–based system eventually led to a crisis that erupted into war in 1958 and in 1975–1990 (Aprahamian 1988). With the 1989–1990 Ta’ef agreement, some changes were introduced, but the system still remains denominational or confessional. The civil war ended in 1990 when Syrian troops defeated army general Michel Aoun, who opposed the Ta’ef agreement. Lebanon held its first postwar elections in 1992. During this first election, three women deputies were elected. The polls were boycotted by many Christians in protest at the presence of Syrian troops. A currency devaluation prompted wide-scale riots, and Rafik al-Hariri became prime minister in 1992. Hariri remained Lebanon’s premier after the 1996 parliamentary polls, which included a larger Christian turnout. In 1998, Lebanon’s parliament amended the constitution to elect army commander Emile Lahoud as president, succeeding Elias Hrawi. Hariri lost a power struggle with Lahoud and resigned in 1998. Veteran politician Selim al-Hoss became prime minister only to be forced to give way to Hariri again. Later, Hariri lost and was assassinated on February 14, 2005. General Aoun had a comeback. The coalition of Maronites/Druze saw the last of the Syrian troops leave Lebanon. Accusations are mounting against Syria as the main force behind Hariri’s assassination. Recent developments in the aftermath of the Israeli bombardments of Lebanon in the summer of 2006 have made a new coalition evident: Aoun (Christian coalition) and Hizbalah (Shi’a) against the Sunni Prime Minister Fouad Siniora, a follower of Hariri and the Jemayels (Maronite Christians, Kata’ib-phalangists). KEY FACTS – LEBANON Sectarian war has affected Population: 3,925,502 (July 2007 est.) Lebanon and Lebanese children Infant mortality rate: 23.39 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) in 1860, in 1958, and from Life expectancy at birth: 73.15 years (2007 est.) 1975 to 1990. Other wars that Literacy rate: 87.4 percent (2003 est.) have affected Lebanese children Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 93 percent (2000– include the 1915 oppressive 2005 est.) Internet users: 700,000 (2005) Turkish measures, the famine People living with HIV/AIDS: 2,800 (2003 est.) resulting from these measures, Human Poverty Index (HP-1) rank: 20 and the more recent Israeli Sources: CIA World Factbook: Lebanon. https://www.cia.gov/library/ attacks in the 1980s and 2000s, publications/the-world-factbook/geos/le.html. June 18, 2007; including the 2006 bombardUNICEF. At a Glance: Lebanon–Statistics. http:// ments. One-third of the victims www.unicef.org/infobycountry/lebanon_statistics.html. June 18, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human of the wars in Lebanon were Development Report 2006–Lebanon. http://hdr.undp.org/ children. Many children also hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_LBN.html. June have been involved as child 18, 2007. soldiers.
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OVERVIEW Lebanese children are relatively well cared for; however, they have been victims, along with women, of the different wars that have ravaged the country. Lebanon has met most of the objectives agreed upon by the World Summit for Children, including, with no gender disparity, a decreasing infant mortality rate and under-5 mortality rate, near-universal access to improved water, 96 percent national immunization, and no recorded polio cases since 1994. The country has also met the majority of its national nutrition goals and has increased access to prenatal care and trained attendants during childbirth. Ninety-eight percent of children ages 6 to 11 years are enrolled in school, and 91 percent of children ages 3 to 5 years are enrolled in preschools and childcare programs. At birth, Lebanese children have a life expectancy of 73 years. Despite this progress, children have been suffering as a result of the recent ravages of war. The Humanitarian Action Report for 2007, prepared by United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF), indicates that the war waged on Lebanon from July 12 to August 14, 2006, was especially devastating for children; an estimated one-third of the 1,191 dead and the 4,398 injured were children. An estimated 262,174 children were displaced. In all, the conflict displaced approximately 900,000 people, and although many have returned to their homes, the areas are still largely unsafe. Damage had been inflicted on roads, water systems, and other infrastructure, and lack of health care, a dearth of essential drugs, and low fuel reserves have severely affected the health of the country. After the war, the under-5 mortality rate increased from 31 to 37 per 1,000 live births. In addition to these issues, Lebanon has refugee populations. Currently there are 405,425 Palestinian refugees registered by United Nations Relief and Works Agency; about 20,000 to 40,000 recently took refuge in Lebanon from the Iraqi war. The internally displaced individuals constitute about 17,000 from the 1975–1990 civil war and the Israeli invasions. The last Israeli bombardments of July and August 2006 led to at first 900,000 and currently to 200,000 internal displaced individuals. In an earlier phase of the country’s history, under the League of Nations during 1915–1923 and 1939, Lebanon had given refuge to Armenian refugees survivors of the Ottoman genocide. The latter now constitute an integral part of Lebanon. Unlike the Palestinian refugees, Armenian refugees were given Lebanese citizenship. The Lebanese economy is based on free-market capitalist production and distribution. Economic growth is continuing despite a civil war that had taken hold of the country from 1975 until 1992. The human development index of Lebanon, according to the most recent (United Nations: Development Program) (UNDP) report, was 78 for 2004. Unemployment is highest among the youth in Lebanon. According to the UNDP Human Development Report of 1993, women constitute 27 percent of the labor force in Lebanon. Lebanese
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women’s organizations and the unions are calling for more female participation in wage work as well as for improvement of the work environment. The post-1990s Lebanon saw a growing inclusion of women in the waged employment sector. Women are becoming aware of the discriminatory practices in the employment sector. In December 1994, the Working Women’s League in Lebanon was established as an advocacy group for working women’s rights, under the umbrella of the Lebanese Women’s Council (Sfeir 1998, 44). The League attempts to bring amendments to the ‘‘discriminatory laws related to pension, retirement age, indemnity, maternity protection, child care facilities, and sexual harassment’’ (Sfeir 1998, 44). EDUCATION Lebanon has both a public and private system of education. Education is compulsory up to the age of 12. It is free for those who would like to send their children to public school. Most religious communities have their own educational institutions as well. The Lebanese government has incorporated the rights of children in its school curriculum. Special attention is given to teach children and teachers about the rights of the child. Awareness has been raised to prevent corporal punishment in schools. Access to higher education depends on geographical area; that is, universities are concentrated in and around Beirut. Lebanon has had formal education for young women since 1835, with the establishment of its first school for girls. In the 1930s women began to be admitted to universities, concentrating in education, arts, social sciences, and health sciences (nursing and public health). A few women have been pursuing their higher education in the sciences (such as biology, microbiology, chemistry, pharmacy) and medicine as well as public and business administration. Observers have been pointing out that women’s choice of educational field has been constrained by the local cultural beliefs and practices. Women are taught to be caregivers and men to be protectors and providers. The 2006 war devastated the country’s educational system. Up to 50 schools were completely destroyed, and almost 300 school buildings— 10 percent of all the schools in the country—were damaged. Schoolchildren and their parents were further affected psychologically and socially. PLAY AND RECREATION Lebanon has public and private facilities for recreation. There are numerous sports clubs. Some of the centers are affiliated with religious groupings, and others are sponsored by political parties and the government. Schools also have their own facilities and programs. There are also numerous fine and performing art centers sponsored by various NGOs and government
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organizations. The state-run television stations have had special activities and programs for children since the very early years of the history of television in Lebanon. Lebanese culture, with its diversity, and the government recognize the rights of children to play. CHILD LABOR Lebanon strictly forbids child labor. In fact, any child that begs for charity on the streets or who has left their family home is classified as a vagrant and subject to criminal law. Yet, in Beirut and other cities street children are found selling gum or begging. Most of the street children are boys. As the report presented at ‘‘A Civil Society Forum for North Africa and the Middle East on Promoting and Protecting the Rights of Street Children’’ (March 3–6, 2004, Cairo, Egypt) indicates that the great majority of the street children are not Lebanese citizens. The great majority do not keep their earnings. Their income supports their families. In 2002 Law 422 was introduced in Lebanon to fight child labor and to protect street children. Lebanon adheres to the International Labour Organization’s Convention 182 on the Worst Forms of Child Labour and the United Nations’ guidelines on juvenile justice. The Lebanese Ministry of Social Affairs in 1996 created a protective plan for potentially vulnerable children such as those who were exposed to abuse or were from disintegrated or impoverished families. The Lebanese Ministry of Social Affairs, along with the Ministry of Interior and the International Labour Organization, set a special unit to monitor and fight against hazardous labor undertaken by children on the streets. Since 1999, the Ministry of Social Affairs has established a committee specializing in street children’s issues. It has been taking measures to linking the children to private institutions to help their integration and rehabilitation. FAMILY Men and women marry, sometimes through arranged marriages, but mostly for procreation purposes. The family in its extended as well as nuclear forms is central to the Lebanese. Despite variations, the dominant pattern is still patriarchal in Lebanon. Male children are given preference. A man’s and a woman’s name is given through the son’s name ‘‘father of’’ and ‘‘mother of.’’ Those who have no sons are afraid to be called ‘‘father of girls’’ or ‘‘abou banet.’’ Each of the religious communities has still further discriminatory practices toward girls. Among the Sunni, if a man does not have male offspring, upon his death his property is inherited by the closest male relative. As a result, there have been documented cases of conversion into Shi’a Islam so as to safeguard that the inheritance will remain with a man’s daughter. Divorce varies according to the
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religious community. There is no civil marriage in Lebanon. Marriage and divorce are a religious matter. The inheritance practices have tended to give equal shares to male and female offspring, with some variation where female offspring receive half of what their male counterparts receive. Lebanese culture in general gives high value to respect for the elderly and children. When expressing their love for a child, the usual verbal phrase is ‘‘bury me (t’iberinie)’’ or ‘‘I love you to death’’ meaning ‘‘I love you so much, you can bury me.’’ Although Lebanon has stateprovided social services, they are limited. Parents have the responsibility to care for their children long after their adulthood and marriage. Children also have the responsibility to take care of parents and grandparents and other relatives as well as neighbors who have no offspring. In an article published in 2005, Suad Joseph argues that Lebanese culture is at a crossroads. The practices used by Lebanese families in teaching children rights and responsibilities, for Suad Joseph, entail paradoxical incorporations of notions that both support and undermine international conventions and locally upheld ideals. Moreover, locally held beliefs are already inflected with regional and global influences. Thus, the Lebanese case becomes even more complicated when it concerns the family and the rights of the child. Rites of passage figure prominently in many Lebanese families, but vary according to religious orientation. HEALTH Health conditions in Lebanon for children are monitored by United Nations agencies and NGOs as well as by the Lebanese government. Although there is no universal health care in Lebanon, there still are accessible, affordable government-, nongovernment-, and municipaloperated healthcare institutions, hospitals, and clinics. The under-5 mortality rate has been reported to be 31 per 1,000 live births. Maternal mortality rate is 150 per 100,000 live births. Underweight children are estimated to be at 3 percent. Lebanon has universal access to improved water (100 percent). The sanitary conditions are at 98 percent in urban regions and 87 percent in rural areas. Immunization rates are greater than 90 percent. However, during the Israeli bombardments in the summer of 2006, women and children were displaced or killed, and after the destruction of the infrastructure the conditions are critical. The Lebanese government pays special attention to resources allocated to the health sector. As a result of its policies there has been a decline of the infant mortality rate. There have also been improvements in prenatal care and maternal health. Likewise, the Lebanese government has adopted laws and policies that address the rights of children with disabilities to adequate healthcare services, physical and psychosocial rehabilitation, as well as to education.
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LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The Lebanese government and NGOs work in collaboration with United Nations’ agencies to protect children’s rights. Lebanon has signed and has adhered to the Convention on the Rights of the Child since June 1991. There is a Higher Council for Childhood that overlooks the implementation of children’s rights and coordinates policies and programs related to children’s rights. The Council also deals with complaints about violations of children’s rights. There is also a special Parliamentary Committee for Children’s Rights. Its mandate is to work in collaboration with various Ministries to formulate laws and amend existing laws ensuring their compatibility with the United Nations Conventions and International Labor Organization’s regulations. The Lebanese labor law was amended, raising the minimum age for employment from 8 to 13 years. The law has also restrictions on conditions of employment. Lebanese government has ratified the International Labor Organization’s Convention 182 on the Worst Forms of Child Exploitation. The age of majority is 18. RELIGIOUS LIFE The birth of a child, in particular the first-born child and male child, are highly celebrated events among the Lebanese, irrespective of the religious denomination or confession. In addition, each religious community in Lebanon has its own rites and practices, and children participate in their communities according to the specifics of the religion. Christian denominations have Baptism and Confirmation. Some Christians, such as the Greek and Armenian Catholics, practice First Communion. Some Christian communities have Sunday school, in which children are introduced to the teachings of the Old and New Testaments. The Lebanese official calendar of holidays has incorporated feasts and holidays from the various religious communities. For the Christians, Palm Sunday (‘‘Eid al Shaanini’’) is a children’s celebration. They take part in religious processions holding decorated candles. Tarazi and Siddiqui in their study of The Child in Islam (1995) conclude that each child is special, each a unique individual. For Tarazi and Siddiqui, the guiding principle for the Islamic family is kindness; common sense is used in child-rearing practices. Within Islam there are varieties and often gender-specific duties and obligations. The rites of passage in various Islamic communities are birth (circumcision only for males), marriage, and death. In addition, every Muslim has a duty to participate once in a lifetime in the Hajj, pilgrimage. Birth and male circumcision are about children. The first is to welcome the child to the umma or community and the second is seen as a puberty rite. In Lebanon, though, circumcision often takes place in a hospital setting at the birth of the male infant.
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Although among the followers of the Druze faith, attention is given to the transmission of ‘‘sacred bonds of loyalty and obligation’’ (Ajami and Reed 1988, 14) and setting an ideological representation of social reproduction in terms of Druze unity, religious initiation, the differential religious statuses of young men and old men and of men and women, and also in terms of a doctrine of transmigration (Oppenheimer 1980); among the Shi’a, the stress is on being the oppressed. Young boys get initiated into Shi’a beliefs through a number of rituals and through their participation in the annual ’ashura ritual to commemorate their collective loss in the history of Islam (Shanahan 2005; Ajami and Reed 1988). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Lebanon does not have statistical reports on child abuse and neglect. United Nations agencies and NGOs have found a link with child abuse and neglect and street children. However, the great majority of street children are non-Lebanese. Raed El Raefi in an article entitled ‘‘Breaking the Silence on Child Abuse’’ (Daily Star, May 2005), stated that we cannot go on ignoring the issue of child abuse. The most common forms of child abuse involve corporal punishment, such as slapping on the face, mostly for male children, or twisting the ear and public shaming. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY In many ways, children growing up in Lebanon face a sad reality. Lebanon is still struggling after the 2006 Israeli raids. In a study entitled ‘‘The War Experiences and Psychosocial Development of Children in Lebanon: Children, Ethnic and Political Violence,’’ Maksoud and Aber interviewed 224 Lebanese children (ten to sixteen years old) using the following variables: measures of war exposure, mental health symptoms, adaptational outcomes, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The study found that the number and type of children’s war traumas were found to have varied in number and type by their age, gender, father’s occupational status, and mother’s educational level. As predicted, the number of war traumas experienced by a child was positively related to PTSD symptoms. The study noted that children who were exposed to multiple war traumas, who were bereaved, who became victims of violent acts, who witnessed violent acts, and/or were exposed to shelling or combat exhibited more PTSD symptoms. Children who were separated from parents reported greater symptoms of depression and children who experienced bereavement and were not displaced reported more painful behavior. Also, the results showed that children who were separated from parents and who witnessed violent acts reported more prosocial behavior. The study indicated that various types of war traumas were differentially related to PTSD, mental health symptoms, and adaptational outcomes.
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Much needs to be done. The country is facing major reconstruction at every level. In addition to the ravages of the war that has left many children in poverty, the children’s condition, as in any country, has been directly linked to the status of women. Although Lebanon is one of the few Arab countries that ratified, ‘‘with reservations,’’ the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, known as CEDAW, on July 24, 1996, the necessary amendments have not been undertaken due to several factors, including the continuous insecurity of the region and deep cultural beliefs and practices. Given that youth younger than the age of 25 years, who constitute more than half of the population, have been facing the consequences of the ravages of war and are in the margins of the social and economic sectors, programs are needed to help them have education and training and find employment and housing. Unemployment rates are highest among the youth. There are chronic housing shortages that have been accentuated by the recent bombardments that destroyed many of the buildings in the southern suburbs of Beirut and in the southern province. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Ajami, Fuad (with Eli Reed). Beirut-City of Regrets. Photographs by Eli Reed; Text by Fouad Ajami. London: W.W. Norton; 1988. This is an autobiographical reflection of a Lebanese Shi’a growing up in Lebanon and living in Beirut in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, accompanied by photographs taken during the civil war years of Lebanon. It includes an historical overview of Lebanon written in a beautiful and poetic as well as reflexive style. Aprahamian, Sima. ‘‘Lebanese Women,’’ Women in the Middle East and North Africa, edited by Bahira Sherif. Wesport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group; 2003. It has historical and statistical information on Lebanon, gender relations, identities, family law. Bleaney, C. H, compiler. Lebanon. Oxford, England, and Santa Barbara, California: Clio Press; 1991. It gives details on socio-economic, political, demographic information. BouJaoude, Saouma B., and Fouad Abd-El-Khalick. 2004. ‘‘A decade of science education research in Lebanon, 1992–2002: Issues and trends,’’ in Research on education in Africa, the Caribbean, and the Middle East, edited by Mutua, Kagendo, and Cynthia Szymanski Sunal. Greenwich, CT: Information Age Pub; 2004, 203–242. This book gives a review of science education research from 1992 to 2002 in Lebanon. CEMAM Reports III. Religion State and Ideology. Center for the Study of Modern Arab World. Beruit: Saint Joseph’s University, Dar el-Mashreq Publishers; 1975. This report gives details of the interplay between religion, political party ideology and politics in Lebanon.
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Chahine, Jessy. ‘‘Women Discuss Sexist Citizenship Law: Children of Non-Lebanese Fathers Do Not Have Right to Nationality,’’ The Daily Star (October 10, 2003). The Daily Star is the main English-language newspaper in Lebanon. This article is a report on women’s concerns that the citizenship law does discriminate against Lebanese women who marry non-Lebanese and against their children. Chatty, Dawn and Annika Rabo, eds. Organizing Women: Formal and Informal Women’s Groups in the Middle East. Oxford: Berg; 1997. This volume has detailed discussions of Lebanese women’s NGOs and their concerns. Committee of the Rights of the Child. Concluding Observations of Committee on the Rights of the Child: Lebanon, Committee of the Rights of the Child, Lebanon CRC/C/15/Add.169, 21. 2005. The Committee of the Rights of the Child is responsible for highlighting the conditions of Lebanese children and in teaching about the universal rights of children. This is the 2005 report. Dennis, Wayne. Children of the Cr e che. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts; 1973. This is a study of Lebanese children in orphanages. Eken, Sena, and Thomas Helbling, eds. Back to the Future: Postwar Reconstruction and Stabilization in Lebanon. Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund; 1999. This is a volume on the reconstruction plans of post-Tha’ef agreement Lebanon. Farah, May. ‘‘Globalization Finds a Place for Women. UN Report Finds That FarReaching Changes Are Slowly Leveling the Playing Field’’ (Beirut). Daily Star, November 11, 1999. This is a newspaper article on the UN report on gender and economic participation in Lebanon. Fuller, A. H. Buarij: Portrait of a Lebanese Muslim village. Cambridge. MA: Harvard University Press; 1961. This is an ethnographic study of a Lebanese Muslim village. Irani, Lauri King. ‘‘Recovering Women’s Voices in Post-War Lebanon.’’ Al-Raida xii (1995),12–13. Al-Raida is an English-language feminist journal published in Beirut. This article presents women’s activities in peace building after the 1975–1990 civil war. Joseph, Suad. ‘‘Teaching rights and responsibilities: Paradoxes of globalization and children’s citizenship in Lebanon.’’ Journal of Social History, (Summer 2005 Issue). This article, written by a leading Middle East scholar, examines the cultural differences in the context of international law and the rights of the child versus Lebanese family values that stress co-dependency. Malti-Douglas, Fedwa. 2002. ‘‘Lebanon,’’ in Remembering Childhood in the Middle East: Memoirs from a Century of Change, edited by Elizabeth Warnock Fernea. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. This is Fedwa Malti-Douglas’ childhood memories of Lebanon. Oppenheimer, Jonathan W. S. 1980. ‘‘We Are Born in Each Others’ Houses: Communal and Patrilineal Ideologies in Druze Village Religion and Social Structure.’’ American Ethnologist, 7 (1980), 621–36. This is a study of how the religious beliefs and practices of one of the Lebanese religious communities, the Druze, influence relations among the old and young, male, female, and others.
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Prothro, Edwin Terry. Child Rearing in Lebanon. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; 1961. This is a study of child socialization and enculturation practices in Lebanon. Shanahan, Rodger. The Shia of Lebanon: Clans, Parties and Clerics. London: Tauris Academic Studies; 2005. This is a detailed study of one of the religious communities of Lebanon, the Sh’ia. Tarazi, Norma, and Zeba Siddiqui. The Child in Islam. American Trust Publications; 1995. This is a guidebook on children and Islamic teachings. Williams, Judith R. 1968. The Youth of Haouch el Harimi. Cambridge, MA: Distributed for the Center for Middle Eastern Studies of Harvard University by Harvard University Press; 1968. This is an ethnographic study of the children in a Lebanese community.
Nonprint Resources Feature Films In the Shadows of the City. 2000. Jean Chamoun, director. 102 minutes. Once upon a Time: Beirut. 1994. Jocelyne Saab, director. 101 minutes. West Beirut. 1998. Zaid Doueiri, director. 105 minutes.
Documentaries Children of Shatila. 1998. Mair Masri, director. 50 minutes. War Generation Beirut. 1988. Jean Khalil Chamoun and Mai Masri, directors. 50 minutes.
Web Sites Child Rights Information Network, http://www.crin.org/resources/infoDetail .asp?ID¼188. CIA Factbook on Lebanon, https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/ le.html. Lebanese Institute of Child Rights. E-Leb 2003–2004, http://www.childoflebanon .com. Lebanese Union of Child Welfare, http://www.infoyouth.org/cd_rmed/English/ org_lb/childwelfare.htm. List of NGOs, nongov.htm.
http://www.infoyouth.org/cd_rmed/English/countryngo/lb_
UNICEF. Critical Issues for Children, http://www.unicef.org/har07/index_37564 .htm.
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UNICEF. At a Glance: Lebanon country information, http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/lebanon_36172.html. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Lebanon. UNDP Latest Events, http://www.undp.org.lb. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). ‘‘Launch of Water Rights and Wrongs,’’ http://hdr.undp.org. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Lebanon–Human Development Report 2006, http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ ds_LBN.html. USAID Lebanon, http://lebanon.usaid.gov.
Organizations and NGOs Association Najdeh P.O. Box 113-6099 Beirut, Lebanon Phone: (961) 1-302079 and (961) 1-703357 Email: [email protected] Website: http://almashriq.hiof.no/lebanon/300/360/362/najdeh Association Najdeh is a Lebanese NGO that works in and around the Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon, targeting primarily women and children. Najdeh has projects in Beirut, Tripoli (north), Sidon (south), Tyre (south-south), and Beqaa (central north). Najdeh offers several programs, including vocational training, literacy, scholastic tutorials and English language classes, as well as social assistance by providing educational scholarships and health care for the women and their families. Child of Lebanon Lebanese Institute for Child’s Rights La Corniche, Ghazal building, 2nd fl. Boul. Pierre GEMAYEL Achrafieh, Beirut, Lebanon Email: [email protected]. Website: http://www.childoflebanon.com Childhood observatory works in cooperation with professionals and human resources in contact with children to develop skills, expand knowledge, and enhance collaboration. Lebanese Association of Human Rights DPI P.O. Box 1085 Beirut, Lebanon The Lebanese Association of Human Rights addresses human rights issues, including the rights of the child and child abuse.
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Lebanese Family Planning Association P.O. Box 118240 El-Maskan Building, Mazraa Beirut, Lebanon The Lebanese Family Planning Association deals with child welfare and women’s and children’s access to health care in addition to access to contraceptives. The Lebanese Union for Child Welfare Hamra St., Rbez Bldg., Ground floor Phone: (961) 1 345150 Fax: (961) 1 345150 Founded in 1949 and registered under the number 585/AD, the Lebanese Union for Child Welfare was initially affiliated to the International Union for Child Welfare. First of its kind in the Arab world, its activities are spread through out the Lebanese territory. It aims to implement the Convention on the Rights of the Child ratified by Lebanon in 1991 as well as the Lebanese laws concerning child welfare. Save the Children Website: http://www.savethechildren.org/countries/middle-east-eurasia/lebanon.html Save the Children has been working in Lebanon since 1953 and began responding to the immediate and urgent needs of children and families affected within 72 hours of the emergency that began in July 2006. Save the Children’s emergency programs in Lebanon focused on providing children with safe places and making sure that their physical, social and mental needs were being addressed. It works with Development of People and Nature Association (DPNA) to initiate emergency response.
Selected Bibliography Aprahamian, Sima. ‘‘La guerre au Liban: Ces cedres qui n’en finissent pas de br^ uler.’’ Critique Socialiste, 4 (Sept. 1988), 87–94. Kilpatrick, Hilary. ‘‘The Arab East,’’ in Unheard words: Women and literature in Africa, the Arab world, Asia, the Caribbean and Latin America, edited by Mineke Schipper. London: Allison and Busby; 1985, 72–90. LaTeef, Nelda. Women of Lebanon: Interviews with Champions for Peace. McFarland & Company, Incorporated Publishers; 1997. Lebanon. Country Profile. Information Provided by the Government of Lebanon to the United Nations Commission on Sustainable Development, Fifth Session, 7–25 April 1997, New York. Makdisi, Jean Said. ‘‘The Mythology of Modernity: Women and Democracy in Lebanon,’’ in Feminism and Islam: Legal and literary perspectives. Mai Yamani. Berkshire: Ithaca Press, Garnet. Centre for Islamic and Middle Eastern Law, University of London, 231–250. Maksoud, Hala. 1996. ‘‘The case of Lebanon,’’ in Arab Women: Between Defiance and Restraint, edited by Suha Sabbagh. New York: Olive Branch Press; 1996, 89–94. McKee, Elizabeth. ‘‘The Political Agendas and Textual Strategies of Levantine Women Writers,’’ in Feminism and Islam: Legal and Literary Perspectives. Mai
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Yamani. Berkshire: Ithaca Press, Garnet. Centre for Islamic and Middle Eastern Law, University of London; 1996, 105–140. Miller, Robert L. and Wilford, Rick. Women, Ethnicity and Nationalism: Politics of Transition. Routledge; 1998. Norton, R. ‘‘Lebanon after Ta’ef: Is the Civil War Over? The Middle East Journal, 45 (1991): 457–73. Sabbagh, Suha. ‘‘Lebanon’s Civil War Through Different Eyes: An Interview With Jean Said Makdisi,’’ in Arab Women: Between Defiance and Restraint, edited by Suah Sabbagh, 100–103. New York: Olive Branch Press; 1996. Sabban, Rima. ‘‘Lebanese Women and Capitalist Cataclysm,’’ in Women of the Arab World. Introduced by Nawal el-Saadawi. Papers of the Arab Women’s Solidarity Association, edited by Nahid Tubia, 124–138. London: Zed; 1988. Schipper, Mineke. Unheard Words: Women and Literature in Africa, the Arab World, Asia, the Caribbean and Latin America. London: Allison and Busby; 1985. Sfeir, Myriam. ‘‘Iqbal Doughan: President of the Working Women League in Lebanon.’’ Al-Raida xv (1998), 44–45. Shaaban, Bouthaina. Both Right and Left Handed: Arab Women Talk About Their Lives. Bloomington & Indianapolis: Indiana University Press; 1991. Shehadeh, Lamia Rustum. Women and War in Lebanon. University Press of Florida; 1999. Tubia, Nahid. Women of the Arab World. Introduced by Nawal el-Saadawi. Papers of the Arab Women’s Solidarity Association. London: Zed; 1988. Yamani, Mai, ed. Feminism and Islam: Legal and Literary Perspectives. Berkshire: Ithaca Press, Garnet. Centre for Islamic and Middle Eastern Law, University of London; 1996.
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LIBYA C. Scott Maravilla NATIONAL PROFILE There are 2.1 million people in Libya younger than the age of 18 of the total population of 6,036,914. Children younger than the age of 14 constitute 33.4 percent of the population with 1,029,096 boys and 985,606 girls (CIA World Factbook 2007). The 15- to 64-year-old range makes up the largest percentage of the population at 62.4 percent with 1,940,287 men and 1,827,429 women (CIA World Factbook 2007). Those older than the age of 65 comprise 4.2 percent of the population with men estimated at around 124,892 and women at 129,604 (CIA World Factbook 2007). Libya is composed of Arabs and Berbers who make up 97 percent of the total population, with the remaining 3 percent divided among the following ethnic groups: Greeks, Maltese, Italians, Egyptians, Pakistanis, Turks, Indians, and Tunisians (CIA World Factbook 2007). Libyans overwhelmingly are Sunni Muslims (97 percent of the population) (CIA World Factbook 2007). The median age in Libya is 23.3 years, with the
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average male 23.4 years old and the average female estimated at 23.2 years of age (CIA World Factbook 2007). The population is increasing at an estimated rate of 2.262 percent with an estimated birth rate of 26.09 births per 1,000 people (CIA World Factbook 2007). The male–female ratios in the country are practically even with 1.052 males per female in the total population (CIA World Factbook 2007). Broken down by specific ages, the ratios are 1.05 males for every female born, 1.044 males per 1 female younger than the age of 15, 1.062 males for every female between the ages of 15 and 64, and 0.964 males for every female older than the age of 65 (CIA World Factbook 2007). The fertility rate is estimated to be 3.21 children per woman (CIA World Factbook 2007). In 2005, an estimated 7.4 percent of Libyans lived below the poverty line (CIA World Factbook 2007). The low rate is a result of generous state intervention in health and welfare benefits. Libya is suffering from an epidemic in HIV/AIDS. The adult infection rate was estimated to be 0.3 percent in 2001, with 10,000 estimated to be HIV-positive (CIA World Factbook 2007). The actual rate of death from AIDS is unknown. Otherwise, there is generally a medium risk of contracting a major infectious disease in the country. A woman’s status in the family generally and vis-a-vis her children are officially improved, but the gap between law and practice in a traditional society has been slow to close. Legally, women are guaranteed equality with men and provided rights not seen in other Muslim and Arab nations. Women have the right to be judges in courts of law, a right to a judicially decreed divorce rather than the traditional Muslim divorce of a man saying three times ‘‘I divorce you,’’ and women are given presumptive custody over their children in the event of a divorce. Women, especially in cities, do not wear an Islamic veil or headscarf. They may also leave their home unescorted by a male member of the family to go to work or school, although the careers of Libyan women tend to be limited to nursing, teaching, or secretarial work. In 1989 Libya ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and also ratified the Operational Protocol allowing Libyan women to file complaints against the government directly with the CEDAW committee. However, the government filed reservations to Article 2, right to nondiscrimination, and Article 16(c) and (d), nondiscrimination related to marriage, requiring CEDAW to follow Sharia, or Islamic law. Libya has also acceded to the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa, the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights, and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Although the law has generally improved the status of women, in many respects it continues to be regressive and actually hostile to women’s human rights. Article 375 of the Penal Code, for example, provides that if a male family member kills a woman or girl to protect the family’s
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honor in the case of suspected KEY FACTS – LIBYA extramarital sex, without even proof of actual extramarital sex, Population: 6,036,914 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 22.82 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) he may receive a reduced penLife expectancy at birth: 76.88 years (2007 est.) alty. In contrast to Western rape Literacy rate: 82.6 percent (2003 est.) shield laws, a court in Libya may Internet users: 205,000 (2005) view rape allegations made by a People living with HIV/AIDS: 10,000 (2001 est.) woman as an evidentiary admisSources: CIA World Factbook: Libya. https://www.cia.gov/library/ sion of guilt for having extramarpublications/the-world-factbook/geos/ly.html. June 18, 2007. ital sex in violation of Law No. 70. Libya does protect children in this area, however. The most extreme cases, generally those in which an older man has raped a minor girl, are criminally sanctioned and enforced. OVERVIEW Since 2003, the Great Socialist People’s Libyan Jamahiriya (Libya), headed by Col. Muammar al-Qaddafi after a 1969 coup, has been making the transition from pariah state to an integrated member of the international community. In 2003, Qaddafi unilaterally gave up his weapons of mass destruction programs, assisted the West in exposing the A.Q. Khan nuclear black market, and provided transparency to his military buildup. Libya has since been assisting the West in the war on terror, acceded to the International Atomic Energy Agency Additional Protocol, and became a State Party to the Chemical Weapons Convention. On September 12, 2003, the United Nations Security Council lifted its sanctions on Libya stemming from its role in the bombing of a Pan Am airplane over Lockerbie, Scotland, after Libya accepted civil responsibility and agreed to pay compensation to the families of the victims. On June 30, 2006, the United States removed the State Department designation of a state sponsor of terrorism from Libya. The United States and Libya have also established full diplomatic relations and upgraded their respective missions to embassies. Libya also continues to makes progress in establishing a more open political system and adopting free-market principles. The oil sector is still the primary basis for revenue and the Libyan economy. The gross national income per capita is US$5,530 (CIA World Factbook 2007). With regard to the rest of its foreign policy, Libya has favored an African-oriented approach, steering more away from Arab conflicts in the Middle East. Libya is active in the African Union, financially supports poorer African states, and is taking part in conflict resolution throughout the continent. With the help of other African nations, Libya assumed the chair of the United Nations Human Rights Commission. The Libyan government provides free access to public education for all children living in Libya, and attendance is compulsory through age 15
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(World Education News and Review [WENR] 2004). The infant mortality rate in Libya is 22.82 deaths per 1,000 live births (CIA World Factbook 2007). This is among the best in the Arab world and in Africa. Broken down by sex, the infant mortality rate for boys is 25.07 per 1,000 live births and, for girls, it is estimated at 20.47 per 1,000 live births (CIA World Factbook 2007). The average life expectancy for Libyans is 76.88 years; for men it is 74.64 years and for women it is estimated at 79.23 years (CIA World Factbook 2007). Libya is a departure point to Europe and, because of its oil economy, is a place where many seek employment refuge from conflicts on the African continent. Of the people in Libya, an estimated 30 percent, or 2 million people, many in the country illegally, are foreigners from Sudan, Chad, Egypt, Somalia, Palestinian, Tunisia, Morocco, and Algeria (United Nations High Commission for Refugees [UNHCR] 2006). Libya has a flexible, open-door policy toward foreigners entering the country seeking employment. There is no administrative or legal structure to deal with migrants and determine who is entering the country strictly for economic opportunity and who is a refugee escaping political persecution. There is also no differentiation between the rights of women and children and adults for repatriation. The UNHCR operates in the country to protect refugees. UNHCR partners with a number of local nongovernmental organization (NGOs), including Al-Wafa Charity Association, the Qaddafi International Foundation for Charity Associations (QIFCA), the World Islamic Call Society (WICS), the Wa-atasmo Charity Association, and the International Organization for Peace, Care, and Relief. The local NGOs, however, prefer to assist UNHCR abroad rather than domestically. Libya does provide legal protection for minors against exploitation in the workforce. A minor younger than the age of 18 may not be employed full time except as an apprentice to a trade (U.S. State Department 2006). Slavery and indentured servitude are barred by the Penal Code, which explicitly forbids slavery in Libya. However, as is the case often with the rights of women in Libya, enforcement is lax. There are no available statistics on the exploitation of Libyan children in prostitution, crime, and as servants. With regard to slavery, Libya serves as a transit point for human trafficking. The country is a known source for Sudanese slaves, mostly women and children, who have been captured in the course of that country’s civil war. EDUCATION Libya possesses a literacy rate of 82.6 percent of the total population who can read and write (CIA World Factbook 2007). Broken down by gender, this is 92.4 percent of men and, according to a 2003 estimate, 72 percent of women (CIA World Factbook 2007). There are 1.7 million students in the education system, 270,000 of whom are at the tertiary
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level (WENR 2004). Education is compulsory among Libyan children until the age of 15, when they can de-matriculate. According to UNESCO, 98 percent of Libyan children enroll in the first grade. The basic level of education lasts for 9 years, that is, 6 years in primary education and 3 years in secondary education. The lower secondary school, referred to as preparatory education, is from grades 7 through 9, and the Upper Secondary School, intermediate level, lasts for 3 to 4 years with a focus on sciences and arts. Libya also has specialized schools aimed at economics, biology, arts and media, social sciences, and engineering and vocational training. The 9-year program is successfully completed by 50–60 percent of students (WENR 2004). Students, upon successful completion of the entire course, receive a Basic Education Certificate. Students undertake national examinations at the end of grades 4, 6, and 9. They need to score 50 percent or greater to advance to another level. Secondary education lasts from 6 to 7 years and is broken up into 3-year cycles. At the completion of the secondary level, students may elect to enroll in vocational training and receive what is called the Lower Certificate at the conclusion of their studies. With Libya’s reintegration into the international community, British and American institutions of higher education are looking to increase student exchange programs. Recently, delegations from the United States and Britain have held meetings aimed at increasing Libyan graduate student enrollment in the United States and the United Kingdom. The British Council also recently executed an exchange agreement with Libya. Since the 1970s, the number of universities has grown from 2 to 9, and there are 84 technical and vocational schools in addition. The Secretariat of the General People’s Committee for Education and Scientific Research, pursuant to Law No. 1 in 1992 concerning higher education, is charged with overseeing higher education in the country. University education confers Bachelors, Higher Diploma or Masters, and Doctorate degrees; non-university degrees conferred are Bachelors and the Higher the Technician Diploma. Despite its progressive education system, Libya’s respect for human rights in this area is again undermined by its laws and traditions. Libya’s Zina laws (Law No. 70) establish adultery and fornication as criminal offenses. Women and young girls thought to have violated moral codes, of which some are codified by statutes, are detained indefinitely in ‘‘social rehabilitation’’ homes. The premise behind these homes is to protect women from honor killings by members of their family and to rehabilitate them to overcome moral transgressions. In terms of the human rights of children, the Benghazi Home for Juvenile Girls is the primary facility holding female minors under the age of 18. The General Secretary of Social Affairs runs these facilities through internal Ministry bylaws that refer to them as ‘‘protective homes’’ (Human Rights Watch 2007). The bylaws specify that the following classes of
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women and young girls are to be detained in these facilities: adolescent rape victims, adolescent girls who violate moral codes, prostitutes and women accused of prostitution, women and young girls abandoned by their families due to an unplanned pregnancy, homeless women, and divorced women. The actual numbers of women and girls in these facilities are small. Generally, the reason the girls are at the facility is because their families have rejected them for bringing disgrace on the family’s honor. Many girls are accused of having extramarital sex, and some have completed sentences for extramarital sex. They are not guilty of any crime, some have already completed sentences, and others are victims of rape. The facilities routinely violate the girls’ human rights to due process, freedom, dignity, and privacy. These detentions are clear violations of Article 9 of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights barring arbitrary arrest and detention. The girls are not provided with a forum to contest their detention and seek release, and they are refused basic legal representation by an attorney. The girls are routinely subjected to solitary confinement, particularly if they are perceived to have disrespected guards. Upon entrance into the facility, they are forcibly tested for sexually transmitted diseases and are given virginity examinations without their consent. There is no mechanism for a girl to end her detention and leave the facility unless either a male relative assumes custody of her or she consents to marriage. The facilities are a source for a cheap bride because there are no marital expenses associated with marrying a girl from one of these homes. A dowry that a groom must provide to the bride’s family may reach as high as US$10,000. In terms of education, these facilities constitute a violation of the girls’ right to an education established in the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, acceded to by Libya in 1970, and the United Nations Rules for the Protection of Juveniles. Education for girls in the facilities is not provided for. They are only offered religious instruction to overcome their moral transgressions. Upon entry, books are confiscated and the girls may not read anything unrelated to their religious instruction or sewing. PLAY AND RECREATION Among organized sports in Libya, football (soccer) is very popular. Informal games are played by children, and students compete in competitive leagues at all levels of education through the collegiate level. There is the professional Libyan Arab Jamahiriya Football Federation, and the country is a member of football federations at both the international and African levels. Horse racing, chariot racing, and fantasias that highlight riding skills are common sports. There is also camel racing, and the Bedouins race a
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special breed of camel in a mehari, where the skill of rider is the important factor in the race. Bedouins also play a game where a grid is drawn in the sand, and players try to get three pebbles in a row into the grid. A total of 90 percent of Libyans live on the coast. With its large cities on the coast of the Mediterranean, water sports are a popular form of recreation. Libyans enjoy swimming, water skiing, and scuba diving. In cities, there are tennis courts, bowling alleys, and golf courses. Isseren is a traditional game played by children. The children throw split sticks into the air and receive points for each one that lands on the split side up. CHILD LABOR The total work force in Libya is estimated, in 2006 statistics, at 1.787 million, with 17 percent in the agriculture sector, 23 percent in private industry, and an estimated, in 2004 statistics, 59 percent employed by the government (CIA World Factbook 2007). The unemployment rate in 2004 was estimated at 30 percent (CIA World Factbook 2007). The law bars children younger than the age of 18 from full-time employment unless it is in an apprenticeship in a trade (U.S. State Department 2006). Child soldiers are not as large a problem in Libya as it is in other African states. However, a minor as young as 14 years old may join armed forces and conscription begins at 18. FAMILY Family life is highly influenced by Islamic practices. Libyan families are traditionally patriarchal. The man is the primary income earner with the wife charged with looking after the home. The household traditionally included the man, his wife, his sons, both single and married, their wives, any unmarried daughters, and sometimes a widowed or divorced mother or sister. The sons established their own households upon the death of their father. All children will generally get married upon reaching the appropriate age. Men receive adult status usually upon marriage, and often only after becoming a father. However, most young men nowadays establish their own households upon marriage instead of living with their father. The legal age of consent to marry is 16 for girls and 18 for men, and a woman must provide her consent to marriage for it to be lawful. A 1972 law prohibits marriage by proxy. Furthermore, if a woman’s father forbids her from marrying, she may petition a court of law to allow her to marry. There is a disparity in the treatment of children born abroad between Libyan men and women. Children born abroad to a Libyan father, regardless of the nationality of the mother, are automatically entitled to Libyan citizenship. The inverse is not true for the children of Libyan women.
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HEALTH Libya is well ahead of other African nations in its health sector. The government-funded children’s hospital in Jalah is considered among the best on the continent. However, there is not any government program aimed at the health sector itself. Libya’s infant mortality rate is also among the lowest in Africa and the Middle East. In comparison with other African countries, Libya’s infant mortality rate is significantly lower. Libya’s mortality rate is 13 per 1,000 live births compared with South Africa at 53, Zimbabwe at 78, Nigeria at 98, Ethiopia at 112, and Niger at 154 per 1,000 live births (BBC News 2005). The annual number of births in Libya was 136,000 according to 2005 statistics (United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund [UNICEF] 2007). The annual number of deaths of children under 5 years of age was 3,000 in 2005 (UNICEF 2007). The under-5 mortality rate in Libya ranks 117th in the world (UNICEF 2007). The under-5 mortality rate was 19th in 2005 (UNICEF 2007). The infant mortality rate for those younger than 1 year of age was 18 in 2005 (UNICEF 2007). The neonatal mortality rate was 11 in 2000 (UNICEF 2007). However, since 1995, the mortality rate of children under 5 has increased very slightly (BBC News 2005). Despite its success in this category, Libya is still not on track to meet its Millennium Development Goal to reduce infant mortality by two-thirds by 2015. Few reliable data are available to track the causes of infant mortality in Libya. However, in 1995, Dr. Adel Tajuri, a pediatrician, attempted an independent study of just Benghazi, and found that cancer and automobile accidents were the leading causes of death in children (BBC News 2005). In terms of infant health, Libya also fares better statistically compared with the rest of Africa. From 1998 to 2005, 7 percent of infants were born with a low birth weight (UNICEF 2007). From 1996 to 2005, 5 percent of children younger than the age of 5 suffered from moderate-to-severe low birth weight, whereas 1 percent were designated severe (UNICEF 2007). During the same period, 3 percent were found suffering from moderate to severe wasting and 15 percent with moderate-to-severe stunting (UNICEF 2007). In 2005, the Libyan government launched an aggressive vaccination program with the aim of immunizing all children in Libya, both citizens and foreigners. In 2005, the government financed 100 percent of 1-yearold children’s routine EPI vaccinations (UNICEF 2007). In addition, 99 percent of 1-year old children were immunized against tuberculosis, 98 percent against DPT, 98 percent against polio, 97 percent against measles, and 97 percent against hepatitis B (UNICEF 2007). Libya has an ongoing HIV/AIDS problem that affects children. There is a lack of proper hygiene and control over blood products to prevent blood-borne infections. Until recently, Libya did not openly recognize its HIV/AIDS epidemic. The HIV/AIDS issue is now publicly addressed in
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Libya and, in 2002, the government established a National AIDS Program with assistance from United Nations agencies and sponsored National AIDS Week. The country’s slogan is ‘‘No to Stigma and Discrimination’’ (UNICEF 2007). UNAIDS, the United Nations agency charged with overseeing AIDS policy, says that the epidemic in Libya is centered on drug addicts and sex workers. Guest workers from subSaharan Africa are among the most prevalent group, where 10 percent are infected with HIV. The AIDS issue in Libya reached international attention with the arrest and multiple trials of five Bulgarian nurses and a Palestinian physician. In 1997–1998, 400 Libyan children in Benghazi were infected with AIDS. In 1998, the Bulgarian nurses and the Palestinian doctor were detained and accused of intentionally infecting the children in Benghazi at the behest of the CIA and Mossad to weaken the regime. They have already been through three trials, convicted with the death penalty, but they were eventually released as a result of international intervention. A total of 60–70 percent of the Benghazi children are on an antiviral cocktail (Rosenthal 2006). However, only a few children have achieved the critical control over HIV replication. The Benghazi Action Plan was put forward by the European Union to provide European physicians to train and advise their Libyan counterparts on fighting the disease with some Libyan doctors going to Europe for training. As a sign that the Plan is not working to full effect, in 2006, the Libyan government began sending children abroad for treatment in pediatric hospitals in Italy and France at government expense. There are currently 150 children in Rome and 100 at the Vatican Hospital Bambino Gesu (Rosenthal 2006). They are suffering declining health from tuberculosis and hepatitis infections. UNICEF is operating within the country to actively combat the spread of HIV/AIDS as its highest priority. UNICEF is working successfully with other local NGOs. Libyan NGOs are effective at lobbying the government to obtain resources in the fight against AIDS. Polio eradication is also a priority for UNICEF in Libya. In 2003, UNICEF, the World Health Organization (WHO), and the Libyan government collaborated on Libya’s submission to the Regional Certification Committee on Polio Eradication. All four surveillance issues were addressed in its submission, bringing Libya into compliance and eligible for certification for the first time. UNICEF, WHO, and the National Expanded Program on Immunization also worked on the polio-caused acute flaccid paralysis surveillance program in Libya. Finally, with Libya’s normalization of relations with the West, outside NGOs are beginning to enter the country to assist with sustainable development. ORBIS, a British NGO dedicated to eradicating avoidable blindness, is the first international health NGO to be invited into Libya since United Nations and international sanctions were established in 1992. The Ministry of Health invited ORBIS to participate in a program to train the nation’s eyecare professionals with their Flying Eye Hospital Program.
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LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The Libyan legal system is derived from a combination of the Italian civil law system and Islamic law. Religious courts are separate from civil courts. There is no judicial review over legislative acts, and Libya has not acceded to the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice. The minimum age for criminal liability is 14 (Right to Education 2002). If the children are younger than the age of 14, then they cannot be held criminally liable (Right to Education 2002). Voting age in the country is 18 years, and is universal and compulsory. Libya, because of its oil economy, has a strong welfare system, which includes worker’s compensation for injuries incurred on the job, disability benefits, retirement, survivors’ benefits, public education, subsidized food costs, low-cost housing, health care, public nurseries for working mothers, orphanages, and public nursing homes. RELIGIOUS LIFE The predominant religion in Libya is Sunni Islam. Qaddafi himself is a devout Muslim, and, upon coming to power in 1969, he re-established the role of Islam in everyday life and public policy. Sharia is the basis for the legal system, and Libya follows the Maliki School of Islamic law. Islam as practiced in Libya, however, is mixed with indigenous Berber religious practices. Baraka, those with a particular spiritual force, are considered saints, or al murabitun. Marriage, however, is a civil contract, not generally a religious act, in Libya. A marriage contract is drawn up between the families outlining the terms and conditions of the union. The man’s family has to provide the bride’s family with a dowry on average of US$10,000. The wedding and accompanying festivities will often last a week. Marriages are also arranged by friends or relatives or with the use of a professional matchmaker. Libyan law, however, prohibits a couple from getting married without first giving their consent to the arrangement. In practice, the couple is not very involved in the arrangements, and the law is more of a formality on the books. However, many young people living in cities tend to choose their own spouses. Despite the legality of multiple wives under Islamic law (four), only 3 percent of marriages (the last reliable statistics were taken in the 1980s) involved more than one wife. The law, however, forbids a man from taking another wife without the consent of his first wife. Generally, a man will only take a second wife if the first one cannot bear children. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Libya is a transit point and destination for the trafficking of children from sub-Saharan Africa and Asia for sex and forced labor. Although
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Libya’s laws explicitly prohibit slavery and child labor, the enforcement is lacking. Since 2004, Libya has not evidenced any effort to end trafficking. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Despite its progress in reintegrating into the international community and normalization of relations with the West, Libya stands as a country of contradictions. The regime, in many respects, has liberalized its laws with regard to women’s equality and the rights of children. Coextensive with its reforms, the Zina laws, moral code, is still good law and enforced. The example of the Benghazi Home for Girls is rife with the need to provide due process and rethink some of these codes. Tradition and a lack of enforcement are the major obstacles facing children going forward. Qaddafi needs to begin enforcing the country’s anti-slavery laws and cracking down on the trafficking and exploitation of children in the country. Without a consistent level of effort in these areas, Libya is poised to undermine all of the progress it has made in the past 4 years. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Alvi, Hayat. ‘‘The Human Rights of Women and Social Transformation in the Arab Middle East.’’ The Middle East Review of International Affairs, 9 (June 2005), Number 2, Article 8. Hochman, Dafna. ‘‘Rehabilitating a Rogue: Libya’s WMD Reversal and Lessons for US Policy.’’ Parameters (March 22, 2006). El-Khikia, Mansour O. Libya’s Qaddafi: The Politics of Contradiction. Florida: University Press of Florida; 1998. Vandewalle, Drik. A History of Modern Libya. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 2006.
Nonprint Resources Injection! By Mickey Grant. This film is about the five Bulgarian nurses and Palestinian physician accused of infecting children with AIDS. Available free at http://www.creativehat.com/deadly_injections.htm.
Web Sites Amnesty International, http://www.amnesty.org. Freedom House, http://www.freedomhouse.org. Human Rights Watch, http://www.hrw.org.
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Organizations and NGOs ORBIS International Interim Executive Director: Paddy Hunter-Murphy Fourth Floor Fergusson House 124–128 City Road London, England EC1V 2NJ Phone: 44 207 608 7260 Fax: 44 207 253 8483 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.orbis.org.uk UNICEF–Tripoli Libya Field Office Mailing address: P.O. Box 12590 Tripoli, Libya (GSPLAJ) Visitor’s Address: 67–71 Shara Turkiya Tripoli, Libya Phone: 218 21 3330 852/218 21 3330 853/218 21 3330 854/218 21 3330 855 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.unicef.org
Selected Bibliography BBC News. ‘‘Trying to Save Libya’s Children.’’ September 14, 2005. http://news .bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4242558.stm. Central Intellligence Agency (CIA). The World Factbook: Libya. April 17, 2007. https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/ly.html. Child Soldiers Global Report 2004: Libya. Data Summary. http://www.childsoldiers.org/document_get.php?id¼961. Cooper, Paul E. The Dream or Nightmare. The Quiet Leaf Group; 2004. Davis, Brian L. Qaddafi, Terrorism, and the Origins of the U.S. Attack on Libya. Praeger Publishers; 1990. Elwarfally, Mahmoud G. Imagery and Ideology in U.S. Policy Toward Libya, 1969– 1982. University of Pittsburgh Press; 1988. Global March Against Child Labour. Report on the Worst Forms of Child Labour: Libya. New Delhi: Global March Against Child Labour Ham, Anthony. Lonely Planet Libya. Lonely Planet Publications; 2007. Human Rights Watch. Country Summary: Libya. January, 2007. http://hrw.org/ doc?t¼mideast&c¼libya. ———. ‘‘A Threat to Society? Arbitrary Detention of Women and Girls for ‘Social Rehabilitation,’ ’’ 18 (February 2006) (E). Koh, Harold Hongju. ‘‘Internationalization through Socialization.’’ Duke Law Journal, 54 (1975). Library of Congress Country Studies. Libya, http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/ r?frd/cstdy:@field(DOCIDþly0060). Libya–Family Life, http://www.cp-pc.ca/english/libya/family.html. Libya–Sports and Recreation, http://www.cp-pc.ca/english/libya/sports.html. Libya–Family, http://countrystudies.us/libya/47.htm.
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Metz, Helen Chapin. Libya. Kessinger Publishing; 2004. Obeidi, Amal S. M. Political Culture in Libya. RoutledgeCurzon; 2001. ORBIS. ORBIS Becomes First International Health NGO to Return to Libya. May 14, 2007. http://www.orbis.org.uk/bins/news_page.asp?cid¼10-1202329&lang¼1. Right to Education. ‘‘At What Age? . . . are school-children employed, married and taken to court?’’ 2002. http://www.right-to-education.org/content/age/ libya.html. Rosas, Allan. ‘‘State Sovereignty and Human Rights: Toward a Global Constitutional Project.’’ Political Studies, 3 (August 1995). Rosenthal, Elisabeth. ‘‘Libya Sends Children With AIDS to Hospitals in Europe,’’ The New York Times, October 26, 2006. http://www.nytimes.com/2006/ 10/26/world/africa/26libya.html?ex¼1319515200&en¼06c26. Simons, Geoff. Libya and the West: From Independence to Lockerbie. I.B. Tauris; 2004. ——— Libya: The Struggle for Survival. Palgrave Macmillan; 1996. St. John, Ronald Bruce. Libya and the United States: Two Centuries of Strife. University of Pennsylvania Press; 2002. Tyler, Patrick E. ‘‘Another Test for Qaddafi: Who Infected the Children?’’ The New York Times, January 11, 2004. http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html? sec¼health&res¼9C0CE1DB1730F932A25752. United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR). Country Operations Plan, Country: Libya. 2006. http://72.14.253.104/search?q¼cache:F_ SP6oz4m7sJ:www.unhcr.org/home/RSDCOI/4332. United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF). UNICEF – At a glance: Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. 2007. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ laj.html. U.S. State Department Report on Libya. 2006. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/ hrrpt/2006/78858.htm. Vandewalle, Dirk. Libya Since Independence: Oil and State-Building. Cornell University Press; 1998. ———. Qadhafi’s Libya 1969–1994. Palgrave Macmillan, 1995. World Education News and Reviews (WENR). Nick Clark, ‘‘Education in Libya.’’ July/August 2004. http://www.wes.org/ewenr/04July/Practical.htm.
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MOROCCO Brigitte H. Bechtold NATIONAL PROFILE Morocco is situated at the westernmost edge of the Maghreb in North Africa, a region that also comprises Algeria and Tunisia. Bordered by the Mediterranean Sea on the North and the Atlantic Ocean on the West, Morocco shares long geographic borders with Algeria and Mauritania. Tangier, Rabat (government seat and country capital), Casablanca (Morocco’s largest city), and Agadir are major coastal cities, and major inland cities include Fes and Marrakesh. The history of the Moroccan people goes back to 1500 BCE. Phoenician settlements appeared around 1100 BCE, which were succeeded by a Berber Kingdom around the beginning of the Common Era, and then followed by Roman and Byzantine domination of the coastal regions, and Islam in the seventh century. Jewish settlers came to Morocco in the tenth century, a new Berber dynasty was established in the eleventh century, and European influence began when the Portuguese entered the north in the early fifteenth century. French colonial rule
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over Morocco began in 1904 and lasted until France capitulated to the Nazis in 1943, and Morocco became independent in 1956. With its annexation of the Western Sahara in the 1970s, Morocco attained today’s geographic borders, which contain a socially diverse, multicultural, and multilingual society, dominated by Arab-Islamic culture but with strong Berber and French influences (Ennaji 2005; Kjeilen, n.d.). The form of government is a kingdom with a parliamentary democratic system. However, democracy is limited by the religiously legitimated political omnipotence of the king, who has the final say about any piece of legislation and executive act. Morocco’s geography comprises coastal plains, desert, and mountain ranges. Approximately one-fifth of the land surface is arable. Along the Atlantic coast lie several fertile plains, and to their east lie the Atlas Mountains, which stretch from southwest to northeast Morocco, where the country borders Algeria. The Rif mountain range lies in the northeast of the country, to the north of the Atlas, and also on the northeast border with Algeria. Economic wealth derives from a combination of human and natural resources, in the major areas of farming, mining, in particular phosphates in the central regions and the Sahara, craft industries, and tourism. The coastal plains contain fertile agricultural land. Morocco does not have to import food, although that does not imply that all of its population is adequately nourished. The coastal region south of Casablanca is the center of cotton production, and a denim factory has been in operation there since 1990. Morocco’s overall population exceeds 31 million, of whom nearly 12 million are younger than 18 years of age and 3.4 million younger than age 5, showing a relatively young age pyramid. Population growth has slowed substantially, from 2.4 percent annually in 1970–1990, to 1.6 percent in 1990–2005, with the urban population growing at a faster rate than the rural one. The urbanization rate reached 59 percent in 2005. Ethnically, the population is 99 percent Arab-Berber and almost 99 percent Muslim. Almost two-thirds of the population speaks Moroccan Arabic. Berber languages are also common as a first language, with many Berbers practicing bilingualism with Moroccan Arabic. More and more people are also using standard Arabic, especially as an increasing fraction of the population is becoming educated. French is still the language of the administrative government and much of higher education, especially in the sciences (Ennaji 2005). Demographic indicators in Morocco are moving in the direction of those prevailing in Western nations. To wit, the crude death rate has decreased from 17 per 1,000 in 1970 to slightly more than one-third that level in 2005, whereas the crude birth rate has steadily declined, from 47 to 23 per 1,000 in 1970–2005. During the same period, life expectancy has increased from 52 to 70 years, and the overall fertility rate stood at 2.5 in the year 2003.1
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Turning to well-being of the KEY FACTS – MOROCCO population, per capita national income stands at US$1,730, Population: 33,757,175 (July 2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 71.22 years (2007 est.) and increases approximately 1.5 Literacy rate: 52.3 percent (2004 est.) percent annually on average, Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 86 percent (2000– almost keeping pace with infla2005 est.) tion, which averaged 2 percent Internet users: 4.6 million (2005) in the period of 1990–2005. People living with HIV/AIDS: 15,000 (2001 est.) Human Poverty Index (HP-1) rank: 59 Income is unevenly distributed, with the highest 20 percent of Sources: CIA World Factbook: Morocco. https://www.cia.gov/library/ the income earners receiving 47 publications/the-world-factbook/geos/mo.html. June 18, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Morocco–Statistics. http:// percent of household income in www.unicef.org/infobycountry/morocco_statistics.html. June 1994–2004, whereas the bot18, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) tom 40 percent received 17 perHuman Development Report 2006–Morocco. http:// hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/ cent. The key to lowering cty_ds_MAR.html. June 18, 2007. inequality lies in literacy and education, and the figures are somewhat discouraging, especially when gender differences are taken into consideration. Literacy rates are 66 percent for adult males but only 40 percent for females. Although primary school enrollment figures are high—89 percent for males and 83 percent for females—the gender gap widens in secondary school, with 52 percent of males but only 43 percent of females enrolled. OVERVIEW Morocco is a geographically, socially, and culturally diverse society, with a population that is Arab-Berber and mostly Muslim. It is undergoing a rapid demographic transition that has dramatically lowered total fertility and affects family life in a variety of ways. Daily life is influenced by Islamic customs and patriarchal family arrangements, although gender divisions are narrowing. The educational system is modeled on the European pattern, but Quranic schools are also available to children. An ambitious education reform program currently seeks to increase overall literacy rates, improve enrollment and retention percentages, especially for girls, at the primary and secondary levels, and make secondary and higher education increasingly geared to the needs of the labor market. Children face a number of health problems, including significant percentages of malnutrition, even though the nation produces enough food for self-sufficiency. Poverty and gender discrimination also jeopardize significant numbers of children, who become exploited as craft or domestic workers, or live abandoned on the street. Domestic child workers are largely girls from rural areas—some only 5 years of age, who face a number of abuses in their employ. Although legislation exists to deal with child abuse, its enforcement is hampered by illiteracy, remoteness of regions that
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supply child workers and local customs. Lives of children in the twenty-first century may be improved if the socioeconomic and gender gaps become more narrow, and if the forces of globalization—in the form of increased human exploitation, environmental degradation, and child trafficking—do not swamp advances in education and overall economic well-being, and the effect of legislation protecting the young generations. EDUCATION Education is compulsory between the ages of 7 and 15 years of age, but enforcement is problematic, especially for working children. The World Bank estimated a 78 percent enrollment rate in primary education for the year 2000, with children having the option of attending either a Quranic or a modern school, but also indicated that the majority of working children did not attend any school. Dropout rates were found to be high, especially in rural areas, where many girls do not finish primary school, and enrollment rates were low for children who are disabled or live in poverty (World Development Indicators 2003; Plans nationals et sectoriels d’action de la lutte contre le travail des enfants du Maroc 1999, 3). By the year 2005, primary school enrollment improved, mainly as a result of a thorough reform of the education system. Primary school enrollment now is reported at 89 percent for boys and 83 percent for girls, with respective attendance ratios of 91 and 87 percent. After the first few years of primary school, however, enrollment and attendance still drop off significantly. Since the late 1990s, Morocco has focused on education as a pillar of economic development and improved social conditions. The National Charter for Education and Training was adopted in 2000 and the decade 2000–2009 was declared the National Decade for Education and Training. The reforms sought to address a number of basic problems plaguing Morocco’s education system, beginning with the high numbers of uneducated or undereducated children, but also including mismatching between higher education and the job market, poor working conditions for teachers, and dissatisfaction of students and teachers alike with the quality of education (Boubkir and Boukamhi 2005, 19). For basic education, the goal was to have 90 percent of pupils to finish elementary school by 2005, 80 percent of pupils to finish junior schooling by 2008, and 40 percent of students to receive the baccalaureate degree by 2011. To promote access to primary education, a number of measures were proposed, including partnerships with nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), finding temporary and permanent locations for new schools, seeking private sector help, and promoting girls’ education (Boubkir and Boukamhi 2005, 25). Another area of education reform is the increasing mismatch of education and job opportunities. Although several decades ago most educated citizens became civil servants, it is no longer the case that the state
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bureaucracy is the main source of employment. The formation of a variously skilled professional labor force is a necessary task of the education system. To improve the match between education and job openings, the Charter contained several provisions, including the creation of orientation centers at each schooling exit level, acquisition of modern technology, partnering with institutions in developed countries, and including professional and technical training as integral parts of school curricula (Boubkir and Boukamhi 2005, 29–33). Because of the great socioeconomic disparities between urban and rural areas and the sheer remoteness of some locations, these reforms are facing many obstacles. Children, especially girls, in rural areas remain severely dispossessed of education. PLAY AND RECREATION In many ways, child play in Morocco is similar to that found in many European and neighboring African countries: outside the school environment, girls play with dolls and boys are often seen playing soccer in the streets, alleys, and countryside. There are also very specific Moroccan traditions, especially those governing gendered divisions in children’s activities. Households practice a rigid gendered division of labor, even for children. Although boys have few obligations in the household, girls have to perform several daily chores, like cooking, fetching water, and cleaning. These obligations start at a very young age, leaving little time for girls to play, and providing a strong source of socialization of girls into future roles as housewives (Schaefer Davis and Davis 1995, 94). Some of the specific play activities of Moroccan children are universal and involve no specific toy or implement. They can be observed playing hide and go seek, for example. Other activities involve role playing and are, therefore, conducive to socialization of children into their future roles as adults.2 Animals from the region, such as donkeys, dromedaries, goats, and mice are often used as living toys. Moreover, children make toys from natural and waste materials to represent various animals in their environments. Tuareg children, for example, can be seen playing with toy dromedaries. Toys made by children range from the very basic (a pebble that represents a specific animal) to more elaborate hand-carved ones. Only rarely do adults make toys. Sometimes, imported toys may be combined with the indigenous handmade variety. Games children play are inspired by adult social settings. Boys play at being a shepherd, caravaner, or another male occupation. Girls play at being adult women with their dolls—also made by hand. Their roleplaying involves weddings, initiation rites, circumcision, festivals and asking for rain. Occasionally, in particular during the Ash^ ura feast, parents or other relatives buy toys for children, mainly cheap, plastic, Chinese imported water pistols and guns for boys and beauty kits for girls, but also locally produced musical instruments.
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CHILD LABOR In addition to household chores conducted by girls in their home since a young age, the Moroccan economy makes extensive use of child labor, more so than its neighboring countries in North Africa and the Middle East. Although the Labor Code and the Penal Code of the state of Morocco contains several provisions dealing with child labor, trafficking in minors, and specific forms of abuse against children, they do not adequately cover some areas of child labor and abuse, and enforcement is often lacking. Child labor is extensive in agriculture, crafts, and in domestic work, and estimates of the number of children involved in the practice vary. The National Labor Force Survey estimated that 11.1 percent of children ages 7 to 15 years—some 600,000 children—were employed in the year 2000, whereas the Ministry of Economic Forecasting and Planning reported that 3.4 percent of Morocco’s nine million children younger than the age of 15 were actively employed in 2002. Most of the children reported in these surveys worked in the agricultural sector as shepherds, fetched water, collected fuel, and fed animals. In the craft industries, children are employed in mosaics, metal making and rug weaving, with virtually none of the children employed in the latter craft exceeding the age of twelve (Emploi et Ch^ omage 2002; Understanding Children’s Work (UCW) 2003). Many children are apprenticed into a craft at a young age. On the streets of the major cities, children also are employed as beggars and panhandlers, rendering them vulnerable to recruitment in the child sex tourism industry and other abuses. Of particular concern among child workers are the young girls who are employed as domestic workers in households in Morocco’s cities. Girls from rural areas, starting as early as age 5 to 6, are often sent to cities to work as live-in domestic workers for a well-to-do family. This practice often brings with it excessively long hours, inadequate pay, physical and sexual abuse, and violence, and is only partly under the purview of the legal code (Mehdi 2002). FAMILY The extended family is still the most important institution in Morocco, although recently it is declining in favor of the nuclear family (Naciri 1998, 98). Individual needs and desires are generally subordinate to the family. Children are respectful of adult family members, including the elderly. Meals are taken together, from communal bowls, and using specific etiquette.3 Traditionally, children’s roles in the Moroccan family are patterned according to their gender. Girls’ family life is centered on domestic work, partly in preparation for their future adult lives in the domestic sphere, and partly because their mothers receive little to no help in
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household tasks from their husbands and other male family members. Beginning at a very young age, girls in the typical Moroccan home help their mothers prepare meals and clean, whereas no such expectations exist for boys. Boys spend little time inside the house other than to eat and sleep. Girls thus are traditionally socialized with other girls and with adult women in the home, whereas boys are socialized with other boys on the street, and thus get integrated earlier into the public sphere than do their sisters. Girls and boys do interact more frequently in schools—which are not gender-segregated—than in the home with their siblings. The gender-segregated family lives of Morocco’s children result directly from the religious foundation of family life, rooted as it is in the Islam-based family and personal status code, as well as corresponding legislation governing marriage and divorce. Rules governing marriage, divorce, children’s parentage, and inheritances are under the jurisdiction of the so-called mudawana, or family code. As Morocco’s only code based on Islam, the mudawana was originally passed in 1957, soon after independence from French colonial rule. After minor revisions in 1993, much more extensive revisions of the code—now called the Personal Status Law—were adopted in 2004, under the rule of King Muhammad VI (Bordat and Konzzi 2004). The code increased the minimum age of marriage for female adolescents from 15 to 18 years of age. It eliminated the requirement of a male representative for women to be able to marry, permitted divorce by mutual consent, and tightened rules concerning polygamous marriages and repudiation (the one-sided ending of marriage by the male partner). Wives are no longer required to obey their husbands, and the family is hence the responsibility of both partners. These de jure changes have not immediately taken widespread hold, and equality of the sexes in marriage, family life, inheritance, and divorce is not yet a reality.4 Customs are not likely to rapidly change, in part because of the high level of women’s illiteracy, which is still about 40 percent in urban and 80 percent in rural areas. Even so, the increase in the minimum age of marriage and the concomitant additional years of education for a rising fraction of adolescent girls, together with the end of women’s duty to obey husbands are likely to contribute to somewhat more egalitarian gender roles in families, albeit slowly. Customs related to marriage are quite different in the Berber areas of the country’s interior than they are in the coastal areas that are governed more by Islam. In the Middle Atlas, among the Berbers, the stability of marriages is related to land inheritance (Maker 1974). Where men and women can inherit land that cannot be easily sold (i.e., in the countryside), marriages are less stable than in families where marriage partners can inherit marketable capital (i.e., in towns). Thus, women initiate divorces more frequently in the countryside, and men in towns. Women also have more bargaining power in the countryside than in towns because of their important economic roles in addition to housekeeping. This
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bargaining strength is demonstrated in part by the lack of sdaq (brideswealth) paid by husbands in rural areas, while the practice is still common in towns. In these regions of the country, girls’ lives are not as rigidly determined and their tasks completely segregated as they are in the traditional Moroccan family. Morocco is definitely undergoing a demographic transition, evidenced by the progressive lowering of the total fertility rate, which contributes to a gradual release of women from the sole option of being housewives and mothers, but this transition is only slowly beginning to be reflected in the gendered roles of children, especially girls. Recent findings are that Moroccan women’s child-bearing activity is characterized by delay in the start of child-bearing, which is followed by slow-paced child-bearing— Eltgani (2001) reported a total fertility rate of 3.3, for the period preceding the new millennium. The pattern of child-bearing is also influenced by the continuing practice of polygamous marriage outside of the territory of the Western Sahara, although the practice is much more restricted by the government in recent years. Single parenthood is a very difficult socioeconomic status in Morocco. Sexual relations outside marriage, including homosexuality, are illegal and may be punished by imprisonment, but no women—let alone men—have been prosecuted under the regime of Mohammed VI (Haves 2000). Today, there are many instances of single-parent families, mainly unmarried women living with their child or children. Openly homosexual parenting, however, is still unimaginable in the Moroccan family scene. Women who are single parents are helped by NGOs such as ‘‘Feminine Solidarity,’’ which was initiated in Casablanca in 1985 by Aı¨cha EchChena, a former healthcare worker in this city (Rachidi 2006). This organization, and others like it, makes available daycare centers associated with the NGO, which help women adjust to single motherhood while taking classes, attending workshops and finding employment. Obviously, when children are raised by a single mother in such an NGO-supported household, they experience a more egalitarian environment than do those in the traditional Moroccan family and, hence, acquire visions of alternative futures as adults that include education and professional lives for women as well as men. Single parenthood in Morocco today may also be the direct result of divorce. The practice of divorce differs according to local customs, and is also being changed by the 2004 revisions of the mudawana, which have brought centralized provisions concerning alimony and child support. Among lower social classes and those practicing strict Islamic customs, divorce has traditionally brought a lowered status to women, especially when she would lose custody of the children and would have to move out of the family home. Today, custody is more easily awarded to women, and the family domicile goes to the custodial parent. Children who experience their mother becoming the custodial parent see the traditional
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mold of the male-headed traditional family being altered, and an alternative form of family life modeled. HEALTH Overall fertility in Morocco is on the decline, as shown by the demographic data gathered in the latest Demographic and Health Survey (Department of Health Services [DHS] 2004), which also discusses many other aspects of motherhood, including reliance on breastfeeding, reportedly at 62 percent of mothers, and reliance on contraceptives, which is reportedly 63 percent overall, although only 55 percent of women rely on a ‘‘modern’’ method of contraception (DHS 2004, 15, 26). Government-sponsored family planning is available, but is somewhat inadequate in areas of counseling for use of alternative contraceptives and spacing of births. A recent study found that although service point delivery differs both across and within Moroccan provinces, equipment and supplies, low-dose contraceptives, as well as trained personnel are generally available. There is, however, widespread lack of counseling and specialized medication and devices (Brown et al. 1995). Infant mortality and incidence of childhood diseases are showing significant improvement. Infant mortality currently stands at 27 per 1,000, whereas infanto-juvenile mortality equals 47 per 1,000. Going back 10 to 14 years prior to the DHS, the latter stood at 76 per 1,000, showing a reduction of more than half during the past two decades (DHS 2004, 6). The Ministry of Health oversees a nationwide program of vaccination for DPT, polio, and rubella before a child’s first birthday. Currently, 89 percent of children receive the complete set of vaccinations before 23 months of age, whereas only 1.4 percent receive no vaccination whatsoever. Vaccination statistics are significantly better in urban than rural areas, however (DHS 2004, 21). Common childhood diseases include diarrhea and respiratory illnesses. Many of these are being treated in clinics and/or by trained medical professionals (22 percent of diarrhea cases and 35 percent of the respiratory illnesses). Access to trained personnel and clinics is much more common in urban than rural areas (DHS 2004, 25). Progress is being made in imparting knowledge about HIV/AIDS to young people. Adolescents, particularly girls, lack adequate knowledge of HIV/AIDS, which is still widely believed to be transmitted by females, which goes back to general beliefs rooted in Islam. However, the DHS reports that 89 percent of girls ages 15 to 19 years have heard talk about HIV/AIDS and how to prevent it. Consistent with the still-widespread public perceptions about females, the survey does not report boys’ knowledge of prevention (DHS 2004, 29). There is no sex education in primary or secondary schools in the sense of educating children and adolescents to know their own body and desires. Sex education is limited to scientific knowledge of procreation and the prevention of sexually transmitted diseases.
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A significant number of Moroccan children suffer from nutritional diseases, especially undernourishment. Overall, 5 percent of the population is undernourished and only 58 percent have access to adequate sanitation. It is estimated that 10 percent of children younger than the age of 5 are underweight and 24 percent are short for their age, reflecting poor nutrition (WDI 2005). Child obesity, another form of malnutrition, is also on the increase. In 2002, between 15 and 20 percent of children were found to be obese by age 4, and junk food consumption is the main cause, especially in urban settings (Rguibi and Belahsen 2007). There is thus an increasingly clear picture of both under- and malnourishment in Morocco. Children’s health is also affected by pollution in the natural environment, especially air and water pollution. Emissions of greenhouse gasses and the use of ozone-depleting substances are not as yet a major threat to the environment overall. Air pollution mainly results from heavy road traffic. There are also problems with water pollution as the result of oil spills, inadequate sewage disposal and treatment, and the use of pesticides on the arable plains (Hanson 2007). Pollution contributes to respiratory and other diseases of children discussed above. Working children are at increased risk of disease, because exposure to harmful substances combines with poverty and under-nourishment (Laraqui et al. 2000). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Morocco’s legal code addresses compulsory education and issues related to child labor, children’s abuse, and citizenship. In addition, special consideration is given to juvenile offenders, who are treated under the Penal Code with consideration of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which was ratified by the Moroccan government in 1993. Morocco’s current Labor Code, adopted in 2003, contains provisions on the minimum age and maximum hours for employment of children (U.S. Department of Labor 2004, 4–5, 15–21), which fall under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Employment, Social Affairs, and Solidarity. It establishes the minimum age for employment of children at 15 years, with additional provisions that children under 16 may not work more than 10 hours per day, and those under age 18 may not work in hazardous occupations such as mining and quarrying. Night work is also prohibited for children. Although the Labor Code addresses child labor in general, it does not cover domestic workers and therefore removes employment of the petites bonnes from the scrutiny of labor inspectors. Penal Code provisions on child abuse related to child domestic workers exist but are seldom enforced. Thus, rescue of child domestic employees is left to NGOs in those cases where children have run away and are living on the streets or in public areas like train stations. Morocco’s own legal provisions dealing with child labor are augmented by the nation’s ratification of the major international treaties dealing with
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child labor and other forms of abuse of children. Specifically, the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, which was adopted on November 20, 1989 and became effective on September 2, 1990, was ratified by Morocco in June of 1993, as reported by Human Rights Watch (2005). Articles 497 and 498 of Morocco’s Penal Code address prostitution of children and related offences. Corruption of a minor, child pornography, and prostitution of children are all covered by the Code. Additional laws cover kidnapping and related offenses. A bill passed by the Moroccan government in January 2007 legislates that Moroccan children receive citizenship through their mother irrespective of the father’s nationality. The bill’s extent is more apparent than real, because it was passed in the realm of the mudawana and therefore only benefits women married to Muslim men in accordance to the mudawana. Nabil Benabdalla, the minister of communication, stated in a recent interview with the Magharebia that ‘‘the child will acquire Moroccan citizenship even if the father is a foreigner, but only if he is a Muslim, and they were married according to the rules of the mudawana.’’ A criminal law procedure was entered into force in October 2003, containing a special chapter concerning juveniles. All child offenders between the ages of 12 and 18—at which children attain civil majority—are reportedly treated in accordance with the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Regardless of the crime, juveniles can neither receive the death penalty, nor a life sentence without parole. Imprisoned juveniles are to be kept separate from adults—but not in solitary confinement—and conditions in prisons and detention centers are to be improved (Rapport national sur le suivi du sommet mondial pour les enfants 2000, 23–24). In addition to specific legal provisions, the Children’s Parliament, a permanent platform of Moroccan children established in 1999, enables children to enter into a dialogue with ministers and other adults in power and legitimates the voice of the young. RELIGIOUS LIFE The overwhelming majority of Morocco’s population is Muslim, and Sunni Malikite Islam is the state religion. The degree to which religion influences daily life of children depends on regional traditions and customs, ancient tribal laws, and the influence of European customs (Francoeur and Noonan 2004, sec. 2). Thus, it should not be surprising to find, for example, among the Tuareg nomads in the southern part and the mountains of Morocco, that women are very powerful. As another example, women of the Rif region in northeast Morocco work in the fields and do strenuous agricultural activities, while men are passive. These women also have recognized rights to education and employment. In these two cultures, one observes less of the patriarchal daily practices that are inspired by Islam, for adults as well as children.
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In general, the influence of Islam affects daily life in Morocco in several areas, and to varying degrees. First, although Islam generally prohibits coeducation of males and females, this rule is not followed in Morocco, and coeducation of male and female children and young people is the rule from elementary school through university. Second, the wearing of the veil is not common in Morocco, although its practice has increased somewhat during the recent Islamization trend. However, young girls generally do not wear veils. Third, polygamy, permitted by the Koran, is still practiced, albeit increasingly controlled. It is likely that polygamy will be practices by fewer of today’s children once they reach marriageable age. Fourth, sexual practice is addressed in several ways in the Koran, and its influence is seen in Moroccan society in this area. Women have to have sexual relations with their husbands whenever the husbands want it, and refusal invokes God’s curse. Furthermore, sodomy of men relative to women and in homosexual relations is prohibited, and so is sex during menstruation and sex outside marriage. Although children of both sexes are brought up in an environment that fosters these sexual practices, the degree of adherence to these rules greatly differs according to local custom (Francoeur and Noonan 2004, sec. 2). Customs linked to the calendar are also influenced by Islam in very visible ways that affect children’s routines. Days are marked by five calls to prayer, announced by the muezzin, the month of Ramadan involves the family in fasting during daytime hours, and four major religious holidays are observed, specifically Eid el-Fitre, the end of Ramadan, Eid elKebir, Abraham’s sacrifice the first day of the Muslim year, and Mouloud, the birth of the prophet. Children’s daily routines are affected by these religious observances in several ways. Because children do not attend religious practices in mosques, and women often observe religious practices at their homes, children may be seen to emulate these practices in their playacting. Furthermore, in traditional Moroccan families, boys and girls learn by observing their parents’ religious observances that expectations for girls and boys will be different as they grow up. During Ramadan, children are not required to participate in the practice of fasting until they reach puberty. However, many children are eager to begin fasting at a much earlier age, at least for part of the day during schooldays and perhaps a complete day during the weekend. Ramadan also finds children doing collections for the poor, participating with the family in reading the Qur’an, and helping prepare the meal—including the traditional Hariri soup—taken after sunset to break the fast. Ramadan thus becomes a time when Moroccan children participate in several aspects of religious life. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT From the discussed sections, it is clear that child abuse and neglect, owing to children working in towns, runaways, and abandonment, is a
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significant problem. The United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC) has held periodic meetings in Geneva concerning the abuses, and the record of the second periodic report on Morocco in the 882nd meeting of June 2, 2003, (CRC 2003) is extremely valuable, as it documents both the areas of concern by the Committee and the responses by Moroccan representatives to these concerns. Overall, the responses make the problems look less serious and present a picture of vigorously addressing abuse. Reality is not as rosy and is closer to the concerns raised by the committee. Concerns of the CRC focused primarily on a wide range of areas of concern: existence and use of rehabilitation centers for child torture victims; the high numbers of institutionalized children, since the Convention on the Rights of the Child approves of institutionalization only as a measure of last resort; the implications of the kafala system of adoption and protections of children in foster care; concerns about illegal trafficking of children; awareness of new laws on protection of abandoned children in the remote regions of Morocco; genital mutilation of young females; and whether children can lodge child abuse complaints (CRC 2006, 2–6, 28–33). The replies of the Moroccan delegation were extensive and contain a number of informative and hope-provoking points. Importantly, the provisions of the Convention on the Rights of the Child have been incorporated into domestic legislation, although their effect will not be seen right away. A number of programs have been initiated to help abused and disadvantaged children, including re-establishing contacts of children with their relatives in refugee camps in the Western Sahara, bilateral agreements with countries that receive trafficked and abandoned children, notably Spain, and the establishment of the Family Solidarity Fund in 2003 to provide financial support to foster parents. The introduction of the so-called kafala system of state-sponsored foster care for abandoned children in the 1990s is expected to bring more abandoned and lone children into a family environment, but there are continuing concerns about efforts to locate biological parents, and concerns that foster care may cover up the acquisition of a child domestic worker. By law, however, foster parents and foster children have the same rights and status as their biological equivalents (CRC 2003, 8, 9, 13). Child abuse is being addressed by the introduction of new mechanisms in addition to legislation. The General Prosecutor may start proceedings against persons accused of child abuse in the absence of a formal complaint; children are permitted to file a complaint, and a national telephone hotline is available for children who are victims of abuse. A total of 384 institutions were identified that help care for orphans, children from impoverished rural families, and destitute children, and together cared for some 33,000 children by the end of the 1990s (CRC 2003, 24, 29, 33, 35).
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The Moroccan delegation did not provide information on the CRC concerns regarding continuing practices of circumcision of adolescent girls and related concerns such as local customs demanding the spilling of blood during consummation of marriage. There are no reliable statistics about the overall extent of the practice in Morocco today. In all, there are positive indications that the Moroccan government, with the help of NGOs and international organizations, is committed to addressing the overall problem of child abuse, but given the vast extent of the various forms of abuse of children, these practices will not disappear in the next decade. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Moroccan children, adolescents, and young adults are living in a period that blends traditional and modern influences. Girls are moving away from traditions followed by their mothers in favor of advanced levels of education and professional careers. By the same token, more and more boys are becoming socialized to contribute to household tasks and carry a greater responsibility in the home. School reform is not progressing as speedily as the Charter forecast, but all levels of education are expected to see increasing numbers of enrolled male and female students. The gender gap in education will narrow, if not disappear, and increasing numbers of students of both sexes will attend obtain secondary and university diplomas, a major foundation of enhanced socioeconomic well-being for adults and their children in the new century. As the gender gap narrows and economic wellbeing is enhanced overall, it is also possible that the problems of petites bonnes, street vendors, and child workers in general will become less severe. Threats to children in the twenty-first century come from several directions, including a combination of environmental concerns and the impact of globalization. Although the letter of the law treats all children the same, the realities of socioeconomic class differences and the remoteness of major regions of the country make legislative ideals difficult to achieve. Globalization also threatens to worsen the already precarious situation of abandoned children in a variety of ways, including exploitation as child workers, environmental degradation, and AIDS. The proposed tunnel between Spain and Morocco across the Straights of Gibraltar may further jeopardize children in cities, whom it may expose to higher risk of being trafficked. Morocco’s children are at a crossroads, where their well-being may either be gradually enhanced in the years to come, or negative forces of globalization where domestic economic and health problems dominate the equation and further worsen the lot of the already disadvantaged. NOTES 1. Most demographic data included are from the United Nations Children’s Education Fund (UNICEF) individual country statistics, available online at
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http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/morocco_statistics.html. Fertility statistics are from Morocco’s latest Demographic and Health Survey, Enqu^ e te sur la population et la sant e familiale, 2003–2004 (Rabat: Ministere de la Sante, September 2004), referred to as DHS hereafter. 2. Analysis of children’s toys and play in Morocco is greatly facilitated by the work of Jean-Pierre Rossie, Saharan and North African Toy and Play Cultures (Stockholm: Royal Institute of Technology, 2003), on which the summary observations in this and the following paragraph are based. 3. Specific details of typical Moroccan family life described in this paragraph are from Rassam (1980, pp. 172, 176–177), Pels (2000, 4), and http://www.cp-pc.ca/ english/morocco/family.htm. 4. See http://learningpartnership.org/partners/morocco. In October 2005, WLP published an English language edition of a unique advocacy tool for the reform of family law, Guide to Equality in the Family in the Maghreb, co-authored by ADFM as a principal member of the Collectif 95 Maghreb-Egalite regional network.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Boubkir, Abdechafı, and Abdenour Boukamhi. ‘‘Educational Reforms in Morocco: Are the New Reforms Feasible?’’ in International Education Systems and Contemporary Education Reforms. Lanham, MD: University Press of America; 2005, 19–36. Bouzoubaa, Khadija, and Nouria Benghabrit-Remaoun. ‘‘Pre-School Education in Morocco and Algeria.’’ Prospects 34 (December 2004), 471–480. Boyle, Helen N. Quranic Schools: Agents of Preservation and Change. Reference Books in International Education. New York: Routledge Falmer; 2004. Part of the Reference Books in International Education Series. Of the seven chapters, three are devoted to Moroccan Quranic Schools. They cover the role of such schools in preserving Moroccan traditions (Chapter 4), rote memorization as a method of embodying the Qur’an (Chapter 5), and transformation of Quranic schools in Morocco. Chabchoub, Ahmed, and Haddiya El Mostafa. ‘‘Exclusion and Integration in the Maghreb Countries: The Role of Education.’’ Prospects 25 (September 1995): 469–479. Part of a special section of the journal Prospects on the educational consequences of integration and segregation of youth in the Maghreb. Women and children—particularly those in rural areas—face segregation and exclusion in all aspects of social life, including health care, school attendance, work, and private life. Although Maghreb countries, including Morocco, have traditionally shown disregard for the social status of children, education may assist in their integration into mainstream society. Laraqui, Ch. et al. 2000. ‘‘Child Labor in the Artisan Sector of Morocco; Determinants and Health Effects. Sant e Publique 12 (2000), 31–43. Ministere de la Sante. Enqu^ e te sur la population et la sant e familiale, 2003–2004 (Democratic and Health Survey). Rabat: September 2004. Contains the latest-available data on maternal and children’s health, and is also very useful to see the government’s emphasis on health-related issues. It is available online at http://www.sante.gov.ma.
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Sommerfelt, ed. Domestic Child Labour in Morocco: An Analysis of the Parties Involved in Relationships to ‘‘Petites Bonnes.’’ Fafo Report no. 370. Study funded by Save the Children–UK. Oslo, Norway: Centraltrykkeriet AS; 2001. United Nations. Economic and Social Council. Commission on Human Rights. Rights of the Child. New York: United Nations; 2000. Available online at http://www.hri.ca/children/CSE/Morocco.pdf This volume contains the report of the Special Rapporteur on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography (the United Nations Convention of the Rights of the Child became effective in Morocco on July 21, 1993). The report’s author is listed as Ms. Ofelia Calcetas-Santos. This 36-page reference work is devoted in its entirety to Morocco, and contains an abundance of information on the legal-penal system pertaining to children.
Nonprint Resources Ali Zaoua, prince de la rue (Prince of the Street). 2000. DVD. Directed by Babil Ayouch. 99 min. In Arabic and French. Filmed on location in Morocco, this film tells the story of three street children who make a living off petty crimes in the city and find escape in the practice of glue sniffing. CBR of Children with Disabilities in Morocco. 2000. Set of slides. Produced by TALC (Teaching Aids at Less Cost). St. Albans, United Kingdom. Documentation of community-based rehabilitation of children with disabilities in Morocco. Children of Morocco. 1970. 16-mm film. Sponsored by Save the Children Fund. Narrated in English by Andrew Faulds. Released by the British Film Institute. A documentary of the activities of the Save the Children Fund in Morocco in the period prior to 1970.
Web Sites Jeunes du Maroc, http://www.jeunesdumaroc.com. A searchable web site containing articles on art and culture, films, economy and politics, social conditions, and health in Morocco. Kjeilen, Tore. Encyclopaedia of the Orient, http://www.lexicorient.com. A searchable hyperlinked encyclopedia website, established in 1996, with more than 600 entries dedicated to North Africa and the Middle East. The link for Morocco opens up a map of the country, and a major article with hyperlinks to other relevant entries, which discusses the history, economy and politics of the nation, as well as its people’s health, education, religion and social well-being. Magharebia, at http://www.magharebia.com. A searchable online regional news website, covering the Maghreb geographical area, including Morocco. Its articles on the political arena, culture and society are written by local correspondents, and are available in English, French, and Arabic. One regular column is devoted to women’s issues.
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Organizations and NGOs Association Democratique des Femmes du Maroc (ADFM) Villa 2, rue Ibn Mokla, Les Oranges Rabat, Morocco Phone: 73-71-65/7060-81 Fax: 26-03-13 Email: Association.D[email protected] An independent feminist organization for the promotion of women’s rights and the development of an egalitarian Moroccan society, established in 1985. It has recently led a campaign to help introduce the new family code of 2004, which improved women’s legal status. Ligue Marocaine pour la Protection de l’Enfance, LMPE (Moroccan League for the Protection of Children) Complexe Sidi Othmane 400 Charii Al Joulane Casablanca, Morocco President, Mme Touria Tazi Phone: 022 28 12 10 Fax: 022 81 57 61. NGO affiliated with UNICEF and partner association of the Fondation Mohamed V Pour la Solidarite, headed by King Mohammed VI, with a website at http:// www.fm5.ma. Active in several Moroccan cities, notably Casablanca, Rabat, and Fes, with local presidents, devoted to the protection of children, especially those who are abandoned and deprived of adequate sanitation and education. LMPE sponsors daycare facilities, kindergartens, nutrition programs, and receiving centers for children at risk. Resaq Casablanca (Reseau des associations de quartier de Casablanca). 241 Rue Bni Mguild, 1ier e tage Place Sraghna Casablanca, Morocco Phone: 022 82 06 27 Fax: 022 82 02 74 Website: http://www.resaq.org An NGO that is a network of Moroccan activist organizations located primarily in Casablanca, and working at the local, regional, and national levels towards a democratic society with sustainable economic development, adhering to fundamental human rights outlined in the international charters. Materials on the NGO’s website are published in French. Solidarite Feminine (Feminine Solidarity) 10 Rue Mingard Quartier Palmier Ma^arif Casablanca, Morocco Phone: 022 25 60 49 Fax: 022 258 452 Website: solidaritef[email protected] Organization devoted to the integration of single mothers and their children into mainstream society by providing daycare facilities and pathways into paid employment. This NGO is also partnered with the Fondation Mohamed V Pour la Solidarite.
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Selected Bibliography In English Becker, Cynthia. Amazigh Arts in Morocco: Women Shaping Berber Identity. Austin: University of Texas Press; 2006. Bordat, Stephanie Willman, and Said Konzzi. ‘‘The Challenge of Implementing Morocco’s New Personal Status Law,’’ Arab Reform Bulletin 2 (2004), 1–2. Bouzoubaa, Khadija. ‘‘An Innovation in Morocco’s Koranic Pre-Schools.’’ Working Papers in Early Childhood Development Series. The Hague, Netherlands: Bernard van Leer Foundation; 1998. Brown, Lisanne, Mostafa Tyane, Jane Bertrand, Don Lauro, Mohamed Abou-ouakil, and Lisa de Maria. ‘‘Quality Care in Family Planning Services in Morocco,’’ Studies in Family Planning 26 (1995), 154–168. Chiavaroli, Eugene R., et al., eds. Evaluation of A.I.D. Child Survival Programs. Washington, DC: United States Agency for International Development; 1991. Development Credit Agreement (Education Project) Between Kingdom of Morocco and International Development Association. (3 agreements). Washington, DC: International Development Association; 1965, 1971, 1976. Eltigani, E. E. ‘‘Childbearing in Five Arab Countries,’’ Studies in Family Planning 32 (2001), 17–24. Ennaji, Moha. Multilingualism, Cultural Identity, and Education in Morocco. New York: Springer Science; 2005. Fernea, Elizabeth Warnock, ed. Children in the Muslim Middle East. Austin: University of Texas Press; 1995. Francoeur, Robert T., and Raymond J. Noonan. The Continuum Complete International Encyclopedia of Sexuality. Vol. IV. New York: Continuum; 2004. Hanson, Howard. ‘‘Northern Africa and the Atmosphere,’’ Encyclopedia of Earth (April 13), edited by Cutler J. Cleveland. Washington, DC: Environmental Information Coalition, National Council for Science and the Environment; 2007. Haves, Jarod. Essays on Sexualities in Maghreb Countries in Northern Africa, Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco. Boston: Harvard University Press; 2000. Ilahiane, Hsain. Ethnicities, Community Making and Agrarian Change: The Political Ideology of a Moroccan Oasis. Lanham MD: University Press of America; 2004. International Association of Universities. International Handbook of Universities. 17th ed. Houndsmills UK and New York: Palgrave Macmillan; 2003. Khandker, Shahidur R., Victor Lavy, and Deon Filmer. Schooling and Cognitive Achievements of Children in Morocco: Can the Government Improve Outcomes? World Bank Discussion Paper no. 264. Washington, DC: World Bank; 1994. Lavy, Victor. Changing Patterns of Literacy in Morocco: Assessment Methods Compared. LSMS Working Paper 0253-4517 #115. Washington, DC: World Bank; 1995. Maker, Vanessa. ‘‘Divorce and Property in the Middle Atlas of Morocco,’’ Man 9 (1974), 103–122. Matuska, Nicole. ‘‘Headers in Hijab: Women’s Soccer in Morocco.’’ Abroad View Magazine (September 2006): 31. http://abroadviewmagazine.com/?p¼31. Mehdi, Lahlou. ‘‘Child Labour in Morocco: The Socio-Economic Background of the ‘Little Maids’ Phenomenon.’’ Paper presented at the Children and the City Conference, Amman, Jordan, December 13, 2002. http://www.araburban .org/childcity/Papers/English/Lahlou%20Morocco.pdf
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Metalsi, Mohamed, Cecile Treal, and Jean-Michel Ruiz. The Imperial Cities of Morocco. Paris: Finest SA/Edition Pierre Terrail; 2001. Naciri, Rabea. ‘‘Engaging the State: The Women’s Movement and Political Discourse in Morocco.’’ Chapter 4, in Missionaries and Mandarins: Feminist Engagement with Development Institutions, edited by Carol Miller and Shahra Razavi. London: UNRISD; 1998, pp. 87–111. Obermeyer, Carla Makhlouf, and Rosaria Cardenas. ‘‘Son Preference and Differential Treatment in Morocco and Tunisia,’’ Studies in Family Planning 28 (September 1997): 235–244. Pels, Trees. ‘‘Muslim Families from Morocco in the Netherlands: Gender Dynamics and Fathers’ Roles in a Context of Change,’’ Current Sociology 48 (2000), 75–93. Rachidi, Ilhem. ‘‘Morocco: Single Women Suffer Stigma—Advocates Push for DNA Test on Paternity,’’ Womensenews (August 14, 2004). http://womensenews .org/article.cfm/dyn/aid/2772. Rassam, Amal. ‘‘Women and Domestic Power in Morocco,’’ International Journal of Middle East Studies 12 (1980), 171–179. Rguibi, M., and R. Belahsen, ‘‘Prevalence of Obesity in Morocco,’’ Obesity Reviews 8 (2007), 11–13. Rossie, Jean-Pierre. Children’s Dolls and Doll Play. Saharan and North African Toy and Play Cultures. With a preface by Dominique Champault. Stockholm: Stockholm International Toy Research Centre; 2003. Schaefer Davis, Susan, and Douglas A. Davis. ‘‘Love Conquers All? Changing Images of Gender and Relationship in Morocco,’’ in Children in the Muslim Middle East, edited by Elizabeth Warnock Fernea. Austin: University of Texas Press; 1995, 93–108. Skalli, Loubna Halla. ‘‘Through a Local Prism: Gender, Globalization and Identity in Moroccan Women’s Magazines.’’ Author’s interview with Magharebia, on March 12, 2006. Spratt, Jennifer E., et al. Functional Literacy in Moroccan School Children. Bethesda, MD: National Institutes of Health; and Washington, DC: National Institute of Education; 1989. Understanding Children’s Work (UCW). 2003. Understanding Children’s Work in Morocco. Rome: UCW Project. http://www.ucw-project.org/pdf/publica tions/report_morocco_draft.pdf. U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of International Labor Affairs. Morocco; Labor Rights Report. Washington, DC: USDOL; July 2004. Women’s Learning Partnership. Guide to Equality in the Family in the Maghreb. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press; 2006. World Development Indicators. Washington, DC: World Bank; 2003 and 2005.
In French Activit e , Emploi et Ch^ omage: 2002 Premiers R e sultats. Rabat: Direction de la Statistique; 2003. Azelmat, Mustapha. Enqu^ e te nationale sur la population et la sant e (ENPS-II) 1992. Rabat, Morocco: Ministere de la sante publique, secre tariat general. DPSI, service des etudes et de l’information sanitaire. Columbia, MD: Macro-International; 1993. Berriane, Mohamed, and Abdella Laouina. De developpement du Maroc septentrional: Points de vues geographiques. Gotha: Justus Perthes Verlag; 1998.
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Esme, Jean d’. Ce Maroc que nous avons fait. Paris: Hachette; 1955. Hardy, Georges, and Louis Brunot. L’Enfant marocain; Essai d’ethnographie scolaire. Paris: H. Champion; 1925. Plans nationals et sectoriels d’action de la lutte contre le travail des enfants du Maroc. Rabat: Royaume du Maroc. Ministere des Droits de l’Homme; 1999. Rapport national sur le suivi du sommet mondial pour les enfants. Rabat: Royaume du Maroc, Ministere des Droit de l’Homme; 2000. Salmi, Jamil. Crise de l’enseignement et reproduction sociale au Maroc. Casablanca: Editions Maghrebines; 1985. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). Maroc: Les enfants. New York: United Nations, 2005.
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OMAN Mohamed Daadaoui NATIONAL PROFILE The Sultanate of Oman, formerly known as Muscat and Oman, is strategically located on the Strait of Hormuz in the Southeast of the Arabian Peninsula. As a gateway to the Gulf, Oman extends over an area of about 119,500 square miles (309,500 square kilometers). Oman is bordered by the United Arab Emirates (U.A.E.) on the north, by Saudi Arabia on the northwest, and by the Republic of Yemen on the southwest. Oman boasts an impressive coastal line that stretches for 1,299 miles (2,092 km). Throughout much of the year, Oman endures a multitude of climates from dry desert climate to humid coastline, and strong summer monsoon winds. Arabs first settled in Oman in early ninth century BCE, whereas Muslim conquerors reached the area in the seventh century CE Muscat, now known as Oman, fell to Portuguese rule from 1508 to 1648 (Skeet 1974). After the Portuguese rule, Muscat came under Persian rule, but in 1741 a tribal leader named
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Ahmad ibn Sa’id fought them out (Kechichian 1995, 29). The descendants of Sultan Ahmad continue to rule Oman today. Ibn Sa’id’s rule witnessed the expansion of Muscat’s influence over parts of East Africa, and claimed, for a time, Zanzibar as the Omani capital (Joyce 1995, xii–xiii). After 1861, however, Oman lost control over Zanzibar. Like most of Arab Middle East, Oman was subject to French-British colonial ambitions for most of the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries (Kechichian 1995, 126–128). Oman came under the de facto protectorate rule of Great Britain from 1872 to 1920 (Owtram 2004, 39). Shortly after the British protectorate rule, Sultan Sa’id bin Taimur assumed power of Oman in 1932. After 38 years on the throne, Sa’id bin Taimur was deposed in a palace coup in 1970 by his son Qaboos bin Sa’id (Joyce 1995, 103). Shortly after the coup, Oman joined the Arab League and the United Nations in 1971. Today, Oman is still under Qaboos bin Said’s absolute rule, where no political parties are tolerated. A consultative council acts as a legislative body with very limited powers, as the sultan remains the source of all laws and decrees. Oman is an active partner in various international and regional organizations. These organizations include the Arab League, the United Nations (UN), The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), and the World Trade Organization (WTO). According to the National Census of 2003, Oman has a population of 2.3 million, of which less than one-fourth (23.9 percent) are non-nationals mostly guest workers. Muscat, the capital city, and Al Batinah regions are the largest urban centers in the sultanate and are home to more than half of the population (55 percent). The remaining population is scattered on other coastal cities such as Salalah, Raysut, Duqm, Sur, Matrah, and Suhar (Held 2006). Men constitute the majority of the population in Oman with a gender ratio of 973 females for 1,000 males. The majority of the population (54 percent) is younger than the age of 18 years (Committee on the Rights of the Child [CRC] 2000). The Sultanate is a middle-income economy with substantive oil reserves (5.5 billion barrels). Its economy is relatively strong with low levels of inflation, trade surpluses, and a steady economy growth rate (6.6 percent in 2006) (Held 2006, 473). In 2006, Oman GDP reached US$43.88 billion with a per capita income of US$14,100 (CIA World Fact Book 2007). Families and children are primarily under the care of the state. Families receive support from the state and religious organizations. Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have a limited role in the Sultanate as the result of state restrictions on associational life. Associations with legitimate objectives and legal aims are free to operate in Oman. Basic law forbids those clandestine associations, military groups, and gatherings with inimical activities to social order (Carnegie Endowment Report on Oman, 9). All associations are registered with the government and the Ministry of Social Development. Industry associations, professional syndicates, and trade unions remain banned in Oman. NGOs and many
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Table 10.1. Vital Statistics
Population
Births per 1,000
Deaths per 1,000
Infant Mortality Rate per 1,000
Total Fertility Rate
2,567,000
36.24
3.81
12,5
5.77
Percentage of Population Life Younger Than Expectancy 14 M F 42.7
71
77
Source: The World Health Organization 2007.
associations, particularly religious ones, face dilatory tactics that keep them from obtaining their licenses (Carnegie Endowment Report on Oman). Despite institutional constraints, various associations are devoted to women and family issues. The Omani Women’s Association (OWA) is considered the flagship organization devoted to child welfare and women’s issues. Founded in 1971 in Muscat, the OWA reached 13 branches throughout Oman in 1996 (Allen and Rigsbee 2000, 176). Women associational work is also assisted by a Women’s Voluntary Work Coordination Committee and the Directorate General of Women and Children’s Affairs. These organizations and networks aim to integrate the Omani woman in the process of socioeconomic development in the country. The directorate, for instance opened seven women’s training centers, which provided social services for women and children. These centers also helped train women in craft and home economics (Allen and Rigsbee 2000, 176–177). In 2003, and in an encouraging step, Oman’s Ministry of Social Development issued a decree for the formation of subnational Social Development Committees. The committees seek to promote voluntary social organizations and their activities. Social development committees also enhance awareness of social issues such as childhood and disability, and more importantly find alternative funding for social programs. Oman is a male-dominated society with patriarchal characteristics; however, Omani women play an active role in the national life. Unlike their counterparts in neighboring Gulf States, women in Oman are allowed to Table 10.2. Age Structure (Total Population ¼ 3,102,229) Age 0–14 15–64 65 and older
Male
Female
Total
675,423 1,001,917 44,300
648,963 695,578 36,048
1,324,386 1,697,495 80,348
Source: CIA World Fact Book 2007.
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GDP per Capita in U.S. Dollars 13,651
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vote, drive, and pursue political careers, even holding office at the sultanate’s consultative council. Infant mortality rate: 12.5 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 73.62 years (2007 est.) Currently, women hold various Literacy rate: 81.4 percent (2003 est.) top governmental positions. Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 81 percent (2000– Hunaina bint sultan Al-Mughairy, 2005 est.) for instance, serves as Oman’s Internet users: 245,000 (2005) ambassador to the United States. People living with HIV/AIDS: 1,300 (2001 est.) In addition, three current governSources: CIA World Factbook: Oman. https://www.cia.gov/library/ ment ministers are females (Minpublications/the-world-factbook/geos/mu.html. June 18, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Oman–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ istry of Information in Oman, infobycountry/oman_statistics.html. June 18, 2007. 2007). Female participation in the workforce, however, remains low amidst persistent gender inequality. Women account for roughly 13 percent of Omani workforce (Riphenburg 1998, 155). Finally, the sultanate was one of the last countries to accede to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 2005. According to the Human Development Index (HDI), used to measure quality of life in countries across the world, Oman is 56 of 177 countries world wide (United Nations Human Development Report 2006). The majority of households in Oman are headed by men in accordance with strict conservative Islamic ideals. Personal status law remains unlegislated in Oman, whereas Sharia courts apply classical Islamic personal status laws. In Oman, Sharia law is subject to a conservative Ibadi interpretation. The majority of the population is of Arab descent with significant Baluchi, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, and African minorities (Held 2006, 473). The population pyramid is youthful, with a median age of 19 years, whereas children younger than the age of 14 constitute about 42 percent of the total Omani population (Tables 10.1 and 10.2). KEY FACTS – OMAN
OVERVIEW As a signatory of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), Oman has always manifested a great commitment to protecting children and integrating their concerns in its national social development policies. The government established a National Committee on the Rights of the Child to publicly observe Oman’s implementation of the CRC. The country provides free education (although it is not compulsory) and free health care to children up to the age 6, including foreign nationals. The status of children in Oman is good, despite reported incidents of child labor, especially in informal sectors of the economy in family businesses in agriculture and fisheries. There are also reports of child camel jockeys near the border with U.A.E.; these children are usually brought
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from subcontinental Asian states of India, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka and kept in deplorable conditions (U.S. Department of State, Trafficking in Persons Report 2005). The sultanate’s strength lies in its quality educational system. Education is free in Oman, but not compulsory, which makes it up to the family to educate their children. Despite the high literacy rate, there are still concerns over increasing dropout rates, especially in grades 7 to 9. However, the dropout rate is decreasing. According to government data, dropout rates decreased from 7 percent in 1995–1996 to 2 percent in 2002–2003 (U.S. Department of State, Trafficking in Persons Report 2005). Generally, Oman enjoys a stable political and economic status with no internal or external conflicts. Its open foreign policy and strong historical alliance with Great Britain has ensured that the sultanate enjoys a stable environment conducive to improving the socioeconomic status of its nationals. The major concern that remains is the status of the more than half a million expatriates who come to work in Oman. Mostly from Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh, these workers sometimes fall prey to human trafficking. According to the U.S. State Department Tier ratings of human trafficking, Oman is placed on the Tier 2 Watch List because of a lack of evidence in combating severe forms of trafficking in persons in 2005 (U.S. State Department 2005). These workers also lack basic legal rights and protection and Oman has yet to ratify the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers. EDUCATION Oman boasts high rates of literacy (estimated at 80 percent), places great importance on education, and spends around 10 percent of its government spending on education (CRC 2000, 3). Oman also hosted several international conferences on children and education, notably a seminar on the reform of secondary education in the Arab states in 2005. The government of Oman has taken considerable steps in modernizing its educational system. The educational system can accommodate all school-age children, and the Ministry of Education maintains that all Omani children have access to basic education. Educational institutions remain largely public, but the government has encouraged private investment in launching private schools. Oman makes adequate provisions for schooling to all those who are able to attend schools. However, a large number of school-age children remain outside schools, whereas others drop out before completing their primary or basic education. Oman lacks appropriate legislation for compulsory education, which hinders the achievement of universal primary or basic education. In the recent years, the Omani government has undertaken massive educational reforms. In 1997, the Ministry of Education launched its Basic Education Programme to be completed by 2018. The
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Table 10.3. Access to Education by Age Group Age Group Less than 6 years of age 6–12 13–15 16–18
Male (in %)
Female (in %)
Total (%)
89.7
88.4
89.05
93.6 91.2 82.7
91.9 89.1 81.8
92.75 90.15 82.25
Source: Oman Census Data, December 2003.
program aims to replace its three-level General Education system (primary, preparatory, and secondary). Basic education is organized into two cycles: first cycle (ages 6 to 9) and second cycle (ages 9 to 15). These cycles are followed by a two-year basic education school system (Oman’s Report to UNESCO on Education 2004, 14–15). Although the Basic Education programme is ambitious in scope, it precludes any consideration of preschool, an area where Oman is still severely lagging behind. According to UNICEF, only eight percent of children of pre-school age are currently enrolled (UNICEF Report on Oman 2007). Despite initial shortcomings, enrollment in Omani schools is still high. According to the country’s census data of December 2003, 92.75 percent of children between the ages of 6 and 12 were attending school (Table 10.3). These numbers are impressive compared with lower school attendance in neighboring Arab states. Women have also achieved parity with men in education. By 1997–1998, half of enrolled students were girls (UNESCO 2004, 18). This is the result of governmental efforts to reduce the percentage of school dropouts and grade level repetition. The Sultanate was successful in decreasing repetition rates from 13.6 percent in 1996–1997 to 8 percent in 2002–2003. Similarly, and as stated earlier, the rates of school dropouts decreased from 7.1 percent in 1995–1996 to 2 percent in 2002–2003 (UNESCO 2004, 19). The Sultanate of Oman has also sought to introduce more Omani teachers and administrators in its educational system. This is part of the government’s policy of Omanization, which aimed to reduce dependence on foreign labor. In a country where foreign labor accounts for 80 percent of the private workforce, Omanization has proved to be a daunting challenge. In 2000, Omani nationals accounted for 67 percent of all teachers. However, by 2003, this number increased to 80 percent, whereas education administrators increased from 93 percent in 2000 to 98 percent in 2003 (UNESCO 2004, 17). The Omani government remains committed to raising the standards of education in the Sultanate. The commitment has been to provide equal education to Omanis irrespective of socioeconomic status and regardless of personal health status. To that end, the government has established
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Table 10.4. Disabled Children in Oman Category of Disabled Children (Younger Than 15 Years) 1: Total number of disabled children living with their families except for temporarily attendance of boarding schools 2: Temporarily living in educational institutions/boarding schools within Oman 3: Temporarily living in educational institutions/boarding schools outside Oman (scholarships) Attending special schools (while living with their families)
Boys
Girls
Total
4,396
2,991
7,387
80
9
89
56
10
66
1,042
783
1,824
Source: CRC 2000.
various special needs schools for students with disabilities. In 1987, the government opened a state of the art training facility at al-Khoudh, where women receive training in typing and sewing. Those employed at the center care for the severely disabled adults and children between 14 and 25 years of age. The state also provides wheelchairs and assists these individuals in finding suitable employment. A total of 428 young people have been trained since the opening of the al-Khoudh center. Oman has also introduced new legislation, unparalleled in the Middle East to ensure equal and disabled access to all public facilities. Since 1993, 11 rehabilitation centers for disabled children have opened in different parts of Oman. These centers are funded by the government and care for approximately 700 disabled children. In 1997, a home for disabled children between the ages of 3 and 14 years was finally opened; 72 children now are housed there. Since 1990, the Association for the Welfare of Handicapped Children (AWHC) has assisted the government. AWHC is a charitable organization, which has various centers in alQurum, al-Khoudh, Quriyat, and Bilad Banu Bu Hassan, that cares for 240 disabled children. In 1998, another center was launched in al-Azaiba (Ministry of Information in Oman 2007). Table 10.4 specifies the number of children with disabilities, disaggregated by sex and age. PLAY AND RECREATION As in the most of the world, football (soccer) is popular in Oman. Omani children are often introduced to dhow racing, which is a popular traditional sport in the country. Camel racing is also widely popular. For wealthier children, falconry and video games are popular options. In addition to physical recreation activities, Omani television broadcasts various children’s programmes.
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In school, Omani children enjoy a variety of sport and leisure activities. The Ministry of Education has constituted a department for educational festivals and activities to make available to students opportunities for recreation and cultural activities. These activities are incorporated in the school curricula and range from physical education and sports to nationwide festivals. This is achieved through various activities and programmes implemented throughout the school year within the regular school curricula. CHILD LABOR Child labor is one of the most controversial challenges facing the world today. Child labor is closely tied to poverty, lack of education, poor health, and gender inequalities. Recent International Labour Organisation (ILO) statistics from 20 developing countries categorized the proportion of economically active children ages 5 to 14 years as employed in agriculture, animal husbandry, and related work at 74 percent (73.3 percent of boys and 78.8 percent of girls) (Roggero et al. 2007, 271–272). In a cross-national large-number study, child labor was found to be significantly and positively related to adolescent mortality, to a population’s nutrition level, and to the presence of infectious disease (Roggero et al. 2007). Although there are several international conventions prohibiting child labor of all forms, there are still discrepancies in states’ national laws. Omani Basic Law, for instance, provides vulnerable populations with protection against exploitation, slavery, and indentured servitude. The Labor Law of 1973 specifically forbids forced or bonded labor by adults or children. Despite the existence of these laws, the rights of employees remain an issue of concern, especially in the absence of labor unions and political parties. Oman is signatory of various international labor conventions; for instance, the country signed the Forced Labor Convention, the Abolition of Forced Labor Convention, the Minimum Age Convention, and the Worst Forms of Child Labor Convention (UNDP 2007). Despite the panoply of conventions and legal restrictions, Omani children and foreign expatriates in the country face one of the worst forms of labor as camel jockeys. Under Omani law, this practice is permitted and few measures exist to protect these children. Some reports also suggest that some foreign workers are trafficked and may be put in precarious situations of forced labor (U.S. Department of State Report on Human Rights Practices 2006). In 2005, the government raised the minimum age for camel jockeys to 14, and to 15 in 2006, which was still in violation of the ILO’s convention, which states that camel jockeys should be at least 18 years of age. Children between 15 and 18 years of may be employed, but within some restrictions. These children, for instance, cannot work at night, on weekends, or on holidays. Child labor exists in a limited way in small family businesses, particularly in the agricultural and fisheries sectors (U.S. Department of State, Country
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Reports on Human Rights Practices 2003). Outside those sectors, no child labor exists in any industry. In 2000, the ILO estimated that around 0.1 percent of Omani children between the ages 10 and 14 were active in the workforce (ILO Statistical Data 2004). FAMILY Like all Middle Eastern societies, Omani society is paternalistic with the distinctive unchallenged authority of the father in the household (Riphenburg 1998, 70). Family and tribal loyalties supersede all other relationships in Oman. The traditional family in Oman is large and consists of the male head of the family, his wives, his sons, and their wives and children. Personal Law states that the minimum age of marriage is 18 years. Endogamy is widely practiced, since marriage is considered more of a family issue than a personal affair (Riphenburg 1998, 165). The practice of endogamy in Oman is also performed for socioeconomic reasons, as it keeps property within the family lineage (Moghadam 1993, 107). The head of the family is the eldest male of the senior generation, and he is solely responsible for the family and its property. Omani family and society place the burden of family honor and dignity on women and their conduct in society. A bride, for instance, has to be a virgin on the night of her wedding. Women could destroy a household’s reputation if their conduct is perceived to be improper. In general, women’s life in Oman is much more circumscribed than their male counterparts. Omani family further exacerbates women’s plight. Based primarily upon Sharia law and a strict Ibadi fiqh interpretation, family law has been subject to practically no modern reforms. Personal Law remains uncodified in Oman, but the Criminal Code of 1974 regulates some aspects of family relations, while the Special Decree of 1986 relates to foreign marriages (Mahmood 1995, 85). According to Omani laws, women have the right of inheritance, but less than that of a man. Divorce is under the repudiation of men, and if they are divorced, women have limited custody rights (Riphenburg 1998, 155). In practice, the mother has been the preferred parent in matters of custody. Omani law grants nationality to any child born to unknown parents or to an Omani mother from an unknown father; however, if the child has a known non-Omani father or parents, nationality is not granted. There are no protections or stiff penalties against spousal abuse and violence, as these incidents are usually kept from the public view. Finally, there are no laws against female genital mutilation, which is still practiced in a few rural communities (U.S. State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2003). HEALTH As in education, the Omani government has devoted ample resources to its healthcare system. The country’s healthcare reforms were aided by
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Oman’s oil exports. Oman was able to accumulate tremendous wealth from its oil exports (Smith 1988, 541). This abundance of wealth resulted in low levels of poverty and high levels of income. The Sultanate also used some of its oil rent to expand its healthcare facilities. In 2004, Oman allocated 4.9 percent of its budget to health, roughly 3.45 of its Gross Domestic Product (World Health Organization [WHO] 2005). Oman’s commitment to health care is manifested in its improved health indicators. In three decades (1960–1990), Oman’s infant mortality decreased from 200 per 1,000 live births to 20 per 1,000 (Hill et al. 2000). Omani birth rate has increased exponentially since the 1970s and is considered among the highest in the world. Omani women give birth to an average of 7.1 children in 2000 (Eickelman 2002, 128). In addition to governmental reforms and medical advances, high fertility rates in Oman are also the result of cultural and social norms. Fertility is important for the status and social prestige of women in society. The birth of a child is generally considered a rite of passage that transforms a woman into adulthood (Eickelman 2002, 131). Abortion is prohibited in Oman and contraceptives are usually available in pharmacies and private clinics. The government, however, does not implement any population planning programs. In 1996, health care in the Sultanate was provided by a hierarchical system that comprised 48 hospitals, 5 polyclinics, 114 health centers, and 28 mobile health units (Allen and Rigsbee 2000, 171). In addition to these facilities, Oman boasts a world-class royal hospital, opened in 1995, which offers medical treatment with kidney transplant, open heart surgery, and a cancer ward (Allen and Rigsbee 2000). Health care in Oman faces the same challenge as the rest of the economy as it lacks qualified Omani professionals. This in fact is a major challenge for health care in the country. In 1996, 52 percent of doctors, nurses, and technicians were non-nationals (Allen and Rigsbee 2000, 172). With technical assistance from the WHO and the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF), Oman has paid particular attention to children’s health in the areas of immunization, preventive medicine, and pregnancy. In 1993, 95 percent of 1-year-old children were fully immunized against tuberculosis and measles (Riphenburg 1998, 15). Oman has an extended programme of immunization, which had been able to sustain an annual coverage of 98 percent (UN Report of the Committee on Rights of Child 2001). A number of preventable child-killing diseases were eliminated. For instance, no case of polio has been reported since 1993. These efforts have been successfully managed by the National Health Program, which was launched in the 1990s to provide educational services in various health issues. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS In general, Omani legal system follows Sharia law with an Ibadi interpretation (see section on religious life in Oman for more information).
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The legal system in Oman comprises sharia courts, magistrate courts, and various specific courts and tribunals. Sharia courts have jurisdiction over civil and minor criminal offenses, and judgments are rendered in accordance with a strict Ibadi doctrine. Ibadi jurisprudence follows a literal interpretation of the Qur’an and rejects Ijtihad, or logical analysis. Similarly, Ibadis reject Qiyas (reasoning by analogy), which is applied to issues not mentioned in Qur’an and Sunna (Jenkinson 1987, 2–3). Despite literalist Ibadi interpretation of sharia, Omani law does not sanction strict penalties such as hand amputation for theft, or public beheadings and stoning (Graz 1982, 66). Sharia courts’ decisions are subject to the appellate jurisdiction of the three-member Court of Appeals in Muscat, which in turn is under the jurisdiction of Complaints Committee (Riphenburg 1998, 108). Since the 1970s, the Sultan has sought to reduce the jurisdiction of sharia courts. Magistrates Courts hear misdemeanor cases. In matters of criminal law, the three-judge Criminal Court in Muscat hears felony cases and appeals from the first-instance sharia courts. Decisions of the Criminal Court are final if endorsed by the state advisor for Penal Affairs, who in the past served as president of the Criminal Court (Jenkinson 1987, 7–12). The judiciary is not independent as the Sultan appoints all judges and has control over all courts. There are also specialized courts and expert tribunals that cover land, commercial, labor, and tax laws and apply stateissued legislation (Amin 1985, 294–295). Examples of these are the Authority for the Settlement of Commercial Disputes, the Labor Welfare Board, and the Real Estate Committee. The general prosecutor is accountable to the Royal Omani Police, which is administered by a relatively independent Inspector General answerable directly to the Sultan (Riphenburg 1998, 108–112). In congruence with the UN CRC Omani law defines a child as any human being below the age of 18 years. However, the Sultanate sets criminal responsibility at the young age of 9 years. Criminal minors between 9 and 13 years of age are kept in a penitentiary designated by the judge up to their 18th birthday. Death or life sentences are not imposed on persons younger than the age of 18. Children who are 13 or older but are less than 15 and who commit a crime punishable by death or life imprisonment are sentenced to a 3- to 5-year prison sentence. For all other crimes, juveniles are usually sentenced to 1 to 3 years in juvenile detention. A sentence for misdemeanors varies from 10 days to 1 year in jail (Oman Penal Law, Sections 106–107). In cases of less serious offenses, the judge may issue a reprimand of the guilty minor then place them in the custody of his guardian. As part of the judge’s reprimand, the guardian signs an undertaking to raise the minor and prevent him from committing another crime within the period specified in the judgement. Primarily as the result of international demands, Oman is undergoing reforms in the juvenile justice sector, and an interministerial committee
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on children’s rights has been formed to review and reform the status of children in the Sultanate. Oman is currently studying a draft juvenile law, which would establish special courts for juveniles. Additionally, the draft law on the organization of the judiciary provides for establishing a juvenile court system with expert judges specialized in juvenile law. RELIGIOUS LIFE Islam is the religion of the sultanate, and as in all other Middle Eastern states, Islam plays a vital role in Omani life. Oman’s Islam, however, is slightly different as it draws heavily upon Ibadi interpretation of the Qur’an and Sunna. Ibadis, followers of Abdallah ibn Ibad, are one of the few surviving kharijites (seceders) factions that emerged in the sixth century CE. Kharijites were initially part of Ali’s Shiite faction, but later left his camp and ultimately plotted to kill him in 661 CE. The cause of Ibadis’ secession from Ali’s faction was due to their dissatisfaction with Ali submission to the tahkeem (arbitration) that sought to solve the conflict between Ali and Mu’awiyah in 660 CE. Ibadis believe that every Muslim is eligible to be elected as caliph of the Islamic Ummah (Islamic community) (Amin 1985, 292–3). Ibadi school of thought informs all forms of social life in Oman. In particular, Ibadi doctrine establishes male dominance in societal and familial affairs and forms a core communal and identity determinant. Ibadis form the majority of population in Oman (45 percent), whereas Sunnis are the largest minority in Oman, accounting for more than 25 percent of the population. Most of the Sunni minority is located in Baluch and Salalah. Omani Shiites form the third largest religious group and are dominant in the Batinah and the Muscat-Matrah regions. Hindus, mostly foreign expatriates, account for 5.7 percent of the population, whereas Christians count for 4.9 percent of the population. There is also an insignificant minority of Buddhists, who form about 0.8 percent of the population in Oman (Held 2006, 473). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Child protection is a function shared by a number of government institutions, such as the Ministry of Social Affairs, Labor, and Vocational Training; Ministry of Education; Ministry of Health; and Royal Oman Police. There is no pattern of family or societal abuse of children in Oman and no known cases of sexual exploitation of children.1 Several allegations have linked Oman to child trafficking. Trafficking crimes are prosecuted under Omani Penal Law (Sections 256–258), which condemns convicted parties to no less than 15 years in jail. Oman has worked diligently to solve the issue of camel jockeys, and according to the International Labor Organization, camel jockeys are no longer a problem in
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the Sultanate (U.S. State Department’s Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2005). The government has set up a new system for reporting cases of child abuse and neglect through medical facilities. Corporal punishment in schools is prohibited under the Organizational Statutes of the General Education Schools, but instances of punishment are nonetheless prevalent. The Ministry of Education has been vital in investigating cases of child abuse by teachers. However, these teachers do not face stiff penalties for perpetrating abuse of their students. A few Omani communities in the heartland and in the Dhofar region still perform female genital mutilation on younger girls. Experts believe, however, that the number of such cases is small and declining annually. Female genital mutilation is still not illegal in the Sultanate, despite international pressure and concern. Finally, there are no reports of children younger than 18 engaged in the Omani military (CSUCS, Global Reports on Child Soldiers 2004). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Omani children face a much brighter future than their counterparts in the most of the Middle East. The Sultanate’s commitment to reforming its social policies has improved the health, education, and social welfare sectors. More Omani children are educated and healthier than they used to be three decades ago. Oman’s main challenges for the twenty-first century lie in fighting gender inequality and discrimination in all walks of society. Omani women and young girls are still bound by societal norms that generally circumscribe their lives. Finally, the Sultanate should accentuate efforts to regulate child labor in family businesses and small-scale industries. NOTES 1. There are, however, several unsubstantiated reports of child sexual exploitation and child pornography of foreign house maids. See for instance, ECPAT’s report on the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children 1999–2000.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Allen, Calvin H., Jr. Oman: The Modernization of the Sultanate. Boulder, CO: Westerview Press; 1987. Clement, Frank A. Oman: the Reborn Land. London: Longman; 1980. Clements, Frank A. Oman. Oxford: Clio Press; 1994. Eickelman, Christine. Women and Community in Oman. New York, NY: New York University Press; 1984.
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Eickelman, Christine. ‘‘Fertility and social change in Oman: women’s perspectives.’’ Middle East Journal, 47 (1993), 652–666. Janzen, Jorg. Nomads in the Sultanate of Oman: Tradition and Development in Dhofar. Boulder, CO: Westview Press; 1986. Phillips, Wendel. Oman: A History. London: Longman; 1967. Risso, Patricia. Oman and Muscat: An Early Modern History. London: Croom Helm; 1986. Townsend, John. Oman: The Making of a Modern State. London: Croom Helm; 1977. Wikan, Unni. Behind the Veil in Arabia: Women in Oman. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press; 1991.
Web Sites CIA: The World Fact Book—Oman, https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/ geos/mu.html. Human Rights Watch on Oman, http://www.hrw.org/doc?t¼mideast&c¼oman. Synopsis on the Status of Children in Oman, http://www.globalmarch.org/ resourcecentre/world/oman.pdf. UNICEF Oman, http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/oman.html. The United State Department of Labor Country Report on Oman, http:// www.dol.gov/ilab/media/reports/iclp/tda2004/oman.htm. World Health Organization Country Office in Oman, http://www.emro.who.int/ oman.
Organizations and NGOs Omani Women’s Association (OWA) P.O. Box 539 Postal Code 113 Muscat, Oman Phone: þ968 24602800 Email: [email protected] UNICEF–Oman P.O. Box 3787, Ruwi Postal Code 112 Muscat Sultanate of Oman Phone: þ968 24498932/24498950 Email: [email protected] WHO Country Office in Oman P.O. Box 1889 Ruwi, Muscat
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Sultanate of Oman Phone. þ968 24600989 Email: [email protected]
Selected Bibliography Allen, Calvin H., and W. Lynn Rigsbee. Oman Under Qaboos: From Coup to Constitution, 1970–1996. London: Frank Cass; 2000. Amin, S. H. Middle East Legal Systems. Glasgow, UK: Royston; 1985. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. ‘‘Political Systems: Baseline Information and Reforms.’’ 2007, http://www.carnegieendowment.org/files/oman_ APS.doc. Chatty, Dawn. Mobile Pastoralists: Development Planning and Social Change in Oman. New York: Columbia University Press; 1996. Child Rights Information Network (CRIN). ‘‘World Report on Violence against Children.’’ 2006. http://www.crin.org/docs/UNVAC_World_Report_on_ Violence_against_Children.pdf. CIA World Fact Book. Oman. https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/ geos/mu.html accessed March 2007. Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers Global Report 2004, http://www.childsoldiers.org/document_get.php?id¼949. Curtiss, Richard H. ‘‘Oman: A Model for All Developing Nations.’’ The Washington Report on Middle Eastern Affairs 2 (1995), 49–57. Eickelman, Christine. ‘‘Oil, Fertility, and Women’s Status in Oman,’’ in Everyday Life in the Muslim Middle East. edited by Donna Lee Bowen, Evelyn A. Early. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press; 2002, 128–135. Eickelman, Dale. National Identity and Religious Discourse in Oman. International Journal of Islamic and Arabic Studies, 1 (1989), 1–20. ———. The Middle East and Central Asia: An Anthropological Approach. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall; 1998. Graz, Liesl. The Omanis, Sentinels of the Gulf. London: New York; 1982. Held, Colbert C. Middle East Patterns: Places, Peoples, and Politics. 4th ed. Boulder, CO: Westview Press; 2006. Hill, A. G., A. Z. Muyeed, and J. A. Al-lawati. The Mortality and Health Transitions in Oman: Patterns and Processes. Muscat, Oman: World Health Org. Regional Office for the Eastern Mediterranean and UNICEF; 2000. International Labour Organization (ILO). A Future Without Child Labour. Geneva: International Labour Office; 2002. Jenkinson, Rubin. A Survey of Selected Aspects of Omani Legal System. Muscat; 1987. Joyce, Miriam. The Sultanate of Oman: A Twentieth Century History. Westport, CT: Praeger; 1995. Kechichian, Joseph A. Oman and the World: The Emergence of an Independent Foreign Policy. Santa Monica, CA: Rand; 1995. Krug, Etienne G., Linda L. Dahlberg, James A. Mercy, Anthony B. Zwi, and Rafael Lozano, eds. World Report on Violence and Health. Geneva: World Health Organization; 2002. Mahmood, Syed Tahir. Statutes of Personal Law in Islamic Countries: History, Texts, and Analysis. 2nd revised ed. New Delhi: India and Islam Research Council; 1995.
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Moghadam, Valentine M. Modernizing Women: Gender and Social Change in the Middle East. 1st ed. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers; 1993. Owtram, Francis. A Modern History of Oman: Formation of the State since 1920. London: I. B. Tauris; 2004. Peterson, J. E. ‘‘Oman’s Diverse Society: Southern Oman.’’ Middle East Journal, 58 (2004), 32–51, 254–269. Riphenburg, Carol J. Oman: Political Development in a Changing World. Westport, CT: Praeger; 1998. Roggero, Paola, Viviana Mangiaterra, Flavia Bustreo, and Furio Rosati. ‘‘The Health Impact of Child Labor in Developing Countries: Evidence from Cross-Country Data.’’ American Journal of Public Health, 97 (2007), 271–275. Skeet, Ian. Muscat and Oman: The End of an Era. Faber and Faber; 1974. Smith, Richard. ‘‘Oman: Leaping Across the Centuries.’’ British Medical Journal, 297 (1988), 540–544. Sultanate of Oman: National Report on Quality Education in Oman. Submitted to UNESCO in 2004, http://www.ibe.unesco.org/International/ICE47/English/Natreps/reports/oman_part_1.pdf. ———. Answers to the Questions of the Committee on the Rights of the Child, Reference (CRC/C/78/Add.1), 2000, http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu2/ 6/crc/doc/replies/wr-oman-1.pdf. ———. Ministry of Information Official Web Site, http://www.omanet.om/eng lish/home.asp. ———. The International Labor Organization Statistical Data, http://laborsta .ilo.org. ———. U.S. Department of State Country Report on Oman, http://www.state. gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2003/27935.htm. UNDP report on Oman, accessed in March 2007, http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/ statistics/countries/country_fact_sheets/cty_fs_OMN.html. UNICEF reports on Oman, http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/oman_statist ics.html. Zahlan, Rosemarie Said. The Making of the Modern Gulf States: Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman. London: Ithaca Press; 1998.
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PALESTINIAN TERRITORIES Rima Merriman NATIONAL PROFILE The Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) includes the West Bank (WB; 2,200 square miles) and Gaza Strip (GS; 140 square miles). The total area of Israel and the occupied territory between the Jordan river and the Mediterranean is a little over 10,000 square miles. The WB and the GS are divided into sixteen governorates, eleven in the WB (including East Jerusalem; EJ) and five in the GS. In 2004 the population in the occupied Palestinian territories was 3,762,005. It is mostly young, with 56.6 percent younger than the age of 20 years. The population of illegal Israeli Jewish settlers in the WB was about 308,800. The population density in the GS is 3,161 persons per square kilometer and 347 persons per square kilometer in the WB. Most (98 percent) are Sunni Muslims and the rest are Christians. The language spoken is Arabic.
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Table 11.1. Impact on the Palestinian Population of Certain Historical Events Since 1947 Event
Impact on the Palestinian Population
Partition of Palestine, the creation of the Jewish State of Israel and Palestinian expulsion 1947–1950
About half of the Palestinian population uprooted from homes and from a predominantly agrarian complex of kin, land, and community and forced to lead a refugee existence in and around urban settings of surrounding ‘‘host’’ countries and in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip; abandoned refugee property expropriated by Israel, which refused to allow refugees back to their homes; dependence of Palestinians on wage labor and international relief; West Bank annexed to Jordan, Gaza to Egypt. The West Bank and Gaza occupied by Israel; more Palestinian refugees created; sporadic and selective family unification; public sector under Israeli military rule resulting in the deterioration of public services, especially education and health; prohibition of all Palestinian water development, drilling, and infrastructure building in the West Bank; decline of the Palestinian agricultural and manufacturing sectors; links with the Israeli economy through a one-sided customs union; Palestinian dependence on the Israeli labor market; increase in out-migration to the Gulf States; rise of the Palestinian Liberation Organization. East Jerusalem annexed by Israel and subjected to Israeli law resulting in the expropriation of Palestinian property; systematic stripping of Palestinian Jerusalemites of their residency and prohibiting them from building or renovation; changing demographics favoring Jews, placing all Palestinian schools and funded programs under Israeli supervision; prohibiting the registration of children of Palestinian Jerusalemites born in the West Bank or Gaza Strip; prohibiting mixed couples from living in Jerusalem or Israel; building large barricades of Jewish settlements. Israel’s transfer to Palestinian National Authority of responsibility over public order, education, health, social welfare, direct taxation, and tourism in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and Jericho; continuing Israeli confiscation of Palestinian land, the building of massive illegal Jewish settlements in West Bank and Gaza with by-pass roads linking them to Israel and an apartheid regime of checkpoints and permits system; failure of negotiations to resolve status of Jerusalem, return of refugees, and borders. Incursions, border and internal closures and sealing of cities by Israel; Palestinian areas cut off from one another by various means; destruction of Palestinian infrastructures, homes, and agricultural lands; unemployment and poverty soaring; economy in shambles; food, security, health, and education standards declining markedly; psychosocial damage; high casualties of children; 10,000 Palestinians in Israeli prisons, including more than 300 children; unilateral actions by Israel such as disengagement from Gaza; deep rivalries between various Palestinian factions. Israel begins building the separation wall (approximately 400 miles upon completion) around occupied East Jerusalem and the occupied West Bank, in several cases completely surrounding communities and leaving a single exit; Israel’s confiscation of Palestinian land through de facto annexation continues; destruction of Palestinian property; permanent altering of landscape; negative impact on economy, health, and education sectors and on family cohesion.
The 1967 War
Annexation of East Jerusalem 1967 to present
The Oslo Accords 1994
Al Aqsa Intifada (Second Palestinian Uprising) Sept. 2000
Construction of separation wall 2002 (ongoing)
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Palestinian Legislative Elections of January 2006
Withholding of aid by the international community and Palestinian tax revenues by Israel; 160,000 government employees supporting a quarter of the population not paid salaries for months, leading to demonstrations, a strike that lasted for over two months, and hunger; increased Israeli targeted killings of Palestinian activists and of incursions into towns and villages; siege of the Gaza Strip and massive destruction of infrastructure; large numbers of Palestinian casualties including children; several Palestinian ministers and about a third of the members of the Palestinian Legislative Council, including the Speaker, abducted and imprisoned by Israel; Palestinian infighting.
The population of Palestinian refugees and their descendants (resulting from the 1948 and 1967 wars) is estimated at more than 6.5 million worldwide, making up more than one-fourth of the entire refugee population in the world. In 2005, registered refugees in 59 camps in WB, GS, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon totaled 4,283,892. The WB and Gaza have been occupied by Israel since 1967 (Table 11.1). The de facto Israeli annexation of the Jerusalem governorate (about 7 percent of the area of the WB) in 1967 is not recognized internationally. Israel has given limited administrative responsibility to the Palestinian Authority (PA) in accordance with the Oslo Agreement of 1994. The first phase of the 456-mile separation wall that Israel is building in the heart of the WB is KEY FACTS – PALESTINIAN TERRITORIES finished. It isolates Palestinians in densely populated, BantustanPopulation: 3,702,000 like areas in the northwest corner Life expectancy at birth: 73 years (2005 est.) Literacy rate: 92 percent (2000–2004 est.) of the OPT, in the Qalqilya, TulNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 92 percent karam, and Jenin governorates, as (2000–2005 est.) well as in the Jerusalem and Human Poverty Index (HP-1) rank: 8 Bethlehem environs. The wall Sources: UNICEF. At a Glance: Occupied Palestinian Territory– annexes more land for illegal IsStatistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ raeli Jewish settlements and has oPt_statistics.html. June 18, 2007; United Nations Development been condemned by the InternaProgramme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006– Occupied Palestinian Territory. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/ tional Court of Justice in the statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_PSE.html. June 18, 2007. Hague as illegal. Israel continues to build the wall.
OVERVIEW Until recently, the indicators of children’s well being in the OPT came off well when compared with those of other Middle Eastern/North African developing countries (United Nations International Children’s
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Emergency Fund [UNICEF], Progress for Children). The progress of the OPT toward the Millennium Development Goals was ‘‘on track’’ in 2005, and the OPT scored an average or mid-level of human development in 2003, equal to Turkey and ahead of China, Iran, Algeria, South Africa, Syria, Morocco, India, and Egypt (United Nations Development Programme [UNDP], Human Development Report 2005). Such relatively positive quantitative results are surprising, given the entrenched conflict in the territories resulting from the Israeli occupation, and the high rate of poverty, currently a debilitating problem in the OPT. Based on consumption patterns, poverty rates have ranged from a low of 20.3 percent in 1998 to a high of 29.5 percent in 2005 (Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics [PCBS] 2006, 8). Withdrawal of international aid from the PA and Israel’s withholding of Palestinian revenues after the January elections of 2006 sent the territories into a tailspin economically. The negative impact of restrictions on the mobility of people, goods, and services within the OPT as well as between the territories, Israel, and the global economy are still taking their toll. The well-being of Palestinian children should be compared to the wellbeing of children in Israel, not in Africa or other developing countries, because the violations of children’s rights in the OPT are primarily, although not exclusively, the result of the obstructions and constraints the occupying power imposes on the PA and on the parents of children (Save the Children UK 2004). An example of disparities between the well-being of children in Israel and those in the OPT is the infant mortality rate, which was 6.89 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2006 in Israel compared with a rate of 19.15 deaths in the WB and 22.4 deaths in the GS (CIA World Fact Book 2006). Both the Palestinian health and education sectors have had to contend with the effects of severe neglect by Israel before 1994. For example, Israel was spending US$20–30 per capita on health in the WB compared with US$306 in Israel (Mash’al 1995), thus forcing Palestinians, who place a high social value on health, to organize grassroots organizations called Medical Relief Committees. By 2002, two years after the second Palestinian uprising, more than one in five Palestinian children in the WB and GS (22.5 percent) were reported to be suffering from chronic or acute malnutrition and about one in five to be anemic (Cole n.d.). The relative development success in the OPT, up until the second Palestinian uprising in 2000, was testimony to the commitment of international aid to the Palestinians, which averaged US$500 million between 1994 and 2000 (Development Studies Program [DSP], Palestine Human Development Report 2004, 35). Despite daunting obstacles, mismanagement, and corruption, the PA was able to counteract somewhat the neglectful legacy of the Israeli occupation since 1967. This is reflected in some basic indicators of health and education, as well as in efforts to establish a progressive legal framework for OPT institutions.
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A major source of strength for Palestinian children is the extended family and the resourcefulness and resiliency of Palestinians in general. Although fraying under the assault of Israeli occupation, family bonds still act as a security net for children. Remittances sent by Diaspora Palestinians to immediate family members as well as to community organizations are crucial sources of income. Large numbers of Palestinians in the OPT maintain their ties with the Palestinian Diasporas through marriage, especially with Jordanian nationals. Development progress in the OPT is erratic and subject to frequent setbacks. In the summer of 2006, Israel waged an unrelenting and destructive military campaign called ‘‘Summer Rain’’ on the GS, killing a high number of civilians and children, causing devastation to infrastructures, destitution, declining livelihoods, and shortages of food. Many of the gains painstakingly won on behalf of children, such as the reduction of malnutrition, are sliding (McCarthy 2006). It is difficult to understand human development, which is often defined as ‘‘an expansion of human choices,’’ without also referring to such concepts as individual and collective freedoms and social justice (DSP, Palestine Human Development Report 2004, 49). In the last few decades, Palestinian children have lived under unrelenting political and social turmoil in a physical environment that Israel continues to exploit, destroy, and pollute. Furthermore, Israel’s confiscation of Palestinian land in East Jerusalem and elsewhere in order to build Jewish demographic barricades and secure them with a separation wall, to divide Palestinian regions into cantons, to lay claim to East Jerusalem, and to prevent the possibility of a return to the 1967 borders disinherits Palestinian children and destroys their national aspirations and their futures. Directly or indirectly, the Israeli occupation defines every aspect of Palestinian children’s lives. Poverty and many other challenges facing Palestinian children are the outcomes of the historic context and its ‘‘living legacy.’’ These issues included the right of return of refugees and their continued identification with historic Palestine; Israel’s de facto annexation of East Jerusalem, depriving Palestinian school children outside occupied East Jerusalem even from school trips to the city; Israel’s continued colonization of the OPT through the illegal creation of Jewish settlements in the occupied territories; Israel’s control of the Palestinian population registry; and the increasing isolation of local communities. By 2002, Israel had divided the WB into eight isolated territorial units (Jenin, Nablus, Qalqilia, Tulkarem, Jericho, Ramallah, Bethlehem, and Hebron). It had sealed and cut off the GS from the WB. The separation wall has made daily life miserable for thousands of Palestinians whose homes are just outside the municipal borders of Jerusalem as determined by Israel, but whose lives center in Jerusalem (i.e., they have Jerusalem IDs). Children and teachers must run daily marathons through various barriers to get to school and are routinely delayed
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by unpredictable bottlenecks. The same occurs when children need to access medical services in East Jerusalem or maintain ties with family. EDUCATION Palestinians have always viewed education as a tool to empower future generations and as a coping mechanism among refugees (Loughry et al. 2006). However, although Palestinians are known to be one of the most highly educated ethnic groups in the Middle East, it’s been only recently (since 1994) that they have taken administrative control over part of it in the OPT. Between 1948 and the Israeli occupation of the WB and the GS in 1967, Palestinian public education was fragmented. Education in refugee camps was administered by the United Nations Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA); WB public schools followed the Jordanian curriculum, and the GS followed the Egyptian curriculum. After the Israeli occupation, Palestinian education was faced with additional crippling challenges. The Israeli military-appointed directors neglected Palestinian education and failed to keep up with the natural growth of the population. During the first Palestinian uprising against the Israeli occupation (1987–1990), Palestinian children (excluding children in occupied East Jerusalem) missed 60 percent of their school days primarily because of military curfews, but also because of strikes. Israel outlawed attempts by popular neighborhood committees to organize makeshift classrooms in homes, mosques, alleyways, and storerooms on pain of jail time of up to 10 years and a US$5,000 fine for those caught participating. Even study packets that teachers attempted to distribute were outlawed (Naser 2001). Deterioration of standards and the quality of education quickly followed. Students who did not have the skills and knowledge to be promoted to the next level of education were nevertheless promoted or graduated, sometimes under pressure from young Palestinian activists. The effect of this is felt to this day. The 16-year-old of 1987 is now the ill-educated parent or teacher of the child who, in 2006, was himself experiencing his sixth year of the second Palestinian uprising, with its own recurrent periods of school closures, curfews, and restrictions of movements. A 22-year-old garage mechanic who donated room in his house for alternative classes in his neighborhood in Nablus during the second uprising in 2003 says, ‘‘In the first uprising I didn’t learn anything, and now I can barely read and write. Why should these children be like me?’’ (Strickert 2003, 63). Self-learning sheets and other remedial efforts have been insufficient to stem the tide of deterioration of standards. The 2004 Math and Science Achievement Test conducted in the OPT by the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement on grades four and eight placed the OPT among the lowest-ranking countries.
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The occupation has impacted the psychosocial as well as academic development of school children. Hardly any child remains untouched by the violence, if not directly, then through the loss, injury, or imprisonment of siblings, fathers, mothers, and close relatives. Artwork by Palestinian children, often banned from American campuses, reflects this reality (National Coalition Against Censorship 2006). Additionally, children are burdened with the need to find a role for themselves vis-a-vis the national struggle as participants without being demonized for it or constructed as helpless instruments of evil adults: ‘‘Children with stones are not made of stone and pay a disproportionately heavy price’’ (Sirajsait 2004, 211). In addition to the lethal Israeli military rule, children must contend with a rigid traditional mode of interaction and communication both within their families and at school, where the pillars of the education system are still rote learning of the curriculum, passing examinations, and the authority of the teacher within the classroom. ‘‘Palestinians are trapped within an authoritarian society within an oppressive military occupation.’’ (Sfeir n.d.). In a 2000 study, 27 percent of students surveyed reported corporal punishment being used for discipline in schools (Samaneh 2000). UNRWA regulations prohibit corporal punishment in schools, but that prohibition does not extend to public or private schools. When the PA took over the administration of the education system from the Israelis, it inherited overcrowded schools that operated on shift schedules, a lack of qualified teachers, and crumbling infrastructures, issues the system struggles with to this day. The PA also carries the burden of meeting the special needs of the many young people disabled as a result of the uprisings and the additional burden of dealing with the grievances and frustrations of children who challenge authority and who lack discipline and motivation, but who are nevertheless in need of training in relevant skills (Rigby 1995). There are more than 600 counselors currently serving in public schools, but a referral network system is still being developed. Basic education is compulsory for boys and girls ages 6 to 15, but the needs of special children are not currently met by public schools. Al Mezan, a center for human rights based in Gaza, appealed to the Palestinian High Court in 2006 on behalf of deaf children and their inclusion in the public school system. It cited the amended Palestinian Basic Law that education is an obligatory right of every citizen. The development of a unified curriculum in 2000 (after a hastily issued primary curriculum written in 1994) is one of the greatest achievements of the PA to date, requiring the involvement and training of tens of thousands of teachers, principals, and administrators in the WB and the GS. In addition to moving toward packaging knowledge using progressive and innovative approaches to learning, the Palestinian curriculum has to contend with the challenge of how to reflect the national aspirations and relevance that successive regimes have emptied from educational content,
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how to build a national and cultural identity for stateless children under occupation while many vital issues remain unresolved. Another PA achievement is the absorption of the tremendous increase in enrollment since its establishment. At the primary level, enrollment is almost total and at the secondary level (grades 11 and 12), it is 124,867 students (PCBS 2005b). Progress, however, is offset by the continual necessity of rebuilding infrastructure damaged by Israeli incursions. Between September 2000 and June 2004, Israeli military action damaged at least 269 schools. Other schools have been closed or taken up by the Israelis as military outposts (UNICEF 2005). In 1998, the Ministry of Education published the Five-Year Education Development Plan 2000/2001–2004/2005, which covered all aspects of educational reform and set priorities, including access to education for all, improvement of the quality of education, development of formal and nonformal education, and development of human resources in education as well as management capacities in planning and financial issues (Rihan n.d.). More than half of UNRWA’s budget goes to education in the WB and GS schools. The PA, which devotes just 10 to 13 percent of its budget to education, has to rely on local donors and on unpredictable aid packages. More than a million Palestinian children are enrolled in kindergartens, which are provided by the private sector. This number deceases, especially in Gaza, whenever the economic situation deteriorates. The private education sector is made up primarily of schools established by Christian missionaries in the 19th century when education in Palestine was scarce. Because the emphasis of these schools was on religious rather than national development, and because they did not recognize or respect the indigenous church, they failed to consolidate Palestinian Christians in their homeland and simply managed to alienate them from their indigenous culture (Prior and Taylor 1994). These schools now provide a higher standard of education, especially in foreign languages and the sciences, than public or UNRWA schools do, but only a small percentage of Palestinian families can afford the fees of private schools. PLAY AND RECREATION Several nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in refugee camps and elsewhere focus on building children’s national identity and self-esteem through cultural activities, which range from embroidery, drama, dance, music, singing, and game playing. Both boys and girls learn the line dance called dabka, which is performed at weddings and parties. Ibda (meaning ‘‘creativity’’ in Arabic), is a Palestinian teenage dance troupe from the Dheisheh refugee camp in Bethlehem that has gained international exposure and performs worldwide. The Popular Art Centre, founded in 1987, is a leading cultural centre in the WB and conducts a range of arts programs for children.
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The Birzeit University–affiliated Edward Said National Conservatory of Music in Ramallah (with branches in Jerusalem and Bethlehem) was established in 1993 to fill a huge gap in music education in the OPT. It trains students on Western and Arabic instruments and has recently established the Jerusalem Children’s Orchestra for beginners. Talented students have the opportunity to advance to the Palestine Youth orchestra, (established in 2004), which includes Palestinian musicians from the OPT and the Diaspora. Theatre, like music, is at the beginning stages of development in the OPT. Ashtar, established in 1991 with branches in Jerusalem and Ramallah, has a theatre-training program directed at school students. The Palestinian National Theatre in Jerusalem sponsors an annual international puppet theatre providing children with an opportunity to participate in performances and to interact with artists. In 2006 The Freedom Theatre, a cultural and theatre training center in the Jenin refugee camp in the WB, was established and is registered as a Swedish foundation. A number of NGOs in the OPT aim to foster the intellectual and emotional development of Palestinian children through art activities. An example is the Palestinian Child Arts Center in Al Khalil, established in 1994, whose motto is ‘‘toward a creative Palestinian child.’’ The Qattan Center for the Child in Gaza is a children’s library and information centre that has a mobile library. The Tamer Institution for Community Education (based in Ramallah) sponsors a national reading campaign as well as promotes children’s books and provides training for writers, editors, and illustrators of children books as well as creative writing workshops for children. More than 27 percent of Palestinian households surveyed in 2004 owned a home library (PCBS 2004d). According to the same survey, the percentage of household-owned computers was 26.4 percent (28.4 percent in the WB and 22.5 percent in GS). Close to half of those surveyed (10 years and older) indicated that their primary use of the computer was for recreational or entertainment purposes. A third had access to the Internet. Palestinian children’s access to safe play and recreational facilities are limited. Several organizations have introduced safe play areas in the WB and GS in an effort to keep children away from live fire and unexploded ordnance. But the streets or a makeshift football field in a vacant lot remain the most common areas for spontaneous play of children, especially in towns and cities. By far, the most popular form of entertainment as well as education and culture for children in the OPT is the television. Broadcast is free once households set up satellite dishes. Children’s channels that run during most hours of the day broadcast a variety of shows including cartoons. In large families where there is only one TV, however, children end up watching what adults watch. Superstar song programs are popular, as well as historical dramas, which are broadcast in Ramadan and repeated during the course of the rest of the year. Households with traditional
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Muslim families prefer to watch stations that broadcast religious and traditional content, and everybody watches the news on Al Jazeera or Al Arabiya, the most popular satellite news stations in the Middle East. CHILD LABOR The minimum age at which a child can legally join the labor force in the OPT is 15 (Palestinian Labor Law 2000). For children between 15 and 18 years of age, there are special prohibitions under the law related to hazardous work and hard labor, work on official holidays, night work, and travel outside the area where the young person lives. The labor force in the OPT is estimated at 850,000 (PCBS 2005d). With very inadequate staffing in the field, the Ministry of Labor has no way to enforce the labor law or to collect reliable information on the number of children working illegally or to monitor work conditions in the more than 600,000 enterprises that currently exist in the OPT. According to PCBS surveys, the percentage of working children ages 10 to 17 in 2005 decreased from 5.5 percent in 2000 to 3.8 percent (PCBS 2006). The Child Labor Survey of 2004 for children ages 5 to 17 years, using International Labor Conference (ILC) criteria for child labor, found that 1.7 percent of the children in the survey (22,570) met the criteria. Close to 90 percent were boys (PCBS 2005a). The most commonly cited reason for child labor is economic need. Before the second uprising, almost 70 percent of Palestinian labor depended on jobs in Israel. This market has since dwindled with Israel aiming to reduce the number of Palestinian workers in Israel to zero by 2008. Without such employment, it will be impossible for the Palestinian economy to reach a sustainable rate of growth (ILC, n.d.). The child labor pool is made up of school dropouts but also of children enrolled in school. For the compulsory education stage (grades one to ten), the school enrollment rate for Palestinian children is one of the best in the Middle East (92.1 percent). The dropout rate for this stage is also relatively low (0.9 percent for boys and 0.6 percent for girls). School dropouts in the noncompulsory stage of education rise to 2.3 percent for boys and 3.6 for girls (PCBS 2006). The 2006 strike by teachers, which closed public schools for more than two months, is expected to increase the dropout rates in schools. Because enrollment ratios are based on the number of students formally registered in primary school, they do not necessarily reflect actual school attendance. There is currently an absence of institutional mechanisms for identifying potential dropouts and a lack of referral system or coordination between schools and the Ministry of Social Affairs to deal with truancy and other such problems. Among working children ages 10 to 17 in a 2005 survey, two-thirds were found to be engaged in family enterprises for no pay. Very few are
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in it to learn a trade (just 1.7 percent). The majority are dropouts with a high percentage, especially in the GS, citing disability or ill health as the reason for dropping out of school. A small percentage of children who work for wages mention benefits such as health insurance, paid sick leave, paid vacation, and a transportation allowance or free transportation. A little more than half report that they are given a break during work. Girls work fewer hours than boys (PCBS 2004c). Children labor in agriculture, hunting, and fishing, as well as in the restaurant and hotel business and commerce. About 10 percent work in construction and in industry. A 2004 qualitative study painted the following profile for the 83 participants in the study (ages 5 to 17 years). Their work hours ranged from 6 to 14 hours. Most were boys from large families whose parents had little schooling and whose fathers were unemployed or had seasonal work. Most lived in cities or villages rather than refugee camps. Monthly salaries earned by these children ranged from US$65–$170, with those working in industry and family enterprises earning the least. A total of 15 percent made their own decisions about how to spend their earnings, but the majority handed their pay to the head of household, keeping only pocket money. Their household incomes were higher than the national average and a third of the households depended fully on the children’s income. Several reported exploitation and abuse and most were unaware of their rights or of the Palestinian labor law. Some worked in hazardous conditions, including illegal endeavors. There were a lot of variations with regard to the children’s family situation and their coping mechanisms such as self image, self-reliance, and tendency to violence (DSP 2004). FAMILY Because of the young population in the OPT, there is a large base of dependents in the society. The expectation is that the Palestinian family will provide for its children, who will in turn grow up to become supporters of their parents when they reach old age (Barakat 2007). However, this expectation collides with the economic reality in the OPT. The World Bank economic forecast for the OPT in 2007 included a grim unemployment rate of 31 percent and a poverty rate of 50 percent. The average Palestinian child in the OPT is likely to live in a large family. The GS is one of the most densely populated areas of the world and has a high fertility rate among its predominantly refugee population, higher than that of the WB, although both rates have been declining, from 7.9 in 1970 to 5.4 in 2004 (UNICEF 2005). There is a very low participation of women in the labor force and male and female roles in the household are traditional. Girls have much less freedom than boys and are kept close to home. The majority of households are nuclear (a married couple and children), but a significant number (about a third) comprise extended
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families. In general, families tend to live close to relatives when possible. Marriages within the same family or kin group are widespread. Crossreligious marriages are strongly discouraged and are not fully integrated into mainstream society when they do happen (Ata 2000). Surveys indicate that divorce rates, though relatively low compared with divorce rates in the West, are increasing. Although it has been shown that offspring of first-cousin marriages have a greater rate of congenital failures and thus higher child mortality rates, marriage within the lineage is vitally important in Palestinian society as a way of preserving the identity of dispersed communities and reinforcing and sustaining kinship and social groups. More than half of households in the WB and GS have relatives abroad, creating a shortage of men ages 35 to 39 and a high proportion of unmarried Palestinian women (PCBS 2005a). Where a family resides—in a refugee camp, in East Jerusalem, in the GS, in proximity to the apartheid wall Israel is building, in proximity to illegal Israeli settlements in the WB—is an important variable that defines how a particular family copes and whether it survives the many pressures of the occupation at all. Surveys indicate that approximately 56,000 Palestinian families (among them approximately 29,600 children) living in areas where conflict is acute have been forced to move, 18 percent of them permanently (PCBS 2001). Israeli house demolitions, which render Palestinian families homeless as well as displaced, are more likely to occur in certain areas than in others. During the current uprising through May 2005, according to the PA Ministry of Public Works and Housing, the Israeli army destroyed some 7,633 homes completely. Families living close to the Israeli apartheid wall and to Israeli settlements are more likely to be cut off from their communities and also to be dispossessed through confiscation of their property or to be isolated from their farm lands. These latter groups require Israeli permits to live on the land they own. Permits are also required for accessing nonresidential land (UNRWA 2004). Violent actions by settlers upon neighboring Palestinian villagers in the WB and GS are a common occurrence (B’Tselem 2001). The Israeli occupation and Palestinian resistance to it have also put stresses on family hierarchy and on traditional parent–child relationships (Kuttab 1988). Palestinian political parties now exert influence on children and young people throughout the OPT. The widely broadcast images of Muhammed al-Dura, a 12-year-old boy killed by Israeli sniper fire in Gaza in September 2000, as he was taking cover with his father, has become a powerful symbol in Palestinian society not just of Israeli oppression, but also of the helplessness of parents to protect their children (PAC). Many summer camps, where thousands of Palestinian children are enrolled each year, include scouts-like discipline and training. Despite their
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initial role in the first uprising (stone throwing and demonstrations), it is estimated that less than 1 percent of children ages 12 to 18 years have taken an active role in the clashes with the Israeli army. However, Palestinian children’s political consciousness is developed at an early age (Barber 1999). As of September 2006, a total of 376 Palestinian children were in Israeli prisons, where they are subjected to forced labor, exploitation and humiliation (Defence for Children International – Palestine Section [DCI/PS] 2006). Research shows a high rate of trauma among Palestinian children, attributable to the conflict and its long duration, and emphasizes the importance of family as a ‘‘protective shield and secure base’’ to ensure children’s resilience once peace is established (Loughry et al. 2006). The conflict has taken its toll on the emotional life of the Palestinian family, especially those families exposed to shelling and to the demolition of their homes. But the single most devastating Israeli policy on Palestinian family life, no matter where Palestinians live, is its policy of family nonreunification. Israel controls both the Palestinian population registry of the OPT and its borders with the outside world and has a backlog of thousands of residency applications by Palestinians on behalf of spouses and close family members who are nationals of other countries (Ashkar 2006). Israel refuses to change the addresses of Palestinians registered in the GS who have moved to the WB, thus making such Palestinians ‘‘illegal’’ aliens in their own land and separating them from relatives in Gaza. It also has strict registration policies designed to make it impossible for Palestinians to obtain residency in Jerusalem for their children or spouses. As with divorce or the death of a spouse, what these forced separations mean is a resort to the extended family, but ‘‘the extended-household milieu has negative consequences for children, including lower educational achievement and child labor’’ (PCBS 2005a). HEALTH Accidents, mainly traffic accidents, but also gunfire during Israeli incursions, are the leading cause of death for Palestinian children ages 5 to 19 (56 percent) as well as those ages 20 to 59 (29 percent) according to the Palestinian Ministry of Health (Health Status in Palestine). Between September 28, 2000, and October 14, 2006, 824 children were killed by Israeli attacks and thousands injured or disabled. Most were killed while going about their normal daily activities (DCI/PS 2006). Additionally, Israeli house demolitions have rendered tens of thousands of Palestinian children homeless and exposed to the elements. Israeliimposed movement restrictions on the Palestinians during times of heightened conflict impede their access to health services, often with grave consequences to women and children. For example, more than sixty-eight pregnant Palestinian women are reported to have given birth
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at Israeli checkpoints between 2000 and 2006, leading to thirty-four miscarriages and the deaths of four women (IMEMC 2006). Impeded access of women to prenatal and postnatal care also has grave consequences, especially as the third leading cause of death among women of childbearing age in the OPT is a lack of such care. The conflict has also disrupted the immunization program, the most successful program of the Palestinian Ministry of Health (PCBS 2000). Women living in the OPT are married by the age of 19 on average and have a total fertility rate significantly greater than that of other countries with similar profiles of education and access to health. The vast majority of the Palestinian population is made up of a highly-vulnerable group: children, pregnant women, and mothers of young children. The most recent financial and humanitarian crisis that began shortly after the January 2006 elections has negatively impacted the Ministry of Health, which runs twenty-three hospitals and a majority of the primary healthcare centers, located mainly in rural areas. The Ministry provides a little more than 60 percent of healthcare services in the OPT, followed by UNRWA, NGOs, and the private sector. Outreach services and ambulatory care are provided by the Palestine Red Crescent Society and the Medical Relief Society. The Ministry purchases services from abroad (Israel, Egypt, and Jordan) for complicated illnesses that the system cannot handle. Close to 90 percent of people needing medical attention received care in 2003, albeit with long waits for many of them and shortages of medicine (PCBS 2003). However, services have been crumbling under the current political assault. Palestinian national health remains fragmented. There is a lack of coordination and implementation of policies and programs (Schoenbaum et al. 2005). After 2000, international assistance shifted, yet again, from institutional support to budgetary and emergency support. Such support amounted to $66.1 million in 2004, which doubled the proportion of funding from 2002 (WHO 2006–2008). In the GS, the majority of the population has refugee status and is entitled to UNRWA health insurance and free services. The Government Health Insurance system is based primarily on general tax revenues supplemented by individual contributions. Al Aqsa Insurance, a PA program instituted after the 2000 uprising, has a minimum insurance premium, but is a big financial burden on the government. In general, about twothirds of the Palestinian population has health insurance (PCBS 2004). Almost all women in the OPT deliver their babies in a health facility when they can get there, and almost all breastfeed their babies for close to thirteen months on average. The average birth interval for Palestinian women is the shortest in the world—just 18 months. The leading causes of death for under-5 are respiratory system infections and congenital anomalies. Most Palestinian children have access to improved drinking water, but hundreds of thousands suffer from a severe water shortage throughout
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Table 11.2. Main Nutritional Indicators by Region, 2004 Indicator
GS
WB
OPT
Prevalence of anemia among children 6–59 months Children who moderately suffered from stunting Children who moderately suffered from wasting Children who moderately suffered from under weight Prevalence of anemia among women 15–49 years
41.6
35.5
38.0
11.4
8.8
9.9
1.8
3.4
2.8
4.9
4.8
4.9
36.4
31.4
33.2
Source: PCBS, Statistical Abstract of Palestine No. (6), page 320.
the summers (Leinl). Hundreds of rural homes don’t have piped water or have it only in winter. Palestinians get about half of the internationally recommended amount of water for hygiene, cleaning needs, and consumption. Closures and curfews interfere with the testing of water quality, especially in villages, where about two-thirds of drinking water is contaminated with bacteria (Table 11.2). In the GS, underground water supplies are polluted because of poor sewage treatment and agricultural chemicals, as are the coastline and the sea (USAID n.d.). The existing sewage effluent lake comprises a ‘‘human and ecological disaster’’ in the densely populated Beit Lahia area in the north of the GS. It ‘‘creates a direct and permanent physical risk for human health,’’ according to the World Bank North Gaza Emergency Sewage Treatment Plant Project. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The PA does not have State Party Status and cannot formally enter into international treaties or conventions such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Nevertheless, the PA pledged its commitment to the Convention on April 5, 1995. The legal framework for children’s rights in the OPT is being developed by the Palestinian Legislative Council, which has so far passed about fifty-seven laws, including the Palestinian Basic Law, and a Child Law (no. 7, 2004). Various draft laws (among them a draft amendment of the Child Law, and draft laws on education and juvenile justice) are being developed. The Palestinian legislative framework must be seen in the context of the legacy of laws the OPT has inherited throughout its history. Portions of Jordanian law and Egyptian law are being applied in the WB and GS respectively. Some British Mandate laws are still in effect, especially in the GS. Even residual laws from the Ottoman era still exist.
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Israeli military decrees (which act as laws) continue to be imposed on the OPT. These laws deprive Palestinians of their liberty, property, and residency rights with no recourse available except through the Israeli legal system, which acts in collusion with the military, citing security (Palestinian Center for Human Rights [PCHR] 2003). It is estimated that the Israeli military authority has issued more than 1,500 military orders in the WB and 1,100 in the GS since 1967. One such order makes it possible to treat 16- and 17-year-old Palestinian children like adults and be placed in detention for up to 6 months without trial or specific charges (DCI/PS 2006). The building blocks of a comprehensive Palestinian child rights framework are being put in place. Article 29 of the Palestinian Basic Law (ratified in 2002) stipulates ‘‘comprehensive protection and welfare’’ for children. The Child Law, which defines a child as anyone younger than the age of 18 and avows the principle of the best interest of the child, formulates additional specific rights such as the child’s right to privacy and self-expression. The draft amendment of the law clarifies terms, develops the articles related to child protection, and defines and regulates the establishment of an independent National Body for children. Currently, the OPT has no specialized children or family courts (the court system as a whole is still undeveloped). Child protection cases, when they involve custody and other family-related issues, fall under the jurisdiction of the Sharia or Islamic court. Christians have the option of using this court or resorting to ecclesiastical courts. There is also a tradition of mediated disputes among families outside the court system based on customary law called urf. The Penal Code sets the criminal age of children at 9 years of age, with judges having the discretion to mitigate penalties in consideration of a child’s age. The death penalty is prohibited for children. The Draft Juvenile Justice Law is attempting to increase the criminal age to 12 years. Currently, there are regulations in place to protect children caught up in the justice system such as a speedy trial and placement in a remand home while awaiting trial. There are two juvenile reform institutions in the OPT and no detention centers. Convicted children are rarely sent to prison. RELIGIOUS LIFE Islam, the faith of close to 98 percent of Palestinians in the OPT, is a religion that regulates the social life of its adherents. The religion revolves around five pillars: the profession of faith in a single God (Allah) with Mohammad as his prophet, the performance of prayers five times a day, the giving of alms (Zakat), fasting during the month of Ramadan, and the pilgrimage (hajj) to Mecca. In accordance with Islam, Muslim male babies are circumcised soon after their birth. Some people still perform this traditional ceremony at
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home and invite family and friends to share the occasion. Palestinian children learn about the five pillars of Islam in school, where the Qur’an as well as the teachings of Muhammad are taught in all grades. The Secondary Certificate Exam tests Palestinian Muslim children on their knowledge of their religion. In the OPT, a majority of Muslim girls who have reached puberty cover their hair and wear pants under their public school uniforms to cover their legs in accordance with Islamic teachings. On Fridays, many children, especially boys, accompany their parents to pray in mosques, where they also hear the Friday sermon. Every neighborhood and every village in the OPT has a mosque. Praying communally on Fridays and on other religious occasions has a high importance in Islam. Along with Mecca and Medina in Saudi Arabia, Muslims consider Jerusalem and Al-khaleel (Hebron) holy cities. Once they reach puberty, children are expected to fast from sundown to sunset during the month of Ramadan. They are woken up before sunrise to eat a meal called suhour. In many places, especially in Palestinian villages, children and adults are still woken up for this early meal by a drummer. During Ramadan, everything slows down. For example, schools are let out earlier than usual and work hours are curtailed. Families prepare special foods and desserts that they don’t usually prepare during the rest of the year and there is a lot of participation in communal meals among extended families. At the end of Ramadan, Muslims celebrate Eid al Fiter for 3 days. It is customary to buy children a complete outfit of new clothes for the Eid. Special communal prayers are held early in the morning in mosques and in the open air. During the three days of celebrations, Muslims are enjoined to strengthen what Islam calls ‘‘the connection of the womb’’ or family ties. They are expected to visit relatives along with their parents. Close relatives give children money, which is usually spent at special entertainments set up in villages and towns or to buy toys. A second major Muslim celebration is Eid al Adha, which commemorates Prophet Ibrahim’s willingness to sacrifice his son for Allah. It marks the end of the pilgrimage to Mecca, which millions of Muslims make every year. During this celebration, families that can afford to do so sacrifice a lamb and give part of it to the poor. They also visit the gravesites of dead relatives. A children’s story (‘‘Who Hid the Eid Lamb?’’) written by a Palestinian-Jordanian and included in a world literature magazine describes the attachment of a child to the lamb that the family is fattening for this celebration (Najjar 2005). The child tries to save the lamb by hiding it and is comforted by the grandfather who explains the significance of the sacrifice. Christians make up only 2.2 percent of the total population in the WB and Jerusalem, having experienced out-migration since the early twentieth century at much greater rates than Muslims. All fifteen Christian
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denominations, the largest of which being Greek Orthodox, have rich traditions and rituals. Palestinian Christian children are proud of their heritage in the Holy Land and celebrate Christmas in Bethlehem and elsewhere by replicating the nativity scene and decorating Christmas trees. For Easter, like Christmas, celebrants experience the arrival of pilgrims (Cypriots, Greeks, and Copts) when the political situation allows: ‘‘Stands that sell souvenir items are found on every street corner and in front of souvenir shops in the Christian Quarter and in alleys leading to the Church of the Holy Sepulcher. Candles of all sizes and designs are offered for sale and local children, on Easter vacation from school, employ their freshly learned foreign words and phrases to entice pilgrims to buy souvenir items’’ (Sabella n.d.). Palm Sunday and Good Friday are commemorated in Jerusalem where it all happened through huge processions. The Greek Orthodox community celebrates the Saturday of Light when boy scout troops, including Muslims, await the Light on the roof of the Holy Sepulchre and exchange the traditional Easter greeting: ‘‘Christ has arisen’’ and its response: ‘‘He has really arisen.’’ CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The Ministry of Social Affairs is responsible for the delivery of child protection services and for standard setting and inspection of children’s services. However, its performance is widely acknowledged to be inadequate. Most institutions (well over 200) providing services for abused children are non-governmental, but governmental institutions, though fewer, are more widely distributed in all OPT districts. An independent expert appointed by the Secretary-General for the United Nations to report on violence against children in the OPT referred to ‘‘pervasiveness of harmful traditional practices,’’ specifically, the prevalence of corporal punishment against children in the home, schools, alternative care, institutions, and the juvenile justice system. (United Nations, Study on Violence against Children). However, there is a paucity of data about domestic or other social violence against children in the OPT. A 2005 survey of over sixty institutions dealing with child abuse in the OPT attempted to assess the magnitude of the problem (Halileh 2006). The institutions surveyed reported that most of the abuse that comes to their attention takes place in the home or school. The bulk of cases come to light through family members, schoolteachers, and counselors. The police play a small role in the existing non-formalized referral network. In addition to child homicide, the survey reported on incidents of death as the result of family violence (predominantly girls), physical and sexual abuse (predominantly at the hands of the father), and battered child syndrome. Most of the cases reported in this survey (other than
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homicide cases) were in the WB rather than in the GS. However, a 2004 PCBS psychosocial survey indicated that children living in the GS were more vulnerable to violence and abuse, as were children living in urban areas and in refugee camps. Other field observations show young boys to be exposed to severe physical violence, usually at the hands of the father, especially those spending the majority of their time on the streets. Between September 2000 and October 2006, Israel imprisoned about 430 Palestinian children (DCI/PS 2006). These children are being forced to labor long hours on such tasks as packing plastic spoons in boxes for little pay. They are reportedly fed two meals every 24 hours, one at 11:00 pm and another at 6:00 am. (Abu Wardeh). Additionally, Israel has systematically used the Palestinian children it arrests (about 2,400 children between 2000 and 2004) as informers, coercing them through a variety of methods, including sexual assault, beatings, and threats and rewarding them with work, pay, or sexual favors for services rendered (DCI/PS 2006). Such children are also at risk of ill-treatment by members of the Palestinian community, which punishes collaborators severely. On the Palestinian side, reports indicate that at least two children 16 and older have been used by Palestinian-armed groups in suicide bombings (U.S. Department of State). The PA has so far failed to examine allegations of recruitment and exploitation of children in such armed operations. The Palestinian Child Law contains a provision forbidding the enlistment of children younger than 18 in any armed forces. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Future prospects for Palestinian children in the OPT will be bleak as long as they remain stateless, and as long as the refugee problem and the status of Jerusalem are left unresolved. The Oslo years, characterized by the limited sovereignty of the Palestinian Authority, scarcity of resources and revenues, economic exploitation by Israel, and a large number of Israeli settlements on Palestinian lands, have done little to ensure a world fit for children in Palestine. Until the political situation is resolved and a ‘‘final status’’ agreement acceptable to both the Palestinians and Israelis is struck, Palestinian children will continue to be born into dangerous and desperate circumstances. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Abunimah, Ali. One Country: A Bold Proposal to End the Israeli-Palestinian Impasse. Metropolitan Books; 2006. Exposes the impracticality of partitioning historic Palestine and presents an alternative vision, one that encompasses both the Palestinians and Israelis on the basis of equal rights.
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Barakat, Ibtisam. Tasting the Sky: A Palestinian Childhood. Farrar Straus & Giroux; 2007. The author’s memoir about growing up in Ramallah. Baroud, Ramzy. The Second Palestinian Intifada: A Chronicle of a People’s Struggle. Pluto Press; 2006. A comprehensive account of the events of the last 5 years in the West Bank and Gaza. Boullata, Kamal. Faithful Witnesses: Palestinian Children Recreate Their World. New York: Olive Branch Press; 1991. A portfolio of drawings and paintings made by Palestinian children aged six through eleven years reflecting their experience of the first Palestinian uprising, which took place between 1987 and approximately 1990. Chatty, Dawn, and Gillian Lewando Hundt, eds. Children of Palestine: Experiencing Forced Migration in the Middle East. Berghahn Books; 2005. http://www .berghahnbooksonline.com/books/refu_forc/chattychildren This publication gives voice to individual Palestinian children and young people living both within and outside of refugee camps in the Middle East in the context of their households and their community. Dolphin, Ray. The West Bank Wall: Unmaking Palestine. Pluto Press; 2006. Explores the Palestinian experience of the separation wall Israel continues to build in the West Bank and places the debate in its international context. Farsoun, Samih K. Culture and Customs of the Palestinians. WestView Press; 2004. Includes chapters on the arts, literature, and religion as well as chapters on history, the family, gender relations, and customs of Palestinians. Kanafani, Ghassan. Palestine’s Children: Returning to Haifa and Other Stories. Lynne Reinner Publishers; 2000. Written by an important Palestinian writer and translated by Barbara Harlow and Karen E. Riley, the book includes stories taking place between 1936 and 1967. Each story in this book involves a child. Moughrabi, Fouad. ‘‘Three Representations of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict in Children’s Literature,’’ http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article6512.shtml The essay deals with Lynne Reid Banks’s Broken Bridge (Avon Books, 1994), Deborah Ellis’s Three Wishes: Palestinians and Israeli Children Speak (Groundwood Books, 2004), and Elizabeth Laird’s A Little Piece of Ground (Haymarket Books, 2006). Rosenfeld, Maya. Confronting the Occupation: Work, Education, and Political Activism of Palestinian Families in a Refugee Camp. Stanford, CA: Stanford University; Press; 2004. Detailed ethnographic historical, sociological and economic account of Palestinian life in Dheisheish refugee camp in Bethlehem in the West Bank. Sacco, Joe. Palestine. Fantagraphics Books; 1993. A breakthrough novel of graphic journalism based on several months of research and an extended visit to the West Bank and Gaza Strip in the early 1990s; introduction by Edward Said.
Nonprint Resources Arna’s Children. 2003. Documentary Film, 84 minutes, Arabic/English/Hebrew. Filmmakers: Juliano Mer Khamis and Danniel Danniel. How the children of a Palestinian theatre group got involved in the Intifada.
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Children of Ibda’. 2003. Documentary Film, 29 minutes. Filmmaker: Patrick Smith. Tamer Institution for Community Education. A Palestinian children’s dance troupe uses its performance to express the history, struggle, and aspirations of the Palestinian people. Death in Gaza. 2003. Documentary Film (HBO). Filmmaker: James Miller. Looks at the lives of three Palestinian children caught up in the cycle of violence. The Iron Wall. April 2006. Documentary Film. Directed by Mohammed Alatar; Produced by Palestinian Agricultural Relief Committees and Palestinians for Peace & Democracy. http://www.theironwall.ps Follows the timeline, size, and population of Israeli Jewish settlements in occupied Palestinian territory and their impact on the peace process as well as touches on the phenomenon of the separation wall. Mohammad Al-Durra. Palestinian American Council (PAC). Video production. http://www.pac-usa.org/mohammad_aldurra.htm Occupation 101: Voices of the Silenced Majority. 2006. Documentary Film, 85 minutes, English. Filmmakers: Abdallah Omeish and Sufyan Omeish. Discussions of a range of Palestinian events based on dozens of interviews. Stolen Youth. 2004. Documentary Film, 20 minutes, English. Filmmaker: Saed Andoni. Deals with the politics of Israel’s detention of Palestinian children.
Web Sites Electronic Intifada, http://www.electronicintifada.net. A not-for-profit, independent publication committed to comprehensive public education on the question of Palestine, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and the economic, political, legal, and human dimensions of Israel’s 39-year occupation of the Palestinian territories. If Americans Knew, http://www.ifamericansknew.org. Mission is to inform and educate the American public on issues of major significance that are unreported, underreported, or misreported in the American media. Remember These Children, http://www.rememberthesechildren.org/remember2006 .html. Lists all of the Israeli and Palestinian youth under eighteen who have died in the violence since September 29, 2000. Arranged chronologically by date of death, each entry includes the child’s name, hometown, how the child was killed, and, where available, the location of the fatal injury.
Organizations and NGOs Al Haq P.O. Box: 1413 Ramallah—West Bank Palestine
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Website: http://www.alhaq.org An independent Palestinian nongovernmental human rights organization based in Ramallah, West Bank. Established in 1979 to protect and promote human rights and the rule of law in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT), the organization has special consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council. Al Mezan Center for Human Rights Gaza/Izz Ad Din Al Qssam St., opposite the Shifa Tower As Sourani Building, 2nd floor P.O. Box. 5270 Palestine Email: [email protected]; [email protected] Website: http://www.mezan.org A Palestinian nonpartisan NGO based in the refugee camp of Jabalia in the Gaza Strip. Al Mezan’s mandate is ‘‘to promote, protect, and prevent violations of human rights in general and economic, social, and cultural rights in particular and to provide effective aid to those victims of such violations, and to enhance the quality of life of the community in marginalized sectors of the Gaza Strip.’’ Badil Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights P.O. Box 728 Bethlehem, West Bank Palestine Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.badil.org/ Badil Resource Center for Palestinian Residency & Refugee Rights takes a rightsbased approach to the Palestinian refugee issue through research, advocacy, and support of community participation in the search for durable solutions. Defence for Children International–Palestine Section (DCI/PS) P.O. Box 55201 Jerusalem Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.dci-pal.org/english/home.cfm Established in 1992, DCI/PS is affiliated with the Geneva-based Defence for Children International, an NGO established in 1979, with consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council, UNICEF, UNESCO, and the Council of Europe. Though affiliated with an international network, DCI/PS is an independent, Palestinian NGO, which develops its programs and acts according to Palestinian children’s needs and Palestinian priorities. Middle East Children’s Alliance 901 Parker Street Berkeley, CA 94710, USA Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.mecaforpeace.org Advocacy of children’s rights, humanitarian aid, and grassroots project support and public awareness campaigns.
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Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR) 29 Omar al-Mukhtar St. P.O. Box 1328 Gaza City, Gaza Strip, via Israel Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.pchrgaza.ps The Centre is an independent Palestinian human rights organization based in Gaza City. The Centre enjoys Consultative Status with the ECOSOC of the United Nation. It is an affiliate of the International Commission of Jurists-Geneva, the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)–Paris, the Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network–Copenhagen, and the Arab Organization for Human Rights–Cairo. PCHR is a recipient of the 1996 French Republic Award on Human Rights and the 2002 Bruno Kreisky Award for Outstanding Achievements in the Area of Human Rights. Shaml: Palestinian Diaspora and Refugee Center P.O. Box 2456 Ramallah, Palestine Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.shaml.org/zshaml/site An independent NGO dedicated to the research of issues related to Palestinian refugees and the Palestinian Diaspora. It was established in 1994 by a group of concerned academics and human rights activists who felt the need to examine issues pertaining to Palestinian refugees from a comparative perspective encompassing relevant experiences in other parts of the world. Shaml is also a resource center on Palestinian refugee issues.
Selected Bibliography Abu Wardeh, Amin. Palestine Net. Forced Labor for Palestinian Children in Israeli Prisons. http://english.pnn.ps/index.php?option¼com_content&task¼view&id¼558 &Itemid¼5. Affouneh, Saida, and J. Mark Halstead. ‘‘Educating the Human Spirit in Times of Conflict: The Case of Emergency Education in Palestine,’’ International Journal of Children’s Spirituality, 11 (August 2006), 199–215. Afifi, Adel, Richard Deckelbaum, and Michael Schoenbaum. Strengthening the Palestinian Health System. Rand Corporation; 2005. Al-Zaroo, Salah, and Lewando Gillian Hunt. ‘‘Education in the Context of Conflict and Instability: The Palestinian Case.’’ Social Policy and Administration, 37 (2003), 165–180. Ashkar, Antigone. Perpetual Limbo Israel’s Freeze on Unification of Palestinian Families in the Occupied Territories. B’Tselem: The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories; 2006. Ata, Ibrahim Wade. Intermarriage between Christians and Muslims: A West Bank Study. Ringwood, Victoria: David Lovell Publishing and Bethlehem: International Centre of Bethlehem; 2000. Barber, B. K. ‘‘Politics, Politics and More Politics: Youth Life Experience in the Gaza Strip,’’ in Everyday Life in the Muslim Middle East, 2nd ed. Indiana University Press; 1999.
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Brown, Nathan. Democracy, History, and the Contest over the Palestinian Curriculum. November 2001. http://gush-shalom.org/archives/nathan_textbook.pdf. B’Tselem: The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories. Free Rein: Vigilante Settlers and Israel’s Non-Enforcement of the Law. October 2001. http://www.btselem.org/Download/200110_Free_Rein_Eng.pdf. Care International. West Bank/Gaza Country Profile. http://www.care.org/careswork/countryprofiles/105.asp? Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). World Fact Book. 2006. https://www.cia.gov/ cia/publications/factbook/. Cole, Juan. ‘‘How Israel’s Occupation Affects Palestinian Children.’’ History News Network. http://hnn.us/articles/987.html. Cook, Catherine, Adam Hanieh, and Adah Kay. Stolen Youth: The Politics of Israel’s Detention of Palestinian Children. Pluto Press, in association with Defence for Children International/Palestine Section. 2004. http://www.dci-pal.org/ english/publ/Display.cfm?DocId¼190&CategoryId¼8 Defence for the Children International–Palestine Section (DCI/PS). Documentation Unit Statistics. 2006. http://www.dci-pal.org/english/Display.cfm?DocId ¼284&CategoryId¼11. ———. Dealing with Alleged Child Collaborators in the Occupied Palestinian Territories in the Spirit of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, April 20, 2005. ———. Surviving the Present, Facing the Future: An Analysis of Human Rights Violations against Palestinian Children, April 2005. ———. Street Children Study 2005. In cooperation with UNICEF. ———. June 2003. Legal Review on Palestinian Child Prisoners for the UN Special Rapporteur. June 2003 Development Studies Program (DSP). The Children of Palestine in the Labour Market: A Qualitative Participatory Study. 2004. http://home.birzeit.edu/dsp/ research/publications/2004/56.pdf. ———. Palestine Human Development Report 2004. Society Building and Empowerment of the Palestinian People. http://home.birzeit.edu.dsp. Halileh, Samia, and Anita Abdullah. Violence and Abuse: Assessment of Child Abuse and Neglect Services in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Institute of Community & Public Health at Birzeit University; 2006. http://icph.birzeit.edu/. Halileh, S., Anita Abdullah, and K. Taylor. Child Protection in the Occupied Palestinian Territory: Structures, Policies and Services. Institute of Community and Public Health at Birzeit University & National Plan of Action Secretariat; 2006. http://icph.birzeit.edu/. International Labor Conference (ILC)–93rd Session. 2005. http://www.ibiblio .org/obl/docs3/ILC2005-SS-PV_en.pdf. International Middle East Media Center (IMEMC). Report: Pregnancies (and Miscarriages) at Checkpoints on the Rise. October 7, 2006. http://www.imemc .org/index2.php?option¼com_content&do_pdf¼1&id¼21913. Khoury, Hind. Tearing the Social Fabric of East Jerusalem: Israel’s Wall and Palestinian Education. Palestinian Authority Ministry of State for Jerusalem Affairs. October 26, 2005. Kuttab, D. Spring. ‘‘A Profile of the Stone-Throwers.’’ Journal of Palestinian Studies, 17 (Spring 1988), 14–23. Lein, Yehezkiel. Disputed Waters: Israel’s Responsibility for the Water Shortage in the Occupied Territories. 1998. http://www.btselem.org/Download/199809_ Disputed_Waters_Eng.doc.
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Loughry, Maryanne, Alastair Ager, Eirini Flouri, Vivian Khamis, Abdel Hamid Afana, and Samir Qouta. ‘‘The Impact of Structured Activities Among Palestinian Children in a Time of Conflict.’’ Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 47 (2006), 1211–1218. Mash’al, Jihad. The Concept of Health under National Democratic Struggle. International People’s Health Council. Union of Palestinian Medical Relief Committees (UPMRC); 1995, 89–91. Mazawi, Andre. ‘‘The Reconstruction of Palestinian Education: Between History, Policy Politics and Policy Making.’’ Journal of Education Policy, 15 (2000), 372. McCarthy, Rory. ‘‘Palestinian Children Pay Price of Israel’s ‘Summer Rain Offensive’.’’ The Guardian, September 2006. Meehan, Maureen. Israeli Textbooks and Children’s Literature Promote Racism and Hatred Toward Palestinian and Arabs. 1999. http://www.washington-report .org/backissues/0999/9909019.html. Ministry of Education. Five-Year Education Development Plan 2000–2005. Ministry of Health. Health Status in Palestine: Annual Report 2004. 2005. Najjar, Taghreed. Who Hid the Eid Lamb? World Literature Today. 2005. http:// www.ou.edu/worldlit/onlinemagazine/2005spring/24a-JanApr05-WLTKids2 .pdf. Naser, Labib. Palestinian Education System. Jerusalem Media and Communication Center (JMCC). 2001. http://www.jmcc.org/research/reports/educate01 .htm. National Coalition Against Censorship, Brandeis Removes Palestinian Art. http:// www.ncac.org/art/20060509MA-WalthamBrandeis_Removes_Palestinian_ Art.cfm and http://www.boston.com/news/education/higher/articles/ 2006/05/03/brandeis_pulls_artwork_by_palestinian_youths/?page¼1. Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR). Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and All Forms of Discrimination. Written Statement submitted by the Palestinian Center for Human Rights to the United Nations Economic and Social Council; March 17, 2003. Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS). Palestinian Children: Issues and Statistics, Annual Report 2006. Child Statistics Series. No. 09. ———. Poverty in the Palestinian Territory. June 2006. ———. Demographic and Health Survey 2004: Main Findings. 2005a. ———. Palestinian Children: Rights and Numbers. 2005b. ———. Statistical Abstract for Palestine No. 6. p.320. November 2005c. ———. Labor Force Survey. July–September 2005d. ———. Health Services Survey–2003, Main Findings. 2004a. ———. Health Services Survey–2000, Main Findings. 2004b. ———. Main Findings of the 2004 Child Labor Survey, Fact Sheet. 2004c. ———. Computer, Internet and Mobile Phone Survey–2004. October 2004d. ———. Demographic and Social Consequences of the Separation Barrier on the West Bank. April 2004e. ———. Press releases to announce results of surveys concerning the effect of the Israeli measures on the life of children, women and Palestinian family. 2001. ———. The Demographic Survey of the Occupied Palestinian Territories. http:// www.pcbs.pna.org/pcbs/Portals/_PCBS/Downloads/book1058.pdf. 1995. Prior, Michael, and Taylor, William. Christians in the Holy Land. London: World of Islam Festival Trust. London; 1994.
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Quota, Samir, and Eyad El Sarraj. Prevalence of PTSD among Palestinian children in Gaza Strip. Arabpsynet Journal, 2 (April-May-June 2004), 8–13. http:// www.arabpsynet.com/apn.journal/apnJ2/apnJ2.pdf. Rigby, Andrew. Palestinian Education: The Future Challenge. Jerusalem: Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs (PASSIA); 1995. Rihan, Ramzi. Palestinian Educational Policies. Health, Development, Information and Policy Institute (HDIP). Policy Papers Series 3, 10. ———. ‘‘The Palestinian Educational Development Plan: Promise for the Future.’’ Palestine-Israel Journal of Politics, Economics & Culture, 8 (2001), 19. Roy, Sara. ‘‘A Nightmare Peace Destroying the Basis of a Palestinian State.’’ Palestine-Israel Journal of Politics, Economics and Culture, 11 (2004). Sabella, Bernard. Palestinian Christians: Challenges and Hopes. Al-Bushra: Arab American Roman Catholic Community. http://www.al-bushra.org/holyland/sabella.htm. Sabri, Nidal. Analysis of the PNA Social Budget Focusing on Child Allocations. National Plan of Action for Palestinian Children; 2002. Samaneh, Osama. School Counseling and Guidance Report. Geneva: UNICEF; 2000. http://www.unicef.org/evaldatabase/index_14175.html. Save the Children UK. Living Behind Barriers: Palestinian Children Speak Out. March 2004. http://www.savethechildren.org.uk/temp/scuk/cache/cmsattach/1383_CHR.pdf. Schoenbaum, Michael, Adel K. Afifi, and Richard Deckelbaum. Strengthening the Palestinian Health System. Rand Corporation; 2005. http://www.rand.org/ pubs/monographs/2005/RAND_MG311-1.pdf. Secretariat for the National Plan of Action for Palestinian Children. Dollars and Sense for a Better Childhood: A Palestinian Child-Focused Budget Study. October 2000. http://www.usip.org/pubs/peaceworks/pwks48.pdf. Sfeir, Jacqueline. Viewpoints, Attitudes, and Expectations Towards Strengthening the East-Jerusalem Schools—A Qualitative Survey. Unpublished narrative report of the research conducted by Bethlehem University and funded by the Italian Cooperation. Sirajsait, M. ‘‘Have Palestinian Children Forfeited Their Rights?’’ Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 35 (2004), 211–228. Srour, Anan, Srour, Roney. ‘‘Communal and Familial War-Related Stress Factors: The Case of the Palestinian Child.’’ Journal of Loss & Trauma, 11 (2006), 289–309. Strickert, Fred. ‘‘Churches Struggle to Keep School Doors Open.’’ Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, 22 (2003), 62–63. Taraki, Lisa. Living Palestine: Family Survival, Resistance, and Mobility under Occupation. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press; 2006. UNDP. International Cooperation at a Crossroads: Aid, Trade and Security in an Unequal World. Human Development Report; 2005. http://hdr.undp.org/ statistics/data/maps.cfm?id¼1 UNDP-PAPP. Millennium Development Goals: OPT, 2005 Progress Report. December 2005. UNICEF. 2006. Progress for Children: A Report Card on Nutrition (No. 4). May 2006. http://www.unicef.org/publications/files/Progress_for_Children_-_ No._4.pdf. ———. Childhood under Threat, the State of the World’s Children 2005. 2005. http://www.unicef.org/publications/index_24432.html.
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QATAR Naji Abi-Hashem NATIONAL PROFILE Qatar is a small country located in the heart of the Arabic peninsula. Its official name is the State of Qatar (Dawlet al-Qatar) and is pronounced ‘‘gatar’’ in their colloquial language. It is surrounded by United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia. Also, it is referred to as the Qatar Peninsula, since it is almost an island in the sea, in the shape of the palm of a hand. The land of Qatar stretches about 100 miles long (160 km) in the warm Gulf waters. Some geographical maps refer to this body of water as the Persian Gulf, whereas others refer to it as the Arabian Gulf. Perhaps there is still some dispute over its name, history, belongingness, and identity. The population of Qatar is estimated to be approximately 840,000, with only about 200,000 of the population being national citizens. According to the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) statistics taken in 2005, there are about 67,000 children younger than the age of 5 and about 204,000 younger than the age of 18. The majority of the people live in large towns or major cities. More than 90 percent of the people of Qatar are urbanized. The population is almost entirely Muslim. Native Qataris belong to the Islamic Wahhabi sect. The country gained its independence in the year of 1971, after a series of negotiations with Great Britain and other regional dominating powers. The ruling parties declared an end to all existing treaties held at the time and established a monarchy ruled by an Emir (Prince). The Emir exercises full executive power assisted by a 35-member Advisory Council. The Sharia’a (Islamic law) is mainly the source of legislation and the civilian authorities generally maintain effective control of the internal security and police forces. Qatar is about 4,000 square miles (10,360 square kilometers), most of which is flat, barren land covered with sand and gravel. Rainfall and fresh water are scarce. Only toward its western coast does the land rise a bit,
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forming low rolling hills. Generally, the climate is hot and humid and it becomes increasingly so between the months of May and September of each year. The country’s major cities are Doha, the capital (in Arabic Al-Dawha). Half of Qatar’s population lives in Doha, which has been transformed into a cosmopolitan city. Umm Said is the next important port city (named after the Mother of Sa-eed), located on the East Coast of the peninsula. The western town, Dukhan, is the site of the country’s major oil fields. The oil is piped across Qatar to Umm Said, about 20 miles, where it is finally shipped through the water to the outside world. However, there are still many nomadic and Bedouin groups living or traveling inside the country, mostly in central areas of the interior land. The oil in Qatar was first discovered around 1940. One of the largest reserves was found on Halul Island, lying 60 miles (95 km) in the sea, to the east of the mainland. Presently, the majority of the national income, if not all of it, is derived from the production of oil, natural gas, and other related industries. Interestingly, among the small nations of the Gulf, Qatar is only the second in line in oil production after Abu Dhabi in the UAE. The gross net income per capita in 2005 was estimated to be around 12,000 rial. One Qatari Rial or Riyal (QAR) equals about U.S. $0.275. Before the discovery of oil, and well before Qatar was established as a nation, the area was not heavily inhabited. Rather, it consisted of villages, tribes, and communities spread around. The livelihood of their inhabitants was based on fishing, herding, and pearling. Although these activities are still practiced in limited ways among traditional people, their techniques have been developed in order to meet the economic needs of the growing consumer market. Oil revenue has transformed the country and its lifestyle to a great degree. It helped finance the building of schools, hospitals, supermarkets, banks, highways, power plants, factories, and community centers. It improved the construction of houses and apartments, mansions and palaces, and high-rise buildings and offices. In addition, it rapidly increased the
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development of large livestock farms, vegetable and fruit gardens, and seawater desalination plants—which provide much needed fresh drinking water and usable or irrigation water to the whole country. OVERVIEW
KEY FACTS – QATAR Infant mortality rate: 17.46 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 74.14 years (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 89 percent (2004 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 95 percent (2000–2005 est.) Internet users: 219,000 (2005) Human Poverty Index (HP-1) rank: 13 Sources: CIA World Factbook: Qatar. https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/qa.html. June 18, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Qatar–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/qatar_statistics.html. June 18, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Qatar. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_QAT.html. June 18, 2007.
The native people of Qatar, who are descendents from the original tribes and ruling families, are referred to as Katariyyeen (in Arabic). They constitute less than half of the total population. Qataris are considered ethnically Arabic and religiously Muslim Sunnis and observe a branch of Islam mostly known as Wahhabi. This Sunni branch tends to be rather conservative in terms of ethical-moral values, spiritual interpretations and practices, and social heritage and traditions. Half of the legally authorized residents of Qatar are foreigners. They consist of Westerners, Far Easterners, Asians, and Middle Easterners, referred to as expatriates. They are diplomats, educators, healthcare providers, engineers, business executives, professional consultants, workers, laborers, servers, and helpers, to name a few. Most of the labor force comes from developing countries and low-income societies, thus forming a multiethnic, multilinguistic, and multinational population. The local natives of Qatar, like in any other Gulf country, are very protective of their country, heritage, community, and national resources. Although they provide lucrative salaries for international workers, they put strict regulations on work permits, residency, and travel from and to their country. Violation of any law results usually in complete deportation immediately. Owning land or property is extremely difficult. Conducting business by a foreigner is conditional, like having a local native as a partner, even though the native may not work or put any financial capital into the investment. Children in Qatar are as diverse as the people living there. Although most children enjoy great benefits and advantages (i.e., rich local heritage, material wealth, free schooling, multicultural-multiethnic society, Western technology, freedom of travel abroad), they also face many challenges and difficulties (e.g., harsh weather and long hot summer months, some strict laws and regulations, discrepancy of privileges, lack of total mixing and social integration, a large gap between those who have plenty and those who have not enough).
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According to the United Nations Information Service (UNIS Vienna 2001), the round-up report of the Committee on the Rights of Child issued in 2001 has welcomed the adoption of a law concerning free and compulsory education for all in Qatar, the establishment of the Supreme Council of Family Affairs, and the ratification of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Convention No. 182 on the worst forms of child labor. However, the Committee was concerned about discrimination against females and children under the existing laws (especially those born out of wedlock) and strongly recommended that the State take effective measures to prevent such discrepancies and try to eliminate any discrimination on the grounds of sex or birth in all fields. EDUCATION The education in Qatar is free from the primary level until the university level. The local constitution states, ‘‘Education is the right of every citizen. The State shall extend efforts to achieve free and compulsory general education according to the applicable laws and rules in the State’’ (Articles 2003, sec. 50). However, Qatar follows a policy of compulsory education only until the end of the elementary stage and a free education policy to all citizens. The basic education span consists of the following stages: 6 years of elementary schooling, 3 years of preparatory schooling, and 3 years of secondary schooling. Although the literacy rate among adults, as reported between 2000 and 2004, was greater than 85 percent, it is not clear yet what the exact literacy rate among children and adolescents is at this point in time. It is believed that the younger generation, younger than the age of 18, amounts for about 200,000 of the total population in Qatar, and that the net primary school enrollment and/or attendance in the years of 2000–2005 was more than 90 percent. There are about 113 elementary schools in the country (60 for boys and 53 for girls), about 56 preparatory schools (28 for boys and 28 for girls), and about 41 secondary schools (19 for boys and 22 for girls). In addition, government schools provide free education for non-Qatari children whose parents live and work in the country. There are also several private and ethnically or nationally specialized schools for the different expatriate communities, like the Lebanese, Jordanian, Sudanese, Indian, Pakistani, British, American, etc. In recent years, the State of Qatar has successfully been implementing a bold redesign of its K–12 education system, incorporating school autonomy, decentralization of education, variety of curriculum and educational plans, parental choices, and accountability measures while still respecting and integrating the cultural heritage and religious tradition of the country. According to the RAND study project (Rand 2007), about 100,000 children were enrolled in schools. Two-thirds of the students
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were in government-financed and operated schools, whereas the rest were in private and independent schools. Since 2002, the Qatari have made significant progress in terms of developing new academic standards in Arabic, English, mathematics, and science, and most of the students have been tested according to these standards. Nearly half of the governmentfunded students have been enrolled in learner-centered independent schools with improved facilities. Particularly, the new Arabic curriculum features a standards-based approach that teaches Arabic as a functional native language, using both religious and secular textbooks (Rand 2007, sec. 10–11). The teachers of the newly formed independent schools appear to be better trained and better equipped in general. These institutions have long waiting lists because of strong parental demand. Their curricula vary in their offerings, with some emphasizing science, others informationcommunication or health studies, whereas others teach mechanical or industrial technology. The Supreme Education Council is responsible for setting national education policy, and the Evaluation Institute monitors student and school performances in both the Ministry schools and the independent schools (Rand 2007, sec. 17). Today there are about 45 independent schools in Qatar. Educational reforms continue in the areas of local teachers’ training, integration of policies, and accountability of institutions. In addition, there are about 10 international schools operating in Qatar, mostly for expatriate children, ranging from prekindergarten to grade 12, including the Qatar International School, Dukhan English School, Middle East International School, The Cambridge School, American School of Doha, Ideal Indian School, and the Pak Shama School (for Pakistani children, taught in English and Urdu). The government agencies take education in Qatar seriously and are constantly involved in helping develop teacher’s skills, providing school buildings with necessary tools and equipments, designing interventions to overcome learning difficulties, and preparing programs for psychological guidance and counseling. The mass media is being mobilized as well to reach out to children and younger generations. For example, Al Jazeera Children’s Channel (JCC) is a pan-Arabic children and youth television channel funded by the Qatar Foundation for Education, Science, and Community Development. This channel is designed for audiences between 3 and 15 years of age. It is an ideal balance between education and entertainment for the whole Arabic family. JCC is complimented by an interactive web site offering valuable information both to the children and their parents and an opportunity for dialogue with experts in the field of education, family, and social life. In addition, there is a website for preschoolers, 3 to 6 years old, suitable to their level of comprehension and mental-emotional development.
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PLAY AND RECREATION In recent years, more public institutions, resorts, and schools have been designing new recreational facilities for children and their families. They want to ensure that playgrounds are available and secure to all. Hotels and resorts are trying to attract tourists, whereas public parks and schools are trying to provide reasonable entertainment areas for local citizens and residents. In Qatar, safety of children and quality of play are challenging goals to meet for younger generation. That means developing age-appropriate and weather-appropriate recreational facilities in a desert-like environment. Hotels and restaurants are also competing to provide customers with fun play and new exciting experiences. Both private and public leisure grounds and their recreational activities vary from wet to dry places, urban to rural settings, modern to traditional types, etc. For example, the Children’s Adventure Play Gardens break the paradigm of traditional playground design that relies solely on fixed manufactured equipment. Although they may have some conventional equipment, the experiences rely on the children’s sense of imagination and discovery. Such facilities represent an enriching environment, incorporating leisure and cultural types, family and children entertainment centers, educational and botanical centers, and museums, resorts, and zoos as well as several tourist attractions. Historically, rural and nomadic children used to inherit traditional plays or make their own toys, very simple yet very creative! They play in nature—in the wide-open desert and on the long stretches of seashores. However, there are many popular and mixed games to enjoy and participate in, for both girls and boys. Similar to any other country, there are certain games geared toward boys, like soccer (actually called football elsewhere except in North America) and playing marbles games. Also, there are other games geared toward girls, like a play called ‘‘Umm Al Iaal,’’ home-making imitation, care nursing, or one girl plays a mother defending her children against a wolf and other wild animals, etc. Presently, city and urban children buy their toys and have access to modern and technical facilities of leisure. As a result of the multiethnic and complex nature of society, not all children have access to all types of recreational facilities, parks, or places at all times. Some national groups have their own childcare and separate recreational centers. Foreigners too have mixed playgrounds, health clubs, and gymnasiums, for all ages, inside their residential compound areas, so they can enjoy modern recreation and dress as they please away from the public view. Such arrangements seem to work well and accommodate the needs of every subgroup in the country. CHILD LABOR The State of Qatar signed the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in 1993 and ratified it in 1995. Convention-related actions were
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included in the national legislations. There was an effort to disseminate the documents of the Convention to all schools and related governmental agencies. Although the laws indicate that there should be no discrimination in treating national-citizen children versus non-national or non-citizen children as well as no discrimination between the high-class versus the lowclass children, yet in reality certain biases and differential treatment still exist. Nonprofit organizations and nongovernmental agencies have raised concerns in recent years about this discrepancy and called for the equal treatment and welfare of all children residing in Qatar, regardless of their background or social status. ‘‘The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child has expressed serious concern regarding the Qatar’s 1994 Juvenile Act. This Act conflicts with the CRC by permitting the death penalty, life imprisonment or judicial sanctions such as flogging for offences committed by persons under the age of 18’’ (The International Bureau for Children’s Rights, sec. 3). There are conflicting reports on child labor. Some indicate that child labor is nonexistent or rather very rare in Qatar, whereas others indicate that children have been recruited to work in agricultural fields or domestic services. Some reports hint that there are secretly imported children brought for sexual and prostitution purposes though the government, when aware, fights such illegal trafficking. In terms of the appropriate age for work, minors between the ages of 15 and 18 years may be employed with the approval of their parents or guardians and some children may work in small family-owned businesses. The minimum age for joining the armed forces in Qatar is 18 years. Among other traditional sport activities practiced in the Arabian Peninsula and North Africa, also present in Qatar, is camel racing. It is a deeprooted tradition that finds its origins in the ancient desert culture. Camel racing is somewhat equivalent to horse racing games in other countries. However, light-weighted young boys have been recruited and used as jockeys for the racing camels and at times forced into this strict performance mode. International health organizations have voiced concerns about this practice and about subjecting these boys to such harsh mental conditions and physical requirements. Apparently, the problem is more widespread in other Gulf countries besides Qatar. Although the State of Qatar is trying to monitor and ban this practice, at least for boys younger than the age of 18, many reports from human agencies are still showing delays in implementing a comprehensive action against camel jockeying sports using younger boys. ‘‘The use of children as jockeys in camel racing is itself extremely dangerous and can result in serious injury and even death. Some children are also abused by the traffickers and employers, for example by depriving them of food and beating them. The children’s separation from their families and their transportation to a country where the people, culture
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and usually the language are completely unknown leaves them dependent on their employers and de facto forced laborers’’ (United Nations Commission on Human Rights 2005, sec. 2). Sometimes very young children are involved. They are trafficked, particularly from Africa and South Asia. They are denied basic human services, education, and health care. Such sport involvement had produced serious injuries, even fatalities to some boys. According to a BBC News Report (2005), many of the injured boys had been trafficked from poor countries to serve as camel jockeys, almost 90 percent from Sudan alone. At times, a child, as young as 5 or 6 years old, is perched or strapped on top of a tall camel, as such animal races up to 35 to 40 kilometers per hour. Imposed fasting on riders normally causes malnourishment and puts boys’ health at risk. Serious falls, injuries, and death easily occur on site. The report said that risks are shockingly high and call camelracing in the Gulf a lethal sport. Health organizations and human rights agencies have invited the government of Qatar to take necessary measures to ensure that no children younger than the age of 18 are trafficked to Qatar for sexual or labor exploitation. Anti-Slavery International has urged the government to implement legislation, to release and rehabilitate any child who is being used as a camel jockey, and to ensure that all those responsible for trafficking and employing under-age jockeys are prosecuted. It also has appealed to make sure that these children are provided with psychiatric and medical care, counseling and education, and that their parents are traced back and contacted, so families and relatives can be reunited again with their stranded children abroad. FAMILY The quick rise of the oil industries and external political interventions in recent decades have all changed the family dynamics permanently and the traditional way of life in most of the Arabic Gulf states including the State of Qatar. The modernization process in the West, which evolved during the last centuries, is now being intensified in the last few decades in the Gulf putting tremendous stresses on traditional communities, families, and individuals alike. This accelerated exposure to globalization and modernity has forced many societies in the Gulf to compress their development, alter their lifestyles, stretch their social limits, and struggle with an emerging identity without even having enough time or space to digest these external pressures and internal changes. Modernism and materialism have greatly influenced tribal and family life, religious and ethnic loyalty, political and social structure, and the moral fiber of people. Qatar, like other nations, is constantly striving to define and redefine itself, while at the same time trying to cope with and adjust to the reality of the new world. The
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materialistic rewards are great, yet the mental and psychological stressors as well as the toll on the family relationships and the acculturation process are tremendous (Arnett 2002; Hevener Kaufman and Rizzini 2002). Although tension is felt among all communities and generations, many attempts are made to ease the integration and to reconcile the differences, which include adapting to the new commodities and adjusting to the new lifestyles, yet without losing the cherished heritage or traditional values of the past. Articles 21 and 22 of the Qatari Constitution state that ‘‘the family shall be the foundation of the society. Its pillars shall be religion, morals and love for the nation. The law shall organize means of protecting the family, supporting its principles, bolstering its ties, preserving ideals of matrimony, childhood and the elderly. The State shall extend care to the young generation and protect them from influences of corruption, from exploitation, from physical, mental and spiritual negligence, and provide adequate circumstances for developing its creativity in different fields with improved education’’ (Articles 2003, sec. 22–23). Many radio and television programs try to give priority to family and children’s issues. The broadcasting hours devoted to them have been increased as well as the types of programs that give space to children’s participation. In addition, children’s needs and family awareness enjoy wider coverage in newspapers and printed media. The family life in the Gulf has been affected since the establishment of local states and emirates, which divided communities and tribes into new boundaries. The common bonds of the peoples are now overshadowed by political differences between these new countries and territories. These factors, along with economic disparities, the invasion of Western cultures, unstable oil prices, and politicized religion have all contributed to the existing uncertainties and social tensions. Because Qatar is predominately Sunni, the Sharia’a is applied to civil laws. Therefore, family and marriage laws follow the norms of religious tenants and regulations. Multiple marriages are permitted, allowing a man to have up to four wives if he is able to provide and care for them and all the children resulting from these unions. This practice is less common among the new generation and educated people. However, it still appeals to the wealthy and royal elite, especially if they are looking for a few sons to inherit the family wealth and position or carry on the family business and name, as the tradition dictates. According to Family Life, people tend to marry within their larger circle, tribe, or community. Marriage is a family affair. Relatives and elders suggest prospect couples or connect boys and girls together, even from early age. At times, marriages fully are arranged. Girls used to be deemed suitable at age 14 or 15, but most recently, young women wait till they finish their education before getting married. ‘‘The groom’s family traditionally pays a bride-price to the bride’s family before the wedding. Qatari
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weddings are elaborate affairs, lasting several days. There are separate ceremonies and celebrations for women and men’’ (Family Life, sec. 3). Each household is part of a clan, which is a group of extended and related families. A clan is part of a much larger tribe. Human ties and cultural bonds remain strong till these days. Historically, tribes were distinguished from each other based on their speech, accent, dress, and custom. However, in modern Qatar these differences have been largely disappearing. Qatari women are permitted to drive cars and move freely in public, yet women usually walk or congregate together. Separation of gender in public is normal, even inside the home or mansion, where men or women receive their friends separately. Women are eager to learn and pursue education and are perhaps willing to compete with men in several professions. For example, there are more female than male students attending the Qatar University. Although the government provides extensively for elderly citizen who are in need, most Qatari families would consider it an honor to care for their aging parents at home. Actually, it is shameful for the immediate family not to care for the elderly. Recently several Gulf states granted women the right to vote and hold public office. However, women still face many challenges toward achieving equal integration into society. Their political rights are restrained by a combination of factors: tradition, religion, law, restricted movement, lack of platform, and inexperience. As women are becoming more active and increasingly visible in business and public life, there are positive signs for a better female contribution in the near future. The Committee on Rights of the Child was concerned that the minimum age for marriage was unclear under Qatari law, that discrimination against females and children born out of wedlock still exists, and that there is no equal citizenship status of children of Qatari women married to a non-nationals as it is for the children of a Qatari man married to a non-citizen woman. The committee has recommended that the State Party take effective measures to prevent and eliminate discrimination on grounds of sex, birth, or nationality in all fields. It also urged the government to offer protection to the marriage institution and to provide active counseling to help avoid marital conflict, divorce, or family separation. HEALTH The majority of the Gulf countries, including Qatar, have made remarkable progress in advancing the physical condition of children, women, and younger families. The economic boom of the seventies and early eighties greatly helped the establishment of necessary human developments and social infrastructures, including the distribution of basic services such as general education, medical facilities, safe drinking water, environmental sanitation, and electric power utilities throughout the region. All these factors and other major advances have significantly
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contributed to the excellent survival rate of children and the general protection of women and the extended family alike. The authorities in Qatar, along with specialized agencies, continue to develop several campaigns to promote healthy lifestyle and sound choice of food products, provide care for pregnant mothers and immunization services against contagious childhood disease, monitor infant growth, promote breastfeeding for mothers, conduct studies on contagious diseases and dietary conditions, set up training programs and a unified system for health information, and establish a number of clinics and healthcare centers across the country. Concerning working mothers, the Qatari law allows them a sixty-day maternity leave and provides them a total of 1 hour of leave per day for breastfeeding. ‘‘Anemia is considered among the most widespread medical problems among pregnant women due to several factors, mainly close and successive pregnancies, as indicated by the Qatar Family Health Survey study for 1998’’ (Welcome to Qatar 2005, under ‘‘Childhood—Diet and Nutrition’’). The majority of births of children are now occurring in clinics and hospitals. The annual number of births reported in 2005 was around 14,000. Infant mortality rate for children younger than 1 year of age was 21 cases in 1990 and 18 cases in 2005. Life expectancy at birth as reported in 2005 was around 73 years. HIV is believed to be rare in the state of Qatar because of the conservative nature of the local society, which is influenced by tradition and Islamic teachings, the increased awareness about the devastating consequences of the disease, and the vigilance of health authorities in screening the influx of foreigners and laborers to the country. The rate of contraceptive use among women rose from 32 percent in 1987 to 43 percent in 1999, which is an increase of about 34 percent. The fertility rate for women (ages 15 to 19) decreased from 57 children per 1,000 women in 1990 to 36 children in 1999, a major decline of 36 percent. This decline is probably attribute to the increase in marriage age, which is attributed to the tendency of this age group to pursue further education and join the workforce before considering marriage (Welcome to Qatar 2005, under ‘‘Childhood—Family planning’’). Concerning children with disabilities, the Committee on the Rights of the Child has noted that the creation of a ‘‘National Committee for Persons with Special Needs’’ in Qatar. It further recommended that the state would review all existing policies and practices in relation to children with disabilities, involve these children and their families in new surveys, undertake greater efforts to promote and expand community-based rehabilitation programs, including parent support groups and education of children with all forms of disability, make available the necessary professional and financial resources, and seek assistance from others agencies including the UNICEF and World Health Organization (United Nations 2001). In terms of adolescent health and welfare, the Committee also recommended that adolescents have access to information pertaining specifically
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to their own health and well-being and they are provided with adequate education on reproductive health systems and related issues, including confidential service and age-sensitive counseling care. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS There has been a lot of improvement in the overall human rights practices in Qatar. However, some serious problems remain. Civil liberties, such as the freedoms of speech and expression, including the use of modern technology and Internet resources, are monitored. The freedom of press, general assembly, expressing one’s unconventional opinions, external affiliations, practicing other religious traditions than the state’s adopted faith, establishment of varied local associations, etc., all these activities continue to be limited and somehow restricted. In areas where there is a granted flexibility, the government continues to monitor such practices and movements and makes sure nothing is threatening its sovereignty, safety, values and beliefs, and internal security. There are also few restrictions on foreign travel. Arbitrary deportation still occurs, at times after a long detention process. Although Qatar is one of the most open countries in the Gulf area and has comparatively more liberal laws than Saudi Arabia, for example, it is not as open or as liberal as the United Arab Emirates or the country of Bahrain. Apparently, there is still a lack of public access to governmental information. In addition, there is still some news about trafficking of laborers for domestic sectors and about certain legal and cultural discrimination against women and other individuals from different nationalities— the fact that limits their full participation in society. There are many people in Qatar who are referred to as bidoons (Arabic word for ‘‘without’’ or ‘‘having not’’), meaning without citizenship. These people may have residency ties without being documented nationals. Yet, another group has unresolved legal status, especially expatriate laborers and domestic servants, resulting in restriction measures and some discrimination against them. However, the Emir recently issued orders to reinstate citizenship for about 5,000 persons that had been put on hold previously. Qatari laws respect the integrity of the person, including freedom from arbitrary or unlawful deprivation of life. To that end, there have been no reports of politically motivated disappearances or that the government or its agents committed arbitrary killings. Qatar maintains a dual system of civil and religious courts. Classic Hanbali fiqh is applied to personal status matters. The first civil courts were established in 1962. The jurisdictions of the Sharia’a courts were limited to family matters, like marriage, divorce, wills, succession, etc. (Qatar, State of, under ‘‘Legal Table’’). The law provides for the right to a fair trial and the judiciary generally enforces this right. Both Muslims and non-Muslims, who are involved in a lawsuit, are tried under the unified court system (Sharia’a and secular
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justices). The constitution and the criminal law actually prohibit torture and other cruel, inhuman punishment, or degrading treatment. However, the government administers corporal punishment (lashes), an interpretation of the Islamic law in cases of alcohol consumption and other crimes. Amputation is not allowed and punishments are not administered in public. According to the U.S. Department of State’s Report on Human Rights 2006, the censorship office in the Qatar Radio and Television Corporation and Customs does screen and censor materials deemed morally inappropriate (like sex and pornography) or socially hostile to the teachings of Islam, to the government policies, or to the ruling family (U.S. Department of State 2007). However, there are no specific reports of political censorship of foreign broadcast news media or regular foreign programs. Foreign movies are censored for sexual content, vulgarity, and political biases. The state-owned television and radio normally reflect the government views, yet, the Doha-based Al-Jazeera satellite channel mainly focuses on news coverage and commentaries about international matters and topics and, actually, does enjoy considerable freedom. It is believed that citizens who wish to marry foreigners must ask for government permission and later should apply for a residence permit or a citizenship document for their spouses. Such permission is usually limited for male citizens because, under the law, marriage to a female citizen does not entitle the foreign husband to the rights of citizenship. Qatar has been further developed and modernized as the result of a number of factors including abundance of natural resources, the 15th Asian Games, and continual booming of corporate businesses. However, it is careful of becoming too liberal or flexible in their state laws. Overall, Qatar has yet to reach the more open atmosphere of some of its neighbors and balance its laws and regulations to meet the international standards of living and operation as well as the challenges of the emerging global needs of this twenty-first century. RELIGIOUS LIFE According to the Constitution of Qatar, Articles 1 and 18, ‘‘Qatar is an independent Arab state. Islam is the State’s religion and the Islamic Shariah is the main source of its legislations. It has a democratic political system. Its official language is Arabic. People of Qatar are part of the Arab nation (ummah). The Qatari society shall be based on justice, kindness, freedom, equality and morals’’ (Articles 2003, sec. 2, 19). Most local Qatari are Muslim, except for the many foreigners and expatriates. Mainly, the state uses Wahhabi law as the foundation of civil life and the basis of its government. The vast majority of the citizens follow this particular Islamic sect and doctrine. Muhammad ibn Abd alWahhab (1703–1792) founded Wahhabism, a puritanical and grass-root
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version of Islam that takes a literal interpretation of the Qur’an and the Sunnah. He wrote the Kitab at-tawhid (Book of the Unity), which is the main text for all Wahhabi doctrines. The faithful Wahhabis call themselves al-Muwahhidun, meaning strict Unitarians. Religious practices, therefore, ‘‘do not allow for an intermediary between the faithful and Allah and condemn any such practice as polytheism. The decoration of mosques, the cult of saints, and even the smoking of tobacco were condemned. . . . The spread of Wahhabism originated from the alliance that was formed between ’Abd al-Wahhab and Ibn Sa’ud, who, by initiating a campaign of conquest that was continued by his heirs, made Wahhabism the dominant force in Arabia since 1800’’ (Encyclopedia Britannica 2007, sec. 3, 5). Shiites represent about 10 percent of the population. In the early twentieth century, the Qatari rulers imported the Wahhabi version of Islam from Saudi Arabia, realizing that converting to the practice and doctrine of their larger neighbor might fare well with the survival of their internal regime. Obviously, Wahhabism takes a more tolerant form in Qatar than in Saudi Arabia or in any other restricted country. All legal and civil laws are derived from the direct teaching of Islam and sympathetic to its Sharia’a. They are however mingled with the cultural expression, local interpretation, practical application, and worldview manifestation of the faith of local people and their religious traditions. At times, integration is achieved, resulting in balanced living and social harmony, yet at other times resulting in tension and separation. In theory, the constitution provides the freedom of worship granted the public system is protected. However, the government continues to prohibit proselytizing by non-Muslims and places some restrictions on public worship. There are no documented reports on religious prisoners or religious persecution. Converting from Islam to any another religious faith is considered apostasy and a capital offense, but since the country independence there has been no punishment for such a crime or no recorded execution. In April 2006, the country held its fourth conference on interfaith dialogue and marked the beginning of the construction of the first Christian church in the country. ‘‘The Government regulates the publication, importation, and distribution of all religious books and materials. However in practice, individuals and religious institutions were not prevented from importing holy books and other religious items for personal or congregational use’’ (U.S. Department of State 2006, sec. 2). Islamic instruction and religious education is compulsory in public schools. For non-Muslims children, there are no restrictions in providing their religious instruction. Most foreign children attend secular private schools and Muslim children are basically allowed, as well, to go to secular or coeducational private schools. Foreigners must respect the local faith, religious tradition, and the dress code and must abide by all Qatari laws and regulations. Expatriates
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are allowed to practice their own faith rituals, gather for social events, and congregate to worship in certain assigned locations or within their living compounds, all the while trying to keep a low profile realizing they are second-class citizens and do not enjoy the same privileges as the natives, regardless of how long they have been living or how hard they have been working in the country. According to Stoecklin (1999), one way in which the culture of the Gulf is preserved is through the wearing of traditional clothing for both males and females. In Qatar, as in other Gulf states (except for Saudi Arabia), traditional clothing and veils for females are optional; therefore, Qatari women choose to wear garments and head covering (mostly in form of a thin scarf). Modest clothes reflect traditional values, religion customs, and cultural heritage. In fact, each region of the Gulf has its variation of traditional clothing, which signifies its roots, place of origin, and tribal history. Gulf Muslim women will almost always cover their head and body (with black abayya) but do leave their face uncovered. In more restricted societies, a partial thin veil on the face or a mask is normally used. However, underneath the black outer garments, women choose nice dresses and well-patterned, bright, and expensive robes. Western types of clothing of all colors are also common among young ladies and teenage girls. The official interpretation of the Sharia’a appears to impose some restrictions on Muslim women. Virtually, Muslim wives have the right to inherit from their husbands but non-Muslim wives do not have that right, unless a special exception is made. Local authorities do not allow a non-citizen parent to take his or her child out of the country without permission of the citizen parent. In case of divorce, both parents retain permanent rights of visitation. Women may attend a court proceeding and may represent themselves; however, a male relative usually accompanies or represents them. According to Sharia’a, the testimony of two women equals that of one man, but the courts review this interpretation based on each individual case. If a non-Muslim woman marries a Muslim man, she is not required to convert to Islam; however, many ladies make that personal decision. All children born to a Muslim father will be considered Muslim. Foreigners and expatriate women are not required to become local citizens upon marriage to a citizen man. (U.S. Department of State 2006). The country has undergone a period of liberalization and modernization after the current Emir of Qatar took power, succeeding his father. Under his rule, Qatar became the first Persian Gulf country granting women the right to vote and dress mostly as they please in public, granted they remain modest. Before the liberalization, it was also taboo for men to wear shorts in public, and alcohol use was completely banned. Recently, the laws of Qatar tolerate alcohol to some degree. It is found in expensive hotels and restaurants and in public bars and nightclubs that operate within confined settings, much like in the Emirates and Bahrain.
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CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Several crucial matters like the sale of children, child pornography, and child prostitution were reviewed under the Optional Protocol by the Committee on the Rights of the Child in May and June of 2006. Initial reports gave praise for the greater protection offered to children under the new Constitution and for the establishment of the Qatari House for Sheltering and Human Care. However, the Committee remains concerned about issues of child sexual exploitation and unreported abuse (United Nations Office at Geneva 2006). Similar to many developing countries, there are low awareness and insufficient information about the ill treatment of children in Qatar. Although the government agencies are determined to fight all forms of abuse, they still lack the full mechanism to do so. No doubt, the country has the financial and human resources to accomplish the task of supporting the children’s rights and preventing common mistreatments. According to United Nations Press Release (2006), the Supreme Council for Family Affairs has continued to set up groups and bodies to deal with children’s rights and has organized seminars and workshops to help the professionals working with children across the society. The Council was presided over by Her Highness Sheikha Mozah, the wife of the Emir of Qatar. A large number of children and women had been already protected through the efforts of the Supreme Council, which investigated any complaints made by children, or brought on behalf of children. It is reported that about 19 lawyers volunteered their services to this Council. The Child’s Friend Office was established in 2001 with the aim of assisting children who request help or information directly on its hot-line. It endeavored to resolve their problems and find them the appropriate physical treatment and psychological help. It is reported that the Council has dealt with 2,000 cases concerning women and child abuse. The public was also informed about the various activities and services of the Council (United Nations 2006). A foundation was established in Qatar to combat trafficking of children and to care for victims of all abusive crimes through personal assistance and emotional rehabilitation. ‘‘Although the definition of trafficking was very new to Qatar, the authorities were seeking to publicize the phenomenon so that the general public was aware of it. The officials had also taken appropriate measures to fight it, and to increase awareness among the population’’ (United Nations 2006, under ‘‘Response of Qatar’’). Furthermore, the Committee on the Rights of the Child had recommended that the state investigate any level of mistreatment among all social groups and communities, national and foreigner alike. Child abuse may be happening among minority population without being noticed by or directly reported to authorities. Also, the Committee suggested steps to define,
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conduct research, and address the variety of mental, emotional, and physical abuse taking place within families or institutions, including corporal punishment and sexual molestation. And, finally, it was recommended that all helping professionals—for instance teachers, nurses, law officers, physicians, social workers—receive some basic training in identifying, reporting, and managing any serious case of neglect, mistreatment, or abuse. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Qatar is full of new developments and fresh ideas. Change and vibrancy are everywhere. Innovation is taking place, tall buildings are rising overnight, and thousands of visitors are arriving from all over the world to check on this nation and enjoy its tranquility. ‘‘The world is watching Qatar’s unprecedented political, social, and economic reform. Everybody is benefiting, but the smallest citizens are poised to gain the most from reform. Children are a country’s most vital resource; the future leaders who will continue Qatar’s transformation throughout the twenty-first century’’ (Supreme Education 2006, sec. 1). The children in Qatar will grow in an environment of stability, where the change is greatly driven and the new approaches and models will ‘‘instill the highest civic ideals of cooperation, reciprocal respect, and popular participation’’ (Supreme Education 2006, sec. 2). Community leaders and educators currently feel the need to rearrange priorities in a way to ensure the development of a new group of ideas and to advance a new level of projects, particularly in the area of early childhood education centers and youth literacy. More attention and analysis should focus on the physical, mental, social, emotional, and spiritual needs of all children, as well as on the natural environment affecting the quality of life for the basic family among all socioeconomic classes. The government is trying to review and assess the status of the national information centers and childhood databases in order to modify and further enhance them. Also, many agencies are adopting certain global and regional programs in order to promote the exchange of contemporary knowledge and expertise on childhood development and progress. According to Supreme Education (2006), Qatar has opened 12 independent schools in September 2004. Now, there are more than 30 such schools throughout the country today. In these facilities, students do not merely rely on memorizing information or listen to teachers read verbatim from textbooks; rather they enjoy hands-on learning, debates and lively exchanges, and plenty of creative and critical discussions. ‘‘Classrooms and hallways are full of energy, purpose, and the joy of learning. Parents know they are partners in their children’s education. And teachers and administrators are collaborating in new ways—from choosing textbooks to making joint budgeting decisions’’ (Supreme Education 2006, sec. 6). Her Highness Sheikha Mozah, the first lady of Qatar, best summarized the aspiration of the new generation by emphasizing that knowledge is
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the best and the wisest investment, education for all the children is major key in development, and research is the base of Qatar’s future projects (Campus Life 2007). Very little is available or has been written in Qatar on the concept of cultural competence and cross-cultural sensitivity when dealing with early childhood. Families and staff often struggle immensely when modern approaches and Western ideas contradict local style and traditional Muslim values. Thus, there is a great need for better awareness and higher sensitivity when introducing new concepts or importing new techniques into any Gulf area, including Qatar. Both locals and foreigners continue to make significant efforts to integrate and reconcile the old with the new. Too many radical changes will threaten the status quo and result in frustration, and too little development and growth will result in stagnation. Therefore, positive tension must be maintained and utilized creatively. Otherwise, conflict and negative tension will dominate the atmosphere and will result in social-political-cultural fragmentations. Many developing countries and emerging societies are experiencing such tension as a direct effect of the new world trends and globalization. Qatari nationals, of all ages and backgrounds, constantly feel this tension between secularism and modernity on one hand versus traditionalism and religiosity on the other hand. It is where Western technology and lifestyle meet desert mentality and traditional lifestyle. Some communities (mostly urban and younger people) have been able to reconcile these pulls and navigate through the mixed sociocultural waves. Others, still, are struggling and unable to assimilate, digest, or integrate the fast changes of life around and inside them. Children of local citizens have to learn to relate fully and equally to other children living in Qatar as well. The gap among natives and foreigners is still wide in many areas of society. Also, exposure to the suffering of other children and young people around the world, who are less fortunate and significantly more deprived than them, is very limited. Such experiences are imperative for the children of Qatar to have a balanced global upbringing and worldview. They are striving to be engaged citizens and active parts, not only of a wealthy and protective Gulf country, but also of the real wide world. The state of Qatar has shown significant political development and openness as well as quite a remarkable social stability, friendly environment, and economic growth. However, there are still many sensitive issues to explore and many sociocultural and mental-emotional challenges to overcome. According to the International Bureau for Children’s Rights, the government aims at producing a long-range executive work plan for childhood, for the coming years 2008–2013, to highlight the needs of children, women, and families and to analyze and address the challenges facing the larger communal society in this rapidly growing Gulf country called Qatar.
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RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Abdel-Khalek, Ahmed M. ‘‘The Inventory of Arabic Children’s Depression: A Review of Research Findings in Eight Societies.’’ Journal of the Social Sciences, 27 (1999), 103–123. Abi-Hashem, Naji. ‘‘Arab Americans: Understanding Their Challenges, Needs, and Struggles,’’ in Ethnocultural Guidebook for Disasters and Trauma: A Primer for Responders and Service Providers, edited by Anthony Marsella, P. Watson, F. Norris, J. Johnson, and J. Gryczynski. New York: Springer (or) Kluwer/ Plenum; In press. Al-Maadadi, Fatima Yousuf. ‘‘Perceptions of Mothers of Preschool Children in Qatar Regarding Developmentally Appropriate Programs for their Children.’’ Dissertation Abstracts International Section A: Humanities and Social Sciences, 58 (1997), 1572. Arnett, Jeffrey Jensen. ‘‘The Psychology of Globalization.’’ American Psychologist, 57 (2002), 774–783. Crystal, Jill. Oil and Politics in the Gulf: Rulers and Merchants in Kuwait and Qatar. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 1990. Elwafi, Paige Robbins. ‘‘Cross-Cultural Music Therapy in Doha, Qatar.’’ Voices: A World Forum for Music Therapy. June 2005. http://www.voices.no/country/ monthqatar_june2005.html. Accessed June 1, 2007. Ferdinand, Klaus. The Bedouins of Qatar. Carlsberg Foundation’s Nomad Research Project: Thames & Hudson; 1993. Grill, N. C. Urbanization in the Arabian Peninsula. Durham, NC: University of Durham, Centre for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies; 1984. Hevener Kaufman, Natalie, and Irene Rizzini, eds. Globalization and Children: Exploring Potentials for Enhancing Opportunities in the Lives of Children and Youth. New York: Springer; 2002. Janardhan, N. ‘‘In the Gulf, Women Are Not Women’s Best Friends.’’ The Daily Star. June 20, 2005. Quoted in YALEGLOBAL ONLINE. http://yaleglobal .yale.edu/display.article?id¼5888. ‘‘Qatar Bans the Use of Children as Jockeys for Camels.’’ New York Times, 154 (December 30, 2004), A11. Wahab, Atiqa Abdul, Abdulbari Bener, and Ahmad S. Teebi. ‘‘The Incidence Patterns of Downs Syndrome in Qatar.’’ Clinical Genetics, 69 (2006), 360–362. World Health Organization. ‘‘WHO: Qatar.’’ http://www.who.int/countries/qat/ en/.
Web Sites Country Briefing: Qatar, http://www.al-bab.com/arab/countries/qatar.htm. The Country of Qatar, http://www.hejleh.com/countries/qatar.html. Country Pages: Qatar, http://www.cies.org/country/qatar.htm. Country Profile: Qatar, profiles/791921.stm.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/country_
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A Country Study: Qatar, http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/qatoc.html. Nations Online: All Countries of the World: State of Qatar, Dawlat Qatar, http:// www.nationsonline.org/oneworld/qatar.htm. Qatar Charity, http://www.qcharity.org/english/index.html. Qatar Foundation, http://www.qatarembassy.net/Qatar%20Foundation.asp. Qatar-Info, http://www.qatar-info.com.
Selected Bibliography Articles of the Constitution of Qatar. 2003. http://www.constitution.org/cons/ qatar/constit_2003.htm. BBC News. ‘‘Child Camel Jockeys Left Disabled.’’ October 4, 2005. http://news .bbc.co.uk/1/hi/health/4298186.stm. Campus Life. Qatar University May 13, 2007 (no. 68. http://www.qu.edu.qa/ html/campuslife/68cl13may07.html. The Encyclopedia Americana: International Edition. Vol. 23. ‘‘Qatar.’’ Danbury, Connecticut: Grolier; 1999, 49–50. Encyclopedia Britannica Online. 2007. ‘‘Muhammad ibn ’Abd al-Wahhab.’’ http:// www.britannica.com/eb/article-9075856/Muhammad-ibn-Abd-al-Wahhab. Family Life. http://www.cp-pc.ca/english/qatar/family.html. The International Bureau for Children’s Rights. ‘‘Making Children’s Rights Work: Country Profile on Qatar.’’ http://www.ibcr.org/Publications/CRC/ Draft_CP_Asia/QatarPDF.pdf. Qatar Foundation. Al Jazeera Children’s Channel – A Voice for Children. http:// www.qf.edu.qa/output/page469.asp. Qatar, State of. http://www.law.emory.edu/IFL/legal/qatar.htm. Rand Corporation. ‘‘RAND Study Finds Qatar Successfully Implements Redesign of Education System.’’ Rand Corporation Office of Media Relations. 2007. http://www.rand.org/news/press.07/04.12.html. Stoecklin, Vicki L. ‘‘Role of Culture in Designing Child Care Facilities.’’ White Hutchinson Leisure & Learning Group. 1999. http://www.whitehutchinson .com/children/articles/childcarefacilities.shtml. Supreme Educational Council. ‘‘Education for a New Era: A Brief Outline on Reform Policy.’’ January 26, 2006. http://www.english.education.gov.qa/content/ resources/detail/2877. UNICEF. ‘‘At a Glance: Qatar–Statistics.’’ http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ qatar.html. United Nations. ‘‘Committee on Rights of Child Examines Initial Report on Qatar of Sale of Children and Child Prostitution.’’ Press Release 2006. http:// www.unhchr.ch/huricane/huricane.nsf/view01/01051534FB298379C12571 720028C5F5?opendocument. ———. Concluding Observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child: Qatar. December 10, 2007. http://www.hri.ca/fortherecord2001/documentation/ tbodies/crc-c-15-add163.htm.
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United Nations Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR). Anti-Slavery: Today’s Fight for Tomorrow’s Freedom. ‘‘Trafficking and Forced Labour of Children in the Gulf Region.’’ June 2005. http://www.antislavery.org/archive/ submission/submission2005-cameljockeys.htm. United Nations Information Service (UNIS) Vienna. ‘‘Committee on Rights of Child.’’ October 2001. http://www.unis.unvienna.org/unis/pressrels/2001/ hr4570.html. United Nations Office at Geneva (UNOG). News & Media. ‘‘Committee on Rights of Child Holds Spring Session in Geneva.’’ May 11, 2006. http://www .unog.ch/80256EDD006B9C2E/(httpNewsByYear_en)/36F03DA87FB8D5 37C125716B002F69F9?OpenDocument. U.S. Department of State. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. ‘‘Qatar: Country Reports on Human Rights Practices—2006.’’ March 6, 2007. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2006/78861.htm. ———. ‘‘Qatar: International Religious Freedom Report 2006.’’ http://www.state. gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2006/71430.htm. Welcome to Qatar: Embassy of the State of Qatar in Washington, DC. 2005. ‘‘Childhood.’’ http://www.qatarembassy.net/childhood.asp. Welcome to Qatar: Embassy of the State of Qatar in Washington, DC. 2005. ‘‘Education.’’ 2005. http://www.qatarembassy.net/education.asp. White Hutchinson Leisure & Learning Group: Middle East Office. 1999–2007. ‘‘Children’s Play Areas & Adventure Play Gardens.’’ http://www.whitehutchinson .com/leisure/gardenchildren.shtml.
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SAUDI ARABIA Natana J. DeLong-Bas NATIONAL PROFILE The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has undergone significant development since its foundation in 1932. Largely illiterate and impoverished before the discovery of some of the world’s largest known oil reserves, the Kingdom today is home to a population that is highly literate, prosperous, and increasingly technologically developed. Saudi Arabia has a population of about 27 million people, 5.5 million of whom are non-nationals. Ethnically, 90 percent of the Kingdom’s inhabitants are Arab. The remaining 10 percent are Afro-Asian (CIA World Factbook 2007; Bellamy 2003). Because the birth rate is quite high at 4 children per woman in 2006, or 29.34 births per 1,000 population, the median age of the population is relatively young at 21.4 years.1 Fifteen percent of the population is younger
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than the age of 5, whereas 45 percent are younger than the age of 18. Only 2.4 percent of the population is aged 65 years and older. Life expectancy at birth in 2006 was estimated at 75.67 years for the total population, with male life expectancy at 73.66 years and female life expectancy at 77.78 years. This marked a significant increase from the average life expectancy of 52 years in 1970. Rapid modernization during the 1960s and 1970s led to an explosion in the population growth during the 1970s at the same time that health care and modern medicine became widely accessible, thus reducing the death rate while the birth rate remained stable. The rapid shift from a largely rural to an overwhelmingly urban population base over the space of a generation (from 26 percent urban population base in 1970 to more than 87 percent based in three urban areas by 2002) has also presented challenges to the preservation of traditional Saudi culture and values, particularly within the family. In the past, extended families lived close together. Today, the extended family is more likely to be spread throughout a single or several urban centers, making visitations more time-consuming and less frequent. The built-in family support network that helped in the past to raise children and resolve conflicts is no longer necessarily close enough to be of practical help, placing increased pressure on the nuclear family unit to be selfsufficient and leading to an increasing demand for non-family childcare services. Some families live in large complexes that can accommodate extended family networks. Most families have access to telephones, cell phones, and email to maintain communications, even if physical visitations are limited. Women are working outside of the home in greater numbers, constituting about 10 percent of the workforce. As a double income is becoming necessary to support a home and family, women are seeking more job opportunities. Competition for jobs is intense as the demand for jobs exceeds the supply. Unofficial unemployment rates for men are about 30 percent. At the governmental level, the Kingdom has initiated a series of programs and incentives designed to expand job opportunities for women that will allow them to fulfill their responsibilities as wives and mothers while encouraging them to participate in the country’s development. Important cultural changes have also taken place, most significantly male support for female education and employment for daughters and wives. Population growth today is 2.18 percent, a significant decrease from the 5.3 percent growth rate that existed from 1970 to 1990. The birth rate is expected to continue to decrease in the future as family sizes are expected to decrease to an average of 3 children per family as a result of a combination of economic pressures, personal preferences, and recognition of the sharp decrease in child mortality rates. In cases in which there has been a disruption to the family network, the Saudi state takes on the role of guardianship and support. In conjunction
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with the Ministry of Social KEY FACTS – SAUDI ARABIA Affairs, the Saudi state provides assistance to the unemployed, Population: 27,601,038 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 12.41 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) widows and widowers, women Life expectancy at birth: 76 years (2007 est.) with no living family members to Literacy rate: 78.8 percent (2003 est.) support them, the disabled, famiNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 59 percent lies of prisoners, victims of natu(2000–2005 est.) ral disasters, and orphans. The Internet users: 3.2 million (2006) orphan welfare program provides Sources: CIA World Factbook: Saudi Arabia. https://www.cia.gov/ medical, social, psychological, library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/sa.html. June 18, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Saudi Arabia–Statistics. http:// educational, and recreational care www.unicef.org/infobycountry/saudiarabia_statistics.html. June suitable to the child’s age, as well 18, 2007. as job training and integration into mainstream Saudi society. In addition to government programs, orphans receive support from private charitable donations. Although there are no figures available for the total number of femaleheaded households in the Kingdom, there are a sufficient number to have necessitated government recognition. In the past, only males could be recognized as head of household. Today, women can apply for their own identity cards and family papers, tacitly acknowledging their position as head of household. Women have also won expanded rights in child custody cases following divorce. OVERVIEW Regionally, Saudi Arabia is situated in the midst of ongoing and escalating warfare that threatens its borders and internal and regional security, particularly from Iraq and Palestine. Both conflicts have a deep psychological and emotional pull on the Saudi population as Saudis tend to empathize with the human suffering of their Arab and Muslim neighbors, particularly children. Several hundred thousand Palestinians have sought refuge in the Kingdom, along with an unspecified number of Iraqis. About 20 percent of Saudi Arabia’s inhabitants are foreign nationals. Although legislation approved in 2006 permits foreign nationals who have worked and lived in the Kingdom continuously for at least 10 years to apply for citizenship, there are currently no figures available for naturalized citizens. Slavery was practiced through the 1960s but has been officially abolished. Indentured servitude exists, particularly for domestic servants and construction work, but has come under increasing pressure from domestic and international human rights organizations and international political entities after several highly publicized cases of severe physical abuse of domestic servants. Because family and tribal networks remain critical to social status, employment and career opportunities, and personal identity from birth to
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marriage to death, the family is the center of Saudi social life. Children are raised with the understanding that their status and value lie in their kin relationships. Conformity with family norms and loyalty to family members is taught from birth. Identity formation has tended to be communal, rather than individual, as are decision-making processes, including marriage, because of the impact on the family. Some of these parameters are undergoing gradual change due to development, increased literacy and education, and the rising empowerment of women that have resulted as girls are increasingly demanding a voice in their status, future, and families. Adolescence is a relatively new phenomenon in Saudi Arabia. In the past, the transition from childhood to adulthood occurred with marriage. Childhood was viewed as a training period for adult responsibilities. Caring for and raising children was the responsibility of the extended family. Today, the government is responsible for providing universal health care and education and setting legal parameters for protecting children from exploitation and abuse. Changes in educational patterns, work opportunities, income levels, and social patterns have resulted in young people waiting until later in life to marry, particularly girls who are pursuing an education. Engagements tend to last longer and couples are more involved in the selection of a marriage partner. Educated brides are considered more desirable. EDUCATION The first modern school in Saudi Arabia was founded in 1901. After the creation of the Department of Education in 1925 and a training college for teachers in 1926, elementary schools for boys were established throughout the country. The first government secondary school for boys opened in 1936. In 1952, the Department of Education was raised to the ministry level and given an expanded budget. Education became a top goal in development planning beginning in 1960 and continuing in each of the subsequent Five-Year Development plans that were introduced in 1970. High priority was given to the construction of schools, with 2.2 new schools being built per day between 1970 and 1980 (Bird 1995). Initially, the government provided formal education only to boys. Girls’ private education was initiated in 1956 with the foundation of Dar al-Hanan, patronized by the royal family and other prominent Saudi families to establish a climate of respectability for girls’ education. The opening of the first public schools for girls in 1961 met with opposition and violence from conservative quarters. Nevertheless, within a few years, more girls’ schools had to be opened to accommodate demand. Calls for equal education and opportunities for girls, including allowing them to travel abroad for university education, rapidly followed. In 1970, literacy rates for men were only 15 percent and 2 percent for women. School enrollment was 545,000, with 33 percent of boys and
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20 percent of girls attending elementary school. From 1997 to 2000, primary school enrollment for boys was 69 percent and 66 percent for girls. Secondary school enrollment for the same timeframe was 71 percent for boys and 64 percent for girls. Adult literacy rates rose from 76 percent of men and 50 percent of women in 1990 to 84.7 percent of men and 70.8 percent of women, or 78.8 percent of the total population, in 2003. To make education attractive and truly universal, incentives were introduced. Because a significant portion of school-age children remained nomadic in the early years of public education, special incentives were offered to teachers to travel to the Bedouin during the school year. Today’s population is largely settled, but the program remains intact. To overcome concerns from poor families about the potential loss of needed income and labor provided by children, the government introduced stipends for children who attended school, in addition to free tuition and books. Public education is intended to serve as a melting pot, equalizing access and opportunities for all students on the basis of merit rather than family connections. In Saudi Arabia, it has provided opportunities for meeting children outside of one’s usual family and kinship networks as different income levels, occupations, and degrees of religious dedication and conservatism mingle. It is also increasingly recognized that education is critical to developing an understanding of citizenship, particularly by fostering independent thinking, free speech, and student participation in decision-making via elected representative bodies that engage in dialogue with the administration (Al-Manie 2006). Saudi education consists of 6 years of primary school, 3 years of intermediate school, and 3 years of high school. Lack of facilities combined with lack of awareness of the importance of kindergarten has resulted in only 8 percent of Saudi children being enrolled in kindergarten. To correct this deficiency, the Ministry of Education has set a goal of increasing kindergarten enrollment by a factor of five and has called on universities and colleges to establish new departments specializing in kindergarten education (Anonymous 2007a). The Saudi curriculum places heavy emphasis on Islam due to its pivotal role in national identity. About one-third of class time is spent on Islam in elementary school and one-quarter of class time in secondary school. In the aftermath of 9/11, serious questions about the Saudi curriculum and the prominent role of Islam in the school system were raised in the Shura Council and the National Dialogue, resulting in major initiatives to introduce critical thinking and greater levels of tolerance and moderation into the curriculum and modernization of teaching methods and facilities. To address concerns about disparities in educational levels provided by public versus private schools, the same textbooks and curricula must be used by both, provided free of charge by the government (Shaikh 2007). The cultural practice of gender segregation requires trained female staff at all levels of education to teach female students. A consistent shortage
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of qualified female Saudi teachers has led to demands for more teacher training institutes for women. Although married women are the preferred candidates, they are not always able to balance work with family responsibilities. Single women can be hired, but they need to be provided with appropriate housing and transportation that respect Saudi cultural norms. Qualified female university professors, particularly in math and science, are in high demand but in small quantity, which has had a negative impact on curriculum content. Modern technology and communications have provided some creative solutions, such as the use of television screens to view lectures by male professors and the use of telephones, e-mail, and internet chat and discussion rooms to ask questions and participate in discussions. Despite the rapid expansion of the educational system, the Kingdom’s schools have not been able to meet the demands of the contemporary job market or the Kingdom’s national needs. For 2007, one-quarter of the national budget was dedicated to reforming and revamping education, including improving the performance of public schools, retraining educators, reducing class sizes, constructing better and more attractive libraries to encourage reading, especially in English, expanding the number of green spaces for children to play in, establishing better and more modern science labs, introducing new textbooks, and reformulating the curriculum to meet the needs of the job market. More attention is to be given to English-language instruction. Science and math concentrations have been expanded to larger portions than religion. Critical and analytical thinking are to be emphasized over memorization and rote learning, particularly at the intermediate and secondary levels. Religious instruction has been modified to encourage ethical and cordial treatment of nonMuslims (Al-Manie 2007; Al-Khayyal 2007; Doumato 2007). At the university level, college admissions and scholarships are increasingly competitive, requiring a minimum high school diploma test score of 90 percent and a minimum aptitude score of 70 percent (Shaikh 2006). In January 2007, King Abdullah allocated a budget of 10 billion SR for Saudi students to travel abroad to the United States, Europe, and Asia for higher education to fulfill the growing demands of the Kingdom’s job market and national needs (Ghafour 2007). It also marked tacit recognition that the Kingdom’s universities are inadequate for providing the education in science, medicine, and technology necessary for the contemporary economy (Akeel 2007). Saudi Arabia has joined other Gulf countries in opening satellite campuses of American universities that provide the same curriculum and degrees but without necessitating travel abroad. The objective is to train a Saudi workforce capable of meeting the demands of an information technology–and knowledge-based economy (Al-Khayyal 2007). In addition to government initiatives, the private sector and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have become increasingly involved in providing training and internship programs intended to prepare Saudi
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youth for professional employment. Competition for such programs is intense and existing programs are unable to fulfill demand. Although abuse, whether physical, mental, or psychological, is prohibited in schools, cases of corporal punishment, particularly against boys, have been reported. Teachers have also reported cases of being assaulted or beaten by unruly students who are either disrespectful or have received poor grades. Recommended alternatives to corporal punishment include taking off grade points, suspension, expulsion, and reporting the offending student or teacher to the police, but these alternatives are not always used. In recent years, the media has begun reporting cases of abuse in schools. Teachers found guilty of abusing students are subject to disciplinary action as well as potential legal consequences, but these measures are not always carried out. Because of Saudi Arabia’s recognized need to be competitive in the global market, greater attention is being given to identifying and cultivating gifted children to encourage innovation, creativity, and discovery. An increasing number of conferences and competitions have been organized to provide a forum for the creations and inventions of gifted students, both female and male, which often favor making the lives of the disabled and sick easier. Workshops are being held for teachers to integrate thinking skills into the curriculum, develop creative thinking in the classroom, discover gifted preschoolers, and provide for the social and psychological needs of the gifted. Although the major initiatives are being launched by the government, it is hoped that the private sector will also help finance programs, including the establishment of special schools.2 Greater attention also has been given to the needs of disabled children, beginning with a focus on increasing public awareness and acceptance of disability and discouraging parents from abandoning disabled children due to a perceived inability to care for them. Because of the preference for first-cousin marriages, Saudi Arabia has an unusually large population of disabled persons due to genetic issues. In addition, there has been a rise in diagnoses of developmental disorders, particularly autism spectrum disorders and Attention Deficit–Hyperactivity Disorder (Alireza 2006). As with gifted children, encouragement is provided for disabled children to reach their fullest potential through means ranging from sports activities, such as the Special Olympics or the Learning Disability World Cup (which the Saudi special needs football team won in 2006) to the development of specialized television programs and even a satellite channel for the disabled that would promote a variety of learning styles, provide information about equipment to parents and caregivers of disabled children, assure consistent access to education for the disabled, and provide public health information, such as the importance of receiving prenatal care and medical attention during birth, that could help prevent disability (Murad 2007).
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In the public realm, accommodations for wheelchairs and the blind are increasingly present in public buildings, including university facilities. Universities have established offices for those with special needs that coordinate student needs in order to encourage their full participation in university activities (Shalhoub 2007). Saudi Arabia has also undertaken medical research and specialization in treating certain kinds of physical disabilities, notably the separation of Siamese twins. The most important organization assisting disabled Saudi children is the Disabled Children’s Association. Seven centers located throughout the Kingdom provide treatment and rehabilitation for children from infancy through age 12. Treatment, education, and rehabilitation services are provided free of charge. The Association has also worked to spread social awareness about disabilities and to conduct research on the causes and prevention of disabilities. PLAY AND RECREATION Because the home environment is emphasized in Saudi culture, play and recreation that occur either at home or with family members are the most common activities. Family gatherings may include picnics or travel to the desert for dune bashing, ice cream, and cookouts. There are many amusement parks, including water parks and indoor amusement parks, such as those found on the lower levels of shopping malls. Outdoor amusement parks typically have sections or days reserved for families, along with cabanas or tents that can be rented to provide the family with privacy. Restaurants generally have family sections. Public events, like the annual Janadiriyya Festival, have certain days that are reserved for families so that women and children can attend. Nevertheless, some activities remain restricted to males, such as events held in sporting arenas. There are no cinemas or discotheques in Saudi Arabia. Within the home, the most popular activities for children are watching television or videos, playing video and electronic games, playing cards, listening to music, playing with toys, and exploring the Internet, including participating in chat rooms and discussion groups. Most toys and characters are imported. Western superheroes and cartoon characters, ranging from Superman and Spongebob to Disney princesses, are omnipresent in toys, plastic dinnerware, lunch boxes, and videos. Following religious and cultural concerns about the negative impact of Barbie and her representation of the objectification of women, an Arabic version of the doll, Fulla, wearing an abaya and hijab, was developed. Fulla is very popular with Saudi girls and comes with a full range of outfits, accessories, and spin-off products. The rapid advance of technology and communications in the Kingdom has resulted in widespread access to telephones, whether mainline or cell phones, as well as Internet access.3 Many Saudi children have mobile
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phones, which are often given as a reward for good grades or behavior. Mobile phones are an object of prestige at school (Anonymous 2006a). Broadcast entertainment has been popular in Saudi Arabia since it was introduced, although it was originally a source of controversy to extreme conservatives who feared a loss of prestige and influence for Islam. National radio was inaugurated in 1948. National television followed in 1965. By 1997, there were 117 television broadcast stations in the Kingdom. Although satellite dishes are officially prohibited, most homes in urban areas and many in rural areas have satellite dishes and, therefore, access to the global media. Saudi children spend a disproportionate amount of time watching television, an average of 70 hours per week, or 68.6 percent of their time, as compared to the American average of 22.9 hours per week. This has raised concerns about the negative impact of television on the child’s physical and psychological well-being (Hassan 2006). Particularly since the rise of satellite channels, questions have proliferated about the appropriateness of the content of the programs and commercials for children. A 2006 survey of Saudi children found that they learn 69 percent of their culture from television, particularly cartoons, despite the fact that 70 percent of these cartoons and animated films are produced outside of Saudi Arabia and do not conform to the Saudi way of life or values, including the use of violence or crime to solve problems and unacceptable scenes of flirting, kissing, and attention to beauty (Mishkhas 2006). Many are concerned that the violence, crime, drugs, extremism, suffering, and conflicts portrayed on television will have a negative impact on children, their perception of themselves, and their perception of the world in which they live, rendering them susceptible to negative behaviors, anxiety, and depression (Al-Ebraheem 1995). A 2006 survey indicated that children who watched satellite television channels for long periods of time became emotionally disturbed and displayed an increased propensity for violence (Hassan 2006). Video games and game consoles are popular with both boys and girls. Again, there is great concern about the content of these games, as they tend to emphasize violence and sexual prurience, including bombing, murder, assault, the objectification of women, and criminal behaviors, all of which are rewarded within the games, either by receiving more advanced weaponry, points, or sexual stimulation, resulting in desensitization to violence and abuse of women. In a culture in which morality is heavily emphasized, serious objections to the potential cultural and social impact of such games have been raised, even when the games come with ratings for language, violence, and content (A. Al-Qahtani 2006). In the face of so much time spent watching television and playing video games, child literacy and learning about Saudi culture have suffered. Children spend very little time reading outside of school, in part because of the apparent lack of interesting children’s books in Arabic.
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One of the greatest concerns about the large block of time spent on sedentary activities is the comparative lack of time spent on physical activities. Soccer is very popular in the Kingdom, but children do not have access to sufficient green spaces, particularly since public parks are limited to families and the streets are not safe for playing (Anonymous 2006b). Critics have noted that national development plans do not give adequate attention to the needs of children for proper playing facilities, youth clubs, playgrounds, and libraries with children’s literature (Al-Ebraheem 1995). Clubs are very popular with boys, particularly the Boy Scouts, which encourages Saudi boys to be socially engaged and active in the community. Boy Scout activities include the provision of social services during the Hajj (pilgrimage) season and the month of Ramadan, during which people fast from sunrise to sunset. For girls, shopping malls are particularly important gathering places for friends and families to talk, eat out, shop, and socialize. There has also been a rising trend in health clubs and sports facilities for girls, ranging from aerobics clubs to martial arts studios. CHILD LABOR Modernization and development during the 1960s and 1970s resulted in mass importation of foreign workers, along with influxes of refugees from other countries experiencing political or military crises.4 Today, Saudi Arabia remains a prime destination for foreign workers, particularly drawing from South and Southeast Asia for the service industry, including domestic servants, manual laborers, and hospitality workers. In recent years, Saudi human rights organizations and the media have begun to expose the conditions under which these expatriates work, including involuntary servitude, confinement, physical, sexual, and psychological abuse, nonpayment of wages, and withholding of passports. They have also begun to investigate the conditions of children who are trafficked either for involuntary servitude as street vendors or to engage in forced begging. Most of the children caught by Saudi authorities are boys originating from Yemen, Pakistan, India, and various African countries. Although progress has been made in reducing the number of children being trafficked, particularly from Yemen (Anonymous 2007b; Qusti 2007), the Kingdom remains under heavy criticism for not making sufficient efforts to eliminate trafficking. Child trafficking is believed to have expanded during the 1990s, when many expatriate workers were expelled from Saudi Arabia as part of the effort to reduce dependency on foreign labor. Because Saudi authorities do not prosecute children, children are particularly targeted for illegal employment, including begging, selling items at traffic lights, digging through garbage cans, and other dangerous jobs, such as working in industrial workshops (Al-Abyad 2006a).
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Child beggars are present in cities in both streets and mosques. Most of them are the children of illegal overstayers from the Hajj and have been told that they must beg to help provide for the family. Physical abuse of child beggars is frequent and generally severe. Physically disabled children are particularly vulnerable to being forced into begging because people tend to feel sorrier for them and are, therefore, more likely to give them something. This sometimes results in people deliberately disabling or mutilating children in order to gain more benefit from them (Anonymous 2007c; Abbas 2006). To address this serious problem, the Ministry of Social Affairs has established a special unit to pick up children who are illegally in the country and try to locate their countries of origin and, ultimately, their families so that they can be returned to them. However, because of the fear of deportation and the reality that some of these children have been sold into begging by their parents, many of these children try to evade Saudi authorities. To cut off income, a public awareness campaign has been started to encourage people to donate money to legitimate charities, rather than child beggars. The Anti-Beggary Department also provides special treatment for children, who are typically malnourished, dirty, and impoverished. They are taken to special accommodations where they are given fresh food and a clean bed to sleep in while receiving counseling to deal with the abuse they have experienced. Some children turn themselves in to escape their enforced beggary (Abbas 2006). Less visible cases of illegal child labor and exploitation also exist, particularly in industrial workshops where children, typically of Asian or African origin, are illegally employed and underpaid to perform hard labor, operate machines, and handle metals. These children often work days that exceed 13 hours in hazardous environments with no safety regulations, supervision, or social or health insurance in order to provide needed money to their families. These workshops stand in violation of the Kingdom’s rules and regulations, as well as international laws (Al-Abyad 2006a). Children have also been pressed into smuggling goods into the Kingdom. The National Society for Human Rights collects information about illegal child labor, which is then investigated by the Ministries of Labor and Social Affairs. If enough information is gathered, penalties are enacted against the workshop manager and the child’s father. It is hoped that making the fathers aware of the impact on children, including the loss of childhood, potential loss of life and limb, learning of obscene language, and acquisition of addictive habits such as drugs or smoking, will help eliminate the problem. At the same time, critics are concerned that the methods in place are insufficient, particularly noting that the National Society for Human Rights is only a supporting body and cannot undertake investigations.
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FAMILY Families, family networks, and kinship are central to Saudi culture and society. Pride in ancestry remains critical to individual status, although merit and achievement are beginning to be as important today with the shift to the global economy. Family dynamics in Saudi Arabia tend to emphasize relations within the family and across generations, so that children are socialized to feel a lifelong responsibility for parents and siblings. Older children take responsibility for younger children. Male children are encouraged to be responsible for female children. Female children are expected to look upon males as protectors and to care for their needs. Traditionally, males are expected to serve as providers and protectors, whereas females are expected to nurture and manage the household. The elderly are revered for their wisdom, counsel, authority, and influence (wasta) over family and business decisions. Family networks remain important throughout both childhood and adulthood. Children remain in the parents’ home until marriage and, often, afterward. Traditionally, sons were expected to bring their wives to live in the father’s home and to raise their children there until the father’s death. In the event of divorce or death of a spouse, it is expected that the man or woman will return to the father’s home. Today, young couples and families are often pushed to break with tradition due to the need to move elsewhere because of the husband’s job or to pursue higher education. In some cases, young couples prefer to rent or purchase their own lodging in order to have a greater level of privacy and control over the management of their own household. As with government and business, Saudi families operate according to group decision-making via consultation (shura) and consensus (ijma’). Males and elders enjoy a certain privilege in directing the lives of others. Nevertheless, women and children are active participants in decisionmaking within the family. Because of the pivotal role of the family in society and culture, preservation of the family’s honor and status, particularly as exemplified by the behavior and demeanor of its women, is critically important. Although female chastity is particularly emphasized, both before and after marriage, ‘‘honor killings’’ rarely occur in Saudi Arabia. Male family members take care to protect their women, both by physically preventing them from having contact with forbidden men and by protecting their reputations from gossip and slander. Gender segregation is strictly practiced in public places, and women generally wear the abaya (a cloak covering the body from neck to ankles) and hijab to cover the hair and, sometimes, face. Although plain black is traditional, some women, particularly in Jeddah, are beginning to experiment with alternative colors, patterns, and designs. Some wear the hijab around their shoulders, rather than over the head.
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Relationships between unmarried and unrelated men and women are generally forbidden. However, they are permitted to interact under certain circumstances, such as in the business environment. Many Saudis today are pushing the boundaries of gender segregation. Some youth experiment with dating via telephone conversations, e-mail, internet chat rooms and discussion groups, and even clandestine meetings. Motherhood is both revered and aspired to in Saudi culture. Although many men support the right of women to work outside of the home, in part because of economic necessity, they nevertheless expect women to continue to give first emphasis to their roles as wives, mothers, and home managers. Most women have been willing to accept this construct as a religious and family duty. Men have tended to resist playing a more active role in household management and child care for young children, although they remain responsible for preparing older sons for adulthood. As employment patterns change, some are calling for family patterns to change, particularly for fathers to take a more active role in raising small children. It is hoped that greater participation in the lives of the children will help build a stronger bond with them and decrease instances of domestic violence and child abuse, particularly since it is recognized that boys who grow up experiencing violence from their fathers are likely to perpetuate the cycle in their own families (Al-Hujailan 2006b). The major rites of passage in Saudi culture—birth, marriage, divorce, and death—are family affairs. The births (mawlid) of children and circumcisions of boys are joyous events calling for celebration with family and friends. The new mother typically receives gifts from family, friends, and neighbors. In honor of the child, a sheep is butchered (one for a girl, sometimes two for a boy) and the meat is distributed to the needy. The new baby is named 7 days after birth. Circumcision of a boy typically takes place at the same time. On the following day, children ask for God’s blessing on the new baby, walking through the house holding a candle and singing a song of blessing for the baby. The children then receive sweets (Long 2005). Children take their father’s surname. Girls retain their father’s surnames when they marry. Marriage and reproduction are the expected social norms for all Saudis. Although the girl’s consent is required for a marriage to be valid, the contracting of the marriage must be handled by her male guardian, typically her father, and a dower (mahr) must be paid. Because there have been abuses of the girl’s right to consent, the Grand Mufti issued a fatwa in 2005 asserting the girl’s consent as an absolute requirement for marriage and forbidding anyone from forcing a woman into a marriage she does not want. To underscore the serious nature of consent, he recommended a prison sentence for any father found to have forced his daughter into marriage. The Ministry of Social Affairs is currently working to establish a mechanism for enforcing this regulation and to provide real options for girls to report their fathers without suffering repercussions.
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Although the dower is technically the girl’s property to use as she pleases, it is customary today for the girl to gift her dower to her father or guardian, either in part or in full. In addition, it is common Saudi practice for a woman to return her dower in the case of divorce in exchange for receiving custody of the children.5 First-cousin marriage has been the traditional norm in the Kingdom. However, concerns about genetic disorders have led some to reject this practice. In addition, as many Saudis now travel and study abroad, both males and females are demanding a greater voice in marriage. Marriages are still contracted according to Islamic law. However, particularly in urban settings, couples appear to be thinking of themselves increasingly as couples and are more likely to look for educational compatibility, shared interests for leisure and travel, and companionship within the marital unit. Emotional fulfillment and romance are also increasingly expected, particularly as more couples live in urbanized settings and rely on each other for emotional support and exchange. Increased emphasis is given today to the couple getting to know each other before a formal engagement is announced, particularly in cases where the potential spouses are educated. Many of these meetings occur clandestinely, typically beginning by ‘‘meeting’’ in a chat room or having a cell phone conversation. At the same time, there have been a rising number of divorces over issues of incompatibility, particularly where one spouse is more highly educated than the other or the wife works outside of the home (Long 2005). Although never widespread, polygyny (having more than one wife) has generally decreased because of the expense involved in maintaining multiple households and as educational levels have increased, particularly among women, resulting in a greater frequency of women stipulating a monogamous relationship in their marriage contracts. In cases where polygyny does exist, the relationship between co-wives is often expected to be antagonistic and competitive. However, there are many cases where co-wives are friends and companions to each other. In the event of divorce, Saudi law assigns custody of a boy younger than the age of 5 and a girl younger than the age of 7 to the mother, unless she remarries, in which case the father has the right to dispute custody. Fathers automatically receive custody when boys reach the age of 5 and girls reach the age of 7. In recent years, divorced mothers have increasingly challenged the automatic assignment of custody to the father at a certain age. Saudi courts have given greater attention to the living conditions and dedication to parenting in child custody cases so that mothers are increasingly able to gain custody of children beyond the customary age, particularly if they can prove that living conditions in the father’s home might prove to be detrimental to the child, such as in the case of an abusive stepmother, drug or alcohol addiction, or extensive time away on business travel on the part of the father.
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Death of a family member constitutes a moment of both loss and gain for children as they lose a piece of their support network, but gain the right to claim inheritance. The portion of inheritance is dependent upon the kin relationship between the child and the deceased according to Islamic law. Although the inheritance can serve as a nest egg, a source of provision for daily needs, or an investment for the future, it is common for girls to defer or gift their inheritance to the care of their father or brothers. Saudi culture prizes children and showers them with affection, gifts, and sweets, leading some to be concerned about a pattern of spoiling and overindulging children. Infants are particularly indulged and receive great affection from the entire extended family. Although breastfeeding is strongly encouraged, most women use formula. Between 1995 and 2002, only 31 percent of infants were exclusively breastfed for the first 6 months of life; 60 percent were breastfed with complimentary food from 6 to 9 months, and 30 percent were still being breastfed at 20 to 23 months. Early toilet training (by 1 year of age) is encouraged, as is learning proper hygiene according to Islamic standards. Socialization includes learning proper table manners, being polite to adults, demonstrating hospitality to guests, respecting and being obedient to the father, being disciplined, and learning the names and relationships of the extended family on both sides (Fernea 1995). Socialization is the responsibility of the entire extended family and includes enforcing discipline and behavioral standards. Methods of discipline include verbal reprimands, corporal punishment, and shaming before peers and family members, which sometimes extends into physical or emotional abuse. Given the general atmosphere of consumerism and child indulgence, both the pediatric profession and the mainstream media are cautioning parents against being either too punishing and disciplinarian or too permissive and lenient. Instead, parents are encouraged to set and enforce boundaries and limits that encourage respect for others (Khaled 2006). Parents are also discouraged from giving in to pestering, whining, and otherwise unacceptable behavior (Kurdi 2006). Because more mothers are working outside of the home, domestic servants and nannies often take on greater responsibility for the children, including getting them to school, helping them with their homework, and supervising their activities at home. These servants generally do not have specialized training in dealing with children and often either do not speak Arabic or do not speak Arabic well, leading some to fear potential delays in the child’s linguistic and cognitive development (Al-Ebraheem 1995). HEALTH Significant progress has been made on child mortality rates after major development plans beginning in the 1960s. In 1960, the under-5 mortality rate (the probability of dying between birth and 5 years of age) was
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250 deaths per 1,000 live births. By 2002, there were only 28 deaths per 1,000 live births, marking a reduction of 36 percent since 1990. Infant mortality (between birth and 1 year of age) decreased from 170 per 1,000 live births in 1960 to 12.81 in 2006. Much of this progress is attributable to better nutrition, attention to public health and safety issues, and increased access to health care. In 2002, the Saudi government financed 100 percent of routine EPI vaccines. That same year, for children aged 1, 98 percent were vaccinated against tuberculosis, 95 percent against DPT3, 95 percent against polio, 97 percent against measles, and 97 percent against hepatitis B3. In 2000, 95 percent of the total population was using improved drinking water sources, including 100 percent of urban and 64 percent of rural populations. The government further reported that 100 percent of both urban and rural populations used adequate sanitation facilities, although these figures appear to be inaccurate, given that many of the poorer residents of Jeddah and Riyadh do not have sewer hook-ups to their homes and there are places in both cities where raw sewage runs in the streets. King Abdullah acknowledged the existence of poverty in the Kingdom in 2003 and has pledged to eradicate these problems, particularly the inadequate sewers. Because of improved access to health care, 90 percent of women between the ages of 15 and 49 were attended by a medical professional during pregnancy and 91 percent gave birth with a skilled attendant present at delivery between 1995 and 2002, reducing the maternal mortality rate in 2000 to 23 per 100,000 live births. In addition, spacing between children has been expanded due to better understanding of human physiology, increased access to contraception (32 percent of women between the ages of 15 and 49 reported use of contraceptives between 1995 and 2002), and a sharp reduction in the fertility rate, which dropped from 7.2 in 1960 to 6.2 in 1990 and to 4.6 in 2002. HIV/AIDS cases remain very low (0.01 percent of the adult population in 2001) in reported numbers, but the figures are growing, largely attributable to the habit of men visiting prostitutes in foreign countries where HIV/AIDS is more widespread. The Kingdom has only recently begun to acknowledge the existence of HIV/ AIDS in Saudi Arabia, largely due to the fact that sexual relations outside of marriage are forbidden. Although not the norm, there are instances of children being born outside of marriage. Most of these babies are abandoned at orphanages because of the psychological pressure and fear involved in having a child outside of marriage (Anonymous 2006c). Between 1998 and 2002, 11 percent of infants were born with low birth weights (less than 2500 g). Between 1995 and 2002, 14 percent of children younger than the age of 5 were moderately and severely underweight, 3 percent were severely underweight, 11 percent qualified as moderate and severe wasting (below minus 2 standard deviations from median weight), and 20 percent as moderate and severe stunting (below minus 2 standard deviations from median height). Criteria for children’s
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growth were set at the Third International Conference on Child Health held in November 2006 in conjunction with Saudi Child Day. Set goals included increasing awareness of the importance of breastfeeding, shaken baby syndrome, pediatric diabetes, allergies, vaccinations, and medical exams for newborns. Because of the lack of public awareness of these issues, a special TV channel dedicated to family issues, pediatric health, and dealing with disabilities was recommended as the most efficient means to reach the mass population (Shalhoub 2006b). Among the most important concerns for Saudi children is the unprecedented obesity crisis and rise in the number of cases of diabetes due to a combination of poor nutrition, the tendency to consume junk food, and lack of physical activity in favor of sedentary activities. Many parents do not know what constitutes a healthy and balanced diet for a child. There is also a tendency to believe that the more children eat, the healthier they will become, without realizing that the fatty foods and carbonated beverages preferred by children are unhealthy. Because more women are working outside of the home and visitations with friends and family take longer due to the distances involved, take-out food has been substituted for healthier, home-cooked meals. In addition, families typically stay up late at night and get up late in the morning during vacations and holidays, thus skipping breakfast (Hassan and Al-Zahrani 2006). The obesity crisis has been exacerbated by the lack of physical education at school and lack of physical activity once home. Many teachers have voiced frustration at the lack of time, space, and equipment for children to engage in sports. Boys have one short lesson in physical education per week and tend to know how to play only soccer and volleyball (AlZahrani 2006). Physical education remains banned in girls’ primary and high schools (Shalhoub 2006a). Many schools lack well-equipped playgrounds. In some cases, playground space has been used to construct new schools. Because the problem is severe and widespread, nutrition campaigns were begun at the national level in 2006 to highlight the importance of child nutrition for cognitive and physical development and learning ability, particularly encouraging Saudi children to drink milk (Anonymous 2007d; Rasooldeen 2007; Ramkumar 2006b). Oral health care has also been the subject of a 2006 national health campaign to raise awareness of the importance of cleaning teeth and the negative impact of sugar consumption on teeth. After surveys revealed broad levels of ignorance about preventing cavities, the importance of fluoride, and lack of proper brushing techniques, the Ministry of Education, Crest, and Oral-B teamed together in September 2006 to create a national oral care prevention program for schools (Anonymous 2006d; Ramkumar 2006a). Attention has also turned to environmental conditions having an impact on children’s health, particularly pollution and cigarette smoking, which are increasingly recognized as health hazards, provoking asthma and a variety of other respiratory disorders. Because gasoline and diesel
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are inexpensive in Saudi Arabia, consumption is high and little attention is given to the fuel efficiency of cars. There are no standards for emissions from cars or industries. Consequently, the air quality is poor. In addition to these external sources of pollution, use of incense inside households is part of the Saudi cultural heritage and formulates one of the greeting rituals. When guests arrive in a home, burning incense is to be presented to be fanned into the clothing so that guests enjoy a pleasantly scented environment. However, incense puts particulate matter, including ash and carbon monoxide, into the air, creating smoke that is similar to car exhaust and cigarette smoke. For young children, the elderly, and asthmatics, the effects are often harmful, particularly if exposure occurs over the long term (Shalhoub 2007b). Lead exposure also represents a threat to children because of the cultural practice of applying kohl to the eyelids of newborns. The lead has an immediate effect on the child’s brain and nervous system, in addition to the risk of blindness. Children under the age of 6 are particularly vulnerable to lead poisoning, which can lead to neurological problems, including insomnia, hyperactivity, reduced IQ, learning disabilities, seizures, comas, and even death (Abdullah 2006a). Although the use of recreational drugs is punishable by the death penalty in the Kingdom, drug abuse and addiction exists. A non-profit NGO, Mentor Arabia (part of the international Mentor Family), has been started to identify, support, and share information about drug prevention and protecting children and youth from drugs. Drug awareness campaigns have also been started to discourage drug abuse (Ghafour 2006). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Children’s rights were officially recognized with the Child Rights Agreement of 1995. Children are legally defined as persons under the age of eighteen. According to this agreement, children’s interests are to be given priority in all cases related to them in order to assure their security and care and to protect them from harm. The Kingdom was also admitted to the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) Charter of Children’s Rights in Islam in September 2006, which seeks to assure that Muslim children are raised as Muslims. Saudi Child Day was declared on November 19, 2006, to raise awareness about children’s rights in Islam, activities of international child protection organizations, and the impact of environmental problems on children. Of most concern with respect to children’s rights is the case of juvenile delinquency, which has increased since the economic boom that began in 1980. Because parents work longer hours, they have less time available to supervise children. Juvenile delinquency is typically tied to economic, family, and psychological problems. Thus, consideration of environment is critical to appropriate trial and sentencing (Al-Abyad 2006b).
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The Child Rights Agreement states that children may not be tortured, sentenced to life in jail, or executed in criminal cases. Nevertheless, the judicial system remained focused on punishment rather than rehabilitation. In some cases, youthful mischief was confused with irredeemable adult criminal behavior. Prison sentences were particularly worrisome to some out of recognition that prison tends to harden rather than reform offenders. Some new initiatives have been introduced in recent years, including, in January 2007, community service, particularly manual labor, as punishment for those committing minor infractions with the hope that minor offenders will be kept out of the prison system and will learn a greater sense of connection to the community. This strategy has also been recommended for adults who have committed certain types of relatively minor and non-violent offenses (Diyab 2007). Juveniles who commit more serious crimes, including drug use, theft, and murder, typically receive jail sentences ranging from 6 months to 3 years, which are preferably served in juvenile centers. Government regulations stipulate that offenders in juvenile centers be between the ages of 7 and 18. Juvenile center staff include psychiatrists and trained specialists who work to rehabilitate and integrate the children back into society, including by incorporating the family into the rehabilitation process. Spiritual and religious issues are also addressed. Center staff also work with court officials, the police and judges in reporting the delinquent’s progress, often resulting in a reduction in the delinquent’s sentence. Juvenile centers are equipped with their own schools, cultural activities, facilities for provision of medical care, and religious and sports activities to provide a normal environment for the rehabilitation process and to assure that education is not interrupted by time served. In cases where the juvenile is of working age upon completion of the sentence, the centers try to help them find jobs. The positive track record and increased number of delinquents have resulted in plans for expanding centers and their services.6 RELIGIOUS LIFE Religious life in Saudi Arabia begins at home where children learn to perform their ablutions and say their prayers. Parents and extended family generally provide exposure to the example of the Prophet Muhammad and the Quran through daily life. Formal instruction in Quran memorization does not take place until at least the age of five. Both boys and girls attend the kuttab (Quran memorization school). Completion of memorization of the entire Quran marks an important milestone in the child’s education and religious life, particularly for boys, and is cause for celebration. Saudi children are taught to follow the example of the Prophet Muhammad as the best model for individuals and the community. Core ethics and values include honesty, trustworthiness, noble and correct
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behavior, modesty, mercy, kindness, gentleness, never speaking rudely, arrogantly, or harshly, and love for all people. Of particular importance for children is the knowledge that the Prophet was kind to children.7 Many rites of passage in a Saudi child’s life are tied to religion. When a child is born, the father is supposed to whisper religious sayings into each ear. There are special religious ceremonies for birth, naming, and, for boys, circumcision. Female circumcision (also known as female genital mutilation) is neither an Islamic nor a Saudi cultural practice. Although parents are permitted to take the children to the mosque, preference in Saudi Arabia is for women to pray at home. Boys may accompany their fathers to the mosque for Friday prayers, but they are not required to do so until they reach puberty. There are two main Muslim holidays, Eid al-Fitr (Feast of the Breaking of the Fast at the end of Ramadan) and Eid al-Adha (Feast of the Sacrifice at the end of the Hajj pilgrimage). Both of these holidays are occasions for families and friends to visit each other, exchange gifts and give sweets to children, in keeping with the saying that, ‘‘Eid is for children.’’ Children typically receive money. Some choose to donate part of their Eid money to less fortunate children (Abdullah 2006b). Children younger than the age of 12 are not required to fast (abstain from consumption of food and water from sunrise until sunset) during Ramadan, but many choose to try. Learning to fast is intended to be a gradual process. Children who have not fasted before may try fasting for a few hours over a period of a few days as training. Because fasting is never intended to be detrimental to a child’s health or safety, infants, very small children, and children with chronic medical conditions, such as diabetes, are not supposed to fast. Pregnant and nursing mothers are also exempt from fasting because of the nutritional needs of their children. In recent years, greater media attention has been given to the needs of children during Ramadan, as fasting adults tend to sleep during the day and stay up at night. Children tend to follow their usual schedule, resulting in their being neglected or subjected to adult irritability, as well as and overtired and inattentive at school. Children are encouraged to eat a normal diet, drink large quantities of water and fruit juice and avoid hard playing while fasting to avoid constipation, dehydration, headaches, and hypoglycemia (Rasooldeen 2006; Al-Zahrani and Qusti 2006). Religion plays an important role in Saudi education because of Saudi Arabia’s unique connection to Islam as home to the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, the birthplace of the Prophet Muhammad, and the geographic heart of early Islamic history. The study of Islam permeates most subjects and is required for promotion to the next grade. Children are taught that the first revealed word of the Quran was ‘‘Read!’’, making it clear that God requires people to be literate and knowledgeable and encourages scientific exploration and discovery. Nevertheless, some are concerned that there is too much emphasis on religion in Saudi schools,
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particularly in history, literature, Arabic language, rhetoric, and civics (Doumato 2007). Two of the biggest challenges facing education in Saudi Arabia are the religious discrimination and culture of intolerance taught in public schools as takfiri ideology (declaring those with beliefs different from yours to be unbelievers, or kuffar) and the differences in curriculum for boys and girls in the subjects of science, math, and extracurricular activities. Gender segregation is believed to be the major culprit behind curriculum differences because of the lack of training facilities for female teachers in these subjects. The main theme of religion as taught in the schools is tawhid (absolute monotheism). As a tool of the state, tawhid is a mechanism for promoting community harmony and political unity. However, this comes at the expense of individual reasoning and intellectual debate, as alternative views and interpretations are denied and suppressed. Those who do not conform to the state interpretation, including the Shiis who constitute 10 percent of the Saudi population, are to be hated not simply because they are religious ‘‘deviants,’’ but also because they are enemies of the state who are attacking the solidarity of the community (Doumato 2007). Calls for reform to the Saudi curriculum had preceded the 9/11 attacks because of concerns about the disproportionate quantity of time spent studying religion rather than information that is critical to the global economy. A 2003 opinion poll of Saudis reflected favor for textbook reform as part of a broad program for reform in the Kingdom that includes political reform, expanded rights for women, including the right to drive, and rejection of jihadism (Doumato 2007). The new textbooks issued in 2003/2004 eliminated all lessons about bearing enmity toward non-Muslims in favor of placing Islam theologically within Judaism and Christianity, highlighting their similarities rather than their differences. Islam is now emphasized as the religion of all of the prophets, including Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, and Muhammad, and as the only one of the religions to declare belief in all of God’s books, including the Torah, Gospels, Psalms, and the Quran. Within this context, Islam still supersedes Judaism and Christianity, but does not negate them (Doumato 2007). In addition, national initiatives have been made at multiple levels to instill tolerance and understanding in Saudi youth, including teaching students how to engage in dialogue and tolerant, constructive communication and debate (Starrett and Doumato 2007). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Child abuse in Saudi Arabia is defined as physical, sexual, or emotional abuse, neglect, or any attitude causing harm to a child or showing ignorance in the way parents treat their children. Historically, child abuse has been a taboo subject in the Kingdom because family matters are
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considered private. There is no penal code to punish and deter offenders for abuse, although punishments exist in cases where death results (Shalhoub and Baker 2006). Because the Interior Ministry has found that 45 percent of children are mistreated in their daily lives, whether at home or in someone else’s home, and that many cases go unreported because the child either does not or cannot tell someone what has happened to them, greater national attention has been given to this issue in recent years. In particular, the existence of family violence and domestic violence has been acknowledged, including through the establishment of the Committee for Protecting Children’s Rights. Saudi law does not permit authorities to intervene in domestic disputes if the suspected victim of the dispute is in a hospital for less than 21 days. However, individuals can report instances of family violence and request assistance, including by dialing 999. Family violence cases account for 22 percent of the 5,600 cases received by the National Society for Human Rights since its foundation in 2002. In the majority of cases, family violence involves violence committed by the husband against the wife, with abuse of children marking the second highest number of incidents. The Ministry of Social Affairs has determined that the majority of child abuse cases occur at the hands of parents, stepparents, other relatives, and domestic servants. The National Committee for Child Abuse found that 77 percent of abusers were fathers and 11 percent were relatives, the majority of whom are educated. Methods of physical abuse include beating, beating with objects, burning, and use of chemicals. Although the majority of abusers are men, women are also capable of being abusive. In some cases, women become abusive after being abused for years. Women are also more likely to put up with abusive treatment because they are afraid of shaming the family. Women are more likely to be victims because drug and alcohol abuse is higher among men, despite the fact that both are illegal in Saudi Arabia. Since early 2002, the press has begun to report cases of abuse and neglect more openly and graphically, seeking to raise public awareness and to look for potential solutions. Some of the most horrific cases have resulted in the hospitalization or death of the abused child. Specialists, including police officers and medical professionals, have noted the difficulty of eradicating child abuse because abused children are often returned to their families without mechanisms in place to check on the child’s condition. In cases of family violence, social services are limited to providing protection homes until the case is solved, at which point the victim is sent back to live with the abuser. In such cases, violence typically increases because the abuser is angry about having been exposed and punished. The victim is less likely to ask for help a second time because the help provided the first time did not achieve lasting results. Specialists concur that a system that focuses exclusively on punishment without
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addressing rehabilitation is doomed to perpetuate the cycle of violence (Lakkdawala 2006). Many cases of child abuse occur when a divorced parent remarries and a stepparent enters the picture. A number of particularly horrific cases of child abuse resulting in burns, amputation of body parts too badly injured to be saved, or even permanent brain damage inflicted by stepparents have been reported by the media since 2002. Types of child abuse committed by stepparents range from verbal and physical expressions of dislike and criticism to forcing children to become household servants to taking over their financial assets to committing physical violence.8 The National Society of Human Rights has noted that the number of child abuse cases is increasing and has called for reform to the determination of child custody in divorce cases. Rather than simply following the prescriptions of Islamic law that base custody cases on the ages of the children involved, the Society has called for judges to determine custody on a case-by-case basis so that custody is assigned to the reliable and responsible parent, regardless of gender. The Ministry of Social Affairs has also been asked to assure that judicial rulings are followed as fathers have tended to defy without punishment judicial orders they perceive to be detrimental to them (Anonymous 2006e). A Women’s Department has been added to the Ministry of Social Affairs to make certain that the interests of women and children are considered in all cases of divorce, custody, and domestic violence. Because of the increase of cases of serious injuries to children requiring immediate medical attention, including surgery and intensive care, King Abdullah established the National Family Safety Program by Royal Decree in November 2005 to create awareness about and prevent domestic violence, both physical and sexual. National Family Safety Program officials work with the Ministry of Social Affairs and the National Society for Human Rights, as well as social workers, physicians, psychologists, and security officials, to raise awareness of child abuse and to treat incidents of abuse. Major challenges include a lack of shelters, lack of legislation dealing with family violence and detailing punishments for offenders, and lack of trained medical staff for treating cases of sexual abuse. At the same time, child abuse is increasingly meeting with social intolerance. Other proposed solutions for addressing child abuse include having the Ministry of Social Affairs work more extensively with family courts and train judges to specialize in family issues. Compilation of statistics and a centralized database on domestic violence has been recommended, although social resistance to state interference in private family matters is expected to continue (Shalhoub 2006a). Parents are being cautioned against physical abuse, mistreatment of children, misuse of the trust their children give them, and negative methods of discipline (Shalhoub 2006b). Other recommendations include having courts and human rights organizations work together to construct rules and regulations protecting
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children living with a stepparent, appointment of a committee to visit children living with a stepparent and to which regular reports about the health, status, and emotional and physical well-being of the child are provided, and expanding investigation of reports of abuse with guardianship being denied while under investigation (Al-Hujailan 2006a). The Shura Council has been pressed to introduce legislation making beating children a punishable crime. Schools are also being pressured to make children, particularly girls, aware of their rights and to teach them to recognize and report abuse and harassment. Public shaming of the abusive parent has been recommended as a method for discouraging abuse because of the dishonor it would bring to the family (H. Al-Qahtani 2006). Because sexual relationships outside of marriage are punishable by law in Saudi Arabia, the existence of sexual abuse and child rape has typically been considered a family matter and kept hidden. Sixty percent of sexual assault victims are minors. One-third are assaulted by family members (Fareed 2006). Reports of sexual abuse of children by family members, particularly daughters being abused by fathers, have increased since 2002. It is not clear whether the number of cases is increasing or if they are simply being increasingly reported. Prosecution can be difficult if injuries heal prior to medical examination, even in cases where other evidence exists. Photographic evidence of sexual abuse is now being used to bolster cases (Qusti 2006). Sexual abuse and rape are often thought of as crimes against women. However, the most targeted age group for sexual abuse and child rape in Saudi Arabia is boys between the ages of 6 and 12, particularly where the molester is unknown to the child. Boys in this age group appear to be the easiest to access because they are often sent on errands by their parents or to play with other boys of a similar age, making them vulnerable to encounters with strangers and abduction (M. Al-Zahrani 2006). Child victims are often too frightened to tell anyone what happened and experience emotional devastation and scarring for life, sometimes turning into perpetrators of similar abuses against other children. In some cases, the children do not return home because they are so traumatized. In the worst-case scenarios, the children are killed in the process of being molested. Public outrage over these crimes has particularly focused on the leniency of the penal system, which assigns a short prison sentence or a few lashes to the perpetrator, who is then released, often repeating the crime. Harsher sentences are being called for, including the possibility of execution or amputation of limbs, as a deterrent. At present, there is no attempted rehabilitation of sex offenders (M. Al-Zahrani 2006). The National Family Safety Program and the Ministry of Social Affairs are working to train medical professionals to recognize, treat, prevent, and intervene in cases of physical, mental, and sexual abuse of children. Medical staff are also being taught to train parents to deal with crying
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babies and angry toddlers so as to avoid ‘‘shaken baby syndrome’’ and to promote alternatives to corporal punishment (Qusti 2006).
GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The outlook for the twenty-first century is mixed for the children of Saudi Arabia. Significant progress was made during the twentieth century toward universal literacy, public education, access to health care, establishment of rights, protection under the law against exploitation and abuse, and expanded rights and opportunities for girls, including working outside the home, all of which were targeted by the 2000 United Nations Millennium Goals. Yet, significant challenges remain, including maintaining health, nutrition, and wellbeing; sponsoring recreational facilities and public play spaces for both girls and boys; developing a comprehensive program to prevent, identify, and treat child abuse; and in recognizing gender equality. Programs to create public awareness are an important first step but require expansion. Increased attention to environmental issues, particularly pollution, is also needed. The greatest future challenges for the Kingdom lie in the economic arena as the past model of the welfare state providing services and care for its citizens from birth to death is no longer feasible under the twin pressures of population growth and a shrinking public sector. The initial government investment in human development was critical in the early periods of modernization and development. More targeted government investment is required for the future, focusing on education and health care, while the private sector will need to expand to accommodate the growing demand for jobs and consumer products. The combination of population explosion, rapid modernization and development, and massive government investment and expenditure on the population has led to feelings of marginalization, loss of self-esteem, and lack of purpose among youth who were raised with expectations of government provisions and standards of living that are no longer financially sustainable. As the job market becomes increasingly competitive and jobs are either unavailable or fail to meet expectation levels, depression, rebellion, and feelings of alienation have increased, sometimes leading discouraged youth to turn to politicized interpretations of religion that claim to have the answers to the problems encountered in contemporary society. The ultimate outcome of the Kingdom’s struggle against militant extremism will depend in large part on its ability to create meaningful, fulfilling, and sustainable jobs as a constructive alternative to extremism.
NOTES 1. The median age for males is 22.9 years. The median age for females is 19.4 years.
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2. Examples of conferences and competitions can be found in: Maha Akeel. ‘‘Innovation, Creativity Celebrated at Conference.’’ Arab News, August 29, 2006; Maha Sami Aboulola. ‘‘Braille Mobile, Alarm for the Deaf.’’ The Saudi Gazette, August 31, 2006; Abdullah Al-Hariri. ‘‘Ingenuities Galore.’’ The Saudi Gazette, August 30, 2006; Raid Qusti. ‘‘Conference Suggests Steps to Spot the Gifted.’’ Arab News, August 31, 2006; Abdullah Al-Hariri. ‘‘Scientific Studies on Nurturing Talent.’’ The Saudi Gazette, August 29, 2006; Maha Akeel. ‘‘Gifted Kids Conference Kicks Off.’’ Arab News, August 27, 2006; and Zahra Ali Asiri and Maha Sami Aboulola. ‘‘Competing Against the World.’’ The Saudi Gazette, August 30, 2006. 3. In 2006, there were 4.5 million mainline telephones and 13.3 million cell phones in use, in addition to 10,931 Internet hosts and 3.2 million Internet users (CIA World Fact Book, https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/ sa.html). 4. For example, there were about 240,000 Palestinian refugees living in the Kingdom in 2006 (CIA World Fact Book, https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/ factbook/geos/sa.html). 5. ‘‘Abusive Father Defies Court Ruling on Children’s Custody,’’ Arab News, December 15, 2006. Women are only required to give something back to the husband if they initiate the divorce (khul’). If the man initiates divorce, not only does the wife legally retain her dower, but the husband is also required to provide maintenance for her until her waiting period is over. See John L. Esposito with Natana J. DeLong-Bas. Women in Muslim Family Law, revised ed. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press; 2000. Contemporary reality, however, reflects many women giving up their dower in exchange for the husband’s agreement to the divorce. Many question how ‘‘fair’’ this is in a case where abuse is occurring. 6. Descriptions of juvenile center programs are drawn largely from Saeed AlAbyad. ‘‘Helping Troubled Kids Integrate,’’ Arab News, October 11, 2006. 7. Muhammad Abdo Yamani. Teach Your Children The Love of God’s Messenger. Jeddah: al-Sharika al-Sandia lil-Abhath wa-al-Taswiq; 1991, cited in Children in the Muslim Middle East, edited by Elizabeth Warnock Fernea, 119–122. Austin: University of Texas Press; 1995. 8. ‘‘Why Stepparents Hate the Children of Their Spouses,’’ Arab News, August 5, 2006. Also reported in Khaleej Times: Habib Shaikh. ‘‘Ill-treatment by stepparents raises concern,’’ Khaleej Times, September 11, 2006.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings DeLong-Bas, Natana J. Notable Muslims: Muslim Builders of World Civilization and Culture. Oxford: OneWorld Press; 2006. ———. Wahhabi Islam: From Revival and Reform to Global Jihad. New York: Oxford University Press; 2004. Doumato, Eleanor Abdella, and Gregory Starrett, eds. Teaching Islam: Textbooks and Religion in the Middle East. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers; 2007. Fernea, Elizabeth Warnock, ed. Children in the Muslim Middle East. Austin: University of Texas Press; 1995. Joseph, Suad, ed. Intimate Selving in Arab Families: Gender, Self, and Identity. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press; 1999.
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Long, David E. Culture and Customs of Saudi Arabia. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press; 2005.
Web Sites Disabled Children’s Association, http://www.dca.org.sa. Prince Salman Center for Disability Research, http://www.pscdr.org.sa. Supreme Commission for Tourism, http://www.sct.gove.sa.
Selected Bibliography Abbas, Zainy. ‘‘Truth Behind the Child Beggar.’’ Arab News, September 10, 2006. Abdullah, Sarah. ‘‘Kids’ Vinyl Lunchboxes Could Contain Poisonous Lead.’’ Arab News, September 1, 2006a. ———. ‘‘Children Invest Eid Money in Humanity.’’ Arab News, October 26, 2006b. Abu Khaled, Anwar. ‘‘Learn to Respect the Rights of Others.’’ Arab News, November 7, 2006. Akeel, Maha. ‘‘Education: Still Too Little Too Late,’’ Arab News, January 7, 2007. Alireza, Mariam. ‘‘Healing From Autism: Is It Possible?’’ Arab News, November 22, 2006. Al-Abyad, Saeed. ‘‘Workshops Violate Children’s Rights.’’ Arab News, November 29, 2006a. ———. ‘‘Helping Troubled Kids Integrate,’’ Arab News, October 11, 2006b. Al-Ebraheem, Hassan. ‘‘Children in the Arab Gulf States: Some Important and Urgent Issues,’’ in Children in the Muslim Middle East, edited by Elizabeth Warnock Fernea. Austin: University of Texas Press; 1995. Al-Hujailan, Maha. ‘‘Protecting Children When They Live Away From Their Parents.’’ Arab News, December 22, 2006a. ———. ‘‘Is Bringing Up Kids Only the Mother’s Responsibility?’’ Arab News, December 1, 2006b. Al-Khayyal, Abdul Malik. ‘‘Educating Ourselves to a New Way.’’ Arab News, January 10, 2007. Al-Manie, Aziza. ‘‘Finding a Student Voice.’’ Arab News, December 20, 2006. Al-Manie, Haya. ‘‘Education and Our Expectations.’’ Arab News, January 5, 2007. Al-Qahtani, Abdul Rahman. ‘‘The Hamster Wheel of Virtual Violence.’’ Arab News, November 28, 2006. Al-Qahtani, Hala. ‘‘Violence Against Children.’’ Arab News, October 31, 2006. Al-Zahrani, Ali. ‘‘More Time for PE Classes Urged.’’ Arab News, December 1, 2006. Al-Zahrani, Ali, and Raid Qusti. ‘‘‘Teaching During Ramadan Is Tough.’’’ Arab News, October 4, 2006. Al-Zahrani, Modi. ‘‘Save Our Kids From Perverts.’’ Arab News, December 3, 2006. Anonymous. ‘‘Only 8 percent of Saudi Kids Attend Kindergarten.’’ Arab News, January 26, 2007a. Anonymous. ‘‘The Child Slaves of Saudi Arabia.’’ BBCNews, March 29, 2007b.
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Anonymous. ‘‘Rashad Preparing for TV Channel Launch.’’ Arab News, January 10, 2007c. Anonymous. ‘‘How Young Is Too Young to Enter the Mobile Culture?’’ Arab News, September 30, 2006a. Anonymous. ‘‘Youth and Time Management in Summer.’’ Arab News, August 16, 2006b. Anonymous. ‘‘Single-Parent Children Are Victims, Not Criminals, Psychologists Say.’’ Arab News, December 2, 2006c. Anonymous. ‘‘Campaign to Get Saudis Better Smiles.’’ Arab News, August 5, 2006d. Anonymous. ‘‘Abusive Father Defies Court Ruling on Children’s Custody.’’ Arab News, December 15, 2006e. Bellamy, Carol. The State of the World’s Children 2004: Girls, Education and Development. New York: United Nations Children’s Fund; 2003. Bird, Jerine B. ‘‘Revolution for Children in Saudi Arabia,’’ in Children in the Muslim Middle East, edited by Elizabeth Warnock Fernea. Austin: University of Texas Press; 1995. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). World Factbook. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/geos/sa.html. DeLong-Bas, Natana J. Notable Muslims: Muslim Builders of World Civilization and Culture. Oxford: OneWorld Press; 2006. ———. Wahhabi Islam: From Revival and Reform to Global Jihad. New York: Oxford University Press; 2004. Diyab, Muhammad. ‘‘Judge with a Golden Heart.’’ Arab News, January 11, 2007. Doumato, Eleanor Abdella. ‘‘Saudi Arabia: From ‘Wahhabi’ Roots to Contemporary Revisionism,’’ in Teaching Islam: Textbooks and Religion in the Middle East, edited by Eleanor Abdella Doumato and Gregory Starrett. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers; 2007. Doumato, Eleanor Abdella, and Gregory Starrett, eds. Teaching Islam: Textbooks and Religion in the Middle East. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers; 2007. Esposito, John L., with Natana J. DeLong-Bas. Women in Muslim Family Law, revised ed. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press; 2000. Fareed, Saleh. ‘‘Minors Most Likely Victims of Sexual Abuse, Studies Show.’’ Arab News, December 19, 2006. Fernea, Elizabeth Warnock. ‘‘Children in the Muslim Middle East,’’ in Children in the Muslim Middle East, ed. Elizabeth Warnock Fernea. Austin: University of Texas Press; 1995. ———, ed. Children in the Muslim Middle East. Austin: University of Texas Press; 1995. Ghafour, P. K. Abdul. ‘‘SR10 billion Allocated for Scholarships.’’ Arab News, January 11, 2007. ———. ‘‘Drug Combating Program Targets Women and Youth.’’ Arab News, October 18, 2006. Hassan, Javid. ‘‘Kids in Kingdom Watch Television 70 Hours a Week.’’ Arab News, December 3, 2006. Hassan, Javid, and Ali Al-Zahrani. ‘‘Nutritionists Alarmed Over Growing Cases of Obesity.’’ Arab News, July 5, 2006. Joseph, Suad, ed. Intimate Selving in Arab Families: Gender, Self, and Identity. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press; 1999. Kurdi, Iman. ‘‘Curbing Pester Power.’’ Arab News, November 27, 2006.
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Lakkdawala, Arjuwan. ‘‘No Follow Through Leaves Door Open for More Beatings.’’ The Saudi Gazette, September 21, 2006. Long, David E. Culture and Customs of Saudi Arabia. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2005. Mishkhas, Abeer. ‘‘Saudi Children and TV: Questions Raised by a Survey.’’ Arab News, August 24, 2006. Murad, Mohammad. ‘‘Seminar Moots TV Channel for Disabled.’’ Arab News, January 9, 2007. Qusti, Raid. ‘‘ Number of Kids Smuggled From Yemen Falls. ’’ Arab News, January 11, 2007. ———. ‘‘ ‘Child Abuse Is a Major Problem,’ Says Expert.’’ Arab News, November 1, 2006. Ramkumar, K. S. ‘‘Milk Day Observed as Part of Healthy Food Program.’’ Arab News, October 4, 2006a. ———. ‘‘Oral Care Program to Cover 250,000 First Graders.’’ Arab News, September 21, 2006b. Rasooldeen, Mohammed. ‘‘Milk Campaign Triggers Flood of Phone Queries.’’ Arab News, January 25, 2007. ———. ‘‘Care of Nonfasting Kids a Must: Doctor.’’ Arab News, October 4, 2006. Shaikh, Habib. ‘‘Saudi Ministry to Launch New Schoolwork System.’’ Khaleej Times, January 10, 2007. ———. ‘‘Saudi Youths Have to Fight It Out for a College Seat.’’ Khaleej Times, September 12, 2006. Shalhoub, Lulwa. ‘‘Where Disabled Students Challenge Difficulties.’’ Arab News, January 10, 2007a. ———. ‘‘Oud Can Cause Respiratory Ailments.’’ Arab News, January 24, 2007b. ———. ‘‘Children’s Rights and Health Issues Come Under Focus.’’ Arab News, November 24, 2006a. ———. ‘‘Awareness Campaign to Address Parenting Worries.’’ Arab News, November 7, 2006b. Shalhoub, Lulwa, and Razan Baker. ‘‘Give Children What Is Due: Experts.’’ Arab News, November 20, 2006. Starrett, Gregory, and Eleanor Abdella Doumato. ‘‘Textbook Islam, Nation Building, and the Question of Violence,’’ in Teaching Islam: Textbooks and Religion in the Middle East, edited by Eleanor Abdella Doumato and Gregory Starrett. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers; 2007. Yamani, Muhammad Abdo. Teach Your Children The Love of God’s Messenger. Jeddah: al-Sharika al-Sandia lil-Abhath wa-al-Taswiq; 1991.
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SYRIA Naji Abi-Hashem NATIONAL PROFILE The country of Syria is located in southwest Asia in the heart of the Middle East. It is surrounded by Turkey to the north, Iraq to the east, Jordan to the south, and Lebanon and the Mediterranean Sea to the west. Syria shares a small border with Israel in the southwest region, mainly the Golan Heights. The Mediterranean coastal shores and plains are backed by hills and a low range of mountains, followed by a vast interior desert plateau. The majority of Syrian people live near the coastal area (about 200 kilometers of coastline) or in the interior near the Euphrates River, which is the source of life in the vast desert. Syria has an area of 71,500 square miles, equivalent to 185,180 square kilometers, divided into 14 provinces. Damascus is the capital and the largest city in the country. Throughout history, Damascus was famous for its trade, culture, intellect, and religions. It was built on an oasis and is said to be the oldest continuously inhabited settlement in the world. The nation of Syria is
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known as The Syrian Arab Republic or The Arab Republic of Syria. The official name in Arabic is the ‘‘Al-Jumhuriyah al-’Arabiyah as-Suriyah.’’ Each of the three major geographical areas of the country, the coast, the mountains, and the plains, has a unique climate and character and therefore shapes the temperament, habits, mentality, and subculture of its dwellers. The main river in Syria is the Euphrates. In rural areas, there are small minorities known as nomadic and semi-nomadic herders. Most of the peasants live in villages and work on their farms year-round. Women and children share in the soft labor as well. Although the government has improved the living conditions in the countryside by building roads, local schools, electricity lines, and healthcare clinics, it has not totally eliminated the landlessness, poverty, or lawlessness of many areas. The country has a population of approximately 19 million with a growth rate of 2.3 percent as estimated in 2006. Syria is home to many diverse ethnic, sociocultural, and religious groups. These groups include Kurds, Armenians, Assyrians, Alawites, Sunnis, Shiites, Arab Christians, and Druze. Children younger than 14 years of age account for almost 40 percent of the total population. In mid-2004, adolescents between the ages of 15 and 19 accounted for almost 13 percent of the total population. Thus, a large segment of society in Syria is fairly young, which is true in many countries in the Arab Middle East, where almost half of the population is younger than 18 years of age, whereas in most European countries they are only 20 percent. The vast majority of Syrians are Arabs, although about 9 percent are Kurds living mostly in the northeast corner of Syria. Almost 90 percent are Arab Muslims in a broader sense. Kurds, Armenians, and other minorities account for the other 10 percent. The Alawite minority is politically dominant, although it accounts for only 12 percent of the total population. Alawites have controlled the Ba’ath Party (meaning rebirth or renaissance) and have ruled the country of Syria since 1963. The capital, Damascus, and its vicinities hosts approximately 3 million people. The other major cities in Syria are Aleppo (2.5 million), Homs (750,000), Latakia (400,000), and Hama (380,000). The official language in Syria is Arabic. However, Kurdish, Armenian, Aramaic, and Circassian are used among various ethnic minorities. French and English are also understood in cities and urban settings and are used for business, communication, and some fields of education. The literacy rate in the country is about 77 percent (male 85 percent and female 73 percent). There are variations of lifestyles and mentalities in Syria today with significant differences among its many regions. For centuries, life among the villages and tribes has been tranquil, communal, and devoted to the welfare of the family and the interests of the community. Basic living normally focused on matters of work, housing, clothing, dieting, and leisure. Life was characterized by a sense of contentment and great simplicity. But today, with the majority of high-class and elite power dwelling in large
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cities, the pattern of life has adopted more of a Western style and a combination of Eastern and Western flavors (Abi-Hashem 2003). Syria is a republic that operates under a strict political regime of one party. A vast authority is given to the hands of the president, who usually forms a special counsel to work closely with him. The council consists of selected ministers, security advisers, and senior members of the ruling Ba’ath Party. Together, they make all the key decisions regarding foreign policy, national security, military expansion, internal laws, and major socioeconomic issues. Currently, Bashar al-Assad is the president of the republic. He was elected and confirmed by a referendum in July 2000 to rule for seven years (usually unopposed), and recently, on June 20, he was re-elected and confirmed to rule for another seven years. The president in Syria appoints the prime minister, the vice president, the deputy prime minister, and the cabinet (or council of ministers). He is also considered the commander in chief and the secretary general of the ruling Ba’ath Party. The party leaders, whose primacy is mandated by the Constitution, can influence all three branches of the government. The Parliament may not separately initiate major laws but only assess or modify those laws proposed by the executive branch. The Constitution does provide for an independent judiciary system; however, the security courts are frequently subject to political influence. Sociopolitical connections and favoritism sometimes influence the verdicts in regular courts (U.S. Department of State 2004). ‘‘The powerful role of the security services, which extends beyond strictly security matters, is due to the state of emergency, which has been in place since 1963. The Government justifies ongoing martial law because of its state of war with Israel and past threats from terrorist groups . . . the Ministry of Interior controls general security, KEY FACTS – SYRIA state security, and political secuPopulation: 19,314,747 (July 2007 est.) rity. The branches of the security Infant mortality rate: 27.7 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) services operated independently Life expectancy at birth: 70.61 years (2007 est.) of each other and outside the Literacy rate: 79.6 percent (2004 est.) legal system’’ (U.S. Department Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 95 percent (2000– of State 2004, sec. 2). 2005 est.) Internet users: 1.1 million (2005) The condition of children in People living with HIV/AIDS: less than 500 (2003 est.) Syrian cities and urban areas is Human Poverty Index (HP-1) rank: 29 better known and documented Sources: CIA World Factbook: Syria. https://www.cia.gov/library/ than that of those dwelling in publications/the-world-factbook/geos/sy.html. June 18, 2007; rural, agricultural, or traditional UNICEF. At a Glance: Syrian Arab Republic–Statistics. http:// areas. Besides the majority of www.unicef.org/infobycountry/syria_statistics.html. June 18, national children everywhere, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Syrian Arab Republic. http:// there are a significant number of hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/ non-Syrian children in the councty_ds_SYR.html. June 18, 2007. try as well. They are the children
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of minorities, expatriates, refugees, and foreign workers/laborers. Most recently are the Iraqi children and teenagers who, along with their parents and neighbors (or at times alone), are crossing the border into Syria and other countries, escaping the sociopolitical turmoil, war threats, and extreme violence, leaving behind everything they know and owned and finding themselves dependent in a totally strange land. Their number, age, background, needs, or conditions are not well known at this point. There is an estimate of 1 million refugees, from all Iraqi regions, who fled into Syria so far, and the number is increasing by the week. Children who are poor, displaced, refugees, or separated from their families and homes (e.g., Kurdish, Palestinians, and Iraqis), are more likely to be marginalized and subjected to hard work or labor, mistreatment, and persecution. They face huge mental, emotional, and physical challenges and a clearly uncertain future. Lack of legal status, healthcare coverage, opportunity to pursue education, and psychological stability contribute to cumulative effects of social stress, severe anxiety, and emotional deprivation (Macleod 2006). OVERVIEW The land of Syria is ancient with rich heritage. Many civilizations have passed through and left deep marks on its geography and culture. Since the breakup of the Ottoman Empire during World War One, France administered Syria until its independence in 1946. During its first decades, the country suffered from political instability and therefore experienced a series of military coups. In February 1958, Syria joined with Egypt to form one entity called the United Arab Republic. However, it did not last long as they soon separated, in September 1961, and the Syrian Arab Republic was re-established. President Hafez El-Assad, a member of the Socialist Ba’ath Party and the minority Alawite sect, seized power in November 1970 in a bloodless coup. He ruled with iron fist and brought social and political stability to the country. When the 1967 War between Israel and its neighbors broke out, Syria lost part of its land called the Golan Heights. Although Syria remained technically in a state of war with Israel, the two countries held occasional peace talks in the hope of settling their differences, ending their animosity, and establishing tranquility and normal relations (CIA The World Factbook 2007). The Syrian Arab Republic has achieved considerable progress in social development and in providing basic services and health care. Infant mortality rates have declined. High immunization coverage helped the country to be certified as polio-free, with no cases reported since 1995. Primary education is compulsory and the net enrollment rates are high, 98 percent for girls and 99 percent for boys respectively. However, progress has been uneven in the countryside and other geographic disparities do persist.
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Regarding agriculture, there are only about 13,330 square kilometers of irrigated land as reported in 2003. The Syrian agriculture produces wheat, barley, cotton, lentils, chickpeas, olives, sugar beets, beef, mutton, eggs, poultry, and milk. The industry consists mainly of petroleum, textiles, food processing, beverages, tobacco, and phosphate rock mining. Syrian natural resources are phosphates, petroleum, chrome and manganese ores, asphalt, iron ore, rock salt, marble, gypsum, and hydropower. Syrian economy is based on commerce, agriculture, oil production, and general services. Tourism also plays a major factor in its annual income. In 2005, Syria earned about US$6.344 billion from its exports of crude oil, petroleum products, fruits and vegetables, cotton fiber, clothing, wheat, meat, and live animals. In terms of imports, Syria paid about similar amount (US$6 billion) for the following materials and goods: machinery and transport equipments, electric power machinery, food and livestock, metal and metal products, chemicals and chemical products, plastics, yarn, and paper. Syrian economy grew by an estimate of 3 percent with an inflation rate of 8 percent in 2006. The gross domestic product, purchasing power parity, was about US$77 billion and the gross domestic product per capita was around US$4,000. There are about 92 airports of all sizes in the country, two major seaports, about 95,000 kilometers of roadways, and about 3,000 kilometers of railways. The labor force in Syria is about 5.5 million people: 14 percent in industry, 26 percent in agriculture, and 60 percent in services (2003 est.). The gross net income per capita was US$1,380 in 2005. Currently, the Syrian pound (SYP) is equivalent to US$0.52. The unemployment rate in 2005 was 12.5 percent compared with 20 percent in 2002. However, there are conflicting reports about the real causes and the percentage of unemployment in Syria. According to Seelye (2005), ‘‘. . . a more open, politically pluralistic government will be more in tune with the changing nature of the world and will be in a better position to offer its citizens better economic and social opportunities. Right now, unemployment in Syria is conservatively put at 25 percent. Most young Syrians want to leave because there are so few opportunities. That’s the fault of a state-controlled economy, run by an out-of-touch, authoritarian regime’’ (sec. 13). The public debt in 2006 was 38 percent of the gross domestic product. The percent of the population that is below the poverty line was 12 percent as reported in 2005. A variety of factors hinder economic growth in the country, including a complex bureaucracy, a dominant role of the state in the economy, security concerns, significant corruption, a lack of modern financial services and communications, currency restrictions, and a weak legal system. Economic growth was estimated at less than 2.5 percent in 2005–2006. In general, the Syrian people are a very friendly and hospitable. They always welcome newcomers and foreigners into their homes. They try to
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make their guests feel comfortable and readily serve food and drinks and offer entertainment when possible, like show them around. Pleasing the guest is part of the old Middle Eastern value of hospitality. EDUCATION Schooling in Syria is compulsory and free for all children 8 years of age and older. Most children attend public schools, which are managed and funded by the government. There are also private schools in the country, mostly expensive, but offering higher academic standards. They are administered by locals and foreigners and are funded partly by tuition and partly by grants from outside mission agencies. Mainly, all basic textbooks in public schools are distributed free to enrolled students and the Ministry of Education controls the curriculum of all institutions. Education in Syria is divided into several phases: 6 years of compulsory primary education, 3 years of lower secondary education, and 3 years of upper secondary education. The latter years serve as preparation for either university entrance examination or technical-vocational training. Special attention is given to the technical stream of education. Young women are especially encouraged to enroll in the technical-vocational track and pursue such career specialties. Syria has four major universities located in Damascus, Aleppo, Latakia, and Homs. The largest and oldest is the University of Damascus founded in 1923 with current enrollment of more than 60,000 (Abi-Hashem 2003). The school program starts with a primary course of education. After its completion, students may obtain the official elementary school certificate. In 1997, there were 2,690,205 primary school students enrolled in 10,783 schools with 114,689 active teachers (student:teacher ratio was 23:1). At the secondary level, there were 957,664 students and 64,661 teachers. In 1999, the percentage of all primary-school-age children enrolled in schools was 92 percent, whereas 38 percent of those eligible attended the secondary level of education. In 2000, the adult illiteracy rates were estimated at 25.6 percent (males 11.7 percent; females 39.6 percent), (Encyclopedia of the Nations). In recent years, education has expanded tremendously in scope and scale. However, government plans to meet the needs of the growing population are slow and falling behind. Students in Syria, like in most Middle countries, are being taught to set desirable goals as well as to adopt a sense of duty toward serving their country and its national development. There is also considerable variation in school enrollment according to the region and place of residence as well as in the educational level and social achievements of the parents. Educational levels have improved over the years both in urban and rural areas, but the gap between the populations living in those areas is still noticeable. Illiteracy among those ages 15 and older is two times more
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prevalent in Syria’s rural districts than in cities and large towns. The vast majority of children in Syria appear to finish the compulsory elementary phase. Only 6.5 percent of children ages 10 or 11 years old have left school all together. Some children never started school in the first place. There are more boys than girls enrolled in the elementary and preparatory stages but, after age 15, the enrollment rate for girls and young women mostly match that of boys and young men. More than 400,000 children ages 10 to 14 are out of school, and close to 1.2 million Syrian children ages 10 to 17 are not enrolled at any program. Among the reasons for that lack of enrollment, or for drop out, are distance to a local school, poor parents, lack of interest in learning, and a need to work partor full-time to help the family (Tiltnes et al. 2002). Although substantial progress has been made to ensure the development of children, mainly through free and compulsory schooling, there are still some areas of concern that need a lot of attention and improvement, including the quality of education, an integrated Early Childhood Development, and school dropouts, especially among girls. The United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization is cautioning that Syria may be one of fifty-seven countries in the world that is not achieving the goals of providing adequate and sufficient education to all its children by the year 2015. ‘‘In education, UNICEF [United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund] advocacy led to official recognition of the problem of girl drop-outs as a priority concern. Support to the Ministry of Education in improving the quality of basic education through the Global Education Initiative (GEI) prompted the adoption of this initiative for implementation in all of the country’s 12,000 primary schools over the coming 10 years. Not all experiences, however, were positive: the project for vocational training of girls and women did not address the more basic problem of drop-outs and covered only a limited number of girls. . . . An initiative for encouraging girl drop-outs to resume their schooling prompted the Ministry of Education to pilot a ‘second chance’ learning project in the northern governorates’’ (UNICEF—At a Glance, sec. 4). The Ministry of Education along with the Women’s General Federation occasionally hold vocational training courses for the staff and supervisors of the Day Nurseries and Kindergartens to help them better listen to children, discover their talents, respect their views, and coach them through a pedagogic method far removed from repression or coercion. The program is designed to enhance the children’s abilities, make them feel safe, and empower their development (Convention on the Rights of the Child [CRC] United Nations 1996). Moreover, the Ministry of Interior Affairs is creating a specific police department for children across the country to follow up on crimes against children and help protect their welfare. New practical measures coincided with awareness campaigns in Damascus on opposing violence against children. Last June, the SCFA
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along with the nongovernmental organization (NGO) Rainbow organized an event to mark World Child Day in which they called upon schools and families to protect children put an end to aggression and violence against them (Syria Today 2007). The Syrian Constitution clearly indicates that every citizen (young or old) has the right to express his or her opinion freely and openly by word of mouth, in writing, or through any other medium of expression. Thus, and at least theoretically, children can exercise their right to express their views at home with their family, at school with their teachers, through school magazines and special training, recreational, educational, and information programs, and through their various associations and groups. Tala’i al-Ba’ath (Ba’ath Vanguard) organization and the Shabibat al-Thawra (Revolutionary Youth) federation are major movements inspired by the government ruling party for children and teenagers. ‘‘All State institutions pay special attention to the views, creative achievements and inventions of children, for whom exhibitions are also organized. Moreover, the official audiovisual information media show concern for the views of children by publishing and broadcasting their stories, articles and poems. In fact, children can exercise the right to express their views by word of mouth, in writing or graphically’’ (CRC United Nations 1996, under ‘‘Respect for the Views of the Child’’). There are about 45 television stations, about 20 radio stations, and about 66 Internet hosts in the country. Many have educational and entertainment programs geared toward each age group, from preschoolers to late adolescents. Also, experts on marriage, family, and child issues appear regularly to discuss matters related to the welfare of the family providing awareness, education, and some prevention against conflicts or social problems facing Syrian homes and communities alike. PLAY AND RECREATION Children are important to the Syrian government; thus, it has made tireless efforts over the past decade to create a climate conducive to their welfare and happiness. The state mobilized its limited resources and financial means to implement social and developmental programs. The government has facilitated the participation of NGOs, like the private sector and other local community groups and institutions, in many new projects designed to improve the basic social, educational, recreational, and leisure facilities for children. When the weather permits, many Syrians like driving to a mountain resort for the day, eating out at a countryside restaurant by the water, or having a family picnic outdoors. Strolling along main boulevards or walking on the tiny market alleys are very common habits for all ages. Young people usually go out in groups, frequently wearing their best clothes, as they stroll together for the evening. On mild evenings, city parks are
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usually full of children playing and adults congregating around food and smoking a shared water pipe called nargilee. These activities are especially popular on Thursday night, before Friday, which is a formal holiday in Syria and the beginning of the regular weekend. Rural and nomadic children mostly inherit their traditional games or plays and invent their own very simple and yet creative toys. They play in nature, in wide-open spaces, whether in the desert or along the seashore. In addition, there are many popular mixed games to play and enjoy, outdoors or indoors, for both girls and boys of all ages. In cities and urban locations, besides regular parks and facilities, there are modern playgrounds, certain theme parks, health clubs, and hotel resorts that attract the children of the middle- and upper-class families, including foreigners and professional expatriates, who can afford more expensive recreation for their children. The Ministry of Education encourages children and students to take advantage of their leisure time by engaging in mutually complementary intramural and extramural academic and nonacademic activities and provides them with the technical and material means to achieve those goals. For example, ‘‘the role of the Tala’i organization begins with children aged six years and above and complements their formal educational activity. The organization’s aim is to promote the psychological, intellectual, physical and social development of children and achieve a balance between the theoretical programs and their practical applications’’ (CRC United Nations 1996, under ‘‘Leisure, Recreation and Cultural Activities’’). These activities and places, organized by the Ministry of Culture following the motto ‘‘culture for all and in the service of all,’’ include fields, libraries, clubs, parks, training centers, sports facilities, and theaters. Children and youth are encouraged to play sports, be creative in their leisure time, and participate in various cultural activities provided by the city or province. Soccer is the most popular form of sport in Syria. Children often play games on safe streets. Men usually attend games at a local stadium while it is simultaneously shown live on television. Women have been gradually allowed to participate in outdoor sports events. Today, more young women are playing sports and taking part in competitions. ‘‘Ghada Shouaa, a Syrian female athlete, won the gold medal at the Atlanta Olympics in 1996 for the heptathlon, a seven-event competition. The victory caused a major celebration in the whole country at that time and served as a great aspiration to the younger generation of Syrian women’’ (Abi-Hashem 2003, 365). CHILD LABOR During the last few years, the government of Syria has launched a series of campaigns to control child labor and ensure greater protection for children. Several new laws were introduced, such as raising the age of compulsory education and the minimum working age to 15 years. Civil
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organizations and society groups tried to improve awareness of this persistent problem. But with the absence of accurate records and documentations these efforts have little impact. According to Syria Today (2007), there are no specific statistics or hard studies on the nature of child labor in the country. Both the government and social organizations indicate that poverty and violence are the two main reasons why children drop out of schools and turn to cheap labor or to the uncertain life on the streets. ‘‘There are approximately 200,000 working children aged 10 to 14 and 420,000 working children aged 15 to 17, in a population of 16 million. . . . More boys than girls are economically active overall. However, in rural districts as many girls as boys are employed. . . . The vast majority of child workers have dropped out of school; they work long hours as adults do; and children receive very low payment, or nothing at all (50 percent) . . . about 360,000 children, mostly girls, aged 10 to 17 have left school and have care taking and housework as their main activity’’ (Child Labor and Development 2003, sec. 2–3). In the Syria, child labor is not a clear matter or a black-and-white issue. It can be considered a normal social activity when the child or teenager works in the family business or agricultural field. It can also be considered as abnormal or abusive when the child is forced to perform unreasonable duties, mistreated, exploited, or underpaid. ‘‘In the past, child labor was a semi-respectable part of child’s education. Children were encouraged to learn skills from their parents early on that would allow them to eventually work in the family business. But over the years as social, economic and educational circumstances have declined, child labor has become a dangerous and illegal profession’’ (Syria Today 2007, sec. 5). According to UNICEF, child labor refers to all working children younger than 12 years of age regardless of the performed activity. It also refers to those children 12 to 14 years of age engaged in harmful work and to all children involved in the worst forms of work, like being enslaved, forcibly recruited, illegally trafficked, dangerously exposed to hazardous situations, or sexually prostituted (IRIN 2005). Like in many developing or underdeveloped countries, a great number of Syrian children, whose childhood has been stolen by poverty and illiteracy, have to do some kind of hard work, ranging from rummaging through garbage dumps to more manual jobs, in order to survive (IRIN 2005). Some children search the litter around their cities and towns, looking for anything valuable to collect and later sell even for dimes and pennies, in support of their poor families or disabled parents. According to UNICEF, many Syrian children are actually involved in child labor. Statistics show that, between the years 1999 and 2003, about 8 percent of all Syrian children were engaged in serious work, with boys slightly more than girls. Another study done in 2005 by the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor, in conjunction with UNICEF, reported
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that ‘‘the poverty situation in Syria had been worsened by a general downward economic trend, pushing more children to enter the labor market. Male children, it added, were more likely to work than the females. . . . Many of the child laborers also went regularly to school. Primary education is compulsory in Syria and according to various surveys, net enrollment rates are high—up to 98 and 99 percent for girls and boys respectively. Progress has been uneven, however, and geographic disparities persist’’ (IRIN 2005, sec. 9, 10). In the countryside, nobody raises the concern about child labor or talks about children’s work as an unusual and illegal activity, because it is done under the assumption of helping the family to survive. That is a moral duty and a social expectation of children, especially when the extended family has lots of farm land or businesses to conduct and there are many children (and siblings) at home. The irony is that the parents see the little income brought by the child, even in return for long hours of hard work, as good money or as a profitable activity. Some teenagers work hazardous jobs, in factories or on large plantations, with little protection or supervision. These children are definitely exploited by employers who find them cheaper and more compliant than adult workers. Expert observers are afraid that a significant number of children are still working far away from the surveillance of the government. They are working in dangerous conditions and most probably are subject to a variety of mistreatment and abuse. The Labor Law in Syria allows child labor in some instances but clearly provides for the protection of children from mistreatment and exploitation in the workplace. The minimum age for normal employment is 15 years for all basic types of work and 18 years for all other types involving heavy duties. The working hours for youths of legal age are set at 6 hours per day. ‘‘Youths are not allowed to work during night shifts nor during the weekend or official holidays. In all cases, parental permission is required for children under the age of 16. The law prohibits children from working at night; however, the law applies only to children who work for a salary. Those who worked in family businesses and who technically were not paid a salary—a common phenomenon—did not fall under the law. Children under 15 are prohibited by law from working in mines, at petroleum sites, or in other dangerous fields. Children are not allowed to lift, carry, or drag heavy objects. The exploitation of children for begging purposes also is prohibited’’ (U.S. Department 2004, under ‘‘Worker Rights’’ sec. 4). Although the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs tries to monitor child labor regulations and violations in the country, it does not have enough inspectors to ensure compliance with all these laws. The Ministry has the authority to specify the industries in which children 15 and 16 years of age may work and to conduct unannounced checks; however, the scope and accuracy of these checks are still unknown and unpredictable.
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FAMILY The daily social life of most Syrian families is centered on work, house, neighbors, chores, market visits, and relatives. Usually, people live in close quarters or in tight communities, which provides a lot of social warmth and support yet little privacy and personal space. The way of life in the cities is markedly different from that of the countryside. There are also major differences between those children and adolescents with education or modern training and those with little education, traditional upbringing, or no formal education at all. Socializing, activities are the major forms of relaxation in Syria. People love to visit, eat, and talk. Socialization may involve the gathering of the whole family and relatives together or the separate gathering of men and women alone. Leisure time for women and their children often involves exchanging home visits, talking at length with other friends or family members, or going for a stroll in the neighborhood or market streets. Extended family and neighborhood children often study and do their homework together, thus creating an atmosphere of learning as they help each other at the same time. For many families, mealtimes are the most important social events. Festive meals are extensive all over Syria (and the Middle East), when family members, friends, and neighbors meet together to eat and leisurely chat for hours, enjoying abundance of food, drinks, and a variety of desserts, and a little later a strong Turkish coffee (Abi-Hashem 2003). A significant challenge currently facing many urban families is the acute shortage of housing. The average Syrian household size consists of about five members per family. The fast pace of change in the country from an agriculture- to industrial- and business-based society, the pursuit of education or job opportunities by young adults within the cities, and the increase in general population all are factors influencing the living condition in urban Syria. This shortage is forcing many low-income families, at times, to share the same residential units or quarters, even though they are not relatives, and make special arrangements on how to use each part of that facility or dwelling space. Family planning activities were intensified in Syria during the 1990s. Conferences were organized for discussion on population problems and promotion of sound family planning. In 2002, the authorities made a dramatic move to encourage fertility decline by limiting the allowances it used to pay for the number of children within each family. According to Winckler (1999), there is a connection between Syrian women’s fertility, family size, and their level of education. Urban girls and women tend to pursue more education and establish an early career for a few years before considering marriage. They tend to choose their husband more carefully rather than give in to social pressure, especially from relatives, to marry someone they strongly recommend or to enter marital life quite young. Postponing marriage means reducing reproductive years
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within the family system. Employment outside the home is attractive to city women and the more education they have the higher the status they accomplish and the more income they produce. ‘‘Since a large number of children generally acts as a hindrance to a woman’s career, the trend among career women is to have fewer children’’ (Winckler 1999, 35). These factors contribute to better decision-making process, marital and couple communication, awareness and working knowledge of contraceptives, lower infant mortality, and pursuit of individual hobbies and family interests. Government educational agencies are promoting a closer relationship between parents and a program that focuses on modes of cooperation within the family, the duties of parents and children, and the organization of family life. Legal principles require that children should live under the care of their parents until reaching the age of 18. They must not be involuntarily separated from each other except under serious circumstances provided for by law. The syrian civil and legal system has reservations concerning the right of adoption but permits filiation. Foster homes and guardian families are determined based on children’s need. They are also acceptable alternatives to the concept of adoption. Child abandonment and dereliction of family duties are offenses punishable by laws. The Social Welfare Department and the Child Welfare Department supervise the placement of children who are deprived of family care and those who are labeled as juvenile delinquents, trying to provide rehabilitations when possible (CRC United Nations 1996, under ‘‘Family Environment and Alternative Care’’). In addition to the various ethnic and religious groups in Syria, there is a significant Palestinian refugee community, with almost half of its population younger than 20 years of age. Most of these camps and residential communities are around Damascus. Besides the stress of bearing the stigma of being refugees in Syrian territory, Palestinian children, like adults, are struggling with an unknown future and an unclear right of return to homeland, the physical and psychosocial well-being of living in camps and tight communities, and the negative effect of constant exposure to poverty, marginalization, limited access to services, and overcrowding, both in their residences and in their neighborhoods (small alleys and tiny streets). The United Nations has been operating schools and educational programs for the Palestinian children around their camps and residential areas. According to Chatty and Hundt (2002), most refugees try to keep their traditional values and norms that carried their elders from their original villages as a way to preserve their identity and heritage. ‘‘The Palestinian refugee community in Syria is a young population with a large proportion of children compared to elderly and middle-aged . . . UNRWA (2000c) statistics showed that . . . the age group 1 to 15 represents nearly half of the population (46 percent) and more than 20 percent of this age group is below 6 years of age. The average number of children per family is between five and eight’’ (Chatty and Hundt 2002, 21).
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A report done by UNICEF (1999) reflected that 48 percent of Palestinian families in Syria live below poverty line, 15 percent live in unacceptable housing conditions, 24 percent of children play in unsafe places, and only 9 percent of young people have access to public parks, entertainment clubs, and recreational centers. UNRWA, Palestinian Red Crescent, and few NGOs run several health clinics and small hospitals, with many different schools spread around the Palestinian communities. Less than 8 percent attend the kindergartens (3 to 6 years of age). The dropout rate is low in elementary levels but increases to 15 percent in preparatory schools, and to 50 percent on the secondary levels. ‘‘The illiteracy rate is relatively high (20 percent) among people between the ages of 13 and 45. Vocational training for young people is limited (UNRWA 1999)’’ (Chatty and Hundt 2002, 22). HEALTH Syria has a broad and well-developed healthcare system in the cities, including state or private hospitals and relatively modern clinics. Also, there are many private outpatient centers and various health facilities spread around Syrian towns. However, the healthcare system in rural areas is very limited, with few services available. There are reports of tuberculosis and trachoma cases (among others), especially in the remote countryside and among the Bedouins and the poor. Infant mortality is equally high because of the spread of certain diseases, restricted diet, and distance from any nearby medical facility. For example, there are a lot of infant deliveries and unsupervised births that are still taking place outside medical facilities. As a result, many mothers face complications and many babies suffer congenital deformities. To correct those, there is a need to create a network of first-aid centers around the countryside, to which difficult deliveries can be rapidly transported. As of 2005, the life expectancy at birth, for the total Syrian population of almost 19 million, was 73 on average. The annual number of births as reported in 2005 was about 532,000, and the number of deaths of children younger than 5 years of age was 8,000. Thus, the under-5 mortality rate in 2005 was 15 in 1,000 compared with 39 in 1990. The neonatal mortality rate in 2000 was about 9 in 1,000, and the infant mortality rate in children younger than 1 year of age in 2005 was 14 in 1,000 (UNICEF–At a Glance). According to The World Factbook (CIA 2007), the median age of the Syrian population is 21 years. The fertility rate per woman is about 3.3 on average. However, urban and city families are significantly smaller than rural, nomadic, or traditional families, where fertility rates are higher resulting from a number of factors, including young marriage age, less education, economic need, traditional roles and values, and a desire to have plenty of workers for the farm lands. The majority of people in Syria (60 percent) are
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between 15 and 64 years of age. Those older than 65 years account for only 3.5 percent with a 4.75 death rate per each 1,000 people. According to UNICEF, ‘‘The High-Risk Areas (HRA) program plays a key role in improving health and social conditions in specific rural and peri-urban communities and in influencing national development policies through its pilot activities. For example, from 1996 to 1998, immunization coverage and school enrollment rates improved in some 40 villages. . . . Young women and adolescent girls have been mobilized to play the main role in establishing village health information systems, thus encouraging the Ministry to initiate such systems in selected districts to improve utilization of health services’’ (UNICEF–At a Glance, sec. 4). Basically, the state promised to take care of every citizen and family in cases of emergency, sickness, disability, orphanhood, or old age. However, there are discrepancies in carrying out such promises because of limited resources and personnel in many fields of health services and specialties. Syria has a small number of institutions specialized in caring for the physically challenged or disabled and for mentally retarded children. Psychological counseling and psychiatric care are limited because the public is not used to seeking such resources or treatment as is the case in the West. However, these services are usually attached to hospitals or medical clinics and referred to by other healthcare members. Softer names are frequently used, like family guidance and consultation, to appeal to the public and remove the stigma of seeking serious counseling and mental health services. This leads us to consider the mental–emotional needs of other children living in Syria right now, the Iraqi children. They are arriving with one or both of their parents, alone or with siblings, or in groups. They are fleeing a war-torn country and struggling with tremendous stressors and adjustment difficulties. The Syrian government is also struggling with how to accommodate over one million refugees and is ambivalent in providing full social services, certain rights, and guarantees to them. Many individuals and local groups are reaching out to these displaced yet traumatized family members and trying to organize some help for them by providing educational classes, medical check-ups, food supplies, and supportive counseling. Among those is a local psychiatrist, Dr. Naim, who has reached out to Iraqi children and teenagers in spite of questions raised by his state employers, pressing him not to interfere but to stay away from these refugees. According to Abouzeid (2007), this psychiatrist took the risk and the challenge of reaching out to Iraqi children by volunteering his time and efforts and by treating them on his own time. He created individual therapy and group encounter sessions. ‘‘All of the children had harrowing tales. Some had witnessed family members being killed or raped. Others, like [Noor], were terrified of leaving their homes, for fear that they might be kidnapped. They’d come to the church, Naim says, but only after
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much persuasion and only because ‘they trusted the nuns.’ UNHCR is working with other United Nations agencies like UNICEF to establish a system to tackle the problem of psychologically wounded Iraqi refugees. The idea . . . is to help NGOs identify, refer, and treat the most vulnerable’’ (Abouzeid 2007, under ‘‘Abstract’’). It is believed that there are a limited number of local NGOs in Syria and almost no such international agencies to help those affected by wars and tragedies. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The Syrian legal system is based on a combination of French, Ottoman, and national versions 25 of civil laws and regulations. The religious law is mostly used in family court systems. Major political parties in Syria have to be approved by the government itself and are represented in the People’s Assembly (majliss el-shaab) by the direct voting of the citizens. All parties are ideologically compatible with the main ruling Ba’ath Party. The judicial system is also based on the 1973 constitution. The Supreme Court has been established as the head body of that judicial system and is comprised of a chief justice and four justices, who are appointed by a presidential decree for a period of 4 years. The Syrian Courts of Law are divided into two juridical court systems: Courts of General Jurisdiction and Administrative Courts. Because Syria is a republic, defined by its constitution as a Socialist Popular Democracy, citizens 18 years and older, both males and females, can actually register and vote. Literate women theoretically have full political rights as men in the society. Given the nature of political system in Syria, women have made remarkable progress in the areas of public service, leadership, education, culture, and politics. There are two females in the Cabinet of Ministers and more than 20 female representatives in the parliament. However, the participation of women in the cabinet has been limited to generic and not key ministries, for instance, culture, health, education, etc. Many intellectuals argue that women in Syria are still underrepresented in the government and are not allowed to occupy additional or sensitive positions in the state echelon. According to Amnesty International (2007), freedom of expression and public association in Syria continue to be very restricted and tightly controlled. Scores of people were arrested in 2006 and hundreds remain imprisoned for social or political reasons, including prisoners of conscience. Many are sentenced without a fair trial. In addition, certain ethnic minorities complain of discrimination, including harassment and mistreatment against women and children. The Supreme State Security Court, the Criminal Court, and the Military Court appear to compromise the international standards for fair trials. Mistreatment and even torture practices of prisoners while they are in
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detention are still being reported and carried out with impunity. Outspoken social activists, belonging usually to unauthorized human rights organizations, continue to risk their safety (and that of their families) and face mental harassment, restrictions of movement, and physical arrest. However, according to UNICEF, ‘‘UNICEF-supported studies on juvenile justice, child disability, early marriage and child labor played a key role in generating policy discussion and initiating concrete action by the Government, such as the review of Syrian legislation, a national conference on juvenile justice and training for all stakeholders to improve the administration of juvenile justice’’ (UNICEF–At a Glance, sec. 5). Military service is a national obligation of every citizen of legal age. Individuals are called up for military service from the beginning of the year in which they turn 19. Men aged 40 years or older are exempt from military service. The draft laws make no mention of women’s participation in military service. Finally, people can enjoy normal life, social activities, and go about their daily business and chores as along as they do not discuss sensitive political matters or criticize the government. Secret police, individual reporters, and security agents are alert and active in all segments of society. Thus, the average people are very careful about their personal statements, public appearance, information disclosure, and group affiliation. RELIGIOUS LIFE Many sources list the main religious traditions and faiths in Syria as follows: Sunni Muslims 74 percent, Alawites 11 percent, various Christian denominations and churches 10 percent, Druze and other Muslim sects (like the Shiite, Imamis, and Yazidis) 5 percent, and a very tiny Jewish community living around Damascus, Al Qamishli, and Aleppo (estimated between 100 and 300). Although the Syrian regime is secular, based on a nonconfessional system, there are serious considerations of religious distribution and traditional faith representation in the government and public institutions. People can be highly dedicated to their faith as practicing believers or can be secular, social, nominal, or just cultural Muslims, Christians, or Druze (mostly found in cities). They can be rigid, legalistic, and fundamentalist or can be simply traditional, following a folk type of religious faith mixed with rituals and spiritualism, and resulting in suspicious practices, almost cultic in nature (mostly found in rural, villages, and countryside areas). Religious education in Syrian schools is an integral aspect of the curriculum. It is required at the elementary level. Students enroll in classes based on their religious background. They either study Islam or Christianity, taught by regular teachers, for 2 to 3 hours per week. These classes usually extend from the first grade to the twelfth grade. Although religious education is compulsory, the grade is not calculated in the final
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grade-point average of the year. Classes are usually given at the end of the school day, as the last subject matter. Thus, many students do not take this material seriously nor do they remember much of the lecture or class content. Most Arabs and Middle Easterners tend to view religion instrumentally. Faith helps them depend on the deity and supernatural powers as a way of connecting with a larger reality, of aiding them in times of trouble, of solving their problems and easing their suffering, and of assuring their prosperity in the tasks and journeys of life. For example, the expressions bism-allah (in the name of Allah) and in-shallah (if Allah is willing) are naturally used, readily expressed, and commonly heard in lay and professional circles. Such expressions reflect the individual’s, family’s, or community’s literal hope, cultural faith, and existential dependence on the Divine for their safety, mental well-being, and ultimate destiny. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT In Syria, crimes against children are punishable by law. The government seeks to protect children and prevent mistreatment and abuse. However, many cases of abuse remain unreported because of factors such as family secrecy, unavailable social services, fear of public shame, power struggle with the police force, being in a remote or distant area, and certain corruption of the legal system. The government maintains effective control of the security forces and police. It has been reported by some observers and social activists that, although the security agents enforce law, order, and stability by keeping a strong watch for internal disorders and crimes, they also have committed numerous and serious human rights violations and abuses. Several areas of concern are at the center of attention of several government Ministries and civil society organizations in the country. They are related to child protection and welfare, including abandoned children, orphans, disabled children, children of divorced parents, discrimination of girls, child labor, children in conflict with the law, juvenile delinquents, and children victims of abuse and violence. For example, and according to UNICEF–At a Glance, all orphans are adequately taken care of within the family or the private philanthropic system. There are about 30 orphanages run by civil society organizations—at least one orphanage in almost every governorate. Children are cared for and receive their education at local schools. However, the great scarcity and lack of reliable data continue to pose a challenge in many areas of child protection, sexual abuse, violence, and discrimination. Another area of trouble in Syria that remains largely undocumented is that of trafficking of persons and illicit drugs. According to The World Factbook (CIA 2007), Syria is a destination country for young women from South and Southeast Asia and Africa for domestic servitude and
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from Eastern Europe and Iraq for sexual exploitation. These women are subtly recruited for work as domestic servants with promises made to poor or ill parents of good pay and care, but many are exploited, put to work for long hours, or not paid at all. They are subjected to involuntary servitude, restricted movement, withholding of passports, physical mistreatment, and sexual use and abuse. Unfortunately, some displaced Iraqi women and children are reportedly forced into sexual exploitation and even slavery. In addition, Syrian territories are a transit point for opiates, hashish, and cocaine bound for regional and Western markets. It is not clear at this point how well the local authorities and security agents are fighting these trends, if any at all (perhaps a few are being bribed and benefiting from this black market, thus turning the blind eye), and whether they have the mechanism and personnel to control such trafficking. Agencies like the International Society of Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect are trying to establish national offices and associations in developing and underdeveloped countries (Syria included) for trained local workers and professionals. The goal is to respond to cases of maltreatment and abuse early enough and, furthermore, to help prevent such cases from happening in the first place. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Educators, community leaders, human rights agencies, and concerned caregivers strongly feel the need to promote the welfare and progress of all the children in Syria. A special emphasis should be placed on children living in rural and more traditional areas as they struggle with different needs and face different challenges than their counterparts in large cities and urban dwellings. Social activists have been advocating the rights of children and women in Syria for a while and for the removal of old hindrances preventing them from developing their potential and making significant progress. When working women are established and respected in the country; whether professionals, business women, teachers, fieldworkers, or homemakers, their status and welfare will be reflected positively on the society as a whole and on the family in particular. However, many observers and analysts are afraid that the socioeconomic stagnation in Syria will remain for a long time and perhaps deteriorate much further in the future. Growing up in this generation has its advantages and disadvantages. Children and teenagers have to resolve many challenges facing them on a personal level (identity formation, type of education), on a familial level (loyalty to former values and extended relatives versus individuationseparation), on a social level (lifestyle choices), on spiritual level (legalistic commitment versus religious moderation), on a cultural level (secularization, modernism, versus traditionalism), on a national level (loyalty to the
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political establishment versus becoming social activists versus falling into indifference or apathy), and on a career level (working near home, relocating to another city, or migrating altogether outside of the country). In addition to these dynamics, young people are constantly bombarded with so many views, mentalities, trends, lifestyles, and subcultures. Mass media, TV programming, magazines, Internet connections, etc., strongly expose the mindset of children and adolescents to a variety of currents, values, entertainment, and challenging materials. Some can be beneficial and constructive, others negative and conflicting. Similar to the situation in any other society, Eastern or Western, children have to resolve these personal and sociocultural tensions alone or with the help of others. Thus, Syrian children and young people will definitely need good and balanced mentors, reasonable and educated parents, and healthy role models to help them navigate their ways through the many polarities and complexities of our modern age. Many efforts will continue to support national and local authorities, communities and families, and other internal and international agencies in fulfilling their work toward improving the condition of children and women in Syria, as defined by the Convention on the Rights of the Child. According to UNICEF–At a Glance, the Arab Human Development Report identified three general areas of concern for the region, including the whole country of Syria: (i) the lack of substantial freedom, (ii) the lack of adequate knowledge, and (iii) the low status of women. These areas are directly linked with a productive and high level of participation within society. Basically, Syria does not stand out as better or worse than any other Arab Middle Eastern country, but at the same time, it lacks in all three areas. For example, in 2000, the government allowed Internet use in the country. The number of online users has steadily increased and has now reached a point where there are not enough service providers to cover the need. It is believed that the government plans to provide ISDN connections in the near future, paving the way for young people to take part in the information networks and benefit from the global body of knowledge available on the World Wide Web. At the same time, there are tough measures of state censorship against any potential website promoting anti-government criticism (OpenNet Initiative 2007). The cooperation of Syria with the European Union during the period of 2007–2013 has resulted in a ‘‘Country Strategy Paper’’ and has identified three areas of priority listed for action as following: 1. Support for political and administrative reform, including modernization of the administration, decentralization, rule of law, and respect for fundamental human rights. 2. Support for economic reform, including implementation of the FiveYear Plan, preparation for the Association Agreement and preparation for accession to the World Trade Organization.
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3. Support for social reform, including human resources development and measures to accompany the economic transition process (see the European Union’s relations with Syria).
When such agreements are fulfilled, and the recommended changes are implemented on the ground, the results will definitely be positive on the children and adolescents of Syria. These will also have a huge impact on the livelihood of all families and on the betterment of all society in the country.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Abi-Hashem, Naji. ‘‘Arab Americans: Understanding Their Challenges, Needs, and Struggles,’’ in Ethnocultural Guidebook for Disasters and Trauma: A Primer for Responders and Service Providers, edited by Anthony Marsella, P. Watson, F. Norris, J. Johnson, and J. Gryczynski. New York: Springer (or) Kluwer/ Plenum; in press. Hevener Kaufman, Natalie, and Irene Rizzini, eds. Globalization and Children: Exploring Potentials for Enhancing Opportunities in the Lives of Children and Youth. New York: Springer; 2002. Lynch, Maureen. ‘‘Child Labor Common Among the Displaced and Stateless.’’ Refugees International, 2007. http://www.refugeesinternational.org/content/ article/detail/10047. Moziak, W., K. D. Ward, R. A. Afifi Soweid, and T. Eissenberg. ‘‘Tobacco Smoking Using a Waterpipe: A Re-emerging Strain in a Global Epidemic.’’ Tobacco Control, 13 (2004), 327–333. Seelye, Kate. ‘‘The Earthquake.’’ PBS Frontline/World Producer, Washingtonpost.com. May 18, 2005. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/discussion/ 2005/05/13/DI2005051300705.html. South, Coleman. Culture Shock! Syria (Culture Shock! Guides!). Portland, OR: Graphic Arts Center Publishing Co.; 2001.
Web Sites Al-Bab: Syria, http://www.al-bab.com/arab/countries/syria.htm. Cafe-Syria, http://www.cafe-syria.com. Middle East Policy Council: Resources–Syria, http://www.mepc.org/resources_ links/Syria.asp. Nation Master: Middle East–Syria, http://www.nationmaster.com/country/sy-syria. Syria Gate, http://www.syriagate.com.
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Syria Online, http://www.syriaonline.com. Syrian Arab News Agency (SANA), http://www.sana-syria.com.
Selected Bibliography Abi-Hashem, Naji. ‘‘Syria,’’ in The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Women’s Issues Worldwide: The Middle East and North Africa, edited by B. Sherif-Trask, Westport, CT: Greenwood Press; 2003, 355–380. Abouzeid, Rania. ‘‘A Syrian’s Risky Choice to Help Young Iraqis Heal.’’ The Christian Science Monitor, March 29, 2007, 1. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdwe b?index¼3&did¼1245796821&SrchMode¼1&sid¼4&Fmt¼3&VInst¼PR OD&VType¼PQD&RQT¼309&VName¼PQD&TS¼1182880659&clien tId¼20972&cfc¼1. Amnesty International. Annual Report on Syria. 2007. http://dailystar.com.lb/ article.asp?edition_id¼10&categ_id¼2&article_id¼82548#. Arabic News. Child Labor and Development: How UNICEF is Addressing this Issue. ‘‘Syria, Culture.’’ October 15, 2003. http://www.arabicnews.com/ansub/ Daily/Day/031015/2003101514.html. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). CIA-The World Factbook. 2007. ‘‘Syria.’’ https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/sy.html. Chatty, Dawn, and Gillian Lewando Hundt, eds. Children of Palestine: Experiencing Forced Migration In The Middle East. Vol. 16, Studies in Forced Migration. New York: Berghahn Books; 2002. Convention on the Rights of the Child, United Nations. 1996. ‘‘Convention on the Rights of the Child: Initial Reports of States Parties: Syrian Arab Republic.’’ 1996. http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/0/d554747d746135efc125635d 0052a760?Opendocument. Encyclopedia of the Nations. ‘‘Syria Education.’’ http://www.nationsencyclopedia .com/Asia-and-Oceania/Syria-EDUCATION.html. External Relations. EU’s Relations with Syria: ENPI Country Strategy Paper 2007– 2013. External Relations & European Neighbourhood Policy. http://ec.europa .eu/external_relations/syria/csp/index.htm. Infoplease–Almanacs. ‘‘Syria.’’ 2000–2007. http://www.infoplease.com/ipa/A0108016. html. IRIN: Humanitarian News and Analysis. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. ‘‘Syria: Child Labor Still Rampant.’’ 2005. http://www.irinnews .org/report.aspx?reportid¼25539. Macleod, Hugh. ‘‘Iraqis Flee in Terror from the War on Terror.’’ New Internationalist, 392 (August 2006), 22. National Geographic: People and Places. ‘‘Syria.’’ 2004. http://www3.nationalgeographic .com/places/countries/country_syria.html. OpenNet Initiative. ‘‘Syria.’’ 2007. http://opennet.net/research/profiles/syria. Syria Today. ‘‘No Way To Turn.’’ International Developmental Associates. 2007. http://www.syria-today.com/pkg05/index.php?page¼view_article&dir¼articles &ex¼2&id¼460&First¼0&Last¼4&CurrentPage¼0&src¼cat&cat_id¼1. Accessed June 7, 2007. Tiltnes, Aage A., Ibrahim Ali, Mamduh Mubayed, Issam Oghaly, Moussa Darir, Said Safadi, and Sumaya Sadel Din. ‘‘Magnitude and Characteristics of Working
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Children in Syria: A Report to UNICEF, Syria Based on a National Household Survey.’’ 2002. http://www.childtrafficking.com/Docs/fafo_2002_ magnitude_characteristics_working_children_syria_1.pdf. United Nations: Convention on the Rights of the Child. ‘‘Committee on the Rights of the Child: Syria.’’ October 20, 2006. http://72.14.253.104/search? q¼cache:fb4YOeXgrrwJ:www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/0ac7e03e4fe8f2bdc12 5698a0053bf66/6cd6ba22a34c8268c12572cd003024e2/percent24FILE/ G0741230.docþpopulationþofþchildrenþinþSyria&hl¼en&ct¼clnk&cd¼ 15&gl¼us. United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF). UNICEF–At a Glance: Syrian Arab Republic–The Big Picture. http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/syria.html. U.S. Department of State. ‘‘Syria: Country Reports on Human Rights Practices.’’ February 28, 2005. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2004/41732.htm. Winckler, Onn. Demographic Developments and Population Policies in Ba’athist Syria. Great Britain: Sussex Academic Press; 1999. http://books.google.com/books ?id¼ki6yXV0qxw4C&pg¼PA35&ots¼3dn66NUPoU&dq¼populationþofþ childrenþinþSyria&sig¼jQdaNIoSHkZsnQHW-GeUyeya5ew#PPA35,M1.
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TUNISIA Micah L. Issitt NATIONAL PROFILE Tunisia is located on the Mediterranean coast of North Africa between Algeria and Libya. Covering more than 1,424 square kilometers, Tunisia supports a population of more than 10.3 million, and the landscape ranges through a variety of climatic zones from mountainous uplands to semi-arid plains bordering the Saharan Desert. Tunisia’s 1,148-kilometer (713-mile) coastal region helps support a growing tourism industry (World Factbook 2007). The first known inhabitants of Tunisia were the Berber ethnic group, who migrated throughout North Africa in the Paleolithic era and are closely related to Arab ethnic groups (U.S. Department of State 2007). The Phoenicians entered Tunisia in the ninth century BCE and established export communities on the Mediterranean Sea. Tunisia was the site of the ancient city of Carthage, a major site for naval export that competed with Rome for control over the Mediterranean (Geyer 2003; Perkins 2004). Tunisia has a long history of military occupation, having been controlled at various times by the Arabs, Turks, and the Ottoman Empire, until in 1881 CE the French invaded and turned Tunisia into a protectorate. A nationalist movement arose and pressured the French government for independence, eventually winning their cause in 1956 (Geyer 2003). In 1957, Tunisia declared itself a democratic republic and established a parliamentary government. The nation’s first president, Habib Bourguiba, advanced secular policies including emancipation for women and a free state-sponsored education system (Perkins 2004) but also enacted constitutional amendments that transformed Tunisia into an authoritarian state with Bourguiba as the nation’s permanent president (Perkins 2004). Bourguiba’s dictatorial regime ended in 1986 with the peaceful transfer of power to a new administration. A single political party, the Constitutional Democratic Rally, has been in control of Tunisia since
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independence. Allegations of human rights violations are common, especially as perpetrated by the state police and the military (Amnesty International 2007). Constitutional reforms, enacted since 1986, have allowed greater participation for opposition parties and guarantee minority parties’ representation in the national and regional governments (Tunisia Online 2007). Tunisia has a bicameral legislature consisting of the popularly elected Chamber of Deputies and the appointed Chamber of Advisors, whose members are selected to represent the executive branch, trade unions, professional organizations, and municipal divisions (World Factbook 2007). Tunisia does not allow political parties based on ethnic or religious affiliation and has outlawed a number of parties representing fundamentalist Islamic factions. Conflict between the government and Islamic groups remains a major source of political tension. The judicial system favors executive decision, making it difficult for political or social adversaries to obtain impartial justice (Human Rights Watch 2007). Most modern Tunisians (98 percent) are of mixed Berber/Arabian ancestry; however, intermarriage with other ethnic groups has been common during the nation’s occupational history. Arabic and French are the dominant languages, whereas English is increasingly taught in the school system. Arabic is the official language of the government. Approximately 98 percent of Tunisians are Muslim, whereas small Christian and Jewish communities exist in some of the nation’s cities (World Factbook 2007; BBC Country Profile 2007). Tunisia is one of the most economically prosperous countries in North Africa. The export industry is based largely on mineral products, petroleum, and phosphates. More than 90 percent of the nation’s production is exported. Economic reforms, including the advent of free-market policies, have helped further the current growth rate. Despite low levels of national debt, Tunisia suffers from high poverty and unemployment rates in some regions (Britannica 2006). The causes of high unemployment in Tunisia are primarily a result of population growth outstripping the
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creation of new jobs and the job market lagging behind the educational attainments of the society. Trained workers have difficulty finding jobs in the field of their training (Agenor 2007). Tunisia was the first Mediterranean country to establish a free-trade zone with the European Union (Tunisia Online 2007), and trade with Europe has become a cornerstone of the economy. Economic growth has averaged 5 percent during the past decade and is expected to accelerate to more than 6 percent in 2007 (International Monetary Fund 2006). Tourism plays an increasingly important role in the Tunisian economy. As of 2007, the services industry, including tourism, accounted for 56 percent of the Gross Domestic Product (BBC Country Profile 2006). Tourists travel to Tunisia to visit Phoenician historical sites, explore ArabIslamic architecture in Tunisia’s cities, or to stay in one of numerous resorts along the Mediterranean coast. The Tunisia Tourism Board reported 6 million visitors in 2004. A majority of tourists come from Libya and Algeria, but a significant number also come from Europe and the United States (Tunisia Online 2007). In 2006, the unemployment rate was estimated at more than 14 percent, having decreased from more than 15 percent in 2000. Inflation has been rising since 2000 and increased by 2 percent from 2004 to 2006 (World Factbook 2007). Tunisia’s unemployment rate has remained high despite government efforts to increase jobs and job training (Rama 1998). Tunisia grants more constitutional rights to women than any other Arab state; however, the actual status of women lags behind largely because of Islamic customs that prevent women from pursuing their constitutional rights (Sterrett 2005). In 2005, Tunisia became one of the only Islamic nations to pass laws serving prison sentences for spousal abuse. Although Tunisia prohibits physical abuse of children and women, the government has no laws regarding emotional or psychoKEY FACTS – TUNISIA logical abuse. In addition, Population: 10,276,158 (July 2007 est.) although rape laws are strict, the Infant mortality rate: 22.94 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) state does not recognize marital Life expectancy at birth: 75.34 years (2007 est.) rape as a crime (Sterrett 2005). Literacy rate: 74.3 percent (2004 est.) In 2005, UNICEF reported Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 97 percent (2000–2005 est.) that infant mortality rates remain Internet users: 953,800 (2005) high, especially in the western People living with HIV/AIDS: 1,000 (2003 est.) regions (2005). The government Human Poverty Index (HP-1) rank: 39 has enacted a new set of stratSources: CIA World Factbook: Tunisia. https://www.cia.gov/library/ egies to combat maternal and publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ts.html. June 18, 2007; infant mortality and, in 2006, UNICEF. At a Glance: Tunisia–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ launched a national immunizainfobycountry/Tunisia_statistics.html. June 18, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development tion campaign to inoculate Report 2006–Tunisia. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ against measles and rubella countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_TUN.html. June 18, 2007. (United Nations International
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Children’s Emergency Fund [UNICEF] 2006). Although there are still significant children’s rights issues to address, the current government has demonstrated a sincere dedication toward promoting and protecting the rights and prosperity of the children. OVERVIEW Children constitute approximately 27 percent of the Tunisian population, and the number of children is growing, with an average of 1.7 children born for every woman in 2007 (World Factbook 2007). Under the current administration, January 11 has been designated as ‘‘National Children’s Day’’ to commemorate the country’s joining the International Convention on Children’s Rights in 1992 (Tunisia Celebrates 2007). High levels of unemployment have a negative impact on the lives of approximately 16 percent of children, and 3 percent suffer from chronic malnutrition (UNICEF 2006). The infant mortality rate of 22.94 per 1,000 live births is currently decreasing due to a national focus on infant nutrition and prenatal care (World Factbook 2007; UNICEF 2006). Despite earnest efforts to reform laws regarding child welfare, instances of child labor, abuse, and prostitution still occur in some parts of the country. Education is free and compulsory for children from 6 to 16 years and educational reforms have been a major governmental focus in recent years (U.S. Department of State 2005). The Labor Code of 1966 sets the minimum age for employment at 16, coinciding with the education requirement. The labor law allows some exceptions in special circumstances and specifies the rights of laborers (U.S. Department of Labor 2004). Recent government initiatives, backed by international aid, have greatly increased the standard of living for Tunisian children. EDUCATION More than 20 percent of the government’s annual operating budget is allocated for primary and secondary education. The education system uses both French and Arabic, but English education is becoming more common in the standard curriculum (Tunisia Online 2007; U.S. Department of Labor 2004). The New Education Act of 1990 guarantees free education for all children regardless of race, religion, or gender and makes enrollment compulsory for children ages 6 to 16 years. The net enrollment rate is currently estimated at more than 97 percent (Ministry of Education 2006). In many Arab nations, males greatly outpace females in terms of educational involvement, largely owing to Islamic conventions that discourage female participation. During the last several decades, government initiatives have helped to increase female involvement in education. Educational amendments enacted in 1991 have helped, as the percentage of
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school-age girls enrolled increased from 85.9 to 96.9 percent between 1992 and 2006. In 2005, female students constituted 47.4 percent of the students in primary schools and 50.5 percent in secondary schools (U.S. Department of State 2005; World Education 2006). Although initial enrollment and attendance rates are high, a number of students from ages 10 to 16 drop out to pursue work (U.S. Department of Labor 2004). A recent focus on improving the rural education system has increased completion rates. In 2006, more than 1 million Tunisian students completed secondary school. Owing in part to the government’s focus on improving education, the overall literacy rate has increased every year since 1991. In 2004, the literacy rate among adults was estimated at more than 74 percent (UNICEF 2006). The Tunisian education system is divided into basic education and higher education. Basic education includes 6 years of primary education and the first 3 years of secondary education. The final year of secondary education allows students to specialize in an area of concentration and apply for entrance into the higher education system (World Education 2006). In 2002, the Tunisian government passed legislation to fund and promote voluntary preparatory classes (preschool) for the primary education system. By 2005, the number of preschool programs grew to 1,250 and serviced more than 24,000 children (UNICEF 2006). Students are required to pass an exam after completing grade six to be eligible for secondary education. In an effort to increase participation, the government initiated test-preparation programs that have successfully reduced the number of students needing to repeat the sixth grade. From 1991 to 2000, the number of students failing their first attempt at secondary education enrollment decreased by 2 percent, and the number of students dropping out after sixth grade decreased from 17 to 7 percent (World Education 2006). In 2004, Tunisia revised the structure of the secondary education system to include one year of basic education and two years of increasing specialization. The fourth year, which is voluntary, culminates in a baccalaureate degree in one of five areas of concentration: mathematics, sciences, humanities, technology, or economics/management. Students who attain the baccalaureate are guaranteed admission into one of Tunisia’s public universities (World Education 2006; Tunisia Online 2007). In 2006, more than 300,000 students were enrolled in one of the country’s thirteen public and more than twenty private institutions of higher education. The government hopes to further increase participation by creating online programs that offer degree attainment to remote students and increase partnership with international programs (Tunisia Online 2007). The government is placing emphasis on modernization by helping students and families acquire technology for educational and other purposes.
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A recent program provides computers at a reduced cost to qualifying families. The program is intended to increase the number of families with computers from the current level of 11.8 percent to 25 percent by 2009 (UNICEF 2006; Tunisia Online 2007). In 2002, the World Bank partnered with UNESCO to create a new program aimed at decreasing dropout rates and increasing aid for disadvantaged children. The program provided 99 million in funding for the establishment of curriculum advancements and the establishment of 400 programs for preschool-aged disadvantaged children (World Bank 2002). The National Inclusive Educational Strategy of 2003 gave children with disabilities access to the school system and initiated a program to address educational disparities. In 2005, additional legislation established a new budgetary allocation system for the nation’s 220 special-education centers, and helped to create a more inclusive referral system to identify special needs children (UNICEF 2006). Although the government is making progress toward protecting educational rights and expanding the system, Tunisian families have relatively little involvement in the school system. Legislation introduced in 2004 called for the Ministry of Education to promote and support greater communication between families and school officials (UNICEF 2006). PLAY AND RECREATION Children in Tunisia can choose to become involved in a variety of recreational activities, including sports, visiting outdoor recreational facilities, or joining one of the nation’s children’s clubs. Football (soccer) is the most popular sport in Tunisia, and there are numerous children’s leagues available in both urban and rural communities. Other popular sports include handball and rugby. The Tunisian Ministry of Youth, Sport, and Physical Education is the executive department responsible for promoting and maintaining youth activities across the country (Tunisia Online 2007: Sports in Tunisia 2003). In 2005, Tunisia hosted the International Year of Sport and Physical Education, which involved representatives from seventy nations meeting to discuss recreational sports for children, adults, and those with special needs. As part of the program the United Nations Environment Programme organized sport and outdoor activities for children living in lowincome areas (UNICEF 2005). Les Scouts Tunisiens is the national scouting association of Tunisia and has both girls’ and boys’ chapters. The organization has been a member of the World Association of the Scout Movement and the World Association of Girl Guides and Girl Scouts since 1957. Tunisian scouting organizations allow children to participate in leadership- and cooperationbuilding activities while learning about civic involvement and natural resources (Les Scout Tunisiens 2007).
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Tunisia has low rates of kidnapping and child abuse, leaving children free to enjoy recreation in their neighborhoods. Children are welcomed by a number of parks and recreational facilities in most of the major cities, including the capital city of Tunis (Parks and Recreation 2004). CHILD LABOR Child labor is not considered a major issue in Tunisia. The minimum working age is 16 years, which is consistent with the compulsory educational requirement. There are several exceptions to the child labor law, which allow non-industrial and agricultural work for children aged 13 and over during nonschool hours (U.S. Department of State 2005). At age 14, children may begin working in apprenticeships, and children younger than 16 are also permitted to work at family businesses, provided it does not interfere with schooling (U.S. Department of Labor 2005). Workers between 14 and 18 years must be given a minimum of 12 to 14 hours of potential rest each day, and cannot be required to work between 10 p.m. and 5 a.m. Hazardous and manual labor is restricted to persons over 18 (U.S. Department of State 2005). Occasional reports of young children working in agricultural labor and of young girls working as domestic servants have been brought to the attention of aid organizations but have not been thoroughly investigated (U.S. Department of State 2005). Tunisia’s child labor laws were established in the Labor Code of 1966 and are overseen by the Ministry of Social Affairs and Solidarity. The ministry’s labor inspectors investigate and enforce labor laws through random inspections (U.S. Department of Labor 2005). Violations of child labor statutes are punishable by monetary fines and criminal charges. In 1995, Tunisia passed the Child Protection Code, which protects children younger than the age of 18 from labor, armed conflict, prostitution, and other forms of abuse. The Ministry of Culture, Youth, and Leisure and the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, Family, and Childhood cooperate to enforce the country’s child protection laws through a system of inspectors at the local and national levels (U.S. Department of Labor 2005; U.S. Department of State 2005). Given high poverty rates in rural areas, some Tunisian children are under strong pressures to aid their families in meeting basic needs. Measurements by UNICEF indicate that more than 50 percent of employed minors spend their income on basic family necessities (UNICEF 2005). In January 2004, Tunisia hosted the Third Arab Congress on Children’s Rights, a meeting of international legislators and rights activists seeking to develop effective plans to reduce instances of child exploitation and create effective budget allocation strategies. The Congress resulted in a 2004–2015 plan to share information and innovations on children’s
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rights initiatives (Third Arab Congress on Children’s Rights 2005; U.S. Department of Labor 2005). FAMILY Family life in Tunisia blends traditional elements from the nation’s Islamic and Arabic heritage with modern elements common to developed nations. Tunisia has a broadly defined caste system, but movement between castes is common, with the most noticeable divisions between the wealthy suburban elite and the poor urban population (Camilleri 1967). Traditionally, the division of labor meant that men were responsible for obtaining household income while women took the role of maintaining the household and, in agricultural communities, transforming raw product into marketable commodities. The relative earnings of women laborers are substantially lower than those of men (Camilleri 1967) but this situation has been changing as the nation has developed a modernized industrial and service sector (Tunisia Online 2007). By the late 1990s, women held more than 30 percent of private sector and service industry jobs (IWRAW 2002), and in 2007 women accounted for over 25 percent of the Tunisian workforce. Seven women held seats in the national government in 2007 while female representation in regional governments had also increased by over 30 percent from 2000 (Tunisia Online 2007). Marriage in Tunisia sometimes follows the tradition of arrangement through families, but is increasingly a matter of individual choice. Under Islamic law females were prohibited from marrying into the social stratum below them (Camilleri 1967). By 2007, the government abolished many of the traditional marriage requirements. Women are allowed to marry men from any social group and children may be given the maternal family name is cases of abandonment (Holmes-Ebber 2007). Though some rural regions are still dominated by the nation’s patriarchal history, urban families have increasing levels of equity between the sexes. According to national law, the civil courts handle divorce. The legal aspects of marriage were established under the Personal Status Code of 1956, which was revised in 1992 to give women the right to seek divorce. The Ministry of Women’s and Family Affairs was established in 1993 to protect and promote the rights of women. Unlike in some Arabic nations, forced marriage and polygamy are illegal in Tunisia (IWRAW 2002). In the 1990s, the nation’s educational curriculum was updated to promote the rights of women to explore career options (National Plan 2001). Greater participation of women in higher education has been a transformative factor in the structure of Tunisian families. From 1988 to 2006, the share of women, as a percentage of Tunisians enrolled in higher education, increased from 21 to over 58 percent, and since 2000, more women than men have enrolled in higher education each year (Tunisia Online 2007;
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National Plan 2001). As women now constitute a greater percentage of those seeking and achieving career training, their roles within the family have changed (National Plan 2001; Holmes-Ebber 2007). According to author Paula Holmes-Ebber in Daughters of Tunis: Women, Family, and Networks in a Muslim City, women are increasingly pursuing independent roles by working in the private sector and also using family planning to postpone child-rearing. Although laws protect the rights of women and families, many women are still restricted by Islamic codes of conduct. Women in Tunisia use a support network that includes extended family and loose neighborhood groups (2007). Although an increasing number of families follow the western ‘‘nuclear’’ family model, it is still common for multi-generation families to live together and share the financial and social duties of family life (U.S. Department of State 2005; Holmes-Ebber 2007). Traditionally, children were considered the property of their fathers (Camilleri 1967). In a 1993 amendment to the Personal Status Code, Tunisia adopted a policy of joint parental authority for children and established an alimony and child-support policy. Legal statutes also protect the rights of children from divorced families to have visitation with both parents (U.S. Department of State 2005). Family and children are considered the center of public life in Tunisia. The focus on family life is part of traditional Islamic values (Camilleri 1967) but also reflects the efforts of the current government to promote family stability (U.S. Department of State 2005). HEALTH Health care in Tunisia has been improving since the 1980s, with drastic growth exhibited between 1990 and 2007. As of 2003, health care under control of the Ministry of Health constituted 7.2 percent of the annual budget (World Health Organization 2007). The general life expectancy is Tunisia is 71.4 years for males and 75.3 for females, which is considerably longer than life expectancies in many other African nations. Improvements to the healthcare system are largely responsible for increasing the life expectancy and for the decline of communicable diseases (World Health Organization 2007; Tunisia Online 2007). As the result of poor nutrition and poverty, 5 percent of children are underweight at birth and 4 percent remain underweight through childhood. As of 2005, approximately 21 of every 1,000 infants died before reaching adulthood (World Health Organization 2007). Health initiatives helped to reduce infant mortality rates from 52 to 29 percent between 1986 and 2000 (World Health 2006). In cooperation with the World Health Organization’s Regional Office for the Mediterranean, Tunisia participated in the 2006 Child Health Initiative, a meeting of specialists, medical advisors, and government
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representatives intended to explore existing healthcare issues and facilitate strategies for aid allocation (WHO/EMRO 2006). Tunisia uses a combination of public and private health care. A 1998 revision of national health codes stipulates the categories of citizens eligible for access to free healthcare services, which includes needy families (constituting approximately 7 percent of the population), persons living in poverty, displaced children, and the physically and mentally handicapped (World Health Organization 2007). Increased budgetary allocation has allowed the government to increase the number of healthcare centers in rural areas. Between 1990 and 2004, more than 500 new healthcare centers and more than 20 hospitals were constructed. Currently, Tunisia has 103 district hospitals, 33 regional hospitals, and 18 university hospitals (Tunisia Online 2007). According to UNICEF statistics, between 96 and 98 percent of children receive adequate vaccines for polio, hepatitis B, measles, DPT, rubella, and tuberculosis. Vaccination programs are nationally funded and administered through the Ministry of Health. Recent budgetary restrictions forced the government to cancel a vaccination program for Haemophilus influenzae, which poses a significant risk to children living in poverty (UNICEF 2006). As in many Arab nations, females suffer significantly greater levels of prejudice and exclusion than males. Teenage girls are more likely to suffer from depression and to attempt suicide. Because of strict norms regarding women’s roles, women who lose their virginity prior to marriage or discover after marriage that they are infertile are especially prone to depression and suicide. A review of women’s mental health status reveals that adult women often suffer from severe sexual neuroses stemming from strong societal norms that discourage active sexuality among females. In 2002, nearly 50 percent of adult women reported feeling indifferent about sexual relationships (Douka and Nacef 2002). Tunisian women are permitted to have abortions only during the first 3 months of pregnancy unless the mother is threatened by serious health concerns. Women may seek abortions because of physical, mental, or social reasons but social conventions make is necessary for women to seek the consent of their husbands (United Nations 2003). Before the economic growth of the 1990s, Tunisian children frequently suffered from malnutrition and accompanying medical conditions. Acute chronic diarrhea was common in rural populations and contributed to infant mortality. During the 1990s, government initiatives resulted in a 60 percent reduction in malnutrition and subsequent reductions in nutrition-related diseases (UNICEF 2006). Studies conducted in the late 1990s indicated that rising economic prosperity, especially in Tunisian urban areas, had led to an increase in childhood and adult obesity, with a corresponding increase in high blood pressure, hypertension, and other weight-related disorders.
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As in most of Africa, HIV/AIDS is a major concern for Tunisia and government agencies are working to implement a combination of safe sex strategies, AIDS testing, and treatment plans. UNICEF estimated in 2005 that there were between 8,000 and 21,000 instances of mother-tochild HIV transmission in Tunisia. Statistics on the number of children living with HIV/AIDS are currently unavailable, but the Ministry of Health considers HIV a major priority for future health initiatives. In 2005, the government initiated a program to prevent mother-tochild transmission and to provide treatment for infected children, but failed to pass legislation intended to provide confidential HIV testing (UNICEF 2006). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The Child Protection Code of 1995–1996 formally established a special system of juvenile justice. The age of criminal responsibility is currently set at 13 years, and criminal responsibility is debatable between 13 and 15 years. According to Article 99 of the code, children may be subject to criminal sentences if deemed necessary for rehabilitation. The code calls for rehabilitation to be carried out in a specialized location, or if necessary the person may be confined to a special section of the prison (United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child 2001). The minimum age for marriage in Tunisia is an issue of considerable debate. Under the Personal Status Code, the age of consent is 20 years for males and 17 for females. Conventions adopted in the 1990s increased the minimum age for women from 15 to 17 years. The Tunisian Criminal Code does not permit children younger than 17 to engage in sex and requires that children obtain guardian and court approval before being married (United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child 2001). Despite age requirements, UNICEF reports that approximately 3 percent of females married in 2001 were underage (UNICEF 2001). Under government statute, Internet censorship is prohibited; however, the government does reserve the right to censor material that poses a national threat or is considered ‘‘obscene.’’ Under obscenity sanctions, the government has censored all pornography and has also censored some human rights websites and sites operated by government opposition groups (U.S. Department of State 2006). Although illegal labor practices, child prostitution, and child trafficking reportedly occur, especially in rural areas, statistics on incidence are unavailable and the total number of cases is believed to be negligible. Child prostitution is prohibited under the Child Protection Code of 1995, and the 2002 Optional Protocol on the Sexual Exploitation of Children carries severe penalties, especially for offenders whose victims are under the age of 5 (Child Sex Tourism 2004).
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RELIGIOUS LIFE The Tunisian constitution guarantees religious freedom as long as demonstration and/or practice does not violate the public peace or the rights of others. As an Islamic republic, the government subsidizes mosques and pays the salaries of prayer leaders as government employees. In addition, the constitution stipulates that only a Muslim may serve as president. Islamic education is mandatory for primary schools but secondary level schools also offer education in Jewish and Christian history (U.S. Department of State 2005). The Tunisian government has adopted a largely secular policy regarding civil liberties. Women are not required to wear Islamic garments in public and are not required to follow other Muslim codes that might foster inequality between the sexes (Country Studies 2005). Statistics from 2005 indicate that approximately 99 percent of Tunisians practice some form of Islam (World Factbook 2007). Tunisia has a small Christian population (approximately 25,000), composed of native and immigrant groups scattered throughout the country, and a small (less than 2,000) Jewish community concentrated in Tunis and the island of Djerba (U.S. Department of State 2005). Although the government grants all religious groups the right to practice, it only officially recognizes and subsidizes Islam, Catholicism, and Judaism. The government provides limited funding for the maintenance and reconstruction of Jewish synagogues and Catholic churches. Some faiths considered heretical or in opposition to Islam, like Baha’i, are restricted to meeting and practicing in private. Members of all faiths are not permitted to proselytize or to conduct any activity that might be viewed as actively recruiting (Tunisia Online 2007; U.S. Department of State 2005). As of 2007, Muslim women are not permitted to marry outside their faith. The government recognizes unions between Muslim women and non-Muslim men as domestic unions, which are not protected under marriage laws. Individuals are permitted to convert to different religions for marriage purposes. The most serious violation of religious freedom is the imprisonment of individuals believed to be members of radical Islamist sects. Human rights organizations have documented the imprisonment of hundreds of Islamist members under the current and former administrations (U.S. Department of State 2005). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Child abuse and neglect are illegal in Tunisia and are subject to stringent penalties. Prevention is under the authority of two separate executive departments: the Ministry of Culture, Youth, and Recreation, and the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, Family, and Childhood. The Child
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Protection Code of 1995 formally declares that children have the right to live free from neglect and establishes the government’s responsibility to prevent neglect and abuse through legal and financial measures (U.S. Department of Labor 2005). Article 24 of the Child Protection Code specifically classifies abuse and neglect as crimes if they endanger the health of the child. The Ministry of Education has formally banned corporal punishment by teachers but parents are permitted to use physical punishment so long as the child does not sustain injury. A parent convicted of harming a child through corporal punishment faces a prison sentence of up to 20 years (United Nations Convention of the Rights of the Child 2002). UNICEF and other human rights organizations have found that instances of child abuse and neglect have remained relatively rare since the 1980s. Unlike many Islamic nations, in Tunisia genital mutilation is illegal and punishable as a form of child abuse (UNICEF 2006). Although some human rights organizations believe that Tunisia needs to strengthen current regulations, the nation has won international praise for its efforts to modernize child protection and services. Aid and monitoring agencies believe that child abuse, labor, and exploitation are not pressing issues and that the government will continue to strengthen laws to protect children and families (U.S. Department of State 2006). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Tunisia occupies a unique place in the history of Islamic government. Whereas many predominantly Muslim nations classify children and women as the property of males, Tunisia has adopted and maintained secular policies in these areas and continues to demonstrate a commitment to ensuring the safety and security of women and children. The current administration has announced intentions to make children’s issues a prominent feature in all upcoming legislative sessions. Life in Tunisia poses more of a threat to adults who openly criticize or try to oppose the current government. Despite significant progress towards the rights of families, Tunisia continues to have a poor record for its treatment of political opponents and activists.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Charrad, Mounira M. States and Women’s Rights: the Making of Postcolonial Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press; 2001. This study analyzes the treatment of women and families under three different predominantly Islamic governments and compares the evolution and competition of Islamic and secular civil rights.
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Geyer, Georgie Anne. Tunisia: The Story of a Country that Works. London, UK: Stacey International Publisher; 2003. This book provides a concise history of political and social development in Tunisia with specific focus on the unique features of Tunisia’s Islamic/secular political system. King, Stephen J. Liberalization Against Democracy: The Local Politics of Economic Reform in Tunisia. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press; 2003. This book describes the gradual liberalization and democratization of Tunisia’s government leading to economic reform. Also contains notes on history and governmental policy. Perkins, Kenneth. A Modern History of Tunisia. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press; 2004. This book explores the history and development of Tunisia from the 1800s to the present with a special focus on economic developments and regime change in the government. The book closes with a detailed review of the 1987 regime change and the struggle to form a representative democratic system in the nation.
Nonprint Resources Travel Series—Tunisia. VHS. This video explores Tunisia’s cultural and historic landmarks and visits Tunis and other Tunisian cities.
Web Sites Access Tunisia. http://www.access-tunisia.com. This site contains an extensive series of links connecting to the other major sites for Tunisian culture, politics, history, government, and tourism. Also provides updated news items, economic forecast, weather, and travel information. Tunisia Online. http://www.tunisiaonline.com. This site provides information about the history, government, politics, and culture and also has a site on tourism with important links and contacts. TunisieInfo. http://www.tunisieinfo.com. This site contains original reference documents in English, French, and Arabic describing the culture, politics, and social indicators of Tunisia. Also contains links to Tunisian radio, television, and Internet broadcasts.
Organizations and NGOs Committee for the Respect of Liberties and Human Rights in Tunisia (CRLDHT) 21 Rue Voltaire 75011 Paris, France Fax: 33 016 905 8961 Email: [email protected] International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF) Arab World Regional Bureau
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2 Place Virgile Notre Dame 1082 Tunis, Tunisia Phone: (2161) 284 309 Fax: (2161) 789 934 Ministry of Women, Family, and Child’s Affairs 1 Rue D’Algier Tunis, Tunisia Phone: 216 25 2514/336721 Fax: 216 71 349 900 Email: [email protected] National Agency of Environment Protection (ANPE) Centre Urbain Nord 15 rue 7051 Essalem 2080 Ariana, Tunisia Website: http://www.anpe.nart.tn/en/article.asp?IDO¼150&ID1¼180&ID¼180 National Union of Tunisian Women (UNTF) 56 Boulevard Bab Bnet 1008-Tunis, Tunisia Phone: 216 71 560 178 Fax: 216 71 567 131 Email: [email protected] Tunisian National Tourism Office (ONTT) 1 Ave. Mohammed V. 1001-Tunis, Tunisia Phone: 216 71 341 077 Fax: 216 71 350 997 Email: [email protected] World Family Organization 28 Place Saint-Georges F75009 Paris, France Phone: 33 1 48 78 07 59 Fax: 33 1 42 82 95 24 Email: [email protected] World Health Organization Mediterranean Center for Vulnerability Reduction Tunisia Rue du Lac Windermere, BP 40 1053 Les Berges du lac Tunisia Phone: 216 71 964 681/964 178 Fax: 216 71 964 558 Email: [email protected]
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Selected Bibliography Agenor, Pierre-Richard. ‘‘Labor Market Reforms, Growth, and Unemployment in Labor-Exporting Countries in the Middle East and North Africa.’’ Journal of Policy Modeling, 29, no. 2, 2007, 277–309. Amnesty International. Tunisia. Report 2003. http://web.amnesty.org/report 2003/tun-summary-eng. Camilleri, Carmel. ‘‘Modernity and the Family in Tunisia.’’ Journal of Marriage and the Family, 29 (August 1967), 590–595. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The World Factbook. Tunisia. Geography. 2007. https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/ts.html. Douka, Saida, and Fathy Nacef. ‘‘Women’s Mental Health in Tunisia.’’ World Psychiatry, 1 (February 2002), 55–56. Encyclopedia Britannica. Tunisia Economy, 2006. http://www.britannica.com/eb/ article-46608/Tunisia. End Child Prostitution Pornography and Trafficking, United Kingdom. Child Sex Tourism in Tunisia. 2004. http://www.ecpat.org.uk/downloads/ Tunisia05.pdf. Holmes-Ebber, Paula. Daughters of Tunis: Women, Family, and Networks in a Muslim City. New York: Westview Press; 2007. Human Rights Watch. World Report 2007. Essential Background on Tunisia. http://www.hrw.org/doc?t¼mideast&c¼tunisi. International Monetary Fund. Tunisia: Preliminary Conclusions of the Staff Visit. 2006. http://www.imf.org/external/np/ms/2006/111406a.htm. International Women’s Rights Action Watch (IWRAW). IWRAW to CEDAW Country Reports: Tunisia. June, 2002. http://iwraw.igc.org/publications/countries/ tunisia.htm. Les Scouts Tunisiens. Tunisian Scouts: Introduction. 2007. http://www.scouts .org.tn/anglais/eindex.htm. Rama, Martin. The World Bank Research Observer, 13 (February 1998). World Bank Research Group. http://www.worldbank.org/research/journals/wbro/ obsfeb98/howbad.htm. Sterrett, Brittany. United States Department of State. International Information Program. Tunisia Praised for Efforts to Protect Women’s Rights. 2005. http:// usinfo.state.gov/dhr/Archive/2005/Jun/15-735866.html. Tunisian News Agency. ‘‘Tunisia Celebrates, on Thursday, National Children’s Day.’’ January 10, 2007. http://www.tap.info.tn/en/index.php?option¼com_ content&task¼view&id¼6311&Itemid¼153. Tunisia Online. Tourism. 2006. http://www.tunisiaonline.com/tourism/index.html. UNICEF. Tunisia Background. 2005. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ Tunisia.html. United Nations. National Plan of Action. Tunisia Ministry of Women and Family Affairs. United Nations Publications. 2001. http://www.un.org/esa/gopherdata/conf/fwcw/natrep/NatActPlans/tunisia.txt. United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Committee on the Rights of the Child. Geneva: United Nations; 2001. United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF). Economic and Social Council. March, 2006. http://72.14.205.104/search? q¼cache:Q6aOBLGJVdIJ:www.unicef.org/about/execboard/files/06-PL25_ Tunisia_ODS.pdfþTunisiaþgovernmentþdecreesþoctoberþ2004þfamilies þschools&hl¼en&ct¼clnk&cd¼1&gl¼us&client¼firefox-a.
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United Nations Office at Geneva. International Year of Sport and Physical Education 2005. Geneva: United Nations; 2005. http://www.undp-act.org. U.S. Department of Labor. Bureau of International Labor Affairs. Tunisia Profile. 2004. http://www.dol.gov/ilab/media/reports/iclp/tda2004/tunisia.htm. U.S. Department of State. Country Reports. Tunisia. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. March 2006. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2005/ 61700.htm. ———. Bureau of Near East Affairs. October, 2006. Background: Tunisia, October 2006. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/5439.htm#history. ———. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. International Religious Freedom Report. Tunisia. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State; 2005. ———. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. February 2005. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/ hrrpt/2004/41733.htm. WHO/EMRO Press. The WHO Child Health Policy Yields Success. World Health Organization News. December 11, 2006. http://www.emro.who.int/pressreleases/ 2006/no24.htm. World Bank. Improving Education Quality in Tunisia. The World Bank: News and Broadcast. December, 2002. http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/ NEWS/0,,contentMDK:20082011menuPK:34457pagePK:34370piPK :34424theSitePK:4607,00.html. World Education News and Reviews. Practical Information: Education in Tunisia. Volume 19, Issue 2. April, 2006. http://www.wes.org/ewenr/06apr/ practical_tunisia.htm. World Health Organization Statistics. Eastern Mediterranean Regional Office. Country Profiles: Tunisia. 2006. http://www.emro.who.int/emrinfo/index.asp ?Ctry¼tun#HealthStatus.
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THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES Toni Briegel NATIONAL PROFILE The United Arab Emirates (UAE), a young country with high aspirations for playing a pivotal role in the global marketplace, is beginning to face some of the social issues that go along with rapid growth and the nationalization of the labor force. Women are entering the workforce in record numbers, which creates the need for some adjustment to the once rigid division of labor in the household. The standard of living for national Emiratis is very high, with a gross national income purchasing power parity (GNI PPP) of US$29,000 in 2004. Population is estimated at 2,600,000 with a growth rate of 1.5 percent. Emirati citizens make up less than 20 percent of the population. Other Arab nationalities and Iranians make up 23 percent, South Asians 50 percent, and other expatriates, including Westerners and East Asians, 8 percent (United Arab Emirates 2006). The majority of non-nationals work in service or construction jobs earning low wages. Because a minimum salary level is required to sponsor families, most workers leave their spouses and children in their home countries. A requirement for citizenship is following the Muslim religion, and nationals wear traditional costumes to distinguish themselves from the large expatriate population. Nationals live in extended families in large homes designed
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to accommodate multiple branches of one family. Single-parent families are rare because divorced or widowed women go back to their father’s home with the children or the father keeps the children and begins a new family. Single-parent families are also unusual in the non-resident sector because most non-residents are male workers who have left their families back in their home countries. Emigration is discouraged to the point where national men and women are penalized if they choose to marry expatriates. Citizenship is an honor seldom awarded. Non-national workers and professionals at all levels are expected to fulfill their work contracts and go back to their home countries. The government provides much assistance to native Emiratis, including free education through the university, low-cost and excellent health care, assistance in buying a house, and access to a marriage fund to cut wedding costs and to encourage citizens to marry each other. The Marriage Fund was established by the late Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan to encourage the UAE youth to marry national women and to curb the phenomenon of high dowries. Set up in 1992, the main objective of the Fund was to strengthen the social structure in UAE. Since its establishment, the Fund has contributed to raising the awareness of the UAE society about the negative social practices of high dowries and the dangers of divorce to the family structure. The Fund organizes family guidance campaigns in cooperation with media organizations targeting universities, schools, and social associations. Other programs sponsored by the Marriage Fund also include conducting scientific studies that analyze social phenomena and problems facing the UAE families. The Fund sponsors scholarships for university graduates to obtain high degrees in family science, establishing family counseling programs, and is developing investment projects to support the Fund’s budget KEY FACTS – UNITED ARAB EMIRATES (WAM 2005). Infant mortality rate: 13.52 deaths/1,000 (2007 est.) The UAE Red Crescent SociLife expectancy at birth: 75.69 years (2007 est.) ety has launched Ramadan charLiteracy rate: 77.9 percent (2003 est.) ity projects to help the less Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 71 percent fortunate, both in the UAE and (2000–2005 est.) Internet users: 1.397 million (2005) abroad. During Ramadan, the Human Poverty Index (HP-1) rank: 34 society provides Iftar (the evening meal at the end of a fasting Sources: CIA World Factbook: United Arab Emirates. https:// www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ day) for the poor, conducts ae.html. June 18, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: United Arab Zakat (alms) distribution, conEmirates–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ ducts programs for orphans, uae_statistics.html. June 18, 2007; United Nations hands out Zakat Al Fitr at the Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–United Arab Emirates. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/ end of Ramadan, and provides statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_ARE.html. June 18, new clothes for Eid day, the 2007. major religious holiday.
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OVERVIEW We are totally convinced that raising children and taking care of them is top priority in any successful society. We in the Gulf region strive to deepen the Arabic Islamic identity in our children. —Shaikh Nahyan Nahyan bin Mubarak Al Nahyan (Al Theeb 2006)
The UAE has been cited as one of the countries that has incorporated international conventions on human rights into its constitution. According to a report issued by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the UAE constitution covers most of the rights mentioned in the Human Rights Declaration and other conventions. They include freedom of speech, religion, work, ownership, and the freedom to earn and lead a comfortable life. Article 16 of the UAE constitution guarantees citizens all rights in the fields of education, economy, health care, and social security for children, mothers, and the elderly, as well as the protection of minors and assisting the unemployed. The 1999 UNDP report said that the UAE’s illiteracy rate dropped to less than 20 percent, drinking water supply increased by 28 percent, life expectancy rose to 70 years, and infant mortality rate recorded a significant decline (WAM 2003).
EDUCATION Every citizen has the right to a free education through college. School is compulsory for boys and girls though grade nine. Currently, children are not required to attend kindergarten, but this will soon change. Children with disabilities are supported by the government and parents are becoming more open-minded about sending their children to schools. Education has been a priority for the UAE since the founding of the country in 1971. Prior to establishing requirements for compulsory education, most children were taught household or occupational skills through their families in the home. Some children were also sent to religious schools called Madressahs, where they learned to read the Quran. Still others were taught by religious leaders from their local mosque. Today education is compulsory, and there are nearly 1,500 government and private primary, preparatory, and secondary schools throughout the country. Government-funded education for national students, including monies for books, equipment, uniforms and, in some cases boarding and transportation, is continuous from kindergarten through university (Education. http://countrystudies.us/Persian_gulf_states/82.htm. Accessed May 16, 2006.). At the conclusion of secondary school, national students who meet entrance criteria are eligible to attend the three government higher education institutions, United Arab Emirates University, Sheikh Zayed University, or the various campuses of the Higher Colleges of Education at government expense.
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A parallel system of private education is also present at all levels. Nearly 40 percent of the students in the Emirates are enrolled in private schools (Learning in United Arab Emirates 2006; History, Education 2006). About 30 percent of the private primary, preparatory, and secondary schools follow the Ministry of Education curriculum, whereas others follow curriculum from other countries, such as the United Kingdom, the United States of America, Pakistan, or India. Many UAE nationals send their children to private schools, as they wish their children to receive more Englishlanguage teaching than they would receive in government schools. All private schools and private universities are funded by nongovernment sources. All private schools are licensed by the Ministry of Education and operate under Ministry supervision. Government policy stipulates that private schools in addition to their other curricula must offer Islamic education, Arabic language, and social studies to all enrolled Arab students. These subjects are also offered as additional subjects for non-Arab students. Current government statistics indicate that the overall literacy rate for UAE males is about 84 percent and for UAE females 91 percent. The government is aiming for 100 percent literacy by the year 2010 at the latest (Fahem 2006). Government Schools for National Students Boys and girls are educated separately after preschool education, but both sexes follow the same prescribed curriculum. Those students who choose technical secondary education enter a 6-year program after primary education, choosing from technical, agricultural, or commercial strands. The language of instruction in Emirati schools has traditionally been Arabic, but English instruction begins in most kindergartens. English is also used in English classes and in technology classes. A number of reforms are currently underway to increase the percentage of time allocated to English instruction in the primary school by implementing English instruction throughout science and mathematics classes and by increasing the number of English classes taught by native English-speaking teachers and by nonnative teachers with near-native language fluency. The Ministry of Education and Youth, the ministry previously responsible for school education, merged with the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research in November of 2004 to create the current Ministry of Education (UAE Interact 2007c). Currently, many reforms are under consideration, including turning more decision-making and prioritizing over to individual schools and school administrations. Students with Special Needs An increasing number of programs are available for students with special needs. Centers are supervised by the Ministry of Labor and Social
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Affairs to meet the needs of those with hearing and physical disabilities, the visually impaired, and others with special needs such as autism. According to government statistics (UAE Interact 2007c), the percentage of disabled people in the UAE is approximately 8 to 10 percent of the population. New centers in Abu Dhabi and Sharjah have both classrooms and training workshops for special needs populations. In addition, private centers such as the Future Center in Abu Dhabi also provide programming for special learners. The country’s first ever law on protecting people with special needs is likely to be passed in July of 2006 (UAE Interact 2007a). New programs for gifted and talented learners are also under consideration. Higher Education There is a full system of postsecondary education operating within the UAE. Included are the publicly funded universities, United Arab Emirates University, founded in 1976, and Zayed University, established in 1998. Both offer a variety of bachelors and masters degrees, some in conjunction with prestigious institutions from the United States of America. At the many colleges of the Higher Colleges of Technology, programs were developed specifically in response to the demands of the UAE economy. These programs lead to diplomas, higher diplomas, and to bachelors degrees in business, communication technology, education, engineering technology, health sciences, and information technology (IT). In addition, there is an extensive system of privately funded universities across the Emirates, a system growing larger with each additional year. The government also liberally funds scholarships for students who study abroad. Institutions such as the Islamic and Arabic Studies College and the Dubai Police Academy offer initial licenses. A few institutions offer the associate degree. Doctoral degrees are limited, but more are under consideration as international universities are opening branches of their campuses throughout the country. Many of these institutions will be located in the Knowledge Village in Dubai. The UAE government requires evidence that these branch campuses are operating at the same level or standard as the main or home institution, with the relevant authority in the home country responsible for issues of accreditation and quality assurance (Australian Government n.d.). PLAY AND RECREATION Abu Dhabi, Dubai, and other Emirate cities offer multiple recreational and cultural facilities for families and children. The excellent parks system is well used by the general public. Children have opportunities to learn to ice skate and have indoor snow experiences in both Abu Dhabi and Dubai. Plans are progressing to place Disneyland-type recreation centers
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in major population areas. Science ‘‘discovery centers,’’ heritage museums, and arts centers are favorite places for family outings and school field trips. Currently, the UAE boasts a full range of media services from newspapers to radio and television broadcasts to state of the art telecommunication technology. The UAE is a member of the World Intellectual Property Organization and the government uses a strict enforcement policy to observe piracy and patent laws. Etisalat (Emirates Telecommunications Corporation), the national telecommunication company, offers a wide range of services for voice communication, wireless communication, and data communication. Etisalat takes its name form the Arabic word for ‘‘communications’’. Etisalat works with the Ministry of Education to offer IT services that address the evolving educational needs and that support educational development. According to the UAE 2006 Electronic Yearbook provided by UAE Interact, more than a million users have Internet access. More than 4 million mobile phones are in operation, with some people owning and using multiple phones. E-Vision, a subsidiary of Etisalat, is the only cable provider for the UAE. Both the basic E-Vision package and optional packages include TV stations dedicated to children and junior programs, for instance, Cartoon Network, Disney Channel, Fox Kids, and ART Teens. A local channel, eJunior, has its own website designed specially for children’s use. In addition, many local and Arab television stations offer daily and weekly programs designed specifically for children and teenagers. These programs range from cartoons to educational programs and games and are offered in both Arabic and English. The Emirates Media Inc., a governmental broadcasting corporation based in Abu Dhabi, offers satellite TV channels such as Emirates, Abu Dhabi, and Abu Dhabi Sports. It publishes several magazines, one of which, Majed, is dedicated to children. According to Emirates Media, Majed, a weekly publication, is one of the most popular children’s magazines in the Arab world with a weekly distribution of nearly 177,000 copies. Knowledge Village, located on the outskirts of Dubai, is the first of its kind in the Gulf region. It is an educational and training ‘‘hub’’ with several objectives, including promoting Dubai as an educational destination and the Middle East as a center of excellence for learning and training, and promoting e-learning initiatives. Knowledge Village is linked to Dubai Internet City and Dubai Media City. The Cultural Foundation, located in the capital Abu Dhabi, plays an important role in cultural life. It has an exhibition hall and a theater where artistic, musical, and cultural activities are planned, and it holds an annual book exhibition with a special section for children’s books and software programs. The Foundation houses a large library and a computer lab with access to Internet open to the public for a minimal fee. It has a center that
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offers a variety of activities for children. Children’s offerings include workshops in religion, drawing, music, dance, computer skills, French, painting, and story writing for children of ages 6 to 12. Pre-kindergarten workshops are also offered. Similar facilities are available in other Emirate cities. IT Education in the UAE Computer-based technology plays an important role in education in the UAE. With the start of the new millennium, major initiatives have been launched to integrate technology into schools. The H. H. Sheikh Mohamed bin Rashed IT Education Project (ITEP), launched in 2000, focuses on providing students with IT instruction to prepare them for their future roles in building the UAE Knowledge Economy. The project currently covers 40 high schools in Abu Dhabi and Dubai and impacts over 13,000 students yearly (ITEP 2006). Another IT initiative, T3: Technology Tools for Teaching (Atallah and Dada 2006), was launched as a collaborative effort between Zayed University and Abu Dhabi Educational Zone (ADEZ) in 2003. This project is part of a long-term IT integration project and focuses on designing and using a variety of technology tools to enhance the instructional process. The UAE Educational IT Challenge (ITEP 2006) is a yearly award and exhibition program designed to acknowledge and promote creative and innovative IT projects designed by students and teachers in schools, colleges, and universities of the UAE and the GCC. This program models the Global Challenges of Stockholm and Rome and was initiated in 2002. CHILD LABOR Labor laws currently in effect in the UAE state that children younger than the age of 15 should not be employed and outline the set of documents needed before a young person between the ages of 15 and 18 may be employed. Laws limit the number of hours a young person can work, prevents him or her from working at night, outlines breaks, consecutive days, and forbids overtime work. No child is allowed to work at any job that is considered to be dangerous. The UAE has stopped the practice of using children as camel jockeys. Although the children were not Emirati, the UAE is cooperating with the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) and has established a rehabilitation center at a military facility in Abu Dhabi for the repatriation of children involved in camel racing (WAM 2005). FAMILY Males and females are brought up very differently in the same household. Boys are given more freedom and less responsibility than girls.
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Ideally, boys are required to attend and complete school and prepare to enter the work force and become responsible husbands and fathers. The lack of structure and responsibility in the home in addition to ample funds, however, often leads to misconduct in the schools and a disregard for following rules in the community, particularly when driving. The death rate for young Emirati males in highway accidents is one of the highest in the Middle East. School children are not required or encouraged to work. The normal chores of running a house are given to maids or other females in the home. Boys often join their fathers on visits to friends and participate in numerous social events. They chaperone sisters and other women in the family and sometimes assist in shopping chores at the supermarket. Females are expected to attend school and help the mother inside the home. They must look after younger brothers and sisters and assist the mother when she has guests. Girls are not expected to work outside the home as they become older, but are allowed to do so in some families if they desire. In the past, girls were not allowed to leave the home alone, but this is changing as more and more women move into the work force. Rites of passage are predominately based on religion. Children are taught to pray at the age of 7 and at 10 are required to pray five times a day. When children reach puberty, they are required to fast during Ramadan. At puberty, girls begin wearing abayas (long black robes) and shaylas (black or colorful scarves). The hair and body must be completely covered. Levels of covering depend upon the desires of the girl and the traditions of her family or tribe. Variations of veiling or covering can be found in the same family as girls decide for themselves how they would like to appear in public. Once girls reach puberty, they must act more feminine. Women and girls form their own society as do men and each celebrate major events like weddings and graduations separately. After marriage, girls, now called women, are given more freedom, depending upon the level of conservatism of their husbands. For example, they may leave the home alone to run errands, go shopping, or go to work. Emiratis can earn their driver’s license at 18 years of age, but they must renew it every year until they are 21. Females must get permission to learn to drive from their fathers or husbands or other guardian. Once she has earned the license, however, it cannot be taken away. The divorce rate among Emiratis is one of the highest in the Gulf area. Divorced women return to their father’s home and are treated like girls again, but more strictly. The woman, as the caretaker of the home, is nearly always considered to be at fault in a divorce proceeding. This attitude is changing, however, and depends upon the family and the reason for the divorce. The woman normally keeps the female children until they marry and the male children until they go to work. If the mother decides to remarry, then the father is awarded custody of the children. Divorce is normally much more difficult for the woman than the man, and it is
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much easier for him to remarry. Under Islamic law, men are allowed to have four wives at the same time. Children of divorce do not suffer social shame, but they may have personal problems because their families have been broken up. Every child born to an Emirati family gets 300 dirhams a month from the government until the child gets a job or the girl gets married. Families with more than four children get priority for loans for government housing. The eldest son has responsibility for taking care of the elderly in the family. If there is no son, then the eldest daughter takes over. The rule is, the closest relative is responsible, but everyone in the extended family assists. Families living in the same house are often very large, including four generations. Sons marry and bring their wives home to live, often for several years. Grandparents assist in taking care of young children, especially if the mother is attending school or working. Some nursing homes are beginning to accept patients, but this practice is considered shameful and families expect to take care of their elderly themselves. Socioeconomic status divisions are mainly tribal. Families are very close and children are expected to marry within the tribe. Often girls are expected to marry their first cousins, but this practice is slowly changing and depends upon the father’s beliefs and family tradition. Every tribe has its sheiks. Women keep their own names when they marry. She keeps her tribal names and the husband keeps his. Children are given the tribe and tribal name of the father. Social strata are not clear cut, but some vague divisions may be made concerning levels of education, income, and religious beliefs. Tribe and reputation of the family and individuals within the family are very important. Families and young people seek to find marriage partners at the same or higher level, the key consideration for selecting a husband being can he afford the basic things for his family. (Information obtained from focus group discussions.) HEALTH The UAE ranks number 41 on the most recent United Nations Human Development Index of 177 countries. Its high rating of 0.849 is a result of efforts to provide a world-class health service to its population (Human Development Index 2006). Infant mortality is one of the lowest in the region with 7.9 deaths per 1,000 births. Prenatal and postnatal care compares with that of developed nations. Ninety-nine percent of births take place in the hospital (Al Abed et al. 2006). Life expectancy at birth for males is 75 years and for females is 80 years. Information about the human body is introduced at a cursory level during middle school classes. Sexuality is never mentioned in public but is discussed between mother and daughter, father and son, shortly before marriage. Women are given considerable support when pregnant and after
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having babies. Before a woman gives birth, she has to go to her own mother’s house to get support from her own family. She stays there for 40 days after giving birth, and then goes back to the home of her husband. This is done especially for the first baby. This practice is changing, however, and will be less common in the future (T. Briegel; personal communication, May 30, 2006). Ample and inexpensive health insurance is provided to Emirati nationals and all expatriate residents. Non-nationals are required to subscribe to the national health plan. Nationals have the choice to join or not. The UAE provides a high level of specialized health care. Government schools often house offices for medical doctors and dentists. Students are given regular checkups and are given immunization shots for common childhood diseases. A separate Ministry of Health for the country is currently being restructured and streamlined to keep up with international developments and reinforce the private health sector. Regular hospital visits are being initiated and a UAE council for medical specialists is being put in place to upgrade the training of UAE medical personnel (Al Abed 2006). Mental health is well provided for in comparison to other countries. Although illegal drug use is not common in the UAE, the police are using technology to spread awareness and prevent drug addiction. Finally, pollution around the urban centers caused by huge numbers of cars and dust from construction projects is beginning to cause serious concern. Drinking water is in relatively ample supply. A combination of desalination plants and ground water work together to meet current needs. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Federal Law Number 1 sets in place several ministries charged with overseeing the welfare of children and youth. The Ministry of Public Health prepares programs for establishing centers for motherhood and childhood care. The Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs provides social services and family care. The Ministry of Youth and Sports implements the state’s policy for youth and sports sector according to the principles of Islam. The Motherhood and Childhood Supreme Council operates under the Ministry of Public Health and is charged with upgrading the level of care, attention and providing follow-up of motherhood and childhood affairs. The mission of the Council is to direct professional organizations and institutions toward the establishment of projects aimed at the care of motherhood and childhood educationally, healthfully, culturally, and socially. In addition, the Council undertakes and encourages studies and research in the field of motherhood and childhood. Under criminal law, a child younger than 18 years of age is not held accountable for crimes of any nature. Minors are not put in jail but detained in facilities especially designed for minors. Most of the crimes
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committed by minors are against property. If a minor does break the law, the father has to carry the responsibility. A Minor’s Law addresses crimes for minors aged 7 to 18 years of age. The Minister of Interior Affairs has set in place the Zayed Higher Organization for Humanitarian, Special Needs and Minor Affairs, which also oversees minors and has jurisdiction when a family matter involves a minor’s money (Russell et al. 2006). Federal Law No. 2 regarding social security indicates that sons or daughters will be eligible for social security until the age of 18 if they have no other means of income. Children who receive the full amount are handicapped, orphans, unmarried daughters, suffers of illness, and students. With respect to the legal system, males are referred to juvenile court until the age of 18, with women attending juvenile court until the age of 21. These are also the ages for parents being held legally responsible for their children. At present, there is no legal marriage age for women in the UAE, but 18 is the legal age for men. However, the father may sign the marriage certificate in order for the marriage to occur. Official statistics put the average age for marriage at this time as being around twenty-three for males and twenty-two for females and increasing (Russell et al. 2006). Problem behaviors among UAE adolescents mainly occur for the male. Although there are few official statistics, it has been recognized that probably the most significant at risk behavior for adolescents in the UAE is death or injury from car accidents. Other high-awareness problem behaviors are obesity, smoking, and to a lesser degree hard drugs and alcohol, plus violent crimes, especially against property. There is only a small number of Emirati youth in police correction centers, showing that violent crimes and drug-related behaviors are relatively infrequent. Smoking and obesity are problems that receive more media attention (Russell et al. 2006). Youth violence is on the increase in the UAE. Schools have instituted guidelines to handle fighting among students. Most blame the rise on cultural difference, boredom, media violence, and lack of parental guidance (Staff Report 2005). In response to an increase in problem behavior from adolescents, the UAE government has increased efforts to support the adolescent age group by stressing the importance of education. The Ministry of Internal Affairs has established specialized institutes for care for young offenders, both male and female, that offer comprehensive services. These services include social and psychological assessment and investigation of each case, together with a plan for corrective actions; full medical care and treatment and reference of complicated cases to hospitals; education and training for technical careers; the establishment of libraries inside correctional institutions; provisions of positive entertainment through TV, radio, and sports; and provision of religious guidance (Ministry of Internal Affairs 2005).
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RELIGIOUS LIFE The Federal Constitution of the UAE declares that Islam is the official religion of all seven of its constituent Emirates, although it does provides for freedom of religion to the expatriates residing in the UAE. Family law for Muslims is governed by Sharia where Muslim men may marry nonMuslim women, however, Muslim women are not allowed to marry nonMuslim men (U.S. Department of State 2003). The responsibility of religious socialization of children rests primarily with the immediate and the extended family, then the school and the community. In the UAE, the child is seen as a crucial generational link in the family unit and the key to its constitution, the living person that ties the present to the past and to the future (Fernea 1995). Parents in the UAE are reported to have few doubts about child-rearing practices or about the goals of parents, children, and the family unit (Caesar and Badry 2003). The primary social unit is the extended family, within which the child receives identity, affection, discipline, role models, and economic and social support ideally from birth to death; in exchange the family requires conformity and loyalty from all members beginning in early childhood (Fernea 1995). Only after the birth of a child are a newly married man and woman considered to be full members of their particular family unit and adult members of the wider society. Children are valued not only for economic and political reasons but also for religious reasons. When children are born, the first words recited into the child’s right ear is the adhaan (call to prayer). Hafiz ibn Qayyim has written that the significance of saying the adhaan is that such words declare the greatness and majesty of God (as cited by Ulwaan 2000). Thereafter, the kalimah shahadah is recited; this is the means by which the child enters into the fold of Islam. A practice of the prophet Mohammed frequently adhered to in the UAE is tahneek, where something sweet (usually a piece of softened date with the skin removed) is placed on the child’s palate after birth. This is believed to make the dental palate, jaws, and mouth strong so that sucking milk from the breast of the mother is made easy. In accordance with Islamic traditions, 7 days after birth, the hair on the head of the new-born is shaved and silver equivalent to the weight of the child’s hair is given to the poor. The child is also named on the seventh day of birth which is marked by a sacrifice of one goat for a female and two for a male child (this is called aqeeqah). In the UAE a family gathering is held in which the new parents are congratulated and the child is welcomed into the family. Early indulgence of babies and demand for breast-feeding is widespread throughout this region in addition to a great deal of affectionate behavior towards the baby from the mother, father, other siblings, and relatives. Physical closeness and indulgence are combined with early toilet
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training. Either long-term breast-feeding or abrupt weaning may occur depending on when the next child is born into the family. Male children used to be circumcised (khatnah) in the past between the ages of three and six because it was seen as an important event that marked the transition from babyhood to boyhood (Fernea 1995). These days, however, the common trend in the UAE is to circumcise male children within 7 days after birth to coincide with the aqeeqah. It is also deemed to be less painful, and there is a greater chance of limiting infection because cleaning is easier. Socialization of the child takes place primarily within the home with the mother, father, and extended family being responsible for the religious education of the child (Tarazi 1995). Currently, the rise in economic status has enabled UAE national families to employ housemaids and nannies who also help socialize children in Emirati homes. Criticism of this practice has been voiced by H. H. Sheikha Fatima bin Mubarak (Al-Ahram Arabic Daily 2003, as cited by WAM 2003), because housemaids are generally of foreign nationalities with a limited experience of local culture and religious practices. Islam is considered to be a way of life; therefore, socialization for other important societal norms of behavior begins almost as soon as the child is conscious of others. The rules, laws, and principles of Islam are central in shaping the life, behavior, and identity of children in the UAE. According to Hamad Ammar (as cited by Fernea 1995), from the Islamic perspective, a good child is one who is mu’addab(a) (polite and disciplined) and who conforms to the values of the group. This is very much an expectation in the UAE, where a child is believed to be without ‘aql (reason) and the goal of child-rearing is to instill and develop reason, which is seen as necessary for successful adult life in society. The onset of puberty (boloogh) is generally considered to be an important age marker in the UAE, where boys and girls are expected to perform their religious duties as an adult. This includes fasting during the month of Ramadan and praying five times a day. In the UAE, children are generally ushered into the practice of religious duties by gradual training during childhood. Although mothers take the major responsibility for socializing young children, young boys generally accompany their fathers to the mosque, particularly for Friday prayers. Although some mosques do have prayer facilities for women, fewer national girls go to the mosque as females usually offer prayer at home. Segregation of the sexes is expected in the UAE, where girls are expected not to have interactions with non-relative males from about the age of nine. Before puberty children are not required to fast or adhere to restrictions imposed during the month of Ramadaan, but some choose to do so for a few days at least in imitation of their parents. Religious socialization takes place not only at home but also at school (for both girls and boys) and in the mosque (particularly for boys). Knowledge of the Holy Qur’an is deemed necessary for the child’s
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religious development. Islamic studies are mandatory in both public and private schools in the UAE. In addition, according to Article 84 of the Executive System of Private Education, private schools found teaching subjects that contravene Islam, defame any religion, or contravene the nation’s ethics and beliefs may face penalties including closure (U.S. Department of State 2003). In school, children study the Holy Qur’an and learn the practices of Muslims (like how to pray, fast, perform ablution, bath etc.). This serves to reinforce the religious education provided at home. The UAE Ministry of Education and Youth have developed syllabi for different school stages covering the fundamentals related to Islamic studies. Successful completion of Islamic studies generally means having read the whole Qur’an. Memorizing the Qur’an is encouraged, particularly amongst UAE national boys. The Dubai International Holy Qur’an award (DIHQA) is held during Ramadan in the UAE (DIHQA 2006). Although this competition is open to participants from all over the world, usually only males participate. An internal award also administered by the DIHQA is for UAE nationals only. In this competition, both UAE national male and female participants are encouraged to participate (DIHQA 2006). Both these competitions are prestigious and both carry a monetary prize. Religious holidays in the UAE include Eid-ul-Fitr, Eid-ul-Adha, the Islamic New Year, the Prophet’s Birthday, and Ascension Day. During these holidays, schools close and families get together to share meals, give gifts to children, and enjoy each other’s company (Caeser and Badry 2003). The religious significance related to these holidays forms part of the school curriculum, and lectures at the mosque and in private gatherings offer further education to young children. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The UAE has been cited by the United Nations as one of the countries that has incorporated international conventions on human rights into its constitution. The UAE constitution covers most of the rights mentioned in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, including freedom of speech, religion, work, ownership, and the freedom to earn and lead a comfortable life. Article 16 of the UAE constitution guarantees citizens all rights in the fields of education, economy, health care, and social security for children, mothers, and the elderly as well as the protection of minors and assistance for the unemployed. Other federal laws require children to begin school at the age of 6 years old and attend until the age of 14. Fathers are not to be accused of committing a crime if they discipline minor children. Persons removing an infant from the legal guardian will be put in prison. Anyone injuring or endangering a juvenile of less than 15 years of age will face a prison term. Both prison and a fine will be levied upon any person endangering
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a child of less than 7 years of age. Jail terms are required for anyone who forces persons younger than 18 years of age to commit prostitution, and a sentence of death is passed against any person using force to achieve intercourse with a female or to practice homosexuality with a male. With respect to the military, many Emirati adolescents are members of the army. It is a relatively common practice for adolescent boys to leave school before completing grade 12 to join either the police or the army. This occurs from the end of grade 9. The military provides special training to nationals who have not completed their high school education.
GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The goal of the UAE government is to maintain balanced development all around the country and to provide the UAE citizens a dignified living. —HRH Shaikh Mohammad Bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Vice-President and Prime Minister of the UAE and Ruler of Dubai (Gulf News Report 2006)
Development seems to be the focus of the future in the Emirates. Since the UAE became a country in 1978, progress has been almost explosive as oil money has been spent to build modern cities, airports, and roads. Hundreds of thousands of expatriates have been hired at every skill level to assist in transforming the country. English is becoming a required second language. Math, science, and computer skills are being taught in English in the lower elementary grades. There is some concern that globalization will negatively impact the culture of the UAE. Children taught in exclusive private schools where English is the language of instruction are beginning to lose the ability to speak Arabic fluently. As lifestyles become easier and the government provides jobs, inexpensive housing, free education, other services to nationals, there is danger that a welfare mentality will result, albeit at a high level. There is already a problem with obesity, resulting in more than 30 percent of the national population having diabetes. Although health care has become better and better over the years, dependence upon technology, television, rich food, and lack of exercise has made people less healthy than ever. People will become less physically interactive as family members are drawn to television sets and personal computers during free time. Children are and will continue to be indulged, often having their own rooms complete with individual electronic systems from mobile phones to computers. Social communication will increasingly take place via machines. Social skills normally taught in the home will have to be taught in schools. The quality of education will improve over the years as the need for it continues to be recognized. It is possible that coming generations of young people will develop a desire for personal interaction and seek healthier ways to live;
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however, with the current interest in high-tech forms of communication and entertainment, this seems unlikely. An awareness of the need to protect the environment of the country, however, is being born. As the cities continue to grow and pollution becomes more problematic, solutions will be sought at earlier levels than in other countries. The question everyone asks, however, is how long will the oil last? What will be left when the oil is gone? Visionary leaders in the country have asked those questions and are working to turn the Emirates into a business and tourist center for the Middle East while seeking to protect their own culture and the rights and well-being of the Emirati people. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The following professors at Zayed University have made contributions to this article: Kathy Jongsma, Sharon Bryant, Kathija Adam, Lilly Tennant, Guillermina Engelbrecht, Fida Atallah, Raymond Tennant, Robin Dada, and Kenneth Carr. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Al Fahim, Mohammed. From Rags to Riches. London: London Center of Arab Studies, LTD; 2001. A highly recommended book that traces the early development of the United Arab Emirates as a nation. Very informative and well-written. Holten, Patricia. Mother Without a Mask: A Westerner’s Story of Her Arab Family. Dubai: Motivate Publishing; 1997. The personal story of one woman’s experiences interacting with an Arab family after hosting one of her sons during a study trip. Lewis, Bernard. The Middle East: A Brief History of the Past 2000 Years. New York: Simon & Schuster; 1997. An academic text that provides greater detail for readers desiring a solid introduction to the history of the Middle East. Sampler, Jeffrey, and Saeb Eigner. Sand to Silicon. London: Profile Book; 2000. Thesiger, Wilfred. Arabian Sands. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books; 1985. Thesiger is recognized as one of the great travelers of the last century. This detailed book gives a fascinating insight into his travels through the Empty Quarter. The accompanying photographs are simply beautiful and have been reproduced in other publications. UAE Ministry of Information and Culture. United Arab Emirates Yearbook 2006. Dubai: UAE Ministry of Information and Culture; 2006. Williams, Jeremy. Don’t They Know It’s Friday. Dubai: Motivate Publisher; 1998. A book (with an unfortunate title) that describes an expatriate’s view of life in an Arab country. The generic advice is that if you live in another person’s country, then you abide by the laws, culture, and customs of that person’s country.
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Nonprint Resources Dubai Tourism and Commerce Marketing. Produces a range of DVDs in Arabic. http://www.arabwideweb.com/english/Tourism_News.asp?id¼81 Instant Immersion of Arabic [2 CD-ROM set]. Compact Disc: Topics Entertainment. Barcode: 78173580345
Web Sites Abu Dhabi Chamber of Commerce & Industry, http://www.adcci-uae.com. Dubai Chamber of Commerce & Industry, http://www.dcci.org. Dubai e-Government Portal, http://www.dubai.ae. Emirates Internet .LearnOnline.ae.
and
Multimedia,
http://www.eim.ae
and
http://www
Emirates News Agency, http://www.wam.org.ae. General Directorate of Abu Dhabi Police, http://www.adpolice.gov.ae. Ministry of Education, http://www.moe.gov.ae. Ministry of Health, http://www.moh.gov.ae/intro. Ministry of Information and Culture, http://www.uaeinteract.com. UAE Government (all Ministries), http://uae.gov.ae. Zayed Foundation, http://www.zayedfoundation.org.
Organizations and NGOs The UAE Red Crescent Society Website: http://www.uaerc.ae An organization similar to the Red Cross, whose purpose is to assist those in need.
Selected Bibliography Abu Dhabi Educational Zone. Abu Dhabi Education Zone Launches Award Winning Future Schools Initiative. http://www.adez/ae/Portal/siteBuilder/sites/ adez/English/press_conference_ar.aspx. Al Abed, I., Paula Vine, Peter Hellyer, and Peter Vine. UAE at a Glance 2006. London: Trident Press Ltd.; 2006, 85–87.
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Al Noor Training Centre for Children With Special Needs. http://www.alnooruae .org/about.htm. Al Theeb, Alia. Youngsters Must Know Their Rights. Gulf News, March 21, 2006. http://archive.gulfnews.com/articles/06/03/21/10027079.html. Arab Net. UAE: Education. http://www.arab.net/uae/ue_education.htm. Arabian Campus. Study in UAE-University/College Zone. http://www.arabiancampus .com/studyinuae/universities/uclist.htm. Atallah, F., and Dada, R. ‘‘Evaluating an In-service Teacher Training Program: The Impact of T3–Technology Tools for Teaching,’’ in Proceedings of Society for Information Technology and Teacher Education International Conference 2006, edited by C. Crawford et al. Chesapeake, VA: AACE; 2006, 834–839. Australian Government. Australian Education International. United Arab Emirates. http://aei.dest.gov.au/AEI/CEP/UAE/EducationSystem. Caeser, J., and Badry, F. ‘‘Teen Life in the United Arab Emirates,’’ in Teen Life in the Middle East, edited by A. A. Mahdi. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press; 2003. Country Reports: United Arab Emirates Ministry of Education and Youth. Education For All. The Year 2000 Assessment. http://www2.unesco.org/wef/ countryreports/united_arab_emirates/contents.html. Dubai International Holy Qur’aan Award (DIHQA). The International Holy Qur’an Contest, 2006. http://www.quran.gov.ae/content/blogcategory/21/79/ lang,english. Dubai Knowledge Village. About Dubai Knowledge Village. http://www.kv.ae/en/ cms/showcontent.asp?menu¼side&menuid¼68&DocumentID¼8. ECSSR. Education in the UAE: Steps Towards Solving a Chronic Problem. http:// www.ecssr.ac.ae/CDA/en/FeaturedTopics/DisplayTopic/0,1670,342-0-64,00 .html. ———. Introduction and Mission. http://www.ecssr.ac.ae/CDA/en/StaticContent/ ShowStaticContentAbout ECSSR/0,146. Educational System in UAE. http://yalla10.yalla.com.lb/students/abroad/english/ uae.html. Fahem, F. Dh9.52 billion allocated to UAE education. Khaleej Times, January 11, 2006. http://www.khaleejtimes.com/DisplayArticle.asp?xfile¼data/business/ 2006/January/businesstimes. Fernea, E. W. Childhood in the Muslim Middle East. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press; 1995. Gulf News Report. ‘‘Interview: Schools Will be a Magnet.’’ Gulfnews.com. June 3, 2006. http://archive.gulfnews.com/articles/06/06/03/10044452.html. Habib, Rania. ‘‘Council Gives Fee Exemption for All Model School Students.’’ Gulf News, May 7, 2006. http://archive.gulfnews.com/articles/06/05/07/ 10038271.html. Higher Colleges of Technology. About the Higher Colleges of Technology. Colleges: CERT College. http://www.hct.ac.ae/about/colleges_cert.html. ———. Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research. http://www.uae .gov.ae/mohe/heinstitutions_hct.html. ———. UAE Education. http://el.hct.ac.ae/UAE/Educ.html. History, Education. http://www.sheikhmohammed.co.ae/english/history/history_ edu.asp. Human Development Index by country. http://www.nationmaster.com/graph/ eco_hum_dev_ind-economy-human-development-index.
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Infoplease. United Arab Emirates. http://www.infoplease.com/ipa/A0108074.html. Learning in United Arab Emirates. http://www.cp-pc.ca/english/uae/learning.html. List of Educational Zones in United Arab Emirates. http://www.adcci.gov.ae/pls/ uaecontacts/contact_uae_list.act_result?category¼13. Metz, Helem Chapin. ‘‘Education,’’ in Persian Gulf States: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress; 1993. http://countrystudies.us/ persian-gulf-states/82.htm. Middle East-United Arab Emirates-Education. http://www.nationmaster.com/ country/tc/Education. Ministry of Education. Schools. http://www.moeya.ae/schools/index.asp?language ¼English. Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research. About the Development of Higher Education in the United Arab Emirates. http://www.uae.gov.ae/ mohe/introduction.html. Petroleum Institute. Information on the Petroleum Institute. http://www.pi.ac/ info_on_the_pi/index.html. Russell, A., S. Wadi, M. Khelifa, and A. Jendli. 2006. ‘‘Arab States: United Arab Emirates,’’ in Routledge International Encyclopedia of Adolescence, edited by J. J. Arnett. New York: Routledge, 1037–1047. Arab Emirates. Essay submitted for publication. Shamseddine, Mohamed. ‘‘Private educational firms to manage 30 public schools.’’ Gulf News, April 17, 2006. http://archive.gulfnews.com/articles/06/04/ 17/10033709.html Staff Report. ‘‘The expert opinion’’. Gulfnews.com, November 26, 2005. http:// archive.gulfnews.com/articles/05/11/26/10000369.html. Taib, H. ‘‘Facts Regarding the Recruitment of Handicapped.’’ http://www.gladnet .org/docs/GLADNET_2005AGM-Erabeh.doc. Tarazi, N. The Child in Islam. Burr Ridge, IL: American Trust Publications; 1995. UAE Interact. ‘‘New Law on Way to Protect Rights of People With Special Needs.’’ 2007a. http://www.uaeinteract.com/news/default.asp?ID¼37. ———. ‘‘Zayed Foundation Opens a New Center for People With Special Needs.’’ 2007b. http://www.uaeinteract.com/news/default.asp?ID¼37. ———. Education Centre–General Information. 2007c. http://www.uaeinteract .com/education/. UAE Post-secondary Educational Institutions. http://el.hct.ac.ae?UAE/PS.htm. UNESCO. United Arab Emirates—Education system. http://www.unesco.org/iau/ onlinedatabases/systems_data/ae.rtf. United Arab Emirates—Education. http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?frd/ cstdy:@field(DOCIDþae0030). United Arab Emirates Education. http://www.photius.com/countries/unitd_arab_ emirates/society/united_arab_emirates. United Arab Emirates. 2006 Electronic Yearbook. UAE Interact, 2006. http:// www.uaeinteract.com/uaeint_misc/pdf_2006/index.asp. United Arab Emirates Educational IT Challenge. Homepage. http://www.uaechallenge .com/jurypanel2006.htm. United Arab Emirates University. Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research. http://www.uae.gov.ae/mohe/heinstitutions.html. ———. Special Programs and Continuing Education Center. http://cec.uaeu.ac.ae/ en/directormessage.asp.
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U.S. Department of State. International Religious Freedom Report (United Arab Emirates), 2003. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2003/24464.htm. WAM (Emirates News Agency). ‘‘Education key to empowering women’’. Gulf News, May 19, 2003. http://www.gulf-news.com/Articles/news.asp?Arti cleID¼88001. ———. ‘‘Marriage Fund: A major contributor to social stability.’’ January 26, 2005. http://www.zawya.com/nc/searchresult.cfm. ———. ‘‘UAE has sent 1,075 child jockeys Home,’’ June 26, 2006. http://archive .gulfnews.com/articles/06/06/12/10046391.html. Welcome. Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research. http://www.uae .gov.ae/mohe. The World Bank Group Gender Stats Database of Gender Statistics. Summary Gender Profile United Arab Emirates. http://devdata.worldbank.org/gen derstats/genderRpt.asp?rptþprofile&ctyþARE,United. Zayed University. Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research. http:// www.uae.gov.ae/mohe/heinstitutions_zu.html.
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APPENDIX 1 UNITED NATIONS CONVENTION ON THE RIGHTS OF THE CHILD
The Convention on the Rights of the Child, and the ensuing Optional Protocol on the sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography, and the Optional Protocol on the involvement of children in armed conflict, together represent the most important international human rights instruments involving the welfare of children that have ever been adapted by the United Nations General Assembly, having been ratified by a majority of the states parties that comprise that body. No other human rights instrument has achieved the same degree of universal recognition as has the Convention on the Rights of the Child, although the widespread adaptation of its optional protocols has further strengthened the original Convention. Together, these documents describe the basic standards that have framed the context in which the quality of children’s lives has been evaluated in the late twentieth and twenty-first centuries, and they are presented here to provide the reader with greater insight so as to place the specific circumstances that influence children’s lives throughout the world within more a general frame of reference.
CONVENTION ON THE RIGHTS OF THE CHILD Adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession by General Assembly resolution 44/25 of 20 November 1989 Entry into force 2 September 1990, in accordance with article 49 PREAMBLE The States Parties to the present Convention, Considering that, in accordance with the principles proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations, recognition of the inherent dignity and of
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the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world, Bearing in mind that the peoples of the United Nations have, in the Charter, reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights and in the dignity and worth of the human person, and have determined to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom, Recognizing that the United Nations has, in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and in the International Covenants on Human Rights, proclaimed and agreed that everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth therein, without distinction of any kind, such as race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status, Recalling that, in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the United Nations has proclaimed that childhood is entitled to special care and assistance, Convinced that the family, as the fundamental group of society and the natural environment for the growth and well-being of all its members and particularly children, should be afforded the necessary protection and assistance so that it can fully assume its responsibilities within the community, Recognizing that the child, for the full and harmonious development of his or her personality, should grow up in a family environment, in an atmosphere of happiness, love and understanding, Considering that the child should be fully prepared to live an individual life in society, and brought up in the spirit of the ideals proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations, and in particular in the spirit of peace, dignity, tolerance, freedom, equality and solidarity, Bearing in mind that the need to extend particular care to the child has been stated in the Geneva Declaration of the Rights of the Child of 1924 and in the Declaration of the Rights of the Child adopted by the General Assembly on 20 November 1959 and recognized in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (in particular in articles 23 and 24), in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (in particular in article 10) and in the statutes and relevant instruments of specialized agencies and international organizations concerned with the welfare of children, Bearing in mind that, as indicated in the Declaration of the Rights of the Child, ‘‘the child, by reason of his physical and mental immaturity, needs special safeguards and care, including appropriate legal protection, before as well as after birth’’,
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Recalling the provisions of the Declaration on Social and Legal Principles relating to the Protection and Welfare of Children, with Special Reference to Foster Placement and Adoption Nationally and Internationally; the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Administration of Juvenile Justice (The Beijing Rules); and the Declaration on the Protection of Women and Children in Emergency and Armed Conflict, recognizing that, in all countries in the world, there are children living in exceptionally difficult conditions, and that such children need special consideration, Taking due account of the importance of the traditions and cultural values of each people for the protection and harmonious development of the child, Recognizing the importance of international co-operation for improving the living conditions of children in every country, in particular in the developing countries, Have agreed as follows: PART I Article 1 For the purposes of the present Convention, a child means every human being below the age of eighteen years unless under the law applicable to the child, majority is attained earlier. Article 2 1. States Parties shall respect and ensure the rights set forth in the present Convention to each child within their jurisdiction without discrimination of any kind, irrespective of the child’s or his or her parent’s or legal guardian’s race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national, ethnic or social origin, property, disability, birth or other status. 2. States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to ensure that the child is protected against all forms of discrimination or punishment on the basis of the status, activities, expressed opinions, or beliefs of the child’s parents, legal guardians, or family members.
Article 3 1. In all actions concerning children, whether undertaken by public or private social welfare institutions, courts of law, administrative authorities or legislative bodies, the best interests of the child shall be a primary consideration. 2. States Parties undertake to ensure the child such protection and care as is necessary for his or her well-being, taking into account the
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rights and duties of his or her parents, legal guardians, or other individuals legally responsible for him or her, and, to this end, shall take all appropriate legislative and administrative measures. 3. States Parties shall ensure that the institutions, services and facilities responsible for the care or protection of children shall conform with the standards established by competent authorities, particularly in the areas of safety, health, in the number and suitability of their staff, as well as competent supervision.
Article 4 States Parties shall undertake all appropriate legislative, administrative, and other measures for the implementation of the rights recognized in the present Convention. With regard to economic, social and cultural rights, States Parties shall undertake such measures to the maximum extent of their available resources and, where needed, within the framework of international co-operation. Article 5 States Parties shall respect the responsibilities, rights and duties of parents or, where applicable, the members of the extended family or community as provided for by local custom, legal guardians or other persons legally responsible for the child, to provide, in a manner consistent with the evolving capacities of the child, appropriate direction and guidance in the exercise by the child of the rights recognized in the present Convention. Article 6 1. States Parties recognize that every child has the inherent right to life. 2. States Parties shall ensure to the maximum extent possible the survival and development of the child.
Article 7 1. The child shall be registered immediately after birth and shall have the right from birth to a name, the right to acquire a nationality and, as far as possible, the right to know and be cared for by his or her parents. 2. States Parties shall ensure the implementation of these rights in accordance with their national law and their obligations under the relevant international instruments in this field, in particular where the child would otherwise be stateless.
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Article 8 1. States Parties undertake to respect the right of the child to preserve his or her identity, including nationality, name and family relations as recognized by law without unlawful interference. 2. Where a child is illegally deprived of some or all of the elements of his or her identity, States Parties shall provide appropriate assistance and protection, with a view to re-establishing speedily his or her identity.
Article 9 1. States Parties shall ensure that a child shall not be separated from his or her parents against their will, except when competent authorities subject to judicial review determine, in accordance with applicable law and procedures, that such separation is necessary for the best interests of the child. Such determination may be necessary in a particular case such as one involving abuse or neglect of the child by the parents, or one where the parents are living separately and a decision must be made as to the child’s place of residence. 2. In any proceedings pursuant to paragraph 1 of the present article, all interested parties shall be given an opportunity to participate in the proceedings and make their views known. 3. States Parties shall respect the right of the child who is separated from one or both parents to maintain personal relations and direct contact with both parents on a regular basis, except if it is contrary to the child’s best interests. 4. Where such separation results from any action initiated by a State Party, such as the detention, imprisonment, exile, deportation or death (including death arising from any cause while the person is in the custody of the State) of one or both parents or of the child, that State Party shall, upon request, provide the parents, the child or, if appropriate, another member of the family with the essential information concerning the whereabouts of the absent member(s) of the family unless the provision of the information would be detrimental to the well-being of the child. States Parties shall further ensure that the submission of such a request shall of itself entail no adverse consequences for the person(s) concerned.
Article 10 1. In accordance with the obligation of States Parties under article 9, paragraph 1, applications by a child or his or her parents to enter or leave a State Party for the purpose of family reunification shall be dealt with by States Parties in a positive, humane and expeditious manner. States Parties shall further ensure that the submission of
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such a request shall entail no adverse consequences for the applicants and for the members of their family. 2. A child whose parents reside in different States shall have the right to maintain on a regular basis, save in exceptional circumstances personal relations and direct contacts with both parents. Towards that end and in accordance with the obligation of States Parties under article 9, paragraph 1, States Parties shall respect the right of the child and his or her parents to leave any country, including their own, and to enter their own country. The right to leave any country shall be subject only to such restrictions as are prescribed by law and which are necessary to protect the national security, public order (ordre public), public health or morals or the rights and freedoms of others and are consistent with the other rights recognized in the present Convention.
Article 11 1. States Parties shall take measures to combat the illicit transfer and non-return of children abroad. 2. To this end, States Parties shall promote the conclusion of bilateral or multilateral agreements or accession to existing agreements.
Article 12 1. States Parties shall assure to the child who is capable of forming his or her own views the right to express those views freely in all matters affecting the child, the views of the child being given due weight in accordance with the age and maturity of the child. 2. For this purpose, the child shall in particular be provided the opportunity to be heard in any judicial and administrative proceedings affecting the child, either directly, or through a representative or an appropriate body, in a manner consistent with the procedural rules of national law.
Article 13 1. The child shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of the child’s choice. 2. The exercise of this right may be subject to certain restrictions, but these shall only be such as are provided by law and are necessary: (a) For respect of the rights or reputations of others; or (b) For the protection of national security or of public order (order public), or of public health or morals.
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Article 14 1. States Parties shall respect the right of the child to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. 2. States Parties shall respect the rights and duties of the parents and, when applicable, legal guardians, to provide direction to the child in the exercise of his or her right in a manner consistent with the evolving capacities of the child. 3. Freedom to manifest one’s religion or beliefs may be subject only to such limitations as are prescribed by law and are necessary to protect public safety, order, health or morals, or the fundamental rights and freedoms of others.
Article 15 1. States Parties recognize the rights of the child to freedom of association and to freedom of peaceful assembly. 2. No restrictions may be placed on the exercise of these rights other than those imposed in conformity with the law and which are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security or public safety, public order (ordre public), the protection of public health or morals or the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.
Article 16 1. No child shall be subjected to arbitrary or unlawful interference with his or her privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to unlawful attacks on his or her honor and reputation. 2. The child has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks.
Article 17 States Parties recognize the important function performed by the mass media and shall ensure that the child has access to information and material from a diversity of national and international sources, especially those aimed at the promotion of his or her social, spiritual and moral wellbeing and physical and mental health. To this end, States Parties shall: (a) Encourage the mass media to disseminate information and material of social and cultural benefit to the child and in accordance with the spirit of article 29;
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(b) Encourage international co-operation in the production, exchange and dissemination of such information and material from a diversity of cultural, national and international sources; (c) Encourage the production and dissemination of children’s books; (d) Encourage the mass media to have particular regard to the linguistic needs of the child who belongs to a minority group or who is indigenous; (e) Encourage the development of appropriate guidelines for the protection of the child from information and material injurious to his or her well-being, bearing in mind the provisions of articles 13 and 18.
Article 18 1. States Parties shall use their best efforts to ensure recognition of the principle that both parents have common responsibilities for the upbringing and development of the child. Parents or, as the case may be, legal guardians, have the primary responsibility for the upbringing and development of the child. The best interests of the child will be their basic concern. 2. For the purpose of guaranteeing and promoting the rights set forth in the present Convention, States Parties shall render appropriate assistance to parents and legal guardians in the performance of their child-rearing responsibilities and shall ensure the development of institutions, facilities and services for the care of children. 3. States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to ensure that children of working parents have the right to benefit from child-care services and facilities for which they are eligible.
Article 19 1. States Parties shall take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to protect the child from all forms of physical or mental violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation, including sexual abuse, while in the care of parent(s), legal guardian(s) or any other person who has the care of the child. 2. Such protective measures should, as appropriate, include effective procedures for the establishment of social programs to provide necessary support for the child and for those who have the care of the child, as well as for other forms of prevention and for identification, reporting, referral, investigation, treatment and follow-up of instances of child maltreatment described heretofore, and, as appropriate, for judicial involvement.
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Article 20 1. A child temporarily or permanently deprived of his or her family environment, or in whose own best interests cannot be allowed to remain in that environment, shall be entitled to special protection and assistance provided by the State. 2. States Parties shall in accordance with their national laws ensure alternative care for such a child. 3. Such care could include, inter alia, foster placement, kafalah of Islamic law, adoption or if necessary placement in suitable institutions for the care of children. When considering solutions, due regard shall be paid to the desirability of continuity in a child’s upbringing and to the child’s ethnic, religious, cultural and linguistic background.
Article 21 States Parties that recognize and/or permit the system of adoption shall ensure that the best interests of the child shall be the paramount consideration and they shall: (a) Ensure that the adoption of a child is authorized only by competent authorities who determine, in accordance with applicable law and procedures and on the basis of all pertinent and reliable information, that the adoption is permissible in view of the child’s status concerning parents, relatives and legal guardians and that, if required, the persons concerned have given their informed consent to the adoption on the basis of such counseling as may be necessary; (b) Recognize that inter-country adoption may be considered as an alternative means of child’s care, if the child cannot be placed in a foster or an adoptive family or cannot in any suitable manner be cared for in the child’s country of origin; (c) Ensure that the child concerned by inter-country adoption enjoys safeguards and standards equivalent to those existing in the case of national adoption; (d) Take all appropriate measures to ensure that, in inter-country adoption, the placement does not result in improper financial gain for those involved in it; (e) Promote, where appropriate, the objectives of the present article by concluding bilateral or multilateral arrangements or agreements, and endeavor, within this framework, to ensure that the placement of the child in another country is carried out by competent authorities or organs.
Article 22 1. States Parties shall take appropriate measures to ensure that a child who is seeking refugee status or who is considered a refugee in
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accordance with applicable international or domestic law and procedures shall, whether unaccompanied or accompanied by his or her parents or by any other person, receive appropriate protection and humanitarian assistance in the enjoyment of applicable rights set forth in the present Convention and in other international human rights or humanitarian instruments to which the said States are Parties. 2. For this purpose, States Parties shall provide, as they consider appropriate, co-operation in any efforts by the United Nations and other competent intergovernmental organizations or non-governmental organizations co-operating with the United Nations to protect and assist such a child and to trace the parents or other members of the family of any refugee child in order to obtain information necessary for reunification with his or her family. In cases where no parents or other members of the family can be found, the child shall be accorded the same protection as any other child permanently or temporarily deprived of his or her family environment for any reason, as set forth in the present Convention.
Article 23 1. States Parties recognize that a mentally or physically disabled child should enjoy a full and decent life, in conditions which ensure dignity, promote self-reliance and facilitate the child’s active participation in the community. 2. States Parties recognize the right of the disabled child to special care and shall encourage and ensure the extension, subject to available resources, to the eligible child and those responsible for his or her care, of assistance for which application is made and which is appropriate to the child’s condition and to the circumstances of the parents or others caring for the child. 3. Recognizing the special needs of a disabled child, assistance extended in accordance with paragraph 2 of the present article shall be provided free of charge, whenever possible, taking into account the financial resources of the parents or others caring for the child, and shall be designed to ensure that the disabled child has effective access to and receives education, training, health care services, rehabilitation services, preparation for employment and recreation opportunities in a manner conducive to the child’s achieving the fullest possible social integration and individual development, including his or her cultural and spiritual development. 4. States Parties shall promote, in the spirit of international cooperation, the exchange of appropriate information in the field of preventive health care and of medical, psychological and functional treatment of disabled children, including dissemination of and access to information concerning methods of rehabilitation, education and vocational services, with the aim of enabling States Parties to
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improve their capabilities and skills and to widen their experience in these areas. In this regard, particular account shall be taken of the needs of developing countries.
Article 24 1. States Parties recognize the right of the child to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of health and to facilities for the treatment of illness and rehabilitation of health. States Parties shall strive to ensure that no child is deprived of his or her right of access to such health care services. 2. States Parties shall pursue full implementation of this right and, in particular, shall take appropriate measures: (a) To diminish infant and child mortality; (b) To ensure the provision of necessary medical assistance and health care to all children with emphasis on the development of primary health care; (c) To combat disease and malnutrition, including within the framework of primary health care, through, inter alia, the application of readily available technology and through the provision of adequate nutritious foods and clean drinking-water, taking into consideration the dangers and risks of environmental pollution; (d) To ensure appropriate pre-natal and post-natal health care for mothers; (e) To ensure that all segments of society, in particular parents and children, are informed, have access to education and are supported in the use of basic knowledge of child health and nutrition, the advantages of breastfeeding, hygiene and environmental sanitation and the prevention of accidents; (f) To develop preventive health care, guidance for parents and family planning education and services. 3. States Parties shall take all effective and appropriate measures with a view to abolishing traditional practices prejudicial to the health of children. 4. States Parties undertake to promote and encourage international cooperation with a view to achieving progressively the full realization of the right recognized in the present article. In this regard, particular account shall be taken of the needs of developing countries.
Article 25 States Parties recognize the right of a child who has been placed by the competent authorities for the purposes of care, protection or treatment of his or her physical or mental health, to a periodic review of the
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treatment provided to the child and all other circumstances relevant to his or her placement. Article 26 1. States Parties shall recognize for every child the right to benefit from social security, including social insurance, and shall take the necessary measures to achieve the full realization of this right in accordance with their national law. 2. The benefits should, where appropriate, be granted, taking into account the resources and the circumstances of the child and persons having responsibility for the maintenance of the child, as well as any other consideration relevant to an application for benefits made by or on behalf of the child.
Article 27 1. States Parties recognize the right of every child to a standard of living adequate for the child’s physical, mental, spiritual, moral, and social development. 2. The parent(s) or others responsible for the child have the primary responsibility to secure, within their abilities and financial capacities, the conditions of living necessary for the child’s development. 3. States Parties, in accordance with national conditions and within their means, shall take appropriate measures to assist parents and others responsible for the child to implement this right and shall in case of need provide material assistance and support programs, particularly with regard to nutrition, clothing and housing. 4. States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to secure the recovery of maintenance for the child from the parents or other persons having financial responsibility for the child, both within the State Party and from abroad. In particular, where the person having financial responsibility for the child lives in a State different from that of the child, States Parties shall promote the accession to international agreements or the conclusion of such agreements, as well as the making of other appropriate arrangements.
Article 28 1. States Parties recognize the right of the child to education, and with a view to achieving this right progressively and on the basis of equal opportunity, they shall, in particular: (a) Make primary education compulsory and available free to all; (b) Encourage the development of different forms of secondary education, including general and vocational education, make them available and accessible to every child, and take appropriate
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measures such as the introduction of free education and offering financial assistance in case of need; (c) Make higher education accessible to all on the basis of capacity by every appropriate means; (d) Make educational and vocational information and guidance available and accessible to all children; (e) Take measures to encourage regular attendance at schools and the reduction of drop-out rates. 2. States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to ensure that school discipline is administered in a manner consistent with the child’s human dignity and in conformity with the present Convention. 3. States Parties shall promote and encourage international cooperation in matters relating to education, in particular with a view to contributing to the elimination of ignorance and illiteracy throughout the world and facilitating access to scientific and technical knowledge and modern teaching methods. In this regard, particular account shall be taken of the needs of developing countries.
Article 29 1. States Parties agree that the education of the child shall be directed to: (a) The development of the child’s personality, talents and mental and physical abilities to their fullest potential; (b) The development of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, and for the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations; (c) The development of respect for the child’s parents, his or her own cultural identity, language and values, for the national values of the country in which the child is living, the country from which he or she may originate, and for civilizations different from his or her own; (d) The preparation of the child for responsible life in a free society, in the spirit of understanding, peace, tolerance, equality of sexes, and friendship among all peoples, ethnic, national and religious groups and persons of indigenous origin; (e) The development of respect for the natural environment. 2. No part of the present article or article 28 shall be construed so as to interfere with the liberty of individuals and bodies to establish and direct educational institutions, subject always to the observance of the principle set forth in paragraph 1 of the present article and to the requirements that the education given in such institutions shall conform to such minimum standards as may be laid down by the State.
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Article 30 In those States in which ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities or persons of indigenous origin exist, a child belonging to such a minority or who is indigenous shall not be denied the right, in community with other members of his or her group, to enjoy his or her own culture, to profess and practice his or her own religion, or to use his or her own language. Article 31 1. States Parties recognize the right of the child to rest and leisure, to engage in play and recreational activities appropriate to the age of the child and to participate freely in cultural life and the arts. 2. States Parties shall respect and promote the right of the child to participate fully in cultural and artistic life and shall encourage the provision of appropriate and equal opportunities for cultural, artistic, recreational and leisure activity.
Article 32 1. States Parties recognize the right of the child to be protected from economic exploitation and from performing any work that is likely to be hazardous or to interfere with the child’s education, or to be harmful to the child’s health or physical, mental, spiritual, moral or social development. 2. States Parties shall take legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to ensure the implementation of the present article. To this end, and having regard to the relevant provisions of other international instruments, States Parties shall in particular: (a) Provide for a minimum age or minimum ages for admission to employment; (b) Provide for appropriate regulation of the hours and conditions of employment; (c) Provide for appropriate penalties or other sanctions to ensure the effective enforcement of the present article.
Article 33 States Parties shall take all appropriate measures, including legislative, administrative, social and educational measures, to protect children from the illicit use of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances as defined in the relevant international treaties, and to prevent the use of children in the illicit production and trafficking of such substances.
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Article 34 States Parties undertake to protect the child from all forms of sexual exploitation and sexual abuse. For these purposes, States Parties shall in particular take all appropriate national, bilateral and multilateral measures to prevent: (a) The inducement or coercion of a child to engage in any unlawful sexual activity; (b) The exploitative use of children in prostitution or other unlawful sexual practices; (c) The exploitative use of children in pornographic performances and materials.
Article 35 States Parties shall take all appropriate national, bilateral and multilateral measures to prevent the abduction of, the sale of or traffic in children for any purpose or in any form. Article 36 States Parties shall protect the child against all other forms of exploitation prejudicial to any aspects of the child’s welfare. Article 37 States Parties shall ensure that: (a) No child shall be subjected to torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Neither capital punishment nor life imprisonment without possibility of release shall be imposed for offences committed by persons below eighteen years of age; (b) No child shall be deprived of his or her liberty unlawfully or arbitrarily. The arrest, detention or imprisonment of a child shall be in conformity with the law and shall be used only as a measure of last resort and for the shortest appropriate period of time; (c) Every child deprived of liberty shall be treated with humanity and respect for the inherent dignity of the human person, and in a manner which takes into account the needs of persons of his or her age. In particular, every child deprived of liberty shall be separated from adults unless it is considered in the child’s best interest not to do so and shall have the right to maintain contact with his or her family through correspondence and visits, save in exceptional circumstances;
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(d) Every child deprived of his or her liberty shall have the right to prompt access to legal and other appropriate assistance, as well as the right to challenge the legality of the deprivation of his or her liberty before a court or other competent, independent and impartial authority, and to a prompt decision on any such action.
Article 38 1. States Parties undertake to respect and to ensure respect for rules of international humanitarian law applicable to them in armed conflicts which are relevant to the child. 2. States Parties shall take all feasible measures to ensure that persons who have not attained the age of fifteen years do not take a direct part in hostilities. 3. States Parties shall refrain from recruiting any person who has not attained the age of fifteen years into their armed forces. In recruiting among those persons who have attained the age of fifteen years but who have not attained the age of eighteen years, States Parties shall endeavor to give priority to those who are oldest. 4. In accordance with their obligations under international humanitarian law to protect the civilian population in armed conflicts, States Parties shall take all feasible measures to ensure protection and care of children who are affected by an armed conflict.
Article 39 States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to promote physical and psychological recovery and social reintegration of a child victim of: any form of neglect, exploitation, or abuse; torture or any other form of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment; or armed conflicts. Such recovery and reintegration shall take place in an environment which fosters the health, self-respect and dignity of the child. Article 40 1. States Parties recognize the right of every child alleged as, accused of, or recognized as having infringed the penal law to be treated in a manner consistent with the promotion of the child’s sense of dignity and worth, which reinforces the child’s respect for the human rights and fundamental freedoms of others and which takes into account the child’s age and the desirability of promoting the child’s reintegration and the child’s assuming a constructive role in society. 2. To this end, and having regard to the relevant provisions of international instruments, States Parties shall, in particular, ensure that:
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(a) No child shall be alleged as, be accused of, or recognized as having infringed the penal law by reason of acts or omissions that were not prohibited by national or international law at the time they were committed; (b) Every child alleged as or accused of having infringed the penal law has at least the following guarantees: (i) To be presumed innocent until proven guilty according to law; (ii) To be informed promptly and directly of the charges against him or her, and, if appropriate, through his or her parents or legal guardians, and to have legal or other appropriate assistance in the preparation and presentation of his or her defense; (iii) To have the matter determined without delay by a competent, independent and impartial authority or judicial body in a fair hearing according to law, in the presence of legal or other appropriate assistance and, unless it is considered not to be in the best interest of the child, in particular, taking into account his or her age or situation, his or her parents or legal guardians; (iv) Not to be compelled to give testimony or to confess guilt; to examine or have examined adverse witnesses and to obtain the participation and examination of witnesses on his or her behalf under conditions of equality; (v) If considered to have infringed the penal law, to have this decision and any measures imposed in consequence thereof reviewed by a higher competent, independent and impartial authority or judicial body according to law; (vi) To have the free assistance of an interpreter if the child cannot understand or speak the language used; (vii) To have his or her privacy fully respected at all stages of the proceedings. 3. States Parties shall seek to promote the establishment of laws, procedures, authorities and institutions specifically applicable to children alleged as, accused of, or recognized as having infringed the penal law, and, in particular: (a) The establishment of a minimum age below which children shall be presumed not to have the capacity to infringe the penal law; (b) Whenever appropriate and desirable, measures for dealing with such children without resorting to judicial proceedings, providing that human rights and legal safeguards are fully respected. 4. A variety of dispositions, such as care, guidance and supervision orders; counseling; probation; foster care; education and vocational training programs and other alternatives to institutional care shall be
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available to ensure that children are dealt with in a manner appropriate to their well-being and proportionate both to their circumstances and the offence.
Article 41 Nothing in the present Convention shall affect any provisions which are more conducive to the realization of the rights of the child and which may be contained in: (a) The law of a State party; or (b) International law in force for that State.
PART II Article 42 States Parties undertake to make the principles and provisions of the Convention widely known, by appropriate and active means, to adults and children alike. Article 43 1. For the purpose of examining the progress made by States Parties in achieving the realization of the obligations undertaken in the present Convention, there shall be established a Committee on the Rights of the Child, which shall carry out the functions hereinafter provided. 2. The Committee shall consist of eighteen experts of high moral standing and recognized competence in the field covered by this Convention.1 The members of the Committee shall be elected by States Parties from among their nationals and shall serve in their personal capacity, consideration being given to equitable geographical distribution, as well as to the principal legal systems. 3. The members of the Committee shall be elected by secret ballot from a list of persons nominated by States Parties. Each State Party may nominate one person from among its own nationals. 4. The initial election to the Committee shall be held no later than six months after the date of the entry into force of the present Convention and thereafter every second year. At least four months before the date of each election, the Secretary-General of the United Nations shall address a letter to States Parties inviting them to submit their nominations within two months. The SecretaryGeneral shall subsequently prepare a list in alphabetical order of all persons thus nominated, indicating States Parties which have
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5.
6.
7.
8. 9. 10.
11.
12.
nominated them, and shall submit it to the States Parties to the present Convention. The elections shall be held at meetings of States Parties convened by the Secretary-General at United Nations Headquarters. At those meetings, for which two thirds of States Parties shall constitute a quorum, the persons elected to the Committee shall be those who obtain the largest number of votes and an absolute majority of the votes of the representatives of States Parties present and voting. The members of the Committee shall be elected for a term of four years. They shall be eligible for re-election if renominated. The term of five of the members elected at the first election shall expire at the end of two years; immediately after the first election, the names of these five members shall be chosen by lot by the Chairman of the meeting. If a member of the Committee dies or resigns or declares that for any other cause he or she can no longer perform the duties of the Committee, the State Party which nominated the member shall appoint another expert from among its nationals to serve for the remainder of the term, subject to the approval of the Committee. The Committee shall establish its own rules of procedure. The Committee shall elect its officers for a period of two years. The meetings of the Committee shall normally be held at United Nations Headquarters or at any other convenient place as determined by the Committee. The Committee shall normally meet annually. The duration of the meetings of the Committee shall be determined, and reviewed, if necessary, by a meeting of the States Parties to the present Convention, subject to the approval of the General Assembly. The Secretary-General of the United Nations shall provide the necessary staff and facilities for the effective performance of the functions of the Committee under the present Convention. With the approval of the General Assembly, the members of the Committee established under the present Convention shall receive emoluments from United Nations resources on such terms and conditions as the Assembly may decide.
Article 44 1. States Parties undertake to submit to the Committee, through the Secretary-General of the United Nations, reports on the measures they have adopted which give effect to the rights recognized herein and on the progress made on the enjoyment of those rights: (a) Within two years of the entry into force of the Convention for the State Party concerned; (b) Thereafter every five years.
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2. Reports made under the present article shall indicate factors and difficulties, if any, affecting the degree of fulfillment of the obligations under the present Convention. Reports shall also contain sufficient information to provide the Committee with a comprehensive understanding of the implementation of the Convention in the country concerned. 3. A State Party which has submitted a comprehensive initial report to the Committee need not, in its subsequent reports submitted in accordance with paragraph 1 (b) of the present article, repeat basic information previously provided. 4. The Committee may request from States Parties further information relevant to the implementation of the Convention. 5. The Committee shall submit to the General Assembly, through the Economic and Social Council, every two years, reports on its activities. 6. States Parties shall make their reports widely available to the public in their own countries.
Article 45 In order to foster the effective implementation of the Convention and to encourage international co-operation in the field covered by the Convention: (a) The specialized agencies, the United Nations Children’s Fund, and other United Nations organs shall be entitled to be represented at the consideration of the implementation of such provisions of the present Convention as fall within the scope of their mandate. The Committee may invite the specialized agencies, the United Nations Children’s Fund and other competent bodies as it may consider appropriate to provide expert advice on the implementation of the Convention in areas falling within the scope of their respective mandates. The Committee may invite the specialized agencies, the United Nations Children’s Fund, and other United Nations organs to submit reports on the implementation of the Convention in areas falling within the scope of their activities; (b) The Committee shall transmit, as it may consider appropriate, to the specialized agencies, the United Nations Children’s Fund and other competent bodies, any reports from States Parties that contain a request, or indicate a need, for technical advice or assistance, along with the Committee’s observations and suggestions, if any, on these requests or indications; (c) The Committee may recommend to the General Assembly to request the Secretary-General to undertake on its behalf studies on specific issues relating to the rights of the child;
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(d) The Committee may make suggestions and general recommendations based on information received pursuant to articles 44 and 45 of the present Convention. Such suggestions and general recommendations shall be transmitted to any State Party concerned and reported to the General Assembly, together with comments, if any, from States Parties.
PART III Article 46 The present Convention shall be open for signature by all States. Article 47 The present Convention is subject to ratification. Instruments of ratification shall be deposited with the Secretary-General of the United Nations. Article 48 The present Convention shall remain open for accession by any State. The instruments of accession shall be deposited with the SecretaryGeneral of the United Nations. Article 49 1. The present Convention shall enter into force on the thirtieth day following the date of deposit with the Secretary-General of the United Nations of the twentieth instrument of ratification or accession. 2. For each State ratifying or acceding to the Convention after the deposit of the twentieth instrument of ratification or accession, the Convention shall enter into force on the thirtieth day after the deposit by such State of its instrument of ratification or accession.
Article 50 1. Any State Party may propose an amendment and file it with the Secretary-General of the United Nations. The Secretary-General shall thereupon communicate the proposed amendment to States Parties, with a request that they indicate whether they favor a conference of States Parties for the purpose of considering and voting upon the proposals. In the event that, within four months from the date of such communication, at least one third of the States Parties favor such a conference, the Secretary-General shall convene the
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conference under the auspices of the United Nations. Any amendment adopted by a majority of States Parties present and voting at the conference shall be submitted to the General Assembly for approval. 2. An amendment adopted in accordance with paragraph 1 of the present article shall enter into force when it has been approved by the General Assembly of the United Nations and accepted by a twothirds majority of States Parties. 3. When an amendment enters into force, it shall be binding on those States Parties which have accepted it, other States Parties still being bound by the provisions of the present Convention and any earlier amendments which they have accepted.
Article 51 1. The Secretary-General of the United Nations shall receive and circulate to all States the text of reservations made by States at the time of ratification or accession. 2. A reservation incompatible with the object and purpose of the present Convention shall not be permitted. 3. Reservations may be withdrawn at any time by notification to that effect addressed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, who shall then inform all States. Such notification shall take effect on the date on which it is received by the Secretary-General.
Article 52 A State Party may denounce the present Convention by written notification to the Secretary-General of the United Nations. Denunciation becomes effective one year after the date of receipt of the notification by the Secretary-General. Article 53 The Secretary-General of the United Nations is designated as the depositary of the present Convention. Article 54 The original of the present Convention, of which the Arabic, Chinese, English, French, Russian and Spanish texts are equally authentic, shall be deposited with the Secretary-General of the United Nations. In witness thereof the undersigned plenipotentiaries, being duly authorized thereto by their respective governments, have signed the present Convention.
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APPENDIX 2 OPTIONAL PROTOCOL TO THE CONVENTION ON THE RIGHTS OF THE CHILD ON THE SALE OF CHILDREN, CHILD PROSTITUTION, AND CHILD PORNOGRAPHY
Adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession by General Assembly resolution A/RES/54/263 of 25 May 2000 entered into force on 18 January 2002 The States Parties to the present Protocol, Considering that, in order further to achieve the purposes of the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the implementation of its provisions, especially articles 1, 11, 21, 32, 33, 34, 35 and 36, it would be appropriate to extend the measures that States Parties should undertake in order to guarantee the protection of the child from the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography, Considering also that the Convention on the Rights of the Child recognizes the right of the child to be protected from economic exploitation and from performing any work that is likely to be hazardous or to interfere with the child’s education, or to be harmful to the child’s health or physical, mental, spiritual, moral or social development, Gravely concerned at the significant and increasing international traffic in children for the purpose of the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography, Deeply concerned at the widespread and continuing practice of sex tourism, to which children are especially vulnerable, as it directly promotes the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography, Recognizing that a number of particularly vulnerable groups, including girl children, are at greater risk of sexual exploitation and that girl children are disproportionately represented among the sexually exploited,
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Concerned about the growing availability of child pornography on the Internet and other evolving technologies, and recalling the International Conference on Combating Child Pornography on the Internet, held in Vienna in 1999, in particular its conclusion calling for the worldwide criminalization of the production, distribution, exportation, transmission, importation, intentional possession and advertising of child pornography, and stressing the importance of closer cooperation and partnership between governments and the Internet industry, Believing that the elimination of the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography will be facilitated by adopting a holistic approach, addressing the contributing factors, including underdevelopment, poverty, economic disparities, inequitable socio-economic structure, dysfunctional families, lack of education, urban-rural migration, gender discrimination, irresponsible adult sexual behavior, harmful traditional practices, armed conflicts and trafficking in children, Believing also that efforts to raise public awareness are needed to reduce consumer demand for the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography, and believing further in the importance of strengthening global partnership among all actors and of improving law enforcement at the national level, Noting the provisions of international legal instruments relevant to the protection of children, including the Hague Convention on Protection of Children and Cooperation in Respect of Intercountry Adoption, the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction, the Hague Convention on Jurisdiction, Applicable Law, Recognition, Enforcement and Cooperation in Respect of Parental Responsibility and Measures for the Protection of Children, and International Labour Organization Convention No. 182 on the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour, Encouraged by the overwhelming support for the Convention on the Rights of the Child, demonstrating the widespread commitment that exists for the promotion and protection of the rights of the child, Recognizing the importance of the implementation of the provisions of the Programme of Action for the Prevention of the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography and the Declaration and Agenda for Action adopted at the World Congress against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children, held in Stockholm from 27 to 31 August 1996, and the other relevant decisions and recommendations of pertinent international bodies, Taking due account of the importance of the traditions and cultural values of each people for the protection and harmonious development of the child, Have agreed as follows:
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Article 1 States Parties shall prohibit the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography as provided for by the present Protocol. Article 2 For the purposes of the present Protocol: (a) Sale of children means any act or transaction whereby a child is transferred by any person or group of persons to another for remuneration or any other consideration; (b) Child prostitution means the use of a child in sexual activities for remuneration or any other form of consideration; (c) Child pornography means any representation, by whatever means, of a child engaged in real or simulated explicit sexual activities or any representation of the sexual parts of a child for primarily sexual purposes.
Article 3 1. Each State Party shall ensure that, as a minimum, the following acts and activities are fully covered under its criminal or penal law, whether such offences are committed domestically or transnationally or on an individual or organized basis: (a) In the context of sale of children as defined in article 2: (i) Offering, delivering or accepting, by whatever means, a child for the purpose of: a. Sexual exploitation of the child; b. Transfer of organs of the child for profit; c. Engagement of the child in forced labor; (ii) Improperly inducing consent, as an intermediary, for the adoption of a child in violation of applicable international legal instruments on adoption; (b) Offering, obtaining, procuring or providing a child for child prostitution, as defined in article 2; (c) Producing, distributing, disseminating, importing, exporting, offering, selling or possessing for the above purposes child pornography as defined in article 2. 2. Subject to the provisions of the national law of a State Party, the same shall apply to an attempt to commit any of the said acts and to complicity or participation in any of the said acts. 3. Each State Party shall make such offences punishable by appropriate penalties that take into account their grave nature.
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4. Subject to the provisions of its national law, each State Party shall take measures, where appropriate, to establish the liability of legal persons for offences established in paragraph 1 of the present article. Subject to the legal principles of the State Party, such liability of legal persons may be criminal, civil or administrative. 5. States Parties shall take all appropriate legal and administrative measures to ensure that all persons involved in the adoption of a child act in conformity with applicable international legal instruments.
Article 4 1. Each State Party shall take such measures as may be necessary to establish its jurisdiction over the offences referred to in article 3, paragraph 1, when the offences are committed in its territory or on board a ship or aircraft registered in that State. 2. Each State Party may take such measures as may be necessary to establish its jurisdiction over the offences referred to in article 3, paragraph 1, in the following cases: (a) When the alleged offender is a national of that State or a person who has his habitual residence in its territory; (b) When the victim is a national of that State. 3. Each State Party shall also take such measures as may be necessary to establish its jurisdiction over the aforementioned offences when the alleged offender is present in its territory and it does not extradite him or her to another State Party on the ground that the offence has been committed by one of its nationals. 4. The present Protocol does not exclude any criminal jurisdiction exercised in accordance with internal law.
Article 5 1. The offences referred to in article 3, paragraph 1, shall be deemed to be included as extraditable offences in any extradition treaty existing between States Parties and shall be included as extraditable offences in every extradition treaty subsequently concluded between them, in accordance with the conditions set forth in such treaties. 2. If a State Party that makes extradition conditional on the existence of a treaty receives a request for extradition from another State Party with which it has no extradition treaty, it may consider the present Protocol to be a legal basis for extradition in respect of such offences. Extradition shall be subject to the conditions provided by the law of the requested State. 3. States Parties that do not make extradition conditional on the existence of a treaty shall recognize such offences as extraditable offences
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between themselves subject to the conditions provided by the law of the requested State. 4. Such offences shall be treated, for the purpose of extradition between States Parties, as if they had been committed not only in the place in which they occurred but also in the territories of the States required to establish their jurisdiction in accordance with article 4. 5. If an extradition request is made with respect to an offence described in article 3, paragraph 1, and the requested State Party does not or will not extradite on the basis of the nationality of the offender, that State shall take suitable measures to submit the case to its competent authorities for the purpose of prosecution.
Article 6 1. States Parties shall afford one another the greatest measure of assistance in connection with investigations or criminal or extradition proceedings brought in respect of the offences set forth in article 3, paragraph 1, including assistance in obtaining evidence at their disposal necessary for the proceedings. 2. States Parties shall carry out their obligations under paragraph 1 of the present article in conformity with any treaties or other arrangements on mutual legal assistance that may exist between them. In the absence of such treaties or arrangements, States Parties shall afford one another assistance in accordance with their domestic law.
Article 7 States Parties shall, subject to the provisions of their national law: (a) Take measures to provide for the seizure and confiscation, as appropriate, of: (i) Goods, such as materials, assets and other instrumentalities used to commit or facilitate offences under the present protocol; (ii) Proceeds derived from such offences; (b) Execute requests from another State Party for seizure or confiscation of goods or proceeds referred to in subparagraph (a); (c) Take measures aimed at closing, on a temporary or definitive basis, premises used to commit such offences.
Article 8 1. States Parties shall adopt appropriate measures to protect the rights and interests of child victims of the practices prohibited under the present Protocol at all stages of the criminal justice process, in particular by:
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(a) Recognizing the vulnerability of child victims and adapting procedures to recognize their special needs, including their special needs as witnesses; (b) Informing child victims of their rights, their role and the scope, timing and progress of the proceedings and of the disposition of their cases; (c) Allowing the views, needs and concerns of child victims to be presented and considered in proceedings where their personal interests are affected, in a manner consistent with the procedural rules of national law; (d) Providing appropriate support services to child victims throughout the legal process; (e) Protecting, as appropriate, the privacy and identity of child victims and taking measures in accordance with national law to avoid the inappropriate dissemination of information that could lead to the identification of child victims; (f) Providing, in appropriate cases, for the safety of child victims, as well as that of their families and witnesses on their behalf, from intimidation and retaliation; (g) Avoiding unnecessary delay in the disposition of cases and the execution of orders or decrees granting compensation to child victims. 2. States Parties shall ensure that uncertainty as to the actual age of the victim shall not prevent the initiation of criminal investigations, including investigations aimed at establishing the age of the victim. 3. States Parties shall ensure that, in the treatment by the criminal justice system of children who are victims of the offences described in the present Protocol, the best interest of the child shall be a primary consideration. 4. States Parties shall take measures to ensure appropriate training, in particular legal and psychological training, for the persons who work with victims of the offences prohibited under the present Protocol. 5. States Parties shall, in appropriate cases, adopt measures in order to protect the safety and integrity of those persons and/or organizations involved in the prevention and/or protection and rehabilitation of victims of such offences. 6. Nothing in the present article shall be construed to be prejudicial to or inconsistent with the rights of the accused to a fair and impartial trial.
Article 9 1. States Parties shall adopt or strengthen, implement and disseminate laws, administrative measures, social policies and programs to prevent
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2.
3.
4.
5.
the offences referred to in the present Protocol. Particular attention shall be given to protect children who are especially vulnerable to such practices. States Parties shall promote awareness in the public at large, including children, through information by all appropriate means, education and training, about the preventive measures and harmful effects of the offences referred to in the present Protocol. In fulfilling their obligations under this article, States Parties shall encourage the participation of the community and, in particular, children and child victims, in such information and education and training program, including at the international level. States Parties shall take all feasible measures with the aim of ensuring all appropriate assistance to victims of such offences, including their full social reintegration and their full physical and psychological recovery. States Parties shall ensure that all child victims of the offences described in the present Protocol have access to adequate procedures to seek, without discrimination, compensation for damages from those legally responsible. States Parties shall take appropriate measures aimed at effectively prohibiting the production and dissemination of material advertising the offences described in the present Protocol.
Article 10 1. States Parties shall take all necessary steps to strengthen international cooperation by multilateral, regional and bilateral arrangements for the prevention, detection, investigation, prosecution and punishment of those responsible for acts involving the sale of children, child prostitution, child pornography and child sex tourism. States Parties shall also promote international cooperation and coordination between their authorities, national and international non-governmental organizations and international organizations. 2. States Parties shall promote international cooperation to assist child victims in their physical and psychological recovery, social reintegration and repatriation. 3. States Parties shall promote the strengthening of international cooperation in order to address the root causes, such as poverty and underdevelopment, contributing to the vulnerability of children to the sale of children, child prostitution, child pornography and child sex tourism. 4. States Parties in a position to do so shall provide financial, technical or other assistance through existing multilateral, regional, bilateral or other program.
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Article 11 Nothing in the present Protocol shall affect any provisions that are more conducive to the realization of the rights of the child and that may be contained in: (a) The law of a State Party; (b) International law in force for that State.
Article 12 1. Each State Party shall, within two years following the entry into force of the present Protocol for that State Party, submit a report to the Committee on the Rights of the Child providing comprehensive information on the measures it has taken to implement the provisions of the Protocol. 2. Following the submission of the comprehensive report, each State Party shall include in the reports they submit to the Committee on the Rights of the Child, in accordance with article 44 of the Convention, any further information with respect to the implementation of the present Protocol. Other States Parties to the Protocol shall submit a report every five years. 3. The Committee on the Rights of the Child may request from States Parties further information relevant to the implementation of the present Protocol.
Article 13 1. The present Protocol is open for signature by any State that is a party to the Convention or has signed it. 2. The present Protocol is subject to ratification and is open to accession by any State that is a party to the Convention or has signed it. Instruments of ratification or accession shall be deposited with the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
Article 14 1. The present Protocol shall enter into force three months after the deposit of the tenth instrument of ratification or accession. 2. For each State ratifying the present Protocol or acceding to it after its entry into force, the Protocol shall enter into force one month after the date of the deposit of its own instrument of ratification or accession.
Article 15 1. Any State Party may denounce the present Protocol at any time by written notification to the Secretary-General of the United Nations,
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who shall thereafter inform the other States Parties to the Convention and all States that have signed the Convention. The denunciation shall take effect one year after the date of receipt of the notification by the Secretary-General. 2. Such a denunciation shall not have the effect of releasing the State Party from its obligations under the present Protocol in regard to any offence that occurs prior to the date on which the denunciation becomes effective. Nor shall such a denunciation prejudice in any way the continued consideration of any matter that is already under consideration by the Committee on the Rights of the Child prior to the date on which the denunciation becomes effective.
Article 16 1. Any State Party may propose an amendment and file it with the Secretary-General of the United Nations. The Secretary-General shall thereupon communicate the proposed amendment to States Parties with a request that they indicate whether they favor a conference of States Parties for the purpose of considering and voting upon the proposals. In the event that, within four months from the date of such communication, at least one third of the States Parties favor such a conference, the Secretary-General shall convene the conference under the auspices of the United Nations. Any amendment adopted by a majority of States Parties present and voting at the conference shall be submitted to the General Assembly of the United Nations for approval. 2. An amendment adopted in accordance with paragraph 1 of the present article shall enter into force when it has been approved by the General Assembly and accepted by a two-thirds majority of States Parties. 3. When an amendment enters into force, it shall be binding on those States Parties that have accepted it, other States Parties still being bound by the provisions of the present Protocol and any earlier amendments they have accepted.
Article 17 1. The present Protocol, of which the Arabic, Chinese, English, French, Russian and Spanish texts are equally authentic, shall be deposited in the archives of the United Nations. 2. The Secretary-General of the United Nations shall transmit certified copies of the present Protocol to all States Parties to the Convention and all States that have signed the Convention.
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APPENDIX 3 OPTIONAL PROTOCOL TO THE CONVENTION ON THE RIGHTS OF THE CHILD ON THE INVOLVEMENT OF CHILDREN IN ARMED CONFLICT
Adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession by General Assembly resolution A/RES/54/263 of 25 May 2000 entry into force 12 February 2002 The States Parties to the present Protocol, Encouraged by the overwhelming support for the Convention on the Rights of the Child, demonstrating the widespread commitment that exists to strive for the promotion and protection of the rights of the child, Reaffirming that the rights of children require special protection, and calling for continuous improvement of the situation of children without distinction, as well as for their development and education in conditions of peace and security, Disturbed by the harmful and widespread impact of armed conflict on children and the long-term consequences it has for durable peace, security and development, Condemning the targeting of children in situations of armed conflict and direct attacks on objects protected under international law, including places that generally have a significant presence of children, such as schools and hospitals, Noting the adoption of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, in particular, the inclusion therein as a war crime, of conscripting or enlisting children under the age of 15 years or using them to participate actively in hostilities in both international and non-international armed conflicts, Considering therefore that to strengthen further the implementation of rights recognized in the Convention on the Rights of the Child there is a
APPENDIX 3
need to increase the protection of children from involvement in armed conflict, Noting that article 1 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child specifies that, for the purposes of that Convention, a child means every human being below the age of 18 years unless, under the law applicable to the child, majority is attained earlier, Convinced that an optional protocol to the Convention that raises the age of possible recruitment of persons into armed forces and their participation in hostilities will contribute effectively to the implementation of the principle that the best interests of the child are to be a primary consideration in all actions concerning children, Noting that the twenty-sixth International Conference of the Red Cross and Red Crescent in December 1995 recommended, inter alia, that parties to conflict take every feasible step to ensure that children below the age of 18 years do not take part in hostilities, Welcoming the unanimous adoption, in June 1999, of International Labour Organization Convention No. 182 on the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour, which prohibits, inter alia, forced or compulsory recruitment of children for use in armed conflict, Condemning with the gravest concern the recruitment, training and use within and across national borders of children in hostilities by armed groups distinct from the armed forces of a State, and recognizing the responsibility of those who recruit, train and use children in this regard, Recalling the obligation of each party to an armed conflict to abide by the provisions of international humanitarian law, Stressing that the present Protocol is without prejudice to the purposes and principles contained in the Charter of the United Nations, including Article 51, and relevant norms of humanitarian law, Bearing in mind that conditions of peace and security based on full respect of the purposes and principles contained in the Charter and observance of applicable human rights instruments are indispensable for the full protection of children, in particular during armed conflicts and foreign occupation, Recognizing the special needs of those children who are particularly vulnerable to recruitment or use in hostilities contrary to the present Protocol owing to their economic or social status or gender, Mindful of the necessity of taking into consideration the economic, social and political root causes of the involvement of children in armed conflicts,
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Convinced of the need to strengthen international cooperation in the implementation of the present Protocol, as well as the physical and psychosocial rehabilitation and social reintegration of children who are victims of armed conflict, Encouraging the participation of the community and, in particular, children and child victims in the dissemination of informational and educational programs concerning the implementation of the Protocol, Have agreed as follows: Article 1 States Parties shall take all feasible measures to ensure that members of their armed forces who have not attained the age of 18 years do not take a direct part in hostilities. Article 2 States Parties shall ensure that persons who have not attained the age of 18 years are not compulsorily recruited into their armed forces. Article 3 1. States Parties shall raise in years the minimum age for the voluntary recruitment of persons into their national armed forces from that set out in article 38, paragraph 3, of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, taking account of the principles contained in that article and recognizing that under the Convention persons under the age of 18 years are entitled to special protection. 2. Each State Party shall deposit a binding declaration upon ratification of or accession to the present Protocol that sets forth the minimum age at which it will permit voluntary recruitment into its national armed forces and a description of the safeguards it has adopted to ensure that such recruitment is not forced or coerced. 3. States Parties that permit voluntary recruitment into their national armed forces under the age of 18 years shall maintain safeguards to ensure, as a minimum, that: (a) Such recruitment is genuinely voluntary; (b) Such recruitment is carried out with the informed consent of the person’s parents or legal guardians; (c) Such persons are fully informed of the duties involved in such military service; (d) Such persons provide reliable proof of age prior to acceptance into national military service.
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4. Each State Party may strengthen its declaration at any time by notification to that effect addressed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, who shall inform all States Parties. Such notification shall take effect on the date on which it is received by the Secretary-General. 5. The requirement to raise the age in paragraph 1 of the present article does not apply to schools operated by or under the control of the armed forces of the States Parties, in keeping with articles 28 and 29 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child.
Article 4 1. Armed groups that are distinct from the armed forces of a State should not, under any circumstances, recruit or use in hostilities persons under the age of 18 years. 2. States Parties shall take all feasible measures to prevent such recruitment and use, including the adoption of legal measures necessary to prohibit and criminalize such practices. 3. The application of the present article shall not affect the legal status of any party to an armed conflict.
Article 5 Nothing in the present Protocol shall be construed as precluding provisions in the law of a State Party or in international instruments and international humanitarian law that are more conducive to the realization of the rights of the child. Article 6 1. Each State Party shall take all necessary legal, administrative and other measures to ensure the effective implementation and enforcement of the provisions of the present Protocol within its jurisdiction. 2. States Parties undertake to make the principles and provisions of the present Protocol widely known and promoted by appropriate means, to adults and children alike. 3. States Parties shall take all feasible measures to ensure that persons within their jurisdiction recruited or used in hostilities contrary to the present Protocol are demobilized or otherwise released from service. States Parties shall, when necessary, accord to such persons all appropriate assistance for their physical and psychological recovery and their social reintegration. Article 7 1. States Parties shall cooperate in the implementation of the present Protocol, including in the prevention of any activity contrary thereto
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and in the rehabilitation and social reintegration of persons who are victims of acts contrary thereto, including through technical cooperation and financial assistance. Such assistance and cooperation will be undertaken in consultation with the States Parties concerned and the relevant international organizations. 2. States Parties in a position to do so shall provide such assistance through existing multilateral, bilateral or other programs or, inter alia, through a voluntary fund established in accordance with the rules of the General Assembly.
Article 8 1. Each State Party shall, within two years following the entry into force of the present Protocol for that State Party, submit a report to the Committee on the Rights of the Child providing comprehensive information on the measures it has taken to implement the provisions of the Protocol, including the measures taken to implement the provisions on participation and recruitment. 2. Following the submission of the comprehensive report, each State Party shall include in the reports it submits to the Committee on the Rights of the Child, in accordance with article 44 of the Convention, any further information with respect to the implementation of the Protocol. Other States Parties to the Protocol shall submit a report every five years. 3. The Committee on the Rights of the Child may request from States Parties further information relevant to the implementation of the present Protocol.
Article 9 1. The present Protocol is open for signature by any State that is a party to the Convention or has signed it. 2. The present Protocol is subject to ratification and is open to accession by any State. Instruments of ratification or accession shall be deposited with the Secretary-General of the United Nations. 3. The Secretary-General, in his capacity as depositary of the Convention and the Protocol, shall inform all States Parties to the Convention and all States that have signed the Convention of each instrument of declaration pursuant to article 3.
Article 10 1. The present Protocol shall enter into force three months after the deposit of the tenth instrument of ratification or accession.
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2. For each State ratifying the present Protocol or acceding to it after its entry into force, the Protocol shall enter into force one month after the date of the deposit of its own instrument of ratification or accession.
Article 11 1. Any State Party may denounce the present Protocol at any time by written notification to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, who shall thereafter inform the other States Parties to the Convention and all States that have signed the Convention. The denunciation shall take effect one year after the date of receipt of the notification by the Secretary-General. If, however, on the expiry of that year the denouncing State Party is engaged in armed conflict, the denunciation shall not take effect before the end of the armed conflict. 2. Such a denunciation shall not have the effect of releasing the State Party from its obligations under the present Protocol in regard to any act that occurs prior to the date on which the denunciation becomes effective. Nor shall such a denunciation prejudice in any way the continued consideration of any matter that is already under consideration by the Committee on the Rights of the Child prior to the date on which the denunciation becomes effective.
Article 12 1. Any State Party may propose an amendment and file it with the Secretary-General of the United Nations. The Secretary-General shall thereupon communicate the proposed amendment to States Parties with a request that they indicate whether they favor a conference of States Parties for the purpose of considering and voting upon the proposals. In the event that, within four months from the date of such communication, at least one third of the States Parties favor such a conference, the Secretary-General shall convene the conference under the auspices of the United Nations. Any amendment adopted by a majority of States Parties present and voting at the conference shall be submitted to the General Assembly of the United Nations for approval. 2. An amendment adopted in accordance with paragraph 1 of the present article shall enter into force when it has been approved by the General Assembly and accepted by a two-thirds majority of States Parties. 3. When an amendment enters into force, it shall be binding on those States Parties that have accepted it, other States Parties still being bound by the provisions of the present Protocol and any earlier amendments they have accepted.
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Article 13 1. The present Protocol, of which the Arabic, Chinese, English, French, Russian and Spanish texts are equally authentic, shall be deposited in the archives of the United Nations. 2. The Secretary-General of the United Nations shall transmit certified copies of the present Protocol to all States Parties to the Convention and all States that have signed the Convention.
NOTES TO APPENDICES 1. The General Assembly, in its resolution 50/155 of 21 December 1995, approved the amendment to article 43, paragraph 2, of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, replacing the word ‘‘ten’’ with the word ‘‘eighteen.’’ The amendment entered into force on 18 November 2002 when it had been accepted by a two-thirds majority of the States parties (128 out of 191).
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INDEX
Abortion, Tunisia, 302 Adoption: Bahrain, 27; Iran, 73 Age of criminal responsibility: Algeria, 10; Egypt, 53; Iran, 77; Libya, 148; Palestinian Territories, 204; Tunisia, 303; The United Arab Emirates, 320–21 Age of majority: Algeria, 11; Lebanon, 130; Libya, 148; Palestinian Territories, 204; Qatar, 223; Syria, 284 Camel racing: Oman, 180; Qatar, 223–24; The United Arab Emirates, 317 Catholicism, Tunisia, 304 Child abuse and neglect: Algeria, 12–13; Bahrain, 31; Egypt, 55–57; Iran, 80–83; Iraq, 96–97; Kuwait, 116–17; Lebanon, 131; Libya, 148–49; Morocco, 164–65; Oman, 184–85; Palestinian Territories, 206–7; Qatar, 232–33; Saudi Arabia, 259–63; Syria, 286–87; Tunisia, 304–5; The United Arab Emirates, 324–25 Child labor: Algeria, 7; Bahrain, 24–25; Egypt, 44–48; Iran, 70–71; Iraq, 91–92; Kuwait, 113; Lebanon, 128; Libya, 145; Morocco, 158, 162; Oman, 180–81; Palestinian Territories, 198–99; Qatar, 222–24; Saudi Arabia, 248–49; Syria, 277–79; Tunisia,
299–300; The United Arab Emirates, 317 Child mortality: Algeria, 10; Egypt, 51; Iran, 75; Kuwait, 115; Lebanon, 129; Libya, 142, 146; Morocco, 161; Oman, 175; Qatar, 227; Saudi Arabia, 253–54; Syria, 282; Tunisia, 295–96 Child prostitution. See Sex industry Child soldiers: Libya, 145; Palestinian Territories, 207 Child trafficking: Algeria, 13; Bahrain, 25; Iraq, 96–97; Libya, 142, 148–49; Oman, 177, 184–85; Qatar, 224, 232; Saudi Arabia, 248; Syria, 278, 286–87; Tunisia, 303 Christianity: Egypt, 55; Lebanon, 130–31; Palestinian Territories, 205–6; Qatar, 230; Syria, 285 Compulsory education: Algeria, 4; Bahrain, 21; Egypt, 40; Libya, 141–42, 143; Morocco, 156–57; Palestinian Territories, 194–96; Qatar, 220–21; Syria, 274; Tunisia, 296–98; The United Arab Emirates, 313–15 Conflict: Algeria, 4; Iraq, 90, 93–95, 97–98; Kuwait, 111–12, 116; Lebanon, 125, 126, 131– 32; Palestinian Territories, 190, 192, 200–201; Tunisia, 293–94 Corporal punishment: Algeria, 13; Egypt, 55; Oman, 185; Palestinian Territories, 206; Saudi Arabia, 245; Tunisia, 305
Dehydration, Egypt, 51 Disability: Algeria, 6; Bahrain, 22; Egypt, 53; Iran, 69; Lebanon, 129; Oman, 178–79; Qatar, 227; Saudi Arabia, 245–46, 249; The United Arab Emirates, 314–15 Divorce rates: Algeria, 8; Bahrain, 25–26; Egypt, 49–50; Lebanon, 128–29; Morocco, 159; Oman, 181; Saudi Arabia, 250–52; Tunisia, 300; The United Arab Emirates, 318 Domestic violence: Algeria, 8, 12–13; Egypt, 55–56; Oman, 181; Palestinian Territories, 206; Saudi Arabia, 260; Syria, 274–75 Drug use: Iraq, 96; Saudi Arabia, 256; Syria, 286–87; The United Arab Emirates, 320 Economics: Algeria, 2; Bahrain, 19; Iran, 65–66; Kuwait, 107–9; Morocco, 154; Qatar, 219; Syria, 273; Tunisia, 294–95; The United Arab Emirates, 311 Education: Algeria, 4–6; Bahrain, 21–23; Egypt, 40–44; Iran, 67–69, 79; Iraq, 89–90; Kuwait, 110–13; Lebanon, 127; Libya, 142–44; Morocco, 156–57; Oman, 177–79; Palestinian Territories, 194–96; Qatar, 220–21; Saudi Arabia, 242–46, 259; Syria, 274–76;
INDEX
Tunisia, 296–98, 304; The United Arab Emirates, 313–15 Environmental issues: Egypt, 45, 51; Lebanon, 129; Morocco, 162; Palestinian Territories, 202–3; Saudi Arabia, 255–56 Ethnicity: Algeria, 1–2, 9; Bahrain, 24; Iran, 63; Iraq, 88; Libya, 139; Morocco, 153–54; Oman, 174; Palestinian Territories, 189–91; Qatar, 219–20; Saudi Arabia, 239; Syria, 270; Tunisia, 293–94; The United Arab Emirates, 311 Family structure: Algeria, 8–9; Bahrain, 25–27; Egypt, 48–51; Iran, 71–75; Iraq, 92; Kuwait, 113–14; Lebanon, 128–29; Libya, 145; Morocco, 158–61; Oman, 181; Palestinian Territories, 199–201; Qatar, 224–26; Saudi Arabia, 250–53; Syria, 280–82; Tunisia, 300– 301; The United Arab Emirates, 317–19 Female genital mutilation (FGM or FGC): Egypt, 53; Iran, 76; Morocco, 166 Foster/residential care, Libya, 143–44 Gender differences: Algeria, 8; Bahrain, 22, 25–26; Egypt, 40, 43, 48–49; Iran, 66, 68, 73–74; Iraq, 89; Kuwait, 111–12, 113; Lebanon, 124–25, 127, 128, 132; Libya, 140, 143–44; Morocco, 155, 157–58; Oman, 175–76, 178, 181; Palestinian Territories, 199; Qatar, 225–26, 231; Saudi Arabia, 242–44, 250–51; Syria, 284; Tunisia, 295, 296, 300–302; The United Arab Emirates, 314, 317–18, 323 Giftedness, Saudi Arabia, 245 Health: Algeria, 9–10; Bahrain, 28; Egypt, 51–53; Iran, 75–77; Iraq, 92–95; Kuwait, 114–15; Lebanon, 129–30; Libya,
146–47; Morocco, 161–62; Oman, 181–82; Palestinian Territories, 201–3; Qatar, 226– 28; Saudi Arabia, 253–56; Syria, 282–84; Tunisia, 301–3; The United Arab Emirates, 319–20 Healthcare insurance, 76–77; Kuwait, 114–15; Palestinian Territories, 202; Tunisia, 301; The United Arab Emirates, 320 Higher education: Algeria, 5–6; Bahrain, 23; Egypt, 41; Iran, 68–69; Kuwait, 110–11; Lebanon, 127; Libya, 143; Saudi Arabia, 244; The United Arab Emirates, 313, 315 HIV/AIDS: Algeria, 10; Iran; Libya, 146–47; Morocco, 161; Saudi Arabia, 254; Tunisia, 303 Homelessness: Egypt, 56; Iraq, 89, 91–92, 96; Lebanon, 128, 131; Morocco, 163–64; Palestinian Territories, 201–2; Saudi Arabia, 249 Human rights violations: Bahrain, 29; Egypt, 44–45
Egypt, 55; Iran Shiite branch, 64, 78–79; Iraq, 95–96; Lebanon, 130–31; Libya, 145, 148; Morocco, 163–64; Oman, 184; Palestinian Territories, 204–6; Qatar, 229–31; Saudi Arabia, 257–59; Sunni Sect in Algeria, 11; Syria, 285–86; Tunisia, 304; The United Arab Emirates, 322–24 Israeli occupation, Palestinian Territories, 191–93 IT education, The United Arab Emirates, 317
Immigration and refugees: Bahrain, 19; Egypt, 39, 43–44, 56; Iran, 64, 66–67, 81–82; Kuwait, 109; Libya, 142; Oman, 174; Palestinian Territories, 191, 200; Syria, 281, 283–84 Immunization: Algeria, 9–10; Iran, 75; Libya, 146; Morocco, 161; Oman, 182; Syria, 272, 283; Tunisia, 302 Infant mortality: Algeria, 10; Bahrain, 28; Egypt, 37, 51; Iran, 75; Iraq, 88; Kuwait, 115; Lebanon, 129; Libya, 142, 146; Morocco, 161; Oman, 175; Qatar, 227; Saudi Arabia, 254; Syria, 282; Tunisia, 295, 301; The United Arab Emirates, 319 International Labor Organization (ILO), Egypt, 37, 48 Islam (Muslim): Algerian government, 2; Algerian Scouts, 7; Bahrain, 30–31;
Language: Algeria, 4; Qatar, 229 Laws and legal status: Algeria, 10–11; Bahrain, 28–30; Egypt, 49–50, 53–55; Iran, 77–78; Iraq, 95; Kuwait, 115–16; Lebanon, 130; Libya, 148; Morocco, 162–63; Oman, 182–84; Palestinian Territories, 203–4; Qatar, 228–29; Saudi Arabia, 256–57; Syria, 284–85; Tunisia, 303; The United Arab Emirates, 320–21 Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) youth, Egypt, 53 Literacy: Algeria, 6; Bahrain, 20; Egypt, 40, 42; Iran, 68; Iraq, 89–90; Kuwait, 110; Libya, 142; Oman, 177; Qatar, 220; Saudi Arabia, 242–43; The United Arab Emirates, 314
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Judaism, Tunisia, 304 Juvenile crime/justice: Algeria, 10–11; Bahrain, 28–30; Egypt, 53–55; Iran, 77; Kuwait, 115– 16; Morocco, 162–63; Oman, 183; Palestinian Territories, 203; Saudi Arabia, 256; Syria, 285; Tunisia, 303; The United Arab Emirates, 320–21 Khul 0 , Egypt, 50–51 Kidnapping, Iraq, 96–97
Malnutrition: Algeria, 9–10; Iraq, 93; Morocco, 155, 162; Tunisia, 296
INDEX
Marriage: Algeria, 8; Bahrain, 25–26; Egypt, 49, 52; Iran, 71–72, 74; Kuwait, 113; Lebanon, 128–29; Libya, 145, 148; Morocco, 159; Oman, 181; Palestinian Territories, 199–200; Qatar, 225, 229; Saudi Arabia, 250–52; Tunisia, 300, 303; The United Arab Emirates, 318–19, 322 Maternal health care: Algeria, 10; Lebanon, 129; Palestinian Territories, 202; The United Arab Emirates, 319–20 Mental health, Egypt, 53 National profile: Algeria, 1–3; Bahrain, 19–20; Egypt, 37–38; Iran, 63–64; Iraq, 87–89; Kuwait, 107–8; Lebanon, 123–25; Libya, 139–41; Morocco, 153–55; Oman, 173–76; Palestinian Territories, 189–91; Qatar, 217–19; Saudi Arabia, 239–41; Syria, 269–72; Tunisia, 293–96; The United Arab Emirates, 311–12 Non-national workers, The United Arab Emirates, 311–12 Nutrition: Bahrain, 28; Palestinian Territories, 202–3; Saudi Arabia, 254–55; Tunisia, 301–2 Obesity: Bahrain, 28; Morocco, 162; Saudi Arabia, 255 Orphans, Iraq, 92 Overview: Algeria, 3–4; Bahrain, 20–21; Egypt, 38–40; Iran, 64–65; Iraq, 89; Kuwait, 109–10; Lebanon, 126–27; Libya, 141–42; Morocco, 155–60; Oman, 176–77; Palestinian Territories, 191–93; Qatar, 219–20; Saudi Arabia, 241–42; Syria, 272–74; Tunisia, 296; The United Arab Emirates, 313 Play and recreation: Algeria, 6–7; Bahrain, 23–24; Egypt, 44; Iran, 69–70; Iraq, 90–91; Kuwait,
112; Lebanon, 127–28; Libya, 144–45; Morocco, 157; Oman, 179–80; Palestinian Territories, 196–98; Qatar, 222; Saudi Arabia, 246–48; Tunisia, 298–99; The United Arab Emirates, 315–17 Population changes, Iran, 65–66 Poverty: Algeria, 3; Egypt, 37; Iraq, 88; Libya, 140; Morocco, 155; Syria, 278–79, 282; Tunisia, 299 Preschool education: Algeria, 5; Bahrain, 21; Kuwait, 110; Palestinian Territories, 196; Syria, 274; Tunisia, 297; The United Arab Emirates, 313 Prostitution. See Sex industry Religious life: Algeria, 11; Bahrain, 30–31; Egypt, 55; Iran, 78–80; Iraq, 95–96; Lebanon, 124–25, 130–31; Libya, 148; Morocco, 163–64; Oman, 184; Palestinian Territories, 204–6; Qatar, 229– 31; Saudi Arabia, 257–59; Syria, 285–86; Tunisia, 304; The United Arab Emirates, 322–24 Schooling system: Algeria, 4–6; Bahrain, 21–23; Egypt, 40–44; Iran, 67–69; Iraq, 89–90; Kuwait, 110–13; Lebanon, 127; Morocco, 156–57; Oman, 177–79; Palestinian Territories, 194–96; Qatar, 220–21; Saudi Arabia, 242–46; Syria, 274–76; Tunisia, 296–98; The United Arab Emirates, 313–15 School violence: Kuwait, 111–12; The United Arab Emirates, 321 Scouting: Algeria, 7; Tunisia, 298 Sex education: Bahrain, 28; Egypt, 53; Iran, 76 Sex industry: Algeria, 13; Iraq, 96–97; Libya, 142; Morocco, 158, 163; Qatar, 224, 232; Syria, 278, 286–87; Tunisia, 303 Sexual exploitation. See Sex industry
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Sexuality: Tunisia, 302; The United Arab Emirates, 319 Special education. See Disability Sports/physical education: Algeria, 6; Bahrain, 24; Egypt, 44; Iran, 69–70; Kuwait, 112; Libya, 144–45; Oman, 179– 80; Qatar, 222–23; Syria, 277; Tunisia, 298; The United Arab Emirates, 315–17 Street children. See Homelessness Teachers: Egypt, 40–41; Qatar, 221 Television/media/internet: Bahrain, 23; Egypt, 44; Iran, 70; Iraq, 91; Kuwait, 112; Lebanon, 127–28; Palestinian Territories, 197; Saudi Arabia, 246–47; Syria, 276, 288; The United Arab Emirates, 316 Terrorism, Bahrain, 22 Twenty-first century: Algeria, 13; Bahrain, 31; Egypt, 57; Iran, 83–84; Iraq, 97–98; Lebanon, 131–32; Libya, 149; Morocco, 166; Oman, 185; Palestinian Territories, 207; Qatar, 233; Saudi Arabia, 263; Syria, 287–88; Tunisia, 305; The United Arab Emirates, 325–26 Unaccompanied minors, Egypt, 40 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child: Bahrain, 20, 25; Egypt, 39, 43; Iran, 77; Kuwait, 115; Lebanon, 130; Libya, 140; Morocco, 165; Oman, 176, 182, 183; Palestinian Territories, 203; Qatar, 220, 222; Saudi Arabia, 256; Syria, 288; The United Arab Emirates, 313 Vocational education: Algeria, 5; Kuwait, 111 War. See Conflict Welfare services: Iran, 72; Kuwait, 107; Libya, 140, 148; The United Arab Emirates, 319
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
Abortion: Central/So. America: Argentina, 13. Middle East/ No. Africa: Tunisia, 302 Accident and injury: No. America/Caribbean; Jamaica, 222; Puerto Rico, 279 Adoption, Botswana, 39 Adoption: Central/So. America: Guatemala, 160; Guyana, 189– 90. Europe: Cyprus, 52–54; Italy, 265; Malta, 277; Romania, 349, 360; Slovenia, 403; Spain, 435; United Kingdom, 456. Middle East/ No. Africa: Bahrain, 27; Iran, 73. No. America/Caribbean: Jamaica, 218–19; Trinidad and Tobago, 340 Adult education, Denmark, 95 Advice and Reporting Center for Child Abuse (ARCAN), The Netherlands, 319 Afro-Brazilian religions, 44–45 Age of criminal responsibility: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 14–15; Indonesia, 224; New Zealand, 313–14; Pakistan, 336; Philippines, 359; Singapore, 381; South Korea, 406; Tajikistan, 478. Central/ So. America: Colombia, 77; Guyana, 190; Nicaragua, 230; Paraguay, 258–59. Europe: Belgium, 12; Cyprus, 53;
Germany, 178; Malta, 289; The Netherlands, 316–17; Norway, 338–39; Romania, 361; United Kingdom, 462– 63. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 10; Egypt, 53; Iran, 77; Libya, 148; Palestinian Territories, 204; Tunisia, 303; The United Arab Emirates, 320–21. No. America/ Caribbean: Barbados, 55, 60; Haiti, 197–98. Sub-Saharan Africa: Kenya, 251; Malawi, 312; Namibia, 363–64; Nigeria, 385, 392 Age of majority: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 9; Bangladesh, 29, 37; Bhutan, 60; Cambodia, 80; China, 108, 111; Hong Kong, 181; India, 198–200; Malaysia, 257; New Zealand, 303, 314; Pakistan, 336; Singapore, 372, 381; Tajikistan, 477. Central/ So. America: Nicaragua, 232; Paraguay, 258–59. Europe: Bulgaria, 33; Denmark, 106; Estonia, 130; Hungary, 205; Israel, 245; Italy, 254; The Netherlands, 310, 314; Norway, 338–39; Romania, 360–61. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 11; Lebanon, 130; Libya, 148; Palestinian Territories, 204; Qatar, 223;
Syria, 284. No. America/ Caribbean: Bahamas, 39; Cuba, 119; Dominican Republic, 149. Sub-Saharan Africa: Benin, 24; Namibia, 363; South Africa, 456 Aging society, Norway, 340–42 Alcohol consumption: Asia/ Oceania: New Zealand, 312; Sri Lanka, 426. Central/So. America: Argentina, 15; Ecuador, 116. Europe: Russian Federation, 380; Slovenia, 405; United Kingdom, 459–60. Sub-Saharan Africa: South Africa, 456 Animism: Sub-Saharan Africa: Burkina Faso, 58; Burundi, 71; Togo, 517 Antibiotics, Trinidad and Tobago, 339 Apartheid, South Africa, 445–49 Armed forces recruitment age: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 14, 18; Indonesia, 224; Sri Lanka, 424 Asthma: Europe: Malta, 287. No. America/Caribbean: Puerto Rico, 278–79 Atheistic beliefs, Czech Republic, 79 Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW), reports of child maltreatment, 17
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
Australian Institute of Sport, 6 Australian Law Reform Commission (ALRC), 12 Australia’s National Framework for Human Rights, National Action Plan (NAP), 11 Bali-Hinduism, Indonesia, 225 Bangladesh Children’s Act of 1974, 29 Bangladesh Demographic Health Survey (BDHS), 35 Bangladesh Majority Act of 1875, 29 Bangladesh Shishu Academy (Bangladesh Children’s Academy) Ordinance, 1976, 29, 31 Bangladesh Shishu Adhikar Forum (Bangladesh Child Rights Forum), 38 Bonded labor, Pakistan, 333, 337 Buddhism: Asia/Oceania: Bhutan, 68–69; Cambodia, 90– 91; China, 113; Hong Kong, 182; Indonesia, 225; Japan, 248; Malaysia, 268; Mongolia, 293–94; Singapore, 384–85; South Korea, 407–8; Sri Lanka, 431; Taiwan, 454; Thailand, 487, 498–500 Building a Healthy, Active Australia, 2004, 5 Bullying: Asia/Oceania: Japan, 241, 247. Europe: Estonia, 124; Spain, 436 Bureau of Human Right Protection, Japan, 247 Cambodian Ministry of Social Affairs, Labor, Vocational Training, and Youth Rehabilitation (MOSALVY), 84–85 Camel racing: Oman, 180; Qatar, 223–24; The United Arab Emirates, 317 Care for Girls Campaign, China, 109, 115 Care of Children Act of 2004, New Zealand, 312–13 Catholicism: Asia/Oceania: Philippines, 357, 360–61.
Catholicism, Tunisia, 304. Central/So. America: Argentina, 3–4, 16–17; Brazil, 44–45; Chile, 63; Colombia, 75–76, 79; Costa Rica, 98–100; Ecuador, 117; El Salvador, 142; Guatemala, 154; Honduras, 206–7; Nicaragua, 226, 229–30, 232–33; Paraguay, 261. Europe: Belgium, 6, 13; Czech Republic, 79; France, 153; Ireland, 223, 227–28; Italy, 268–69; Malta, 277–78, 290–91; The Netherlands, 318; schools in Belgium, 6; Slovenia, 409; Spain, 433–34. No. America/Caribbean: Cuba, 119; Dominican Republic, 150; Grenada, 176–77; Haiti, 198– 99; Mexico, 258–59; Puerto Rico, 283; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 320. Sub-Saharan Africa: Angola, 6; Benin, 26; Burkina Faso, 58; Burundi, 71; Cape Verde, 101; Chad, 128; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 157–58; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 139–40; Lesotho, 262; Madagascar, 294–95; Malawi, 313; Mozambique, 345; Rwanda, 409; Togo, 517; Uganda, 533 Center for Study and Child Protection, Indonesia, 213 Child abuse and neglect: Asia/ Oceania: Australia, 17–18; Bangladesh, 39–41; Bhutan, 70; Cambodia, 91–92; China, 113–15; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 136; Fiji, 159, 161–63; Hong Kong, 182–83; India, 202–3; Indonesia, 226–27; Japan, 239, 249–50; Malaysia, 269–71; Mongolia, 294–95; New Zealand, 313, 315–16; Pakistan, 340–42; Philippines, 349, 361–63; Singapore, 385– 86; South Korea, 408–9; Sri Lanka, 432; Taiwan, 455–56;
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Tajikistan, 480–81; Thailand, 501–2; Turkmenistan, 528–29. Central/So. America: Argentina, 10, 17–18; Brazil, 45–46; Chile, 64–65; Colombia, 79–80; Costa Rica, 100–101; Ecuador, 118; El Salvador, 143–44; Guatemala, 164–65; Guyana, 192; Honduras, 199, 207–8; Nicaragua, 233–34; Paraguay, 261–63; Peru, 309–18; Venezuela, 354–55. Europe: Belgium, 13–14; Bulgaria, 34–35; Cyprus, 55–60; Czech Republic, 80–81; Estonia, 131–33; France, 139, 154–56; Germany, 180–81; Hungary, 206–08; Ireland, 228–29; Israel, 247–48; Italy, 269–70; Malta, 292; The Netherlands, 318–19; Norway, 340; Romania, 362–64; Russian Federation, 386–88; Slovenia, 410–11; Spain, 435–37; United Kingdom, 454–55, 467–68. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 12–13; Bahrain, 31; Egypt, 55–57; Iran, 80–83; Iraq, 96–97; Kuwait, 116–17; Lebanon, 131; Libya, 148–49; Morocco, 164–65; Oman, 184–85; Palestinian Territories, 206–7; Qatar, 232–33; Saudi Arabia, 259–63; Syria, 286–87; Tunisia, 304–5; The United Arab Emirates, 324–25. No. America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 17; Bahamas, 41–42; Barbados, 61–63; Canada, 86–88; Cuba, 121–22; Dominican Republic, 151–52; Grenada, 177–78; Haiti, 199– 200; Jamaica, 227–30; Mexico, 259–60; Puerto Rico, 283–84; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 321–23; St. Kitts and Nevis, 300–301; Trinidad and Tobago, 342–43; United States, 368–69. SubSaharan Africa: Angola, 6–8; Benin, 26–27; Botswana, 42;
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
Burkina Faso, 58–60; Burundi, 71–72; Cameroon, 84–85; Cape Verde, 101–2; Central African Republic (CAR), 114; Chad, 128; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 158–59; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 175–76; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 138; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 190; Ghana, 211–12; Guinea, 225; Guinea-Bissau, 236; Kenya, 252; Lesotho, 263; Liberia, 276; Madagascar, 296–97; Malawi, 314–15; Mali, 328–29; Mozambique, 345–46; Namibia, 365–66; Rwanda, 409–10; Senegal, 422–23; Sierra Leone, 438; South Africa, 458–59; Sudan, 483– 84; Tanzania, 501; Togo, 517; Uganda, 533–34; Zambia, 550; Zimbabwe, 567–68 Child Abuse Prevention Law, Japan, 250 Child Act 2001, Malaysia, 266 Child Advocacy Network, Indonesia, 213 Child carers, United Kingdom, 453 Child Death Review Committee, Australia, 18 Child labor: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 6–7, 14; Bangladesh, 32–34; Bhutan, 65; Cambodia, 83–86; China, 108; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 132; Fiji, 153–54; Hong Kong, 176–77; India, 194–95; Indonesia, 220–22; Japan, 243; Malaysia, 261–62; Mongolia, 284–85; New Zealand, 308–9; Pakistan, 332–33, 336–37; Philippines, 353–55; Singapore, 376; South Korea, 401–3; Sri Lanka, 423–25; Taiwan, 448; Tajikistan, 473–74; Thailand, 494–95; Turkmenistan, 521–22. Central/So. America: Argentina, 4, 9–10; Brazil, 39– 41; Chile, 56–57; Colombia, 73–75; Costa Rica, 91–93; Ecuador, 112–14; El Salvador,
131–34; Guatemala, 158–59; Guyana, 185–86; Honduras, 202–4; Nicaragua, 224–25; Paraguay, 247–50; Peru, 300– 304; Uruguay, 335–36; Venezuela, 348–50. Europe: Belgium, 8; Bulgaria, 28–29; Cyprus, 49–50; Czech Republic, 71–72; Estonia, 126– 27; France, 146; Germany, 172–73; Hungary, 197–98; Ireland, 220–21; Israel, 240– 41; Italy, 261–62; Malta, 283; The Netherlands, 310–11; Norway, 330–31; Romania, 356–57; Russian Federation, 376–79; Slovenia, 401; Spain, 425–26; United Kingdom, 452–54. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 7; Bahrain, 24– 25; Egypt, 44–48; Iran, 70–71; Iraq, 91–92; Kuwait, 113; Lebanon, 128; Libya, 145; Morocco, 158, 162; Oman, 180–81; Palestinian Territories, 198–99; Qatar, 222–24; Saudi Arabia, 248–49; Syria, 277–79; Tunisia, 299–300; The United Arab Emirates, 317. No. America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 9; Bahamas, 34– 35; Barbados, 55; Canada, 77– 79; Cuba, 112–13; Dominican Republic, 145–46; Grenada, 171–72; Haiti, 194–95; Jamaica, 216–17; Mexico, 250– 53; Puerto Rico, 276–77; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 314; St. Kitts and Nevis, 296; Trinidad and Tobago, 336–37; United States, 358–60. Sub-Saharan Africa: Angola, 5; Benin, 20– 21; Botswana, 38–39; Burkina Faso, 52–53; Burundi, 71–72; Cameroon, 80–82; Cape Verde, 99; Central African Republic (CAR), 112, 114; Chad, 126–27; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 152–53; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 168, 170–71; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 138; Ethiopia
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and Eritrea, 186; Ghana, 202– 5; Guinea, 221–22; GuineaBissau, 234; Kenya, 248; Lesotho, 260; Liberia, 273; Madagascar, 289–91; Malawi, 306–7; Mali, 325–26; Mozambique, 341; Namibia, 359; Niger, 373–74; Nigeria, 388–89; Senegal, 420; Sierra Leone, 435–36; South Africa, 452–53; Sudan, 478–79; Tanzania, 497–98; Togo, 511– 12; Uganda, 528–30; Zambia, 547–48; Zimbabwe, 561 Child Marriage Restraint Act 1929, Pakistan, 334 Child mortality: Asia/Oceania: Bangladesh, 28, 35–36; Cambodia, 87–88; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 133; Fiji, 155; Hong Kong, 171, 178; Mongolia, 281, 288–89; New Zealand, 302– 303, 311; Singapore, 380; South Korea, 405; Tajikistan, 476. Central/So. America: Argentina, 4, 12; Chile, 52, 59; Costa Rica, 96; Ecuador, 116; El Salvador, 136–37; Guyana, 187; Nicaragua, 228; Peru, 279, 289–90; Venezuela, 352. Europe: Czech Republic, 75; Denmark, 102; Estonia, 128– 29; Hungary, 200; Ireland, 216, 224; Israel, 243; Malta, 284–85; Norway, 336–37; Romania, 358; Slovenia, 403– 04; United Kingdom, 446, 457–58. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 10; Egypt, 51; Iran, 75; Kuwait, 115; Lebanon, 129; Libya, 142, 146; Morocco, 161; Oman, 175; Qatar, 227; Saudi Arabia, 253–54; Syria, 282; Tunisia, 295–96. No. America/ Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 3, 5, 11; Barbados, 51, 53; Canada, 81; Cuba, 107, 115; Dominican Republic, 148; Grenada, 166–67, 173, 180; Haiti, 191, 196; Jamaica, 221; Mexico, 254–55; Puerto
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
Rico, 273; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 316–17; United States, 354, 362. Sub-Saharan Africa: Angola, 5; Benin, 23; Botswana, 40; Burkina Faso, 54–55; Burundi, 70; Cameroon, 82–83; Cape Verde, 100; Central African Republic (CAR), 113; Chad, 127; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 155; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 173; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 139; Ghana, 207; Guinea, 223; Guinea-Bissau, 235; Kenya, 250; Lesotho, 261; Liberia, 274; Madagascar, 293; Malawi, 311; Mali, 327; Mozambique, 342–43; Namibia, 361; Niger, 374; Nigeria, 381, 390–91; Senegal, 421; Sierra Leone, 436; South Africa, 454; Togo, 514; Uganda, 524, 531; Zimbabwe, 558, 564 Child prostitution. See Sex industry Child protection services, Australia, 18; Bangladesh, 29–30 Child Rights and You, India, 191 Child soldiers, Sri Lanka, 424 Child soldiers: Central/So. America: Colombia, 74; Guatemala, 159; Paraguay, 262–63; Peru, 314–15; Venezuela, 350. Middle East/ No. Africa: Libya, 145; Palestinian Territories, 207. Sub-Saharan Africa: 568; Angola, 5; Burundi, 72; Central African Republic (CAR), 110, 112, 114; Chad, 125, 127; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 159; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 136, 138; Guinea-Bissau, 236; Liberia, 273, 276; Mozambique, 345–46; Namibia, 365; Rwanda, 409; Sierra Leone, 435–36; Sudan, 483–84; Uganda, 528–29
Child trafficking: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 14; Bangladesh, 40; Bhutan, 70; China, 108; Hong Kong, 177; India, 203; Indonesia, 216, 220–21; Malaysia, 266; Pakistan, 327–28, 333, 338, 340–41; Philippines, 349, 353; Sri Lanka, 425, 430, 432–34; Taiwan, 448; Tajikistan, 481; Thailand, 501; Turkmenistan, 527. Central/So. America: Chile, 57; Colombia, 70, 79; El Salvador, 143; Guyana, 192; Honduras, 207; Paraguay, 248; Peru, 312–13; Venezuela, 354–55. Europe: Cyprus, 49–50, 54; Hungary, 198; Italy, 267; Malta, 292; Romania, 349; Russian Federation, 378; United Kingdom, 453–54. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 13; Bahrain, 25; Iraq, 96–97; Libya, 142, 148–49; Oman, 177, 184–85; Qatar, 224, 232; Saudi Arabia, 248; Syria, 278, 286–87; Tunisia, 303. No. America/Caribbean: Canada, 79; Dominican Republic, 151; Haiti, 195; Mexico, 258; Trinidad and Tobago, 342–43; United States, 360. Sub-Saharan Africa: Benin, 17, 24, 26–27; Burkina Faso, 53; Cameroon, 80–82, 84; Cape Verde, 98; Chad, 125; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 158; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 171; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 190; Ghana, 203; Guinea, 222; Guinea-Bissau, 234; Malawi, 314–15; Mali, 325–26; Mozambique, 346; Nigeria, 384, 389; Senegal, 420, 422; Sudan, 478–79; Togo, 511–12, 517; Zambia, 550 Childcare. See Daycare; Preschool education CHILDLINE India Foundation (CIF), 203
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Children and Young Persons (Employment) Act, Malaysia, 261–62; Singapore, 385 Children’s Bureau Ministry of the Interior (CBI), Taiwan, 441–42 Children’s Parliament, Cyprus, 44 Childsafe Cambodia, 86 Child-shifting, Jamaica, 218 China Youth and Children Research Center, 107 Chinese Communist Party (CCP), 100 Christian orthodox, Cyprus, 54– 55; Romania, 362; Russian Federation, 385 Christianity: Asia/Oceania: China, 113; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 135–36; Fiji, 144, 160–61; Hong Kong, 182; Indonesia, 225; New Zealand, 314–15; Singapore, 384–85; South Korea, 408; Taiwan, 454; Tajikistan, 479. Central/So. America: Brazil, 44–45; Chile, 63; Costa Rica, 98–100; Guyana, 190–91. Europe: Bulgaria, 33; Czech Republic, 79; Denmark, 107– 08; Estonia, 131; Germany, 179–80; Ireland, 227–28; The Netherlands, 318; Norway, 339; Slovenia, 409; United Kingdom, 465–66. Middle East/No. Africa: Egypt, 55; Lebanon, 130–31; Palestinian Territories, 205–6; Qatar, 230; Syria, 285. No. America/ Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 16; Bahamas, 40–41; Barbados, 61; Cuba, 119; Haiti, 198–99; Jamaica, 225– 27; Puerto Rico, 283; St. Kitts and Nevis, 300; Trinidad and Tobago, 341; United States, 367–68. Sub-Saharan Africa: Benin, 26; Botswana, 42; Burkina Faso, 58; Burundi, 71; Cameroon, 83–84; Central African Republic (CAR), 114; Chad, 128; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 157–58; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 174–75; Democratic
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
Republic of the Congo (DRC), 139–40; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 189–90; Ghana, 210–11; Guinea-Bissau, 236; Kenya, 251; Lesotho, 262; Liberia, 276; Madagascar, 294–95; Malawi, 313; Mozambique, 345; Namibia, 353–54, 364– 65; Niger, 376; Rwanda, 409; South Africa, 457–58; Tanzania, 500–501; Uganda, 533; Zambia, 550; Zimbabwe, 566–67 Collectivistic orientation, Taiwan, 449 College. See Higher education Commercial sexual abuse. See Sex industry Communicable diseases, Peru, 293–94 Community schools, The Netherlands, 307–08 Compadrazgo, Honduras, 204 Compulsory Education Law: Asia/Oceania: China, 112; Fiji, 145, 148–52; Hong Kong, 171; New Zealand, 304; Pakistan, 331; Singapore, 373; Tajikistan, 470; Thailand, 493. Central/So. America: Argentina, 5; Brazil, 36; Chile, 52; Colombia, 72, 73; Ecuador, 111; Guyana, 180; Paraguay, 243–44; Peru, 284; Venezuela, 345. Europe: Cyprus, 46, 49; Estonia, 120, 122; France, 140–41; Hungary, 193; Ireland, 215–16; Italy, 256; Malta, 279; The Netherlands, 306; Romania, 353–55; Russian Federation, 373; Slovenia, 398; Spain, 422. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 4; Bahrain, 21; Egypt, 40; Libya, 141–42, 143; Morocco, 156–57; Palestinian Territories, 194–96; Qatar, 220–21; Syria, 274; Tunisia, 296–98; The United Arab Emirates, 313–15. No. America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 6; Bahamas, 39; Barbados, 53–54; Canada,
72–75, 77; Cuba, 107; Dominican Republic, 142; Grenada, 168; Mexico, 246; St. Kitts and Nevis, 294–95; United States, 355. Sub-Saharan Africa: Burundi, 68; Cape Verde, 97, 98; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 185; Ghana, 199–200; Guinea, 220; Madagascar, 286– 87; Namibia, 356; Nigeria, 386; Rwanda, 405; Senegal, 419; South Africa, 449–50; Sudan, 475; Tanzania, 495; Togo, 509 Confessions Act (2002), Bulgaria, 33 Conflict, Algeria, 4; Iraq, 90, 93– 95, 97–98; Kuwait, 111–12, 116; Lebanon, 125, 126, 131– 32; Palestinian Territories, 190, 192, 200–201; Tunisia, 293– 94. Sub-Saharan Africa: Angola, 2–3, 5, 6–8; Burundi, 69–70; Central African Republic (CAR), 111–12, 114; Chad, 124–25, 127; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 146, 149, 159; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 166– 69; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 134–36, 138, 139; Guinea, 219, 220; Guinea-Bissau, 232; Kenya, 244–45; Liberia, 270–73; Mozambique, 342, 346; Namibia, 355; Nigeria, 384– 85; Rwanda, 404–5, 407, 409– 10; Senegal, 416–18; Sierra Leone, 432–34, 438; South Africa, 445–49; Sudan, 473– 74, 478–79, 483–84; Togo, 508–9; Uganda, 529–30; Zimbabwe, 567–69 Confucianism: Asia/Oceania: South Korea, 407–8; Taiwan, 443–44, 449, 454–55 Congenital malformations, Czech Republic, 76 Corporal punishment: Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 13; Egypt, 55; Oman, 185; Palestinian Territories, 206; Saudi Arabia, 245; Tunisia, 305. Sub-Saharan Africa: Benin, 27; Burkina Faso, 60;
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Ghana, 212; Namibia, 365; Nigeria, 388–89 Counseling services, Australia, 11 Crime, Australia, 12–13; China, 111 Criminal Code Amendment (Slavery and Sexual Servitude) Act of 1999, Australia, 6–7, 14 Criminal Code Amendment (Trafficking in Persons Offenses) Act of 2005, Australia, 14 Cultural diversity, Australia, 1–2 Daycare: Europe: Denmark, 91– 92; Norway, 326–27; United Kingdom, 456–57; No. America/Caribbean: Jamaica, 210; Puerto Rico, 278 Definition of a child: Central/ So. America: Guyana, 186. Europe: United Kingdom, 463. Asia/Oceania: Australia, 9; Bangladesh, 29, 37; Bhutan, 60; Cambodia, 80; China, 108; Malaysia, 257; New Zealand, 303; Pakistan, 336; Philippines, 359; Taiwan, 442; Turkmenistan, 514. No. America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 9; Dominican Republic, 149; Jamaica, 223; Trinidad and Tobago, 340; United States, 365. SubSaharan Africa: Burkina Faso, 52 Dehydration, Egypt, 51 Department of Families, Community Services, and Indigenous Affairs, Australia, 7 Department of Social Affairs, Indonesia, 213 Department of Youth, Culture and Sports (DYCS), Bhutan, 64 Diet. See Nutrition; Obesity Disability: Asia/Oceania: children in Mongolia, 283; Chinese children, 105–6; Fijian children, 150–51, 157; Hong Kong children, 174–75, 181; Indian children, 193;
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
Indonesian children, 217–18; Malaysian children, 260; New Zealand, 312; Philippines, 352; Singapore children, 373; Sri Lanka, 422; Taiwan, 446; Thailand, 492; Turkmenistan, 518, 526. Central/So. America: Argentina, 7; Brazil, 37; Chile, 53–54; El Salvador, 138–39; Guatemala, 157; Honduras, 198; Nicaragua, 228–29; Paraguay, 246, 253; Peru, 287–88; Uruguay, 334. Europe: Belgium, 6; Cyprus, 48; Denmark, 96, 103; Estonia, 121; France, 145; Hungary, 195, 202; Ireland, 224–25; Israel, 238, 244; Italy, 266; Malta, 280, 288; The Netherlands, 307, 313; Romania, 354; Russian Federation, 375; United Kingdom, 449–50. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 6; Bahrain, 22; Egypt, 53; Iran, 69; Lebanon, 129; Oman, 178–79; Qatar, 227; Saudi Arabia, 245–46, 249; The United Arab Emirates, 314–15. No. America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 7, 13– 14; Barbados, 54, 60; Canada, 73–74; Cuba, 108, 115; Dominican Republic, 143; Grenada, 170; Haiti, 196; Jamaica, 213; United States, 356, 363–64. Sub-Saharan Africa: Benin, 19; Botswana, 38; Burkina Faso, 58–59; Cape Verde, 98; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 151; Ghana, 209; Madagascar, 294; Malawi, 304– 5; Namibia, 357–58; Nigeria, 392; Tanzania, 496; Togo, 510, 514 Dissolution of Muslim Marriage Act 1939, Pakistan, 334 Divorce rate: Central/So. America: Brazil, 41; Chile, 51, 58; Colombia, 78; Costa Rica, 94; Honduras, 204; Nicaragua, 226; Paraguay, 250–51; Uruguay, 329. Europe: Czech
Republic, 75; Denmark, 99– 100; France, 147; Germany, 176–77; Hungary, 198–99; Ireland, 222; Italy, 264; Malta, 284; Norway, 332–33; Romania, 356–57; Russian Federation, 372; Slovenia, 402; United Kingdom, 444, 454. Asia/Oceania: Hong Kong, 177–78; Taiwan, 450; Turkmenistan, 523. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 8; Bahrain, 25–26; Egypt, 49–50; Lebanon, 128–29; Morocco, 159; Oman, 181; Saudi Arabia, 250–52; Tunisia, 300; The United Arab Emirates, 318. No. America/Caribbean: Barbados, 57; Canada, 79–80; Cuba, 113–14; United States, 360. Sub-Saharan Africa: Madagascar, 292–93; Namibia, 360; Tanzania, 500 Doctors Without Borders, Colombia, 76 Domestic violence: Asia/ Oceania: Australia, 3, 10; Cambodia, 91–92; Mongolia, 292; New Zealand, 313; Philippines, 350; Singapore, 385; Taiwan, 453; Tajikistan, 480. Central/So. America: Argentina, 12; Brazil, 33; Chile, 51, 58, 62, 64; Costa Rica, 94, 100; Ecuador, 118; El Salvador, 140–41, 143; Guatemala, 156, 159–60; Guyana, 192; Honduras, 208; Nicaragua, 232; Peru, 309–10. Europe: Cyprus, 52–54, 55; Czech Republic, 80; Russian Federation, 372, 380. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 8, 12–13; Egypt, 55–56; Oman, 181; Palestinian Territories, 206; Saudi Arabia, 260; Syria, 274–75. No. America/ Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 17; Cuba, 121; Dominican Republic, 151; Grenada, 176; Jamaica, 228; Mexico, 260; Puerto Rico, 283–84; Saint Lucia, Saint
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Vincent, and the Grenadines, 319, 321; St. Kitts and Nevis, 293, 299–300; Trinidad and Tobago, 337–38, 343; United States, 368. Sub-Saharan Africa: Burkina Faso, 57, 60; Cameroon, 82, 84; Cape Verde, 101–2; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 175; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 187; Ghana, 212; Guinea, 225; Liberia, 276; Malawi, 312; Mozambique, 344–46; Namibia, 365; Nigeria, 386; South Africa, 454, 458; Sudan, 484; Zambia, 544; Zimbabwe, 567 Drinking water. See Environmental issues Drug trafficking, Honduras, 200 Drug use: Central/So. America: Argentina, 15; Brazil, 45; Honduras, 208. Europe: France, 147–48. Asia/ Oceania: Tajikistan, 479. Middle East/No. Africa: Iraq, 96; Saudi Arabia, 256; Syria, 286–87; The United Arab Emirates, 320. No. America/ Caribbean: Bahamas, 40; Barbados, 60; Canada, 82–83; Puerto Rico, 280–81. SubSaharan Africa: Kenya, 252; Liberia, 276; Nigeria, 390; Sierra Leone, 438 Early childhood education. See Preschool education Economics: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 2; New Zealand, 310; Singapore, 369; Sri Lanka, 419–20; Thailand, 496. Central/So. America: Brazil, 30; Costa Rica, 84; Guatemala, 155–56; Guyana, 178–79; Honduras, 198; Nicaragua, 216; Peru, 274–76, 290; Uruguay, 328. Europe: Italy, 263. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 2; Bahrain, 19; Iran, 65–66; Kuwait, 107–9; Morocco, 154; Qatar, 219; Syria, 273; Tunisia, 294–95; The United Arab Emirates,
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
311. Sub-Saharan Africa: Angola, 2; Benin, 15; Botswana, 35; Burkina Faso, 48–50; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 146; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 182; Ghana, 198; Guinea-Bissau, 232; Kenya, 246; Madagascar, 281–82; Malawi, 302; Mali, 322; Namibia, 356–57; Nigeria, 382, 395; Senegal, 417; Zambia, 543 Education Act, Malaysia, 258 Education for All (EFA), Bhutan, 62 Education: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 3–4; Bangladesh, 30– 31; Bhutan, 61–64; rural and urban indicators, 57; Cambodia, 81–82; China, 100, 101–6; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 127–29; Fiji, 148–52; Hong Kong, 171, 173–75; India, 190–91, 192– 94; Indonesia, 216, 217–18; Japan, 239–41; Malaysia, 258– 60; Mongolia, 282–83; New Zealand, 304–6; Pakistan, 328– 31; Philippines, 351–52; Singapore, 372–74; South Korea, 398–400; Sri Lanka, 420–23; Taiwan, 444–47; Tajikistan, 469–72; Thailand, 491–93; Turkmenistan, 516– 19. Central/So. America: Argentina, 4, 5–8; Brazil, 35– 37; Chile, 52–54; Colombia, 72; Costa Rica, 87–89; Ecuador, 110–12; El Salvador, 126–29; Guatemala, 156–57; Guyana, 180–84; Honduras, 201–2; Nicaragua, 219–23; Paraguay, 243–46; Peru, 283– 88; Uruguay, 332–35; Venezuela, 344–46. Europe: Belgium, 4–7; Bulgaria, 23–26; Cyprus, 46–49; Czech Republic, 69–70; Denmark, 92–96; Estonia, 120–24; France, 140–45; Germany, 168–70; Hungary, 193–95; Ireland, 217–19; Israel, 237– 39; Italy, 256–58; Malta, 279–
80; The Netherlands, 306–08; Norway, 326–28; Romania, 353–55; Russian Federation, 372–75; Slovenia, 398–99; Spain, 422–23; United Kingdom, 448–50. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 4–6; Bahrain, 21–23; Egypt, 40–44; Iran, 67–69, 79; Iraq, 89–90; Kuwait, 110–13; Lebanon, 127; Libya, 142–44; Morocco, 156–57; Oman, 177–79; Palestinian Territories, 194–96; Qatar, 220–21; Saudi Arabia, 242–46, 259; Syria, 274–76; Tunisia, 296–98, 304; The United Arab Emirates, 313–15. No. America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 6–8; Bahamas, 30–32; Barbados, 53–54; Canada, 72–75; Cuba, 107–10; Dominican Republic, 141–44; Grenada, 168–70; Haiti, 192–93; Jamaica, 210– 14; Mexico, 243–47; Puerto Rico, 273–75; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 310–12; St. Kitts and Nevis, 294–95; Trinidad and Tobago, 333–35; United States, 355–56. Sub-Saharan Africa: Angola, 4–5; Benin, 17–19; Botswana, 37–38; Burkina Faso, 49–51; Burundi, 67–68; Cameroon, 79–80; Cape Verde, 98–99; Central African Republic (CAR), 110– 11; Chad, 125–26; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 148– 51; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 169–70; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 136–37; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 185; Ghana, 199–201; Guinea, 220– 21; Guinea-Bissau, 233; Kenya, 246–47; Lesotho, 259–60; Liberia, 272; Madagascar, 284– 87; Malawi, 303–4; Mali, 324; Mozambique, 338–40; Namibia, 355–58; Niger, 372– 73; Nigeria, 384, 386–87; Rwanda, 405–6; Senegal, 418– 19; Sierra Leone, 434; South
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Africa, 449–51; Sudan, 474– 78; Tanzania, 495–96; Togo, 509–10; Uganda, 525–27; Zambia, 546–47; Zimbabwe, 559–60 Employment Ordinance, Hong Kong, 176–77 Environmental issues: Asia/ Oceania: Philippines, 350; South Korea, 405–6; Taiwan, 451. Central/So. America: Argentina, 14; Chile, 60; Costa Rica, 96; El Salvador, 136–37; Guyana, 188; Nicaragua, 228; Paraguay, 253; Peru, 292–93; Uruguay, 337. Europe: Cyprus, 51; Denmark, 102–03; Estonia, 130; Hungary, 200– 201; Ireland, 224; Israel, 245; Romania, 358; United Kingdom, 459. Middle East/ No. Africa: Egypt, 45, 51; Lebanon, 129; Morocco, 162; Palestinian Territories, 202–3; Saudi Arabia, 255–56. No. America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 12–13; Barbados, 59; Canada, 82; Cuba, 116–17; Grenada, 174, 180–81; Haiti, 190–91, 196; Jamaica, 221–23; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 316; United States, 362–63. Sub-Saharan Africa: Angola, 6; Benin, 23; Botswana, 40; Burkina Faso, 55; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 155; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 139; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 188; Guinea-Bissau, 235; Kenya, 250; Liberia, 275; Madagascar, 293; Malawi, 311; Mali, 322– 23, 327; Mozambique, 338; Niger, 375; Nigeria, 391; Rwanda, 408; Senegal, 421; South Africa, 456; Sudan, 480– 81; Tanzania, 499; Togo, 513; Zambia, 549. See also Pollution Equality, France, 143 Ethnicity: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 1–2; Bangladesh, 28– 29; Bhutan, 56; China, 104–5; Fiji education system, 150;
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
Indonesia, 211; Malaysia, 256, 259; Mongolia, 279, 283; New Zealand, 302, 311; Pakistan, 326; Philippines, 347; Singapore, 370; Sri Lanka, 418, 423; Taiwan, 440–41; Tajikistan, 466–67; Thailand, 488; Turkmenistan, 512. Central/So. America: Argentina, 3, 7; Brazil, 31–32; Costa Rica, 83; Ecuador, 109; El Salvador, 123; Guatemala, 153; Guyana, 177–78; Honduras, 197; Nicaragua, 215; Paraguay, 245, 259–60; Peru, 274, 277–78; Venezuela, 342. Europe: Belgium, 2–3; Bulgaria, 21; Cyprus, 42, 45; Czech Republic, 64–66; Denmark, 96; France, 137–38; Germany, 162; Hungary, 195; Ireland, 214; Israel, 235; The Netherlands, 301–02; Russian Federation, 369; Slovenia, 409; United Kingdom, 448. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 1–2, 9; Bahrain, 24; Iran, 63; Iraq, 88; Libya, 139; Morocco, 153– 54; Oman, 174; Palestinian Territories, 189–91; Qatar, 219–20; Saudi Arabia, 239; Syria, 270; Tunisia, 293–94; The United Arab Emirates, 311. No. America/ Caribbean: Bahamas, 26; Barbados, 50; Canada, 69–70; Cuba, 119; Dominican Republic, 135; Grenada, 164; Haiti, 190; Jamaica, 207; Mexico, 239; Puerto Rico, 270; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 308, 320; St. Kitts and Nevis, 292; Trinidad and Tobago, 329; United States, 351, 362. SubSaharan Africa: Angola, 1–2; Botswana, 33–35; Burkina Faso, 48; Burundi, 66; Cameroon, 77–78; Cape Verde, 96; Central African Republic (CAR), 108; Chad, 124–25; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 145–46; C^ ote
D’Ivoire, 166; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 134, 140; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 182; Guinea, 217–18; GuineaBissau, 232; Kenya, 243–44; Lesotho, 257; Liberia, 269–70; Malawi, 301–2; Mali, 322–23; Mozambique, 337; Namibia, 351–54; Niger, 372; Nigeria, 382; Rwanda, 404–5; Senegal, 415–16; Sierra Leone, 432; South Africa, 445; Sudan, 471– 72; Tanzania, 493–94; Togo, 507–8; Uganda, 524; Zimbabwe, 557–58 European Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Decisions Concerning Custody of Children, Cyprus, 52–53 European Union (EU): Europe: Czech Republic, 63; Denmark, 90 Evangelical-Lutheran, State Church in Norway, 339–40 Every Child Matters framework, United Kingdom, 445 Examination-oriented education, in China, 102 Exploitation, Estonia, 120 Family Assistance Scheme, Fiji, 155 Family Law Act of 1975, Australia, 11 Family Law, Mongolia, 294–95 Family structure: Asia/Oceania: 86–87; Australia, 7–10; Bangladesh, 28–29, 34–35; Bhutan, 65–67; China, 108–9; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 132–33; Fiji, 154–55; Hong Kong, 177–78; India, 195–97; Indonesia, 222; Japan, 243–45; Malaysia, 262–63; Mongolia, 285–88; New Zealand, 309–10; Pakistan, 333–35; Philippines, 355–56; Singapore, 376–79; South Korea, 403–4; Sri Lanka, 425– 27; Taiwan, 449–51; Tajikistan, 474–76; Thailand, 495–96; Turkmenistan, 522–24.
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Central/So. America: Argentina, 11–12; Brazil, 41; Chile, 50, 57–59; Colombia, 75–76; Costa Rica, 93–95; Ecuador, 114–15; El Salvador, 134–36; Guatemala, 159–60; Guyana, 186–87; Honduras, 204–5; Nicaragua, 225–27; Paraguay, 250–52; Peru, 304– 6; Venezuela, 350–51. Europe: Belgium, 8–9; Bulgaria, 29–31; Cyprus, 50–51; Czech Republic, 72–75; Denmark, 99–101; Estonia, 114–15, 117, 127–28; France, 146–47; Germany, 162–63, 173–77; Hungary, 198–200; Ireland, 214, 222–23; Israel, 241–43; Italy, 262–65; Malta, 284; The Netherlands, 311–12; Norway, 331–36; Romania, 356–57; Russian Federation, 379–80; Slovenia, 402–03; Spain, 426– 28; United Kingdom, 454–57. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 8–9; Bahrain, 25–27; Egypt, 48–51; Iran, 71–75; Iraq, 92; Kuwait, 113–14; Lebanon, 128–29; Libya, 145; Morocco, 158–61; Oman, 181; Palestinian Territories, 199– 201; Qatar, 224–26; Saudi Arabia, 250–53; Syria, 280–82; Tunisia, 300–301; The United Arab Emirates, 317–19. No. America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 2, 9–11; Bahamas, 35–36; Barbados, 55–57; Canada, 79–81; Cuba, 113–15; Dominican Republic, 147; Grenada, 172–73; Haiti, 195; Jamaica, 217–21; Mexico, 253–54; Puerto Rico, 270–71, 277–78; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 314–15; St. Kitts and Nevis, 296–98; Trinidad and Tobago, 337–38; United States, 360– 62. Sub-Saharan Africa: Angola, 5; Benin, 21–23; Botswana, 39–40; Burkina Faso, 53–54; Burundi, 69; Cameroon, 82; Cape Verde,
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
99–100; Central African Republic (CAR), 112; Chad, 127; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 153–54; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 171–72; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 138–39; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 187; Ghana, 205–7; Guinea, 222–23; Guinea-Bissau, 234– 35; Kenya, 248–49; Lesotho, 260–61; Liberia, 273–74; Madagascar, 291–93; Malawi, 307–10; Mali, 326–27; Mozambique, 341; Namibia, 359–60; Niger, 374; Rwanda, 407; Senegal, 420–21; Sierra Leone, 436; South Africa, 453– 54; Sudan, 479–80; Tanzania, 498–99; Togo, 512–13; Uganda, 530–31; Zambia, 548; Zimbabwe, 561–64 Family Violence Committee, Australia, 10 Family Welfare Movement, Indonesia, 213 Federation of Family Planning Associations, Malaysia, 264 Female genital mutilation (FMG or FGC) Asia/Oceania: Indonesia, 223. Europe: Denmark, 104–05; United Kingdom, 461. Middle East/ No. Africa: Egypt, 53; Iran, 76; Morocco, 166. SubSaharan Africa: Benin, 24; Burkina Faso, 56–58; Central African Republic (CAR), 110, 113; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 175; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 190; Ghana, 209; Guinea, 225; Guinea-Bissau, 237; Kenya, 249; Mali, 329; Nigeria, 390, 392; Senegal, 422–23; Sudan, 481; Togo, 515–16 Fertility rate, Singapore, 386–87 Fiji Employers Federation, views on child labor, 154 Fiji Trade Union Congress, views on child labor, 154 Folk high schools, Denmark, 96 Folkeskole, Denmark, 93–94 Foster care: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 17. Central/So.
America: Argentina, 16–18; Guatemala, 164. Europe: Belgium, 11; Malta, 277; Slovenia, 403; Spain, 435; United Kingdom, 455–56. Middle East/No. Africa: Libya, 143–44. No. America/ Caribbean: Cuba, 115; Jamaica, 228; Trinidad and Tobago, 340; United States, 368. Sub-Saharan Africa: Benin, 21–22; Guinea-Bissau, 234; Mali, 328–29; Namibia, 359–60; Senegal, 418, 421; Togo, 512–13 Four-two-one syndrome (filiarchy), China, 106 Freedom of education, The Netherlands, 308 Gangs: No. America/ Caribbean: Canada, 84–85; United States, 366–67. Central/So. America: Costa Rica, 98; El Salvador, 141; Guatemala, 164; Honduras, 200, 209; Nicaragua, 234; Paraguay, 260 Gender Development Index, Bangladesh, 28 Gender differences: Asia/ Oceania: Bangladesh education, 31, 34; Bhutan female inheritance, 66; Chinese education, 104; Fiji, 150, 159; Indian education, 192–93; Mongolia, 286; Pakistan ranking, 329; Singapore, 371; Sri Lanka, 420; Taiwan, 449; Tajikistan, 471, 474; Turkmenistan, 522. Central/ So. America: Brazil, 32–33, 40; Colombia, 75–76; Costa Rica, 84; Ecuador, 111; El Salvador, 126, 136; Guyana, 184; Honduras, 204; Nicaragua, 217, 221, 226; Paraguay, 245, 250, 259–60; Peru, 285–86. Europe: Cyprus, 48; Denmark, 105; Estonia, 121; France, 139; Germany, 169; Hungary, 190, 195; Ireland, 214, 222; Malta,
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276; The Netherlands, 302; Slovenia, 409; United Kingdom, 448. Middle East/ No. Africa: Algeria, 8; Bahrain, 22, 25–26; Egypt, 40, 43, 48–49; Iran, 66, 68, 73–74; Iraq, 89; Kuwait, 111–12, 113; Lebanon, 124– 25, 127, 128, 132; Libya, 140, 143–44; Morocco, 155, 157–58; Oman, 175–76, 178, 181; Palestinian Territories, 199; Qatar, 225–26, 231; Saudi Arabia, 242–44, 250– 51; Syria, 284; Tunisia, 295, 296, 300–302; The United Arab Emirates, 314, 317–18, 323. No. America/ Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 2, 10, 18; Bahamas, 26; Barbados, 54; Canada, 78; Cuba, 104–5, 112; Dominican Republic, 147; Grenada, 179; Haiti, 195; Jamaica, 208, 216; Mexico, 246, 251; Puerto Rico, 279; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 310–12, 314–15; St. Kitts and Nevis, 294–95; Trinidad and Tobago, 330. Sub-Saharan Africa: Benin, 28; Botswana, 37; Burkina Faso, 50–51; Burundi, 69; Cameroon, 79, 84; Central African Republic (CAR), 110–11; Chad, 126; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 149; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 175; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 136–39; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 187, 190; Guinea, 220–23, 225; Guinea-Bissau, 233; Kenya, 246–49; Madagascar, 287; Malawi, 304; Mali, 322, 324; Mozambique, 338; Namibia, 357; Niger, 373; Nigeria, 385–87, 390, 392, 395; Senegal, 418–19; Sudan, 477, 482; Tanzania, 499; Togo, 509, 512–13; Uganda, 526; Zambia, 547; Zimbabwe, 560 Giftedness, Saudi Arabia, 245
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
Government payments to families, Australia, 10 Government support, children’s health in Hong Kong, 179 Guardians and Wards Act 1890, Pakistan, 334 Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction, Cyprus, 52–54 HALT agency, The Netherlands, 317 Handicapped children. See Disability Health Promotion Department, Malta, 286–87 Health: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 10–11; Bangladesh, 35–37; Bhutan, 67–68; statistics, 59; Cambodia, 87–88; China, 109–11; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 133–35; Fiji, 155–58; Hong Kong, 178–80; India, 197–98; Indonesia, 222–23; Japan, 245–47; Malaysia, 263–65; Mongolia, 288–91; New Zealand, 310–12; Pakistan, 335–36; Philippines, 356–57; Singapore, 379–81; South Korea, 404–6; Sri Lanka, 427– 29; Taiwan, 451–53; Tajikistan, 476–77; Thailand, 496–97; Turkmenistan, 524–27. Central/So. America: Argentina, 12–15; Brazil, 41– 43; Chile, 59–61; Colombia, 76–77; Costa Rica, 95–97; Ecuador, 115–17; El Salvador, 136–40; Guatemala, 160–63; Guyana, 187–89; Nicaragua, 227–30; Paraguay, 251–55; Peru, 289–300; Uruguay, 336–37; Venezuela, 351–52. Europe: Belgium, 9–12; Bulgaria, 31–32; Cyprus, 51– 52; Czech Republic, 75–76; Denmark, 101–05; Estonia, 128–30; France, 147–49; Germany, 177–78; Hungary, 200–203; Ireland, 224–26; Israel, 243–45; Italy, 265–66; Malta, 284–88; The
Netherlands, 313–14; Norway, 336–38; Romania, 358–59; Russian Federation, 381–82; Slovenia, 403–6; Spain, 428– 31; United Kingdom, 457–62. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 9–10; Bahrain, 28; Egypt, 51–53; Iran, 75–77; Iraq, 92–95; Kuwait, 114–15; Lebanon, 129–30; Libya, 146– 47; Morocco, 161–62; Oman, 181–82; Palestinian Territories, 201–3; Qatar, 226–28; Saudi Arabia, 253–56; Syria, 282–84; Tunisia, 301–3; The United Arab Emirates, 319–20. No. America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 11–15; Bahamas, 36–39; Barbados, 57–60; Canada, 81–83; Cuba, 115–18; Dominican Republic, 147–49; Grenada, 173–75; Haiti, 196– 97; Jamaica, 221–23; Mexico, 254–57; Puerto Rico, 278–81; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 315–18; St. Kitts and Nevis, 298–99; Trinidad and Tobago, 338–39; United States, 362–65. SubSaharan Africa: Angola, 5–6; Benin, 23–24; Botswana, 40– 41; Burkina Faso, 54–56; Burundi, 69–70; Cameroon, 82–83; Cape Verde, 100; Central African Republic (CAR), 113; Chad, 127; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 154–56; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 172–74; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 139; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 187–88; Ghana, 207–9; Guinea, 223–24; GuineaBissau, 235–36; Kenya, 249– 50; Lesotho, 261–62; Liberia, 274–75; Madagascar, 293–94; Malawi, 310–12; Mali, 327–28; Mozambique, 341–44; Namibia, 361–63; Niger, 374– 75; Nigeria, 389–91; Rwanda, 407–8; Senegal, 421–22; Sierra Leone, 436; South Africa, 454– 56; Sudan, 480–81; Tanzania,
[ 388 ]
499–500; Togo, 513–15; Uganda, 531–33; Zambia, 549; Zimbabwe, 564–66 Healthcare insurance: Central/ So. America: Argentina, 14; Costa Rica, 95; Ecuador, 116; El Salvador, 139; Guyana, 187; Paraguay, 252–53; Peru, 292– 93; Venezuela, 351–52. Europe: Belgium, 9; Bulgaria, 32; Germany, 177–78; Malta, 285; Slovenia, 404. Middle East/No. Africa: 76–77; Kuwait, 114–15; Palestinian Territories, 202; Tunisia, 301; The United Arab Emirates, 320. No. America/ Caribbean: Dominican Republic, 148–49; Trinidad and Tobago, 338; United States, 363 Higher Education Act, Bulgaria, 24 Higher education: Asia/Oceania: China, 104; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 128; Hong Kong, 174; Malaysia, 258; New Zealand, 305–6; Philippines, 351–52; Turkmenistan, 518. Central/ So. America: Chile, 53; Costa Rica, 89; El Salvador, 128; Guyana, 181–82; Nicaragua, 222–23; Paraguay, 244–45; Uruguay, 333–34; Venezuela, 345–46. Europe: Cyprus, 46; Denmark, 95; Estonia, 121, 122; France, 141–42; Hungary, 194; Romania, 353–55; Russian Federation, 374. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 5–6; Bahrain, 23; Egypt, 41; Iran, 68–69; Kuwait, 110–11; Lebanon, 127; Libya, 143; Saudi Arabia, 244; The United Arab Emirates, 313, 315. No. America/Caribbean: Bahamas, 32; Canada, 74; Cuba, 109; Dominican Republic, 143; Grenada, 168; Haiti, 192; Jamaica, 213. SubSaharan Africa: Benin, 19;
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
Burkina Faso, 51; Burundi, 68; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 137; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 185; Ghana, 201; Guinea-Bissau, 233; Niger, 373; Rwanda, 406; South Africa, 451; Sudan, 475–76; Togo, 510 Highly Active Antiretroviral Therapy (HAART), use in Malaysia, 263–64 Hilton Perkins International Program, Indonesian children, 218 Hinduism, Bangladesh, 35; Fiji, 161; India, 189, 201–2; Malaysia, 268; Singapore, 384–85; Sri Lanka, 431 HIV/AIDS: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 11; Bangladesh, 42; Bhutan, 67–68; Cambodia, 83, 88; China, 110; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 134, 137; Fiji, 158; Hong Kong, 180; India, 197–98; Japan, 246; Malaysia, 263–64; Mongolia, 289; Pakistan, 335– 36; Singapore, 381; Sri Lanka, 428; Taiwan, 452–53; Tajikistan, 477; Thailand, 497; Turkmenistan, 525. Central/ So. America: Brazil, 42–43; Chile, 60; Costa Rica, 97; El Salvador, 138; Guyana, 187– 89, 192; Honduras, 199, 208; Nicaragua, 228; Paraguay, 254, 261; Uruguay, 336–37; Venezuela, 352. Europe: Bulgaria, 32–33; Czech Republic, 76; Romania, 359; Russian Federation, 381–82; Spain, 429; United Kingdom, 462. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 10; Iran; Libya, 146– 47; Morocco, 161; Saudi Arabia, 254; Tunisia, 303. No. America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 14–15, 17–19; Bahamas, 26–27, 36, 38; Barbados, 58; Cuba, 117–18; Dominican Republic, 148; Grenada, 167, 174–75, 180; Haiti, 196–97; Jamaica, 209–
10, 221–22, 230–31; Mexico, 257; Puerto Rico, 279; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 313, 316–18; St. Kitts and Nevis, 299; Trinidad and Tobago, 330, 339. SubSaharan Africa: Angola, 6; Benin, 23–24; Botswana, 34– 36, 38–43; Burkina Faso, 55; Burundi, 67, 69–70; Cameroon, 82; Cape Verde, 100; Central African Republic (CAR), 110, 113–15; Chad, 125, 127; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 156; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 172–73; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 139; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 187–88; Guinea, 220; GuineaBissau, 234–35; Kenya, 250; Lesotho, 258, 261–62; Madagascar, 294; Malawi, 308– 9, 311–12, 315–16; Mali, 328; Mozambique, 340, 342–43; Namibia, 355, 361–62, 365; Nigeria, 389–90; Rwanda, 405, 407–8; Senegal, 421; Sierra Leone, 436; South Africa, 447, 454–55; Tanzania, 499; Togo, 514; Uganda, 524–25, 526– 27, 531; Zambia, 546–47, 549; Zimbabwe, 562, 564–66 Homelessness: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 3, 8; Bangladesh street children, 41; Cambodia, 80; China, 105, 113–14; Fiji, 144; India, 202–3; Indonesia, 214; Mongolia, 280; Pakistan, 327; Philippines, 348; South Korea, 396–97; Tajikistan, 481. Central/So. America: Argentina, 4, 10, 18; Brazil, 34–35, 45; Colombia, 74; Guatemala, 161–62; Honduras, 208; Nicaragua, 224–25, 234; Peru, 311–12; Venezuela, 354– 55. Europe: Bulgaria, 35; Cyprus, 42; Estonia, 119; France, 138; Hungary, 191; Ireland, 215; The Netherlands, 312; Romania, 352; Russian Federation, 371, 378, 387; United Kingdom, 444. Middle
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East/No. Africa: Egypt, 56; Iraq, 89, 91–92, 96; Lebanon, 128, 131; Morocco, 163–64; Palestinian Territories, 201–2; Saudi Arabia, 249. No. America/Caribbean: Canada, 71–72; Dominican Republic, 145; Haiti, 200; Puerto Rico, 271; Trinidad and Tobago, 337. Sub-Saharan Africa: Angola, 7; Burkina Faso, 58– 59; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 158; Kenya, 252; Malawi, 310; Mali, 325–26, 327; Mozambique, 347; Nigeria, 395–96; Senegal, 420, 422; Togo, 513; Zambia, 549– 50; Zimbabwe, 561–62 Homosexuality: Asia/Oceania: illegality in Fiji, 158; South Korea, 405. See also Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) youth Hong Kong Committee on Children’s Rights (2005), 170 Households, Australia, 8 Human Development Index (HDI): No. America/ Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 4; Barbados, 49 Human Poverty Index, Bangladesh, 28 Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, Australia, 12 Human rights violations: Middle East/No. Africa: Bahrain, 29; Egypt, 44–45 Immigration and refugees: Europe: Estonia, 119; France, 140; Israel, 235; Italy, 257; Norway, 335–36; Spain, 420, 429; United Kingdom, 447. Middle East/No. Africa: Bahrain, 19; Egypt, 39, 43–44, 56; Iran, 64, 66–67, 81–82; Kuwait, 109; Libya, 142; Oman, 174; Palestinian Territories, 191, 200; Syria, 281, 283–84. No. America/ Caribbean: Canada, 70; Costa Rica, 85; Dominican Republic,
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
137. Sub-Saharan Africa: Benin, 25; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 168; Guinea, 219, 223; Nigeria, 385; South Africa, 449 Immigration detention centers, Australia, 13–14 Immunization: Asia/Oceania: Bangladesh, 35; Bhutan, 67; Cambodia, 88; China, 110; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 134; Fiji, 156; Hong Kong, 179; Mongolia, 291; Philippines, 357; Singapore, 380; South Korea, 405; Sri Lanka, 427; Turkmenistan, 515, 525. Central/So. America: Chile, 59–60; Costa Rica, 96; Ecuador, 115; El Salvador, 137; Guyana, 187; Peru, 291–92; Uruguay, 336– 37. Europe: Cyprus, 44; Czech Republic, 76; Denmark, 102; Estonia, 129; Hungary, 201–02; Ireland, 224; Israel, 243–44; Malta, 285; Russian Federation, 381; Slovenia, 405; Spain, 430; United Kingdom, 458. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 9–10; Iran, 75; Libya, 146; Morocco, 161; Oman, 182; Syria, 272, 283; Tunisia, 302. No. America/ Caribbean: Bahamas, 37; Canada, 82; Cuba, 116; Grenada, 174; Jamaica, 221; Puerto Rico, 278; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 316, 318; St. Kitts and Nevis, 298. SubSaharan Africa: Angola, 6; Botswana, 40; Central African Republic (CAR), 113; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 156; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 173; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 139; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 184, 188; Ghana, 207–8; Madagascar, 293; Mozambique, 342–43; Namibia, 361–62; Niger, 375; Nigeria, 391; Sudan, 481; Uganda, 532
Income allowances, Denmark, 101; France, 146–47 Indian Council for Child Welfare (ICCW), 191 Indigenous population, Australia, 2, 8–9, 12–13 Indonesian Child Welfare Foundation (YKAI), 213, 215 Indonesian Committee for the Creative Education for Child Labor Foundation, 213 Infant mortality: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 10; Bangladesh, 28; Cambodia, 87–88; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 133; Fiji, 146, 155; Hong Kong, 171, 178; Indonesia, 213; Mongolia, 281, 288; New Zealand, 302, 311; Pakistan, 335; Philippines, 356; Singapore, 380; South Korea, 405; Taiwan, 452; Tajikistan, 476; Turkmenistan, 515. Central/So. America: Argentina, 12; Brazil, 41–42; Chile, 59; Costa Rica, 86, 95; Ecuador, 116; El Salvador, 136–37; Guatemala, 161; Guyana, 187; Nicaragua, 228; Peru, 279, 289–90; Venezuela, 352. Europe: Cyprus, 42, 43; Czech Republic, 75; Estonia, 128–29; Hungary, 200; Ireland, 216, 224; Israel, 243; Italy, 265; Malta, 284–85; The Netherlands, 313; Norway, 336; Romania, 358; Russian Federation, 371, 381; Slovenia, 396, 403–04; United Kingdom, 446, 457–58. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 10; Bahrain, 28; Egypt, 37, 51; Iran, 75; Iraq, 88; Kuwait, 115; Lebanon, 129; Libya, 142, 146; Morocco, 161; Oman, 175; Qatar, 227; Saudi Arabia, 254; Syria, 282; Tunisia, 295, 301; The United Arab Emirates, 319. No. America/ Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 3, 5, 11; Barbados, 51, 53; Canada, 81; Cuba,
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107, 115; Dominican Republic, 148; Grenada, 173; Haiti, 196; Jamaica, 221; Mexico, 255; Puerto Rico, 273; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 316–17; St. Kitts and Nevis, 298; United States, 354, 362. Sub-Saharan Africa: Angola, 5; Benin, 23; Botswana, 40; Burkina Faso, 54–55; Burundi, 70; Cameroon, 82–83; Cape Verde, 100; Central African Republic (CAR), 113; Chad, 127; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 155; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 173; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 139; Ghana, 207; Guinea, 223; Guinea-Bissau, 235; Kenya, 250; Lesotho, 261; Liberia, 274; Madagascar, 293; Malawi, 311; Mali, 232, 327; Mozambique, 342–43, 346; Namibia, 361; Niger, 374; Nigeria, 381, 390–91; Senegal, 421; Sierra Leone, 436; South Africa, 454; Togo, 508, 514; Uganda, 524, 531; Zimbabwe, 558, 564 Integrated Child Development Services Scheme, India, 197 International Labor Organization (ILO): Asia/Oceania: Australian labor laws, 6–7; Bangladesh, 34, 38; Cambodia, 34, 38; Fiji, 147, 153; Indonesia, 220–21; Mongolia, 285, 292; New Zealand, 308; Philippines, 353; Singapore, 376; Sri Lanka, 429. Central/ So. America: El Salvador, 131– 33; Honduras, 202–3; Peru, 280; Uruguay, 335. Europe: Bulgaria, 28–29; Cyprus, 49; Germany, 166; Italy, 261; Malta, 283; Romania, 356. Middle East/No. Africa: Egypt, 37, 48. No. America/ Caribbean: Bahamas, 34; St. Kitts and Nevis, 296; Trinidad and Tobago, 336–37. SubSaharan Africa: Angola, 5;
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
Burkina Faso, 53; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 157; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 171; Malawi, 306; Nigeria, 388; South Africa, 452; Togo, 515; Uganda, 528; Zambia, 549 International Management of Childhood Illnesses (IMCI), Bangladesh, 36 International Program on the Elimination of Child Labor (ILO-IPEC), Bangladesh, 33; Mongolia, 285 Internet, See Television/mass media/internet Irish National Children’s Strategy, 219 Islam (Muslim): Asia/Oceania: Bangladesh, 35; China, 113; Indonesia, 214, 224–26; Malaysia, 256, 267–68; Pakistan, 330, 338–40; Singapore, 384–85; Tajikistan, 466, 479–80; Turkmenistan, 528. Europe: Bulgaria, 33–34; Israel, 246–47; Italy, 269. Middle East/No. Africa: Algerian government, 2; Algerian Scouts, 7; Bahrain, 30–31; Egypt, 55; Iran Shiite branch, 64, 78–79; Iraq, 95– 96; Lebanon, 130–31; Libya, 145, 148; Morocco, 163–64; Oman, 184; Palestinian Territories, 204–6; Qatar, 229– 31; Saudi Arabia, 257–59; Sunni Sect in Algeria, 11; Syria, 285–86; Tunisia, 304; The United Arab Emirates, 322–24. Sub-Saharan Africa: Benin, 26; Burkina Faso, 58; Burundi, 71; Central African Republic (CAR), 114; Chad, 128; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 174–75; Ghana, 210– 11; Guinea, 224–25; GuineaBissau, 236; Kenya, 251; Liberia, 276; Malawi, 313; Mali, 328; Mozambique, 345; Niger, 376; Nigeria, 396; Senegal, 415–17, 422; Sierra Leone, 437–38; Sudan, 472, 482–83; Tanzania, 500–501; Togo, 517; Uganda, 533
Israeli occupation, Palestinian Territories, 191–93 IT education, The United Arab Emirates, 317 Jewish community, Romania, 352 Judaism, Tunisia, 304 Juvenile crime/justice: Asia/ Oceania: Australia, 13; Cambodia, 89–90; China, 111– 12; Fiji, 159; Hong Kong, 181–82; India, 200; Indonesia, 224; Malaysia, 266; Mongolia, 292; New Zealand, 313; Pakistan, 336, 337–38; Philippines, 350; Singapore, 378, 381–82; South Korea, 406–7; Taiwan, 454; Tajikistan, 478; Thailand, 497–98. Central/So. America: Argentina, 18; Brazil, 43–44, 46; Chile, 61–62; Colombia, 77; Costa Rica, 97; Ecuador, 117; El Salvador, 141; Guatemala, 163–64; Guyana, 190; Honduras, 208; Nicaragua, 230–31; Paraguay, 256–58; Peru, 281–82; Uruguay, 337. Europe: Belgium, 12–13; Bulgaria, 34; Cyprus, 53; Czech Republic, 72; Denmark, 106–7; Estonia, 131; France, 149–52; Germany, 178–79; Hungary, 204–05; Ireland, 226–27; Israel, 246; Italy, 268; Malta, 289; The Netherlands, 316–17; Norway, 338–39; Romania, 361; Russian Federation, 383– 84; Slovenia, 407–08; Spain, 431–32; United Kingdom, 463–64. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 10–11; Bahrain, 28–30; Egypt, 53–55; Iran, 77; Kuwait, 115–16; Morocco, 162–63; Oman, 183; Palestinian Territories, 203; Saudi Arabia, 256; Syria, 285; Tunisia, 303; The United Arab Emirates, 320–21. No. America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 16; Bahamas, 39; Canada, 83–85; Cuba, 118–19;
[ 391
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Dominican Republic, 149–50; Haiti, 197–98; Mexico, 258; Puerto Rico, 282–83; Trinidad and Tobago, 340. SubSaharan Africa: Benin, 24–25; Botswana, 42; Burkina Faso, 57; Burundi, 70–71; Cape Verde, 101; Central African Republic (CAR), 113–14; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 157; Ghana, 210; Kenya, 252; Malawi, 312–13; Mozambique, 344; Namibia, 363; Nigeria, 392–94; Sierra Leone, 437; South Africa, 457; Togo, 516 Khelaghor (playhouse), Bangladesh, 31–32 Khmer Rouge, 79–81 Khul’, Egypt, 50–51 Kidnapping: Central/So. America: Colombia, 70; Honduras, 205. Middle East/ No. Africa: Iraq, 96–97. No. America/Caribbean: Haiti, 200. Sub-Saharan Africa: Central African Republic (CAR), 110, 114; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 190; Sudan, 478–79; Uganda, 529–30, 534 Kochi Kachar Ashar (children’s party), Bangladesh, 31–32 Korea Educational Development Institute (KEDI), 400 Labor Standard Law, South Korea, 401 Languages: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 2; Bangladesh, 28; Bhutan, 56; Cambodia, 80; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 127–28; Fiji, 151; India, 190; Malaysia, 256; New Zealand, 303; Philippines, 352; Sri Lanka, 423; Taiwan, 440– 41, 446; Tajikistan, 470; Thailand, 487. Central/So. America: Peru, 277–78; Venezuela, 342. Europe: Belgium, 1–2; France, 137–38; Romania, 354; Russian Federation, 370. Middle East/
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
No. Africa: Algeria, 4; Qatar, 229. No. America/ Caribbean: Haiti, 192. SubSaharan Africa: Botswana, 34; Burkina Faso, 48; Burundi, 66; Cameroon, 77; Cape Verde, 96; Central African Republic (CAR), 108; Chad, 125–26; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 145–46; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 166; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 134; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 185; Guinea, 220; Guinea-Bissau, 232; Kenya, 243–44; Lesotho, 259; Liberia, 272; Malawi, 302; Mali, 324; Namibia, 351– 52; Niger, 372; Nigeria, 382; Rwanda, 403; Senegal, 415– 16; Sierra Leone, 434; South Africa, 445; Sudan, 473; Tanzania, 494; Togo, 509; Uganda, 524 Law for the Welfare of Fatherless Families and Widows, Japan, 244 Law of Population and Family Planning, 2001, China, 109 Law on Combating Domestic Violence, Mongolia, 294–95 Law on Preventing Juvenile Delinquency, China, 112 Law on Suppression of the Kidnapping, Trafficking, and Exploitation of Human Beings, Cambodia, 86 Law on the Protection of Disabled Persons, China, 112 Law on the Protection of Minors, China, 112 Laws and legal status: Asia/ Oceania: Australia, 11–15; Bangladesh, 37–39; Bhutan, 68; Cambodia, 88–90; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 135; Fiji, 158–60; Hong Kong, 180–82; India, 198–201; Indonesia, 224; Japan, 247–48; Malaysia, 265– 67; Mongolia, 291–93; New Zealand, 312–14; Pakistan, 336–38; Philippines, 358–60; Singapore, 381–84; South
Korea, 406–7; Sri Lanka, 429– 31; Taiwan, 453–54; Tajikistan, 477–79; Thailand, 497–98; Turkmenistan, 527–28. Central/So. America: Argentina, 16; Brazil, 43–44; Chile, 61–63; Colombia, 77– 79; Costa Rica, 97–98; Ecuador, 117; El Salvador, 140–41; Guatemala, 163–64; Guyana, 189–90; Honduras, 205–6; Nicaragua, 230–32; Paraguay, 255–60; Peru, 280– 83; Uruguay, 337–38; Venezuela, 352–53. Europe: Belgium, 12–13; Bulgaria, 33; Cyprus, 52–54; Czech Republic, 76–79; Denmark, 105–07; Estonia, 130–31; France, 149–52; Germany, 178–79; Hungary, 204–05; Ireland, 226–27; Israel, 245– 46; Italy, 266–68; Malta, 288– 90; The Netherlands, 314–17; Norway, 338–39; Romania, 360–61; Russian Federation, 382–85; Slovenia, 406–09; Spain, 431–32; United Kingdom, 462–65. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 10– 11; Bahrain, 28–30; Egypt, 49– 50, 53–55; Iran, 77–78; Iraq, 95; Kuwait, 115–16; Lebanon, 130; Libya, 148; Morocco, 162–63; Oman, 182–84; Palestinian Territories, 203–4; Qatar, 228–29; Saudi Arabia, 256–57; Syria, 284–85; Tunisia, 303; The United Arab Emirates, 320–21. No. America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 15–16; Bahamas, 39–40; Barbados, 60–61; Canada, 83–85; Cuba, 118–19; Dominican Republic, 149–50; Grenada, 175–76; Haiti, 197– 98; Jamaica, 223–25; Mexico, 257–58; Puerto Rico, 282–83; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 319–20; St. Kitts and Nevis, 299–300; Trinidad and Tobago, 339–40; United States, 365–67. Sub-
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Saharan Africa: Angola, 6; Benin, 24–25; Botswana, 41– 42; Burkina Faso, 56–57; Burundi, 70–71; Cameroon, 83; Cape Verde, 100–101; Central African Republic (CAR), 113–14; Chad, 128; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 156–57; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 174; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 140–41; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 188–89; Ghana, 209–10; Guinea, 224; Guinea-Bissau, 236; Kenya, 250–51; Lesotho, 262; Liberia, 275; Madagascar, 296; Malawi, 312–13; Mali, 328; Mozambique, 344–45; Namibia, 363–64; Niger, 375; Nigeria, 392–96; Rwanda, 408–9; Senegal, 422; Sierra Leone, 436–37; South Africa, 456–57; Sudan, 481–82; Tanzania, 500; Togo, 515–16; Uganda, 533; Zambia, 549–50; Zimbabwe, 566 Lead exposure, Malaysia, 265 Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) youth: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 11; Hong Kong, 180; New Zealand, 311; Taiwan, 453; Turkmenistan, 525. Central/ So. America Peru, 298–99. Europe: Denmark, 105; Hungary, 203; Ireland, 225; Romania, 359; United Kingdom, 462. Middle East/ No. Africa: Egypt, 53. No. America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 15; Barbados, 59; United States, 364–65. Sub-Saharan Africa: Ghana, 209; Namibia, 363; Uganda, 532–33. See also Homosexuality. Literacy: Asia/Oceania: China, 101–2; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 128; Hong Kong, 171; India, 192–93; Indonesia, 218; Japan, 239; Pakistan ranking, 329; Philippines, 351–52; South
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
Korea, 399; Sri Lanka, 421; Tajikistan, 467. Central/So. America: Argentina, 6; Chile, 53; Colombia, 72; Costa Rica, 90; El Salvador, 126; Guatemala, 156–57; Guyana, 179; Paraguay, 244; Peru, 283– 84; Uruguay, 327. Europe: Czech Republic, 69; Denmark, 92–93; Estonia, 120–21; France, 144; Hungary, 193; Ireland, 218; The Netherlands, 301; Romania, 353–55; Russian Federation, 371, 374. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 6; Bahrain, 20; Egypt, 40, 42; Iran, 68; Iraq, 89–90; Kuwait, 110; Libya, 142; Oman, 177; Qatar, 220; Saudi Arabia, 242–43; The United Arab Emirates, 314. No. America/Caribbean: Cuba, 111; Dominican Republic, 142; Trinidad and Tobago, 334. Sub-Saharan Africa: Burkina Faso, 50; Burundi, 67–68; Central African Republic (CAR), 111; Chad, 125–26; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 149; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 170; Guinea, 220; Guinea-Bissau, 233; Kenya, 246; Lesotho, 259; Madagascar, 287; Mali, 324; Namibia, 358; Niger, 373; Senegal, 418; South Africa, 450–51; Sudan, 474, 477; Togo, 509; Uganda, 526; Zimbabwe, 560 Living conditions, children in Hong Kong, 178 Malaysian Amateur Athletic Union, 261 Malaysian School Sports Council (MSSM), 261 Malnutrition: Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 9–10; Iraq, 93; Morocco, 155, 162; Tunisia, 296. Sub-Saharan Africa: Benin, 23; Burkina Faso, 54– 55; Cameroon, 82–83; Cape Verde, 100; Central African
Republic (CAR), 113; Chad, 127; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 155; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 173; Guinea, 223; Guinea-Bissau, 235; Kenya, 249; Liberia, 275; Madagascar, 293; Mozambique, 342–43; Namibia, 361; Niger, 374–75; Rwanda, 408; Senegal, 421; Sierra Leone, 436; Sudan, 473, 480; Tanzania, 499–500; Togo, 514; Zambia, 545, 549 Marriage: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 9; Bhutan, 66; intercultural, Taiwan, 443–44; Mongolia, 287; Philippines, 355; Singapore, 386–87. Central/So. America: Argentina, 11; Chile, 50, 57– 58; Colombia, 75–76, 78; Costa Rica, 93–94; Uruguay, 329; Venezuela, 350. Europe: Czech Republic, 66–68, 72– 75; Malta, 276; Norway, 332; Romania, 356–57; Slovenia, 402; United Kingdom, 444, 454. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 8; Bahrain, 25–26; Egypt, 49, 52; Iran, 71–72, 74; Kuwait, 113; Lebanon, 128– 29; Libya, 145, 148; Morocco, 159; Oman, 181; Palestinian Territories, 199–200; Qatar, 225, 229; Saudi Arabia, 250– 52; Tunisia, 300, 303; The United Arab Emirates, 318–19, 322. No. America/ Caribbean: Barbados, 56; Canada, 79–80; Haiti, 195; Jamaica, 217–18; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 319; United States, 360. Sub-Saharan Africa: Benin, 22–23; Burkina Faso, 53–54, 57–58, 60; Burundi, 69; Cameroon, 84; Cape Verde, 99–100; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 154; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 138–39; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 187; Madagascar, 292; Mali, 327,
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328; Mozambique, 341; Namibia, 360; Niger, 374; Nigeria, 385, 394; Senegal, 423; Sudan, 482; Tanzania, 500; Togo, 516; Uganda, 532; Zambia, 546; Zimbabwe, 561 Maternal health care: Central/ So. America: Argentina, 12– 13; Guatemala, 161; Nicaragua, 228; Paraguay, 255. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 10; Lebanon, 129; Palestinian Territories, 202; The United Arab Emirates, 319–20. No. America/ Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 12; Bahamas, 37; Cuba, 105, 116; Grenada, 180; Mexico, 255–56. SubSaharan Africa: South Africa, 456 Maternal mortality: Central/So. America: Nicaragua, 227–28; Peru, 295–96 Maternity leave, Denmark, 101– 02 Matrifocality, Barbados, 55–57 Media. See Television/media/ Internet Memory books, Malawi, 308 Mental health problems: Asia/ Oceania: China, 110–11; Fiji, 157; Malaysia, 264; Pakistan, 336; Taiwan, 452. Central/ So. America: Nicaragua, 229; Paraguay, 253. Europe: Denmark, 104; Hungary, 203; Ireland, 225; Israel, 244; Malta, 286; Slovenia, 406; United Kingdom, 460–61. Middle East/No. Africa: Egypt, 53. No. America/ Caribbean: Canada, 83; Mexico, 256; Puerto Rico, 280; United States, 364. Migration: Asia/Oceania: Chinese children, 105, 114, 115; to Malaysia, 257; Thai children, 489. Central/So. America: Ecuador, 108; El Salvador, 134–35; Guatemala, 155; Nicaragua, 225–27.
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
Sub-Saharan Africa: Botswana, 36; Burkina Faso, 48; Guinea, 218; Namibia, 354; South Africa, 453–54; Zambia, 548, 550 Millennium Development Goals (MDG), Mongolia, 295 Ministry of Education, Youth, and Sport, Kingdom of Cambodia, 82 Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (MOHFW), Bangladesh, 36 Ministry of National Education (MONE), Indonesia, 217–18 Ministry of Social Welfare (MSW), Bangladesh, 29–30 Minorities. See Ethnicity Music education, Denmark, 97–98 Music, Chile, 54, Dominican Republic, 145 Muslim Family Laws Ordinance (MFLO), Pakistan, 334 National Agenda for Early Childhood, Australia, 20 National Association for Sport and Physical Education (NASPE), Australia, 5 National Authority for Children, Mongolia, 283–84 National Authority for the Elimination of Child Labor (NAECL), India, 199 National Child Labor Policy, India, 199 National Child Protection Authority (NCPA), Sri Lanka, 423 National Children’s and Youth Law Centre (NCYLC), Australia, 12 National Commission for the Protection of Children’s Rights (KOMNAS ANAK), 221 National Commission on Child Protection (NCCP), Tajikistan, 468–69 National Commission on Child Protection, Indonesia, 213 National Committee on Environment and Children’s Health (NCECH), Cyprus, 51
National Coordinating Committee on Children, Fiji, 144 National Council for Child and Youth Development (NCYD), Thailand, 490 National Education for All Plan, Fiji, 148–52 National Goals for School in the 21st Century, Australia, 3 National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS), South Korea, 404 National Health System (NHS), United Kingdom, 458 National Institute of Traditional Medicine, Bhutan, 67 National Literacy Mission (NLM), India, 192 National Policy on Education, India, 190–91 National profile: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 1–2; Bangladesh, 27– 29; Bhutan, 55–60; Cambodia, 79–80; China, 99–100; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 123–26; Fiji, 143–45; Hong Kong, 169–71; India, 189–91; Indonesia, 211–13; Japan, 237–39; Malaysia, 255– 56; Mongolia, 279–80; New Zealand, 301–2; Pakistan, 325– 27; Philippines, 347–49; Singapore, 369–71; South Korea, 395–97; Sri Lanka, 417–18; Taiwan, 439–42; Tajikistan, 465–68; Thailand, 487–89; Turkmenistan, 511– 14. Central/So. America: Argentina, 1–4; Brazil, 29–35; Chile, 49–51; Colombia, 69– 71; Costa Rica, 83–86; Ecuador, 107–9; El Salvador, 123–24; Guatemala, 153–55; Guyana, 177–79; Honduras, 197–99; Nicaragua, 215–18; Paraguay, 241–42; Peru, 273– 78; Uruguay, 327–31; Venezuela, 341–42. Europe: Belgium, 1–3; Bulgaria, 21–23; Cyprus, 41–43; Czech Republic, 63–68; Denmark, 89–91; Estonia, 113–17;
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France, 137–38; Germany, 161–66; Hungary, 189–92; Ireland, 213–15; Israel, 235– 37; Italy, 253–54; Malta, 275– 78; The Netherlands, 301–03; Norway, 325–26; Romania, 347–48; Russian Federation, 369–71; Slovenia, 395–96; Spain, 417–19; United Kingdom, 443–46. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 1–3; Bahrain, 19–20; Egypt, 37–38; Iran, 63–64; Iraq, 87–89; Kuwait, 107–8; Lebanon, 123– 25; Libya, 139–41; Morocco, 153–55; Oman, 173–76; Palestinian Territories, 189–91; Qatar, 217–19; Saudi Arabia, 239–41; Syria, 269–72; Tunisia, 293–96; The United Arab Emirates, 311–12. No. America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 1–5; Bahamas, 25–28; Barbados, 49–51; Canada, 69–72; Cuba, 1030107; Dominican Republic, 135–38; Grenada, 161–66; Haiti, 189–91; Jamaica, 207–9; Mexico, 239–42; Puerto Rico, 269–71; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 307–9; St. Kitts and Nevis, 291–93; Trinidad and Tobago, 329–31; United States, 351– 54. Sub-Saharan Africa: Angola, 1–3; Benin, 15–16; Botswana, 33–36; Burkina Faso, 47–49; Burundi, 65–67; Cameroon, 77–78; Cape Verde, 95–97; Central African Republic (CAR), 107–10; Chad, 123–25; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 145– 47; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 165–68; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 133–34; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 181–84; Ghana, 197–99; Guinea, 217– 19; Guinea-Bissau, 231–32; Kenya, 243–46; Lesotho, 257– 58; Liberia, 269–71; Madagascar, 281–83; Malawi, 301–2; Mali, 321–23;
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
Mozambique, 337; Namibia, 351–54; Niger, 371–72; Nigeria, 381–84; Rwanda, 403–5; Senegal, 415–17; Sierra Leone, 431–33; South Africa, 445–48; Sudan, 471– 73; Tanzania, 493–95; Togo, 507–8; Uganda, 523–25; Zambia, 543–545; Zimbabwe, 557–58 National Sample Survey of Child Labor in Bangladesh (Bureau of Statistics): Asia/Oceania: 1996, 32; 2002–2003, 33 National Strategy for the Education Development of the Republic of Tajikistan 2006– 2015, 471–72 National Youth Council, The Netherlands, 309–10 NATO: Europe: Czech Republic, 63; Denmark, 90 New Approach to Primary Education (NAPE), Bhutan, 62–63 New Zealand’s Agenda for Children, 316 Newly Arrived Children (NAC), Hong Kong, 171–72 Non-national workers, The United Arab Emirates, 311–12 Nutrition: Central/So. America: Brazil, 43; Ecuador, 115–16; El Salvador, 137; Peru, 290– 91; Venezuela, 351. Middle East/No. Africa: Bahrain, 28; Palestinian Territories, 202–3; Saudi Arabia, 254–55; Tunisia, 301–2 Obesity: Asia/Oceania: children’s health in China, 110; children’s health in Hong Kong, 179–80; Japan, 246; Malaysia, 264–65. Central/So. America: Ecuador, 115–16. Europe: Italy, 266; Norway, 337; Slovenia, 405–06; United Kingdom, 460. Middle East/ No. Africa: Bahrain, 28; Morocco, 162; Saudi Arabia, 255. No. America/ Caribbean: Jamaica, 223;
Mexico, 256; Puerto Rico, 278; United States, 358. Office of Indigenous Policy Coordination (OIPC), Australia, 7 Operation Young, Dutch government program, 304–05 Opportunities for Vulnerable Children (OVC), Indonesia, 218 Oral tradition, Bhutan, 64 Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD): Asia/Oceania: Australia, 2; South Korea, 395. Europe: Czech Republic, 63; Denmark, 92–93 Organization of Successful Children, Estonia, 125 Orphans, Iraq, 92 Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs), 349, 356 Overview: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 2–3; Bangladesh, 29– 30; Bhutan, 60; Cambodia, 81; China, 100–101; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 126–27; Fiji, 145–48; Hong Kong, 171–72; India, 191–92; Indonesia, 213–16; Japan, 239; Malaysia, 256–58; Mongolia, 281; New Zealand, 302–4; Pakistan, 327–28; Philippines, 349–51; Singapore, 371–72; South Korea, 397–98; Sri Lanka, 418–20; Taiwan, 441– 42; Tajikistan, 468–69; Thailand, 489–90; Turkmenistan, 514–16. Central/So. America: Argentina, 4; Brazil, 35; Chile, 51–52; Colombia, 71–72; Costa Rica, 86–87; Ecuador, 109–10; El Salvador, 124–26; Guatemala, 155–56; Guyana, 179–80; Honduras, 199–201; Nicaragua, 218–19; Paraguay, 242–43; Peru, 278–80; Uruguay, 331–32; Venezuela, 342–44. Europe: Bulgaria, 23; Cyprus, 43–46; Denmark, 91– 92; Estonia, 117–20; France, 139–40; Germany, 166–67;
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Hungary, 192–93; Ireland, 215–17; Italy, 254–56; Malta, 278–79; The Netherlands, 303–06; Romania, 348–53; Russian Federation, 371–72; Slovenia, 397–98; Spain, 419– 22; United Kingdom, 446–47. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 3–4; Bahrain, 20–21; Egypt, 38–40; Iran, 64–65; Iraq, 89; Kuwait, 109–10; Lebanon, 126–27; Libya, 141– 42; Morocco, 155–60; Oman, 176–77; Palestinian Territories, 191–93; Qatar, 219–20; Saudi Arabia, 241–42; Syria, 272–74; Tunisia, 296; The United Arab Emirates, 313. No. America/ Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 5–6; Bahamas, 28– 30; Barbados, 51–52; Canada, 72; Cuba, 107; Dominican Republic, 138–41; Grenada, 166–67; Haiti, 191–92; Jamaica, 209–10; Mexico, 242– 43; Puerto Rico, 271–73; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 309–10; St. Kitts and Nevis, 293–94; Trinidad and Tobago, 331–33; United States, 354–55. Sub-Saharan Africa: Angola, 4; Benin, 16– 17; Botswana, 36–37; Burkina Faso, 49; Burundi, 67; Cameroon, 79; Cape Verde, 97; Central African Republic (CAR), 110; Chad, 125; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 148; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 168–69; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 134–36; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 184–85; Ghana, 199; Guinea, 219–20; Guinea-Bissau, 233; Kenya, 246; Lesotho, 259; Liberia, 271–72; Madagascar, 283–84; Malawi, 303; Mali, 323; Mozambique, 338; Namibia, 355; Niger, 372; Nigeria, 384; Rwanda, 405; Senegal, 417–18; Sierra Leone, 433–34; South Africa, 448–49; Sudan, 473–74; Tanzania, 495;
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
Togo, 508–9; Uganda, 525; Zambia, 545–46; Zimbabwe, 558–59 Parental responsibility, Czech Republic, 77 People’s Republic of Kampuchea (PRK), 81–82 Play and recreation: Asia/ Oceania: Australia, 4–6; Bhutan, 64–65; Cambodia, 82– 83; China, 106–7; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 129–31; Fiji, 152–53; Hong Kong, 175–76; India, 194; Indonesia, 219–20; Japan, 241–43; Malaysia, 260–61; Mongolia, 283–84; New Zealand, 306–8; Pakistan, 331– 32; Philippines, 352–53; Singapore, 375–76; South Korea, 400–401; Taiwan, 447– 48; Tajikistan, 472–73; Thailand, 493–94; Turkmenistan, 519–21. Central/So. America: Argentina, 8–9; Brazil, 38–39; Chile, 54–56; Colombia, 73; Costa Rica, 89–91; Ecuador, 112; El Salvador, 129–31; Guatemala, 157–58; Guyana, 184–85; Honduras, 202; Nicaragua, 223–24; Paraguay, 246–47; Peru, 288–89; Venezuela, 346–48. Europe: Belgium, 7–8; Bulgaria, 26–28; Czech Republic, 70; Denmark, 96–99; Estonia, 124–26; France, 145; Germany, 170– 72; Hungary, 196–97; Ireland, 219–20; Israel, 239–40; Italy, 258–61; Malta, 280–83; The Netherlands, 308–10; Norway, 328–30; Romania, 355–56; Russian Federation, 375–76; Slovenia, 399–401; Spain, 423– 25; United Kingdom, 450–52. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 6–7; Bahrain, 23–24; Egypt, 44; Iran, 69–70; Iraq, 90–91; Kuwait, 112; Lebanon, 127–28; Libya, 144–45; Morocco, 157; Oman, 179–80;
Palestinian Territories, 196–98; Qatar, 222; Saudi Arabia, 246– 48; Tunisia, 298–99; The United Arab Emirates, 315–17. No. America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 8–9; Bahamas, 32–34; Barbados, 54–55; Canada, 75–76; Cuba, 110–12; Dominican Republic, 144–45; Grenada, 170–71; Haiti, 193–94; Jamaica, 214– 15; Mexico, 248–50; Puerto Rico, 275–76; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 312–13; St. Kitts and Nevis, 295–96; Trinidad and Tobago, 335–36; United States, 356–58. Sub-Saharan Africa: Angola, 5; Benin, 20; Botswana, 38; Burkina Faso, 51–52; Burundi, 68; Cameroon, 80; Cape Verde, 99; Central African Republic (CAR), 111–12; Chad, 126; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 151–52; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 170; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 137; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 185–86; Ghana, 202; Guinea, 221; Guinea-Bissau, 233–34; Kenya, 247–48; Lesotho, 260; Liberia, 272– 73; Madagascar, 287–88; Malawi, 305–6; Mali, 324–25; Mozambique, 340–41; Namibia, 358–59; Niger, 373; Nigeria, 388; Rwanda, 406; Senegal, 419–20; Sierra Leone, 434–35; South Africa, 451–52; Sudan, 478; Tanzania, 496–97; Togo, 510–11; Uganda, 527–28; Zambia, 547; Zimbabwe, 560–61 Pneumonia, infant death in the Philippines, 357 Pol Pot era, 79 Police violence, Brazil, 45 Policy brutality, Canada, 85 Political violence, Honduras, 200 Pollution: Asia/Oceania: children’s health in China, 110;
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children’s health in Hong Kong, 180. See also Environmental issues Population changes, Iran, 65–66 Pornography. See Sex industry Postcompulsory education, Denmark, 94–95 Poverty: Asia/Oceania: Cambodia, 80–81; China, 105; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 125; Fiji, 144; India, 194–95, 197, 202; Malaysia, 262; Mongolia, 280; New Zealand, 310; Pakistan, 326; Philippines, 349, 353; Tajikistan, 467, 475–76; Thailand, 496; Turkmenistan, 524. Central/So. America: Argentina, 1–3; Brazil, 34–35; Chile, 49, 52; Colombia, 69– 70; Costa Rica, 84; Ecuador, 108; El Salvador, 123–24; Guatemala, 154; Honduras, 198; Nicaragua, 216–17, 226; Paraguay, 241, 243, 248–49, 251; Peru, 274–76, 290; Venezuela, 343. Europe: Bulgaria, 22; Estonia, 118; France, 146–47, 149; Germany, 165; Ireland, 223; Italy, 264; Norway, 335; Russian Federation, 379; Slovenia, 397; United Kingdom, 445. Middle East/ No. Africa: Algeria, 3; Egypt, 37; Iraq, 88; Libya, 140; Morocco, 155; Syria, 278–79, 282; Tunisia, 299. No. America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 2; Canada, 71; Dominican Republic, 136, 138, 145–46; Grenada, 166, 168, 179; Haiti, 190; Jamaica, 208– 9, 220; Mexico, 241–42, 249, 260; Puerto Rico, 277; United States, 351–54, 361. SubSaharan Africa: Burkina Faso, 48, 50; Cameroon, 78; Chad, 124; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 146; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 171–73; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 139; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 184,
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
187–88; Ghana, 203; Kenya, 246; Madagascar, 281–82; Malawi, 306–7; Namibia, 353; Niger, 372, 373–74; Nigeria, 382, 388, 389; South Africa, 447, 458; Tanzania, 494, 499; Zambia, 545; Zimbabwe, 566 Pregnancy counseling, Australia, 11 Pregnancy: No. America/ Caribbean: Puerto Rico, 274; United States, 364 Preschool education: Asia/ Oceania: Australia, 3–4; Bangladesh, 31; Bhutan, 63; China, 101–3; Fiji, 151–52; Hong Kong, 173; Malaysia, 258–59; New Zealand, 305; Philippines, 352; Singapore, 373–74; Sri Lanka, 422–23; Taiwan, 446; Tajikistan, 469; Thailand, 491; Turkmenistan, 517. Central/So. America: Argentina, 6; Chile, 52; El Salvador, 126–27; Guyana, 180; Peru, 286–87; Uruguay, 332; Venezuela, 351. Europe: Belgium, 5; Cyprus, 46; Czech Republic, 69; Denmark, 91– 92, 93; France, 141; Germany, 168; Israel, 238; Malta, 279; The Netherlands, 307; Romania, 353–55; Slovenia, 403; United Kingdom, 456– 57. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 5; Bahrain, 21; Kuwait, 110; Palestinian Territories, 196; Syria, 274; Tunisia, 297; The United Arab Emirates, 313. No. America/ Caribbean: Bahamas, 31; Barbados, 53; Canada, 73; Grenada, 168; Jamaica, 210– 11. Sub-Saharan Africa: Burkina Faso, 52; Malawi, 305 Preventive health services, Cyprus, 44 Primary Education Act of 1992, Bangladesh, 31 Private Higher Education Institutions Act, Malaysia, 258 Professional Education Act, Bulgaria, 24
Program for the Development of Children, China, 113–14 Project H.E.A.V.E.N Inc., Fiji, 157 Prostitution. See Sex Industry Protect Act, U. S. government, 86 Protection orders, domestic violence in Singapore, 385 Provincial Education Department of DKI Jakarta (PDOE), 218 Public Education Act, Bulgaria, 24 Radio. See Television/media/ internet Reading. See Literacy Reform and opening policies, China, 99–100 Religious life: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 15–17; Bangladesh, 39; Bhutan, 68–69; Cambodia, 90–91; China, 112–13; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 135–36; Fiji, 160–61; Hong Kong, 182; India, 201– 2; Indonesia, 224–26; Japan, 248–49; Malaysia, 267–68; Mongolia, 293–94; New Zealand, 314–15; Pakistan, 338–40; Philippines, 360–61; Singapore, 384; South Korea, 407–8; Sri Lanka, 431; Taiwan, 454–55; Tajikistan, 479–80; Thailand, 498–500; Turkmenistan, 528. Central/ So. America: Argentina, 16– 17; Brazil, 44–45; Chile, 63– 64; Colombia, 79; Costa Rica, 98–100; Ecuador, 117; El Salvador, 142; Guyana, 190– 91; Honduras, 206–7; Nicaragua; Paraguay, 251, 261; Peru, 307; Venezuela, 353–54. Europe: Belgium, 13; Bulgaria, 33–34; Cyprus, 54–55; Czech Republic, 79–80; Denmark, 107–08; Estonia, 131; France, 152–53; Germany, 179–80; Hungary, 205–06; Ireland, 227–28; Israel, 246–47; Italy, 268–69; Malta, 290–91; The
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Netherlands, 318; Norway, 339–40; Romania, 361–62; Russian Federation, 385–86; Slovenia, 409; Spain, 432–35; United Kingdom, 465–66. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 11; Bahrain, 30–31; Egypt, 55; Iran, 78–80; Iraq, 95–96; Lebanon, 124–25, 130–31; Libya, 148; Morocco, 163–64; Oman, 184; Palestinian Territories, 204–6; Qatar, 229–31; Saudi Arabia, 257–59; Syria, 285–86; Tunisia, 304; The United Arab Emirates, 322–24. No. America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 16; Bahamas, 40–41; Barbados, 61; Canada, 85–86; Cuba, 119–21; Dominican Republic, 150; Grenada, 176–77; Haiti, 198– 99; Jamaica, 225–27; Mexico, 258–59; Puerto Rico, 283; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 320–21; St. Kitts and Nevis, 300; Trinidad and Tobago, 341–42; United States, 367–68. Sub-Saharan Africa: Angola, 6; Benin, 25– 26; Botswana, 42; Burkina Faso, 57–58; Burundi, 71; Cameroon, 83–84; Cape Verde, 101; Central African Republic (CAR), 114; Chad, 128; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 157–58; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 174–75; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 139–40; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 189–90; Ghana, 210–11; Guinea, 224–25; GuineaBissau, 236; Kenya, 251–52; Lesotho, 262; Liberia, 276; Madagascar, 294–95; Malawi, 313–14; Mali, 328; Mozambique, 345; Namibia, 364–65; Niger, 376; Nigeria, 396; Rwanda, 409; Senegal, 422; Sierra Leone, 437–38; South Africa, 457–58; Sudan, 482–83; Tanzania, 500–501; Togo, 516–17; Uganda, 533;
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
Zambia, 550; Zimbabwe, 566– 67 Residential care, Australia, 17 Royal University of Bhutan (RUB), 63 Sanitation. See Environmental issues Scandinavian welfare model, Denmark, 91 School Health Service, Singapore, 380 School health services, Antigua and Barbuda, 12 School health services: Europe: Cyprus, 51–52; France, 148– 49; Malta, 286 School Report Card, Pakistan ranking, 328 School violence: Asia/Oceania: Cambodia, 92; Japan, 241. Central/So. America: Brazil, 37; Chile, 65; Ecuador, 118. Europe: Romania, 362–63; Slovenia, 407–08. Middle East/No. Africa: Kuwait, 111–12; The United Arab Emirates, 321. No. America/ Caribbean: Jamaica, 229; Puerto Rico, 274–75, 284. Sub-Saharan Africa: Togo, 517; Zimbabwe, 567 Schooling system: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 3–4; Bangladesh, 30– 31; Cambodia, 81–82; China, 100, 101–6; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 127–29; Fiji, 145; Hong Kong, 173–75; India, 192–94; Japan, 239–41; Malaysia, 258–60; Mongolia, 282–83; New Zealand, 304–6; Pakistan, 328–31; Philippines, 351–52; Singapore, 372–74; South Korea, 398–400; Sri Lanka, 420–23; Taiwan, 445– 47; Tajikistan, 469–72; Thailand, 491–93; Turkmenistan, 516–19. Central/So. America: Argentina, 5–8; Brazil, 35–37; Chile, 52–54; Colombia, 72; Costa Rica, 87–89; Ecuador, 110–12; El Salvador, 126–29;
Guatemala, 156–57; Guyana, 180–84; Honduras, 201–2; Nicaragua, 219–23; Paraguay, 243–46; Peru, 283–88; Uruguay, 332–35; Venezuela, 344–46. Europe: Belgium, 4– 7; Bulgaria, 23–26; Cyprus, 46–49; Czech Republic, 69– 70; Denmark, 93–96; Estonia, 120–24; France, 140–45; Germany, 168–70; Ireland, 217–19; Israel, 237–39; Italy, 256–58; Malta, 279–80; The Netherlands, 306–08; Norway, 326–28; Romania, 353–55; Spain, 422–23; United Kingdom, 448. Middle East/ No. Africa: Algeria, 4–6; Bahrain, 21–23; Egypt, 40–44; Iran, 67–69; Iraq, 89–90; Kuwait, 110–13; Lebanon, 127; Morocco, 156–57; Oman, 177–79; Palestinian Territories, 194–96; Qatar, 220–21; Saudi Arabia, 242–46; Syria, 274–76; Tunisia, 296–98; The United Arab Emirates, 313–15. No. America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 6–8; Bahamas, 30–32; Barbados, 53–54; Canada, 72–75; Cuba, 107–10; Dominican Republic, 141–44; Grenada, 168–70; Haiti, 192– 93; Jamaica, 210–14; Mexico, 243–47; Puerto Rico, 273–75; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 310–12; St. Kitts and Nevis, 294–95; Trinidad and Tobago, 333–35; United States, 355–56. SubSaharan Africa: Angola, 4–5; Benin, 17–19; Botswana, 37– 38; Burkina Faso, 49–51; Burundi, 67–68; Cameroon, 79–80; Central African Republic (CAR), 110–11; Chad, 125–26; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 148– 51; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 169–70; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 136–37; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 185; Ghana, 199–201; Guinea, 220–
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21; Guinea-Bissau, 233; Kenya, 246–47; Lesotho, 259–60; Liberia, 272; Malawi, 303–4; Mali, 324; Mozambique, 338– 40; Namibia, 355–58; Niger, 372–73; Nigeria, 386–87; Rwanda, 405–6; Senegal, 418– 19; Sierra Leone, 434; South Africa, 449–51; Sudan, 474– 78; Tanzania, 495–96; Togo, 509–10; Uganda, 525–27; Zambia, 546–47; Zimbabwe, 559–60 Scouting: Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 7; Tunisia, 298 Sex education: Asia/Oceania: China, 111; Taiwan, 452. Central/So. America: Chile, 60; Costa Rica, 96–97; Ecuador, 117; Nicaragua, 229– 30; Paraguay, 254–55; Peru, 297–98; Venezuela, 352. Europe: Denmark, 104–5; Estonia, 129; Hungary, 203; Ireland, 225; Malta, 287–88; Romania, 359; Slovenia, 406; United Kingdom, 461–62. Middle East/No. Africa: Bahrain, 28; Egypt, 53; Iran, 76. No. America/Caribbean: Dominican Republic, 148; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 313; United States, 364. Sub-Saharan Africa: Burkina Faso, 57–58; Ghana, 209 Sex industry: Asia/Oceania: Bangladesh, 40–41; Cambodia, 85–86; Fiji, 159; India, 203; Indonesia, 216, 220–21; Japan, 247; Pakistan, 327, 333, 340; Philippines, 353; South Korea, 402–3; Sri Lanka, 423–24; Taiwan, 448; Tajikistan, 481; Thailand, 501; Turkmenistan, 527. Sub-Saharan Africa: Botswana, 39, 42; Burkina Faso, 59; Burundi, 71–72; Cape Verde, 98; Central African Republic (CAR), 112, 114; Chad, 128; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 186, 190; Ghana, 210; Kenya, 252; Madagascar, 290–
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
91; Mali, 325; Mozambique, 345–46; Namibia, 359, 365– 66; Niger, 374; Nigeria, 386, 388, 394–95; Rwanda, 410; Uganda, 529; Zambia, 546, 550; Zimbabwe, 567 Sexual exploitation. See Sex industry Sexuality counseling, Australia, 11 Sexuality: Central/So. America: Argentina, 15; Chile, 57; El Salvador, 138; Peru, 295–300. Europe: Bulgaria, 32. Middle East/No. Africa: Tunisia, 302; The United Arab Emirates, 319. No. America/ Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 18; Barbados, 58–59; Dominican Republic, 150; Mexico, 256–57. Sub-Saharan Africa: Botswana, 41; Burkina Faso, 56; Ghana, 209; Malawi, 314; Namibia, 362; Zambia, 544 Shintoism, Japan, 248 Simulated births, Philippines, 363 Smoking, Argentina, 15 Smoking, Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 155 Smoking: Europe: Russian Federation, 380; Slovenia, 405; United Kingdom, 459–60 Social assistance, Czech Republic, 63 Social cleaning, Guatemala, 164 Social inequalities, Australia, 19 Social inheritance, Denmark, 101 Social insurance, Czech Republic, 63 Social Welfare Department, Fiji, 155, 161 Social-Legal Child Protection, Czech Republic, 77–78 South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC), 70 Special education. See Disability Speech language services, Malta, 286 Spiritualism, Cuba, 119–20 Sports/physical education: Asia/ Oceania: Australia, 5; Bangladesh, 32; Indonesia,
220; Pakistan, 331–32; Singapore, 375–76; Taiwan, 447; Tajikistan, 472. Central/ So. America: Argentina, 7; Brazil, 38; Chile, 54; Colombia, 73; Costa Rica, 90; El Salvador, 130; Guatemala, 157–58; Guyana, 184; Nicaragua, 223; Paraguay, 246, 247; Peru, 288–89; Venezuela, 347. Europe: Denmark, 97; France, 145; Hungary, 197; Ireland, 220; Malta, 280–81; Russian Federation, 375–76; United Kingdom, 460. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 6; Bahrain, 24; Egypt, 44; Iran, 69–70; Kuwait, 112; Libya, 144–45; Oman, 179–80; Qatar, 222–23; Syria, 277; Tunisia, 298; The United Arab Emirates, 315–17. No. America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 8; Bahamas, 32– 33; Canada, 75–76; Cuba, 110; Dominican Republic, 145; Grenada, 171; Jamaica, 215; Mexico, 248; Puerto Rico, 275; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 312–13; St. Kitts and Nevis, 295–96; Trinidad and Tobago, 335–36; United States, 356–57. SubSaharan Africa: Botswana, 38; Burundi, 68; Cameroon, 80; Central African Republic (CAR), 111; Chad, 126; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 151; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 137; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 186; Ghana, 202; Guinea, 221; Kenya, 247–48; Lesotho, 260; Liberia, 273; Madagascar, 287– 88; Malawi, 305–6; Mali, 324; Namibia, 358–59; Nigeria, 388; Rwanda, 406; South Africa, 452; Sudan, 478; Tanzania, 497; Uganda, 527– 28 State Church, Norway, 339–40 State social support, Czech Republic, 63–64
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Statistical Information and Monitoring Program on Child Labor (SIMPOC) of ILO-IPEC, Bangladesh, 33 Street children. See Homelessness Streetwise Program, Singapore, 382 Sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS), Australia, 10 Suicide, Puerto Rico, 281 Survey of Children’s Participation in Culture and Leisure Activities, 2003, Australia, 4 Taoism: Asia/Oceania: China, 113; Hong Kong, 182; Singapore, 384–85; Taiwan, 454 Task Force on Child Development, Health and Wellbeing, Australia, 20 Teachers: Asia/Oceania: in Cambodia, 81–82; in China, 101–2. Central/So. America: Brazil, 37; Chile, 53; Guyana, 181; Honduras, 201–2 Europe: France, 142; Russian Federation, 373–74. Middle East/No. Africa: Egypt, 40– 41; Qatar, 221. No. America/ Caribbean: Cuba, 108; Haiti, 192. Sub-Saharan Africa: Cameroon, 79–80; Cape Verde, 98–99; Guinea-Bissau, 233; Mozambique, 339 Technical and vocational education, Cyprus, 48 Technology: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 4–5. Europe: Italy, 259 Television/mass media/internet: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 4; Bangladesh, 32; Bhutan, 64– 65; Cambodia, 83; China, 107; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 130; Hong Kong, 175; India, 194; Indonesia, 215; Malaysia, 261; Mongolia, 284; New Zealand, 307–8; Pakistan, 332; Philippines, 353; Singapore, 375; South Korea, 400; Taiwan, 447–48; Tajikistan, 473; Thailand,
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
493–94; Turkmenistan, 520. Central/So. America: Argentina, 8; Chile, 54; Costa Rica, 91; El Salvador, 130–31; Guatemala, 158; Nicaragua, 223–24; Paraguay, 246; Venezuela, 347–48. Europe: Belgium, 7–8; Bulgaria, 26–28; Denmark, 98–99; Estonia, 125; France, 145; Germany, 171– 72; Hungary, 196–97; Ireland, 220; Israel, 239–40; Italy, 259; Malta, 282; Norway, 329; Romania, 356; Slovenia, 401; Spain, 424; United Kingdom, 451. Middle East/No. Africa: Bahrain, 23; Egypt, 44; Iran, 70; Iraq, 91; Kuwait, 112; Lebanon, 127–28; Palestinian Territories, 197; Saudi Arabia, 246–47; Syria, 276, 288; The United Arab Emirates, 316. No. America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 8; Bahamas, 33–34; Barbados, 54–55; Canada, 75–76; Cuba, 109, 110–12; Dominican Republic, 144–45; Haiti, 193; Puerto Rico, 276; United States, 357–58. Sub-Saharan Africa: Benin, 20; Burkina Faso, 52; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 151–52; Ghana, 202; Madagascar, 287–88; Mali, 324–25; Mozambique, 340–41; Namibia, 358–59; Niger, 373; Rwanda, 406; Senegal, 419; South Africa, 451–52; Sudan, 478; Togo, 510–11 Terrorism, Bahrain, 22 Tertiary education. See Higher education Theatre, Malta, 281 Traffic-related accidents, Thailand, 497 Treaty of Waitangi, New Zealand, 301, 314 Trokosi, Ghana, 205 Tsunamis: Asia/Oceania: effects on Indonesian children, 216; effects on Sri Lanka children, 428–29
Tswana cultural practice, Botswana, 42 Tuberculosis, Indonesia, 223 Twenty-first century: Asia/ Oceania: Australia, 19–20; Bangladesh, 41–42; Bhutan, 70–72; Cambodia, 92–93; China, 115–16; Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), 137; Fiji, 163; Hong Kong, 183–84; India, 203–4; Indonesia, 227; Japan, 250–51; Malaysia, 271; Mongolia, 295– 96; New Zealand, 316–17; Pakistan, 342; Philippines, 363–64; Singapore, 386–87; South Korea, 409–10; Sri Lanka, 432–34; Taiwan, 456– 57; Tajikistan, 481–82; Thailand, 502–3; Turkmenistan, 529–30. Central/So. America: Argentina, 18–19; Brazil, 46– 47; Colombia, 80; Costa Rica, 101–2; Ecuador, 118–19; El Salvador, 144–45; Guatemala, 165; Guyana, 192–94; Honduras, 208–11; Nicaragua, 234–35; Paraguay, 263–64; Peru, 318–19; Uruguay, 338– 39; Venezuela, 355. Europe: Belgium, 14–16; Bulgaria, 35– 36; Cyprus, 56–58; Czech Republic, 81–82; Estonia, 133; France, 156; Germany, 181– 82; Hungary, 208–09; Ireland, 229–30; Israel, 248–49; Italy, 270–71; Malta, 292–93; The Netherlands, 319–20; Norway, 340–42; Romania, 364–65; Russian Federation, 388–89; Slovenia, 411–13; Spain, 437– 39; United Kingdom, 468–69. Middle East/No. Africa: Algeria, 13; Bahrain, 31; Egypt, 57; Iran, 83–84; Iraq, 97–98; Lebanon, 131–32; Libya, 149; Morocco, 166; Oman, 185; Palestinian Territories, 207; Qatar, 233; Saudi Arabia, 263; Syria, 287– 88; Tunisia, 305; The United Arab Emirates, 325–26. No.
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America/Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 17–19; Bahamas, 42; Barbados, 63–64; Canada, 88–89; Cuba, 122; Dominican Republic, 152; Grenada, 178; Haiti, 201; Jamaica, 230–31; Mexico, 260; Puerto Rico, 284; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 323; St. Kitts and Nevis, 301; Trinidad and Tobago, 343–45; United States, 369–70. Sub-Saharan Africa: Angola, 7; Benin, 28; Botswana, 42–43; Burkina Faso, 60; Burundi, 72–73; Cameroon, 85; Cape Verde, 102; Central African Republic (CAR), 114–15; Chad, 128– 29; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 159–60; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 176; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 141; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 190–91; Ghana, 212; Guinea, 225; Guinea-Bissau, 237; Kenya, 252–53; Lesotho, 263; Liberia, 276–77; Madagascar, 297; Malawi, 315–16; Mali, 329; Mozambique, 347–48; Namibia, 366; Niger, 376; Nigeria, 396; Rwanda, 410; Senegal, 423; Sierra Leone, 438–39; South Africa, 459–60; Sudan, 484–85; Tanzania, 501–2; Togo, 517; Uganda, 534; Zambia, 550–51; Zimbabwe, 569–70 UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), Bhutan, 68 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child: Asia/Oceania: Australia, 5, 11–15; Bangladesh, 33–34, 38; Bhutan, 64, 65, 68, 70; Cambodia, 80, 88–89; Fiji, 146–47, 160; India, 191; Japan, 247; Malaysia, 266; Mongolia, 284, 291; New Zealand, 303, 314; Pakistan, 327; Philippines, 358;
SIX-VOLUME COMPREHENSIVE INDEX
Singapore, 372, 374; South Korea, 406; Sri Lanka, 429; Taiwan, 442; Tajikistan, 468, 480; Turkmenistan, 514, 527. Central/So. America: Argentina, 5, 9, 16; Chile, 61; Costa Rica, 89–90, 97–98; Ecuador, 112–13, 116–18; El Salvador, 140; Guatemala, 163; Nicaragua, 224, 230; Paraguay, 247, 255, 260; Peru, 278–79, 300–301. Europe: Belgium, 13; Bulgaria, 23, 36; Cyprus, 43, 45; Czech Republic, 78; Denmark, 105–06; France, 146; Hungary, 205; Ireland, 226; Italy, 261; Malta, 280, 292; The Netherlands, 310; Norway, 338; Romania, 347– 48, 356, 360; Russian Federation, 382; Slovenia, 397; United Kingdom, 445–46, 464–65. Middle East/No. Africa: Bahrain, 20, 25; Egypt, 39, 43; Iran, 77; Kuwait, 115; Lebanon, 130; Libya, 140; Morocco, 165; Oman, 176, 182, 183; Palestinian Territories, 203; Qatar, 220, 222; Saudi Arabia, 256; Syria, 288; The United Arab Emirates, 313. No. America/ Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 11, 15; Bahamas, 27– 30; Barbados, 52, 60; Canada, 89; Cuba, 118; Grenada, 167, 175; Haiti, 197; Jamaica, 208, 210, 223; Mexico, 257; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 309; St. Kitts and Nevis, 299–300; Trinidad and Tobago, 336–37; United
States, 365–66. Sub-Saharan Africa: Benin, 24, 28; Botswana, 42; Burkina Faso, 51; Chad, 128; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 140–41, 156; Ghana, 209–10; Kenya, 251; Madagascar, 284; Malawi, 306, 312; Mozambique, 345–47, 359; Nigeria, 382–83; South Africa, 446; Tanzania, 497; Togo, 515–16; Uganda, 528; Zambia, 549 Unaccompanied minors, Egypt, 40 Undocumented children, Peru, 283 Unemployment, The Netherlands, 311 United States Agency for International Development (USAID), aid for Indonesian children, 218 Universal child benefit, Estonia, 116–17 Universal health system, Canada, 81–83 Universal Primary Education (UPE), Mongolia, 295 Universities and University Colleges (Amendment) Act, Malaysia, 258 Victorian Equal Opportunity Act (1995), Australia, 12 Vietnamese children, Hong Kong, 172 Vocational education and training (VET): Asia/Oceania: Bhutan, 63–64. Central/So. AmericaNicaragua, 223. Europe: Denmark, 94–95;
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France, 143. Middle East/ No. Africa: Algeria, 5; Kuwait, 111. No. America/ Caribbean: Antigua and Barbuda, 7; Bahamas, 32; Canada, 73; St. Kitts and Nevis, 295. Sub-Saharan Africa: Benin, 19; Botswana, 37; Togo, 510 Vodou, Haiti, 199 Vodoun, Benin, 26 War. See Conflict Water. See Environmental issues Welfare services: Central/So. America: Brazil, 40; Chile, 59; Ecuador, 108; Guatemala, 156, 161–62; Paraguay, 251; Uruguay, 334–35. Europe: Belgium, 10; Cyprus, 52–53, 56–58; Germany, 165–66; Hungary, 191, 199; Ireland, 215; Israel, 237; Malta, 277; Norway, 334; Romania, 349– 51; Spain, 427–28; United Kingdom, 445. Middle East/ No. Africa: Iran, 72; Kuwait, 107; Libya, 140, 148; The United Arab Emirates, 319. No. America/Caribbean: Bahamas, 36; Barbados, 51; Canada, 72, 87; Dominican Republic, 138; United States, 361. Sub-Saharan Africa: Botswana, 39; Burkina Faso, 56–57; South Africa, 457 Youth Care services, Dutch government program, 305–06, 314 Youth health care system, The Netherlands, 314
ABOUT THE EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
EDITORS IRVING EPSTEIN, Professor of Educational Studies at Illinois Wesleyan University, has published two edited volumes, Chinese Education: Problems, Policies, and Prospects (1991) and Recapturing the Personal: Essays on Education and Embodied Knowledge in Comparative Perspective (2007), and served as an associate editor of the Comparative Education Review from 1988 to 1998. His interests include Asian education, educational policies involving street children, and issues of social theory. GHADA HASHEM TALHAMI is the D. K. Pearsons Professor of Politics at Lake Forest College. She is the past editor of Arab Studies Quarterly and is currently a member of the editorial board of Muslim World. She is the author of five books, the most recent being Palestinian Refugees: Pawns to Political Actors (2003). Her interests lie primarily in investigating the policies of Arab countries toward Palestinian nationalism. CONTRIBUTORS NAJI ABI-HASHEM is an independent scholar, a clinical and cultural psychologist, and an associate with Venture International (a special humanitarian agency building strategic partnerships). He is active in many professional organizations and serves on several boards of directors. Currently is based in Seattle, Washington. Naji is appointed as a Visiting Scholar at the Graduate School of Intercultural Studies, Fuller Theological Seminary in Pasadena, California (2006–2007), and at the Graduate Theological Union in Berkeley, California (2006–2008). SHIRIN AHMAD-NIA, Ph.D., is a medical sociologist (Ph.D., Warwick University, UK, 2000) and Assistant Professor of Medical Sociology at Allmeh Tabatabaee University in Tehran, Iran. Her major research areas are women’s health, youth, and development.
ABOUT THE EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
AMER ALSALEH is an Associate Professor in the College of Social Sciences, University Kuwait, State of Kuwait. His research interests center around analysis of family, social changes, and methodology issues. SIMA APRAHAMIAN has been teaching at Concordia University since 1987. She holds a Doctorate in anthropology granted at McGill University. Her research interests include cross-cultural gender and ethnic identities, community studies, gender/race/class/sexuality, women and development, social inequality, ideologies, literary criticism, the politics of representation, literary responses to genocide, genocide studies, and theories of inclusion and exclusion. She has conducted fieldwork in the Beka’a valley of Lebanon, in Montreal, and in Armenia, and has published numerous peer-reviewed journal articles and book chapters. BRIGITTE H. BECHTOLD is a Professor of Sociology and the Director of European Studies and of the Center for Research on Poverty, Central Michigan University, in Mt. Pleasant, Michigan. Her publications are in the areas of infanticide, gender, and globalization. She co-authored Killing Infants: Studies in the Worldwide Practice of Infanticide (2006). TONI BRIEGEL is an Associate Professor in the College of Education, Zayed University, in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates (UAE). Dr. Briegel’s research interests center around analysis of problems facing education in the UAE. Her books of poetry, Soul of Sand and Soul of Sea, focus on the beauty of the desert and sea coasts of the Emirates. MOHAMED DAADAOUI is a Ph.D. candidate in Political Science at the University of Oklahoma. His research interests include comparative politics, international relations, international security, political Islam, democratization, and the prevalence of authoritarianism in the Middle East. He is currently working on his Ph.D. dissertation tentatively entitled: Maintaining the Makhzen: the Politics of Legitimation and the Islamist Challenge in Morocco. NATANA J. DELONG-BAS is Lecturer in Theology at Boston College. In addition to being the Deputy Editor for the Oxford Encyclopedia of the Islamic World and Oxford Islamic Studies Online, she is the author of Notable Muslims: Muslim Builders of World Civilization (2006) and Culture and Wahhabi Islam: From Revival and Reform to Global Jihad (2004). MICAH L. ISSITT is an independent writer and founder of Xiao Yao Artistic Consultants in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He specializes in ethnography, social and political history, and popular science. SHEREEN T. ISMAEL is an Assistant Professor at the School of Social Work, Carlton University in Canada. Her interests are in social development in the Middle East and in Canada. Among her recent publications
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ABOUT THE EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
are ‘‘Dismantling the Iraqi Social Fabric: From Dictatorship Through Sanctions to Occupation’’ (Spring 2004) and Child Poverty and the Canadian Welfare State: From Entitlement to Charity (2006). AVA JALALI-SAVAR is an M.A. Research Assistant at the Advanced Institute for Management and Development Training & Research in Tehran, Iran. C. SCOTT MARAVILLA is an attorney practicing in Washington, DC, and Vice-Chair of the ABA Middle East Law Committee. He holds an M.A. in Middle Eastern Studies from the University of London, King’s College. He has also served on the Afghanistan Transitional Commercial Law Project and the New York City Bar National Security Committee. AMIR H. MEHRYAR, Ph.D., is an Emeritus Professor of Behavioral Sciences at the Advanced Institute for Management & Development Studies in Tehran, Iran. He is a clinical psychologist by training (with degrees from London, Edinburgh, and Harvard Universities) but has been active in reproductive health research since the early seventies. His current research interests include youth, women and family planning, and modernization of Iranian family. RIMA MERRIMAN is an Assistant Professor and the Chair of the English Department at the Arab American University–Jenin. Prior to that, she acted as the Coordinator General of Child Rights Planning, a unit in the Palestinian Ministry of Planning in Ramallah. She is also a columnist and freelance journalist. HEIDI MORRISON is working on her Ph.D. in modern Middle Eastern History at the University of California at Santa Barbara. She is currently in Egypt on a Fulbright-Hayes fellowship doing research for her dissertation on the concept of childhood in Egypt from 1900 to 1950. She holds a B.A. from UC Berkeley and a M.A. from Harvard. MARTIN ROWE is a graduate student in Sociology/Anthropology at the American University in Cairo where he recently completed the program in Forced Migration and Refugee Studies. His research interests include refugee communities, masculinity, religious transformation, and transnationalism. HELEN RIZZO is an Assistant Professor of Sociology at the American University in Cairo. Her research interests include political sociology, with a focus on democratization, development, and the Middle East, and stratification, particularly gender and race/ethnic inequality. Her book, Islam, Democracy and the Status of Women: The Case of Kuwait, was published in 2005.
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THE GREENWOOD ENCYCLOPEDIA
Children’s Issues WORLDWIDE
OF
THE GREENWOOD ENCYCLOPEDIA
OF
Children’s Issues WORLDWIDE
NORTH AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN General Editor
Irving Epstein Volume Editor
Sheryl L. Lutjens
GREENWOOD PRESS Westport, Connecticut x London
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Greenwood encyclopedia of children’s issues worldwide / Irving Epstein general editor. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-313-33614-0 (set : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33620-1 (v. 1 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33618-8 (v. 2 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33619-5 (v. 3 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33617-1 (v. 4 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33616-4 (v. 5 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33878-6 (v. 6 : alk. paper) 1. Children—Encyclopedias. I. Epstein, Irving, 1951. II. Lutjens, Sheryl L. HQ767.84.G74 2008 305.2303—dc22 2007031312 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available. C 2008 by Irving Epstein Copyright
All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2007031312 ISBN: 978-0-313-33614-0 (set) 978-0-313-33620-1 (Asia and Oceania) 978-0-313-33618-8 (Central and South America) 978-0-313-33619-5 (Europe) 978-0-313-33617-1 (North America and the Caribbean) 978-0-313-33616-4 (Sub-Saharan Africa) 978-0-313-33878-6 (North Africa and the Middle East) First published in 2008 Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881 An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc. www.greenwood.com Printed in the United States of America
The paper used in this book complies with the Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National Information Standards Organization (Z39.48-1984). 10
9 8
7 6 5 4 3 2 1
CONTENTS
Preface
Irving Epstein
vii
User’s Guide
xv
Introduction 1.
Sheryl L. Lutjens
Antigua and Barbuda
xix
Christolyn A. Williams and CarolAnn Louise Daniels
1
2.
The Bahamas
3.
Barbados
4.
Canada
5.
Cuba
6.
The Dominican Republic
7.
Grenada
8.
Haiti
9.
Jamaica
Rose Davies, Janet Brown, and Sian Williams
207
10.
Mexico
Fernando M. Reimers and Felicia Knaul
239
11.
Puerto Rico
12.
St. Kitts and Nevis
Elizabeth M. Hunter
25 49
Christine Barrow
69
Susie Veroff Marıa Isabel Domınguez Lilith C. Werner
M. Gail Sanders Derrick Catherine Marsicek
Ruth Nina Estrella Hope M. Jordan
103 135 161 189
269 291
CONTENTS
13.
14.
15.
Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines Xenobia N. Barrow Trinidad and Tobago
The United States
307
Carolyne J. White and Yanique Taylor
329
Angela A. A. Willeto, Doreen E. Martinez, and Mary Ann E. Steger
351
Bibliography
379
Index
385
About the Editors and Contributors
389
The Six-Volume Comprehensive Index begins on page 379 of the final volume, North Africa and the Middle East.
[ vi ]
PREFACE Irving Epstein
The decision to publish The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide involved a number of considerations, but was primarily influenced by an understanding that children were deserving of an encyclopedia solely dedicated to a discussion of the quality of their lives. Although there are many sources that compile statistical information and data about the state of children around the world, we believed that by summarizing much of that information in one format, it would be easier for the general public, as well as students, teachers, and policy-makers, to gain a foundational understanding of the challenges the world’s children currently confront. However, the difficulties inherent in completing a project of this size and complexity raise larger questions about the ways in which we think about children and childhood in an era of globalization, and it is these questions that I intend to address in the following paragraphs. To begin with, it should be acknowledged that the Encyclopedia is both selective and comprehensive. It is selective, in the sense that we have not been able to adequately cover children’s lives in every country or nationstate throughout the world. Due to the prevalence of political, social, and economic conflict and dislocation, it proved impossible to locate experts who had access to the requisite information, and had the time to write about children in certain countries and affected geographical areas. However, the Encyclopedia is comprehensive, insofar as all major aspects of children’s lives: including educational provision, legal status, family life, health, abuse and neglect, play and recreation, and religious affiliation, are covered within each chapter. Together, the chapters give us a clear picture as to how children are treated and cared for within specific countries and geographical areas, as well as their general quality of life in the twenty-first century. The fact that so many of the chapters within these volumes are co-authored speaks to the penchant for disciplinary specialization that characterizes contemporary academic discourse within the social sciences, a tendency that makes it difficult for a single person to master the many facets of childhood that are covered in the Encyclopedia.
PREFACE
It also reaffirms, however, the usefulness of collaboration, in order to better facilitate the framing of a holistic representation of children’s lives. One can certainly raise the issue as to why we need an encyclopedia that is country and region specific in a globalized age. From an organizational and aesthetic perspective, it is reasonable to ask whether this project includes basic redundancies that could be eliminated by adopting a broader, thematic approach. From a conceptual standpoint, it is reasonable to ask whether privileging the nation-state and/or geographic region as a basic unit of analysis makes sense, given the challenges to the longterm viability of the nation-state that globalization tendencies seem to create. My response to both questions is strongly negative, for I believe that issues involving the characteristics of globalization and the nature of childhood can best be understood if they are contextualized. I would therefore reject contentions that an understanding of childhood can be essentialized or that any authentic view of globalization can be formulated through adhering to assumptions that dichotomize the global and the local. By embracing the importance of context, one may indeed at times sacrifice conceptual elegance, and as one reads the various chapters of this volume, no doubt one will find that similar stories are being told in different ways. Certainly, the current legitimacy and long-term viability of certain nation-states and political institutions is implicitly questioned, as the reader learns of their inability to protect children and their complicity in endangering children’s lives. Nonetheless, it is doubtful that within our lifetimes, in spite of the growing prominence of transnational influences we associate with globalization, that the nation-state will dissolve as a basic unit of governance, or that our sense of geographical place will no longer have an impact upon our expressions of personal and cultural identity. Therefore, while the importance of globalization influences upon the twenty-first century lives of children must be acknowledged, and while it is clear that our understandings of childhood are informed through cross-cultural comparison and generalization, the Encyclopedia’s authors reaffirm the importance of focusing upon the lives of children as they are understood within the regional, area, and nation-state framework. This being said, there are a number of issues involving the nature of globalization and childhood that can be noted from the outset. First, globalization has been defined according to radically different terms. For some scholars, it has signified the permanent and inevitable ascendancy of empire, be it Western (Fukayama 1992; Huntington 1996), or in reaction to the self-serving nature of that analysis, Asian (Frank 1998). For others, it has signified both the triumph of neo-liberal liberalism and the decline of the nation-state as a fundamental organizational unit. Proponents of neo-liberalism, with its embrace of a de-regulated capitalism thriving within an environment of privatization, have associated globalization with these policies; critics point to the resulting the decline and elimination of
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social services traditionally provided by the state that such policies have promoted. Widespread international institutional neglect and indifference to the needs of children can certainly be viewed in part as a result of these policies. Regardless of one’s political views regarding globalization, its economic dimensions have been characterized by the increasing power of consumption rather than production as a driving economic force. Global consumption patterns are, by their nature, more difficult to chart and are less subject to hierarchical control, than are traditional patterns of industrial production. The fluid nature of global trade created a sense of decentering that has been observed in other realms too, including the use of technology to create an information age society (Castells 2000), the fluidity with which cultural interactions are transmitted (Appadurai 1996), and the existence of general patterns of flux, mobility, change, complexity, randomness, and contingency (Bauman 2004). The impact of these forces upon the world’s children is graphically portrayed within the pages of this Encyclopedia. Whether it be through the use of child soldiering, an over-reliance upon child labor and its subsequence denial of basic educational provision, engagement in child trafficking and prostitution, or the promotion of child pornography, often through use of the Internet, children in the twenty-first century are increasingly being defined in global terms as consumable and perishable items, to be used, abused, and then discarded by those who are more powerful. Globalization theorists disagree as to whether the effects of these trends are irrevocable or whether the trends themselves need be viewed as rigidly deterministic. What is clear though, is that populations in the developing world are becoming increasingly young; 1.5 billion people throughout the world are aged twelve to twenty-four; 1.3 billion live in the developing world (World Bank, 2007). Demographically, a ‘‘youth bulge’’ is predicted, as fertility rates decline. As a result, there will be new pressures for developing countries to integrate their youth into the workforce, encourage more civic engagement, and discourage risk-taking behavior on their part. Most importantly, because of their increasing numbers, youth will have greater opportunities to articulate their own needs within public spaces, to become public self-advocates. The work of UNICEF and other NGOs, in promoting greater child and youth participation in their own affairs, over the past fifteen years, is noteworthy in this regard. The tensions we have noted, between the casual disregard of children’s basic needs and the cynical use of children for personal interest and gain, on the one hand, and the increasing recognition of the potential for child and youth advocacy on the other hand, raise even larger questions as to how basic understandings of childhood are being defined and contested in the twenty-first century. One of the main conclusions one can deduce from a reading of the various chapters of the Encyclopedia is that our understandings of childhood
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express a significant variation as to how childhood is defined, how children develop, and how their interests are protected. Changing biological characteristics associated with childhood and adulthood have had an influence in expanding what it means to be a child in the twenty-first century. In addition, it is clear that notions of childhood are largely social constructions, influenced by such cultural, economic, political, and social factors as the nature of labor markets, demographic trends, the creation and growth of mass education, and the changing notions of patriarchy and family roles and their relationship to the state. No longer can childhood be simplistically expressed as simply a transient state of dependency, defined by the child’s relationship to an adult world that she will eventually enter. Instead, it is important to acknowledge the complexity, ambiguity, and malleability that characterize the category we define as childhood. Archaeologists nonetheless point to the materiality of childhood as being an essential factor in understanding how children have lived their lives, and their emphasis upon the materiality of the child’s body (Derevenski 2000, 3–16) has resonance within the pages of this Encyclopedia as well. Throughout these volumes, one gains an appreciation as to how children’s bodies are abused, violated, harmed, or are in fewer cases protected and nourished. One can find a considerable degree of controversy, associated with how the chronological age of the child is defined, or what constitutes child abuse and neglect, when basic educational provision is satisfactory, or when certain forms of child labor can be considered productive and useful. But, as the chapter authors also emphasize the material nature of childhood, including how children play and negotiate social space, and how they adapt to the conditions around them, they reaffirm the view that it makes sense to examine childhood materiality while acknowledging its ambiguity. Governments, activists, scholars, and experts have been aided in their efforts to document how children live through their use of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and as the Convention has indirectly played a significant role in the construct of the categories of analysis within each Encyclopedia chapter, it is useful to make a few comments about its utility and the process through which it has been implemented. The Convention itself was adopted by the General Assembly on November 20, 1989 and entered into force on September 2, 1990. Two subsequent protocols have been passed that deal with the sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography, and child soldiering. Since its inception, the Convention has become one of the most successful international human rights instruments that have ever been created. Ratified by 192 countries (the United States and Somalia are the only two countries belonging to the UN that have failed to do so), it sets standards as to how children’s needs and interests should be defined and articulated. Countries are required to regularly report to the
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Committee on the Rights of the Child, a body charged with implementing the Convention, and NGOs are also encouraged to raise questions of concern with the Committee. As a result of this reporting process, member states have improved their data collection mechanisms for assessing the conditions under which their children live; some states have created ombudspersons and national governmental units specifically designed to protect and address the needs of children; others have made a good faith effort to give older children and youth a formal means of articulating their interests through the establishment of youth parliaments and related institutional structures. Indeed, national constitutions now include specific provisions regarding the protection of children. It is undeniable that the nearly universal ratification of the Convention has been accompanied by increased world attention to the plight of children and in that process, children’s lives have been saved as their interests and needs are being more clearly articulated (Epstein 2005). It is not surprising therefore, that many of the Encyclopedia authors have used information within country reports submitted to the Committee, documenting specific progress in complying with the articles of the Convention, as a basis for assessing the quality of children’s lives within the specific country. The Convention of course is not a perfect document, Scholars have pointed to its contradictory perspectives, with regard to its ambiguous definitions of the chronological age of childhood, contradictory perspectives involving the degree of autonomy that should be afforded the child, the gendered nature of document language (emphasis on child soldiering but not arranged early child marriage, and the lack of attention to the specific challenges girls confront, for example), and its privileging of the protection of children’s political rights over economic, social, and cultural rights as major deficiencies. Nonetheless, its importance and influence as an international instrument is beyond dispute, its significance enhanced through the reporting process to which States voluntarily commit themselves and the responses to state reports offered by the Committee on the Rights of the Child. Although many of the rights enumerated within the Convention replicate those that appear in other international instruments, until the Convention was ratified, the rights of children in particular were merely assumed to fall within larger frameworks that were created for adults. It is perhaps the Convention’s greatest strength that it recognizes the fact that children are deserving of rights due their inherent status. This being the case, the rather progressive sections of the document that argue in favor of children themselves exercising their rights to the best of their capabilities makes logical sense. When examining country reports, the Committee operates from a fundamental assumption that the implementation of children’s rights cannot be viewed as a voluntary or charitable exercise. Bestowing rights to children is not an act of kindness or generosity; it is a
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state responsibility to secure, protect, and promote such rights insofar as they are inherently guaranteed to children on the basis of their humanity. Although the Convention was adopted at a time when the nature of globalization forces was just beginning to be appreciated, its wisdom has stood the test of time at least in one respect. The increasingly harsh circumstances with which many of the world’s children must contend, brought about to some degree by the globalization tendencies we have previously described, reinforce the truism that it is becoming increasingly perilous to their own health, safety, and well-being for children to be forced into relying upon adults to defend and protect their basic interests. They are too often the first casualties of poverty, internal conflict and displacement, and illness; the first victims when widespread social suffering occurs. Thus, the need for children to play an increasingly assertive role in defending and articulating their own interests through public advocacy, given the frequent abdication of adult responsibility in this area, is a theme that is strongly expressed within the Convention and is one that has become more salient through the passage of time. It is our hope that this Encyclopedia will serve a useful purpose by enhancing understanding about children’s lives, the challenges they confront, and the courage they and their advocates express, as they struggle to create a better future during the first decade of the twenty-first century. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide could not have been published without the collective efforts of hundreds of international scholars, a dedicated group of volume editors, and the hard work of the Greenwood Publishing Group editorial staff. Marie Ellen Larcada, who has since left Greenwood, was instrumental in conceiving of the project more than two years ago. But it is acquisitions editor Mariah Gumpert, who through her unlimited patience, laserlike focus, and generous encouragement, is most responsible for the Encyclopedia’s completion. My personal gratitude for her efforts is enormous. The task of generating substantive essays about the lives of children in so many countries and regions was extremely complex but was made easier through the hard work of volume editors Laura Arntson, Leslie J. Limage, Sheryl L. Lutjens, Jyotsna Pattnaik, Ghada Hashem Talhami, and Eleonora Villegas-Reimers. Each volume editor contacted numerous experts and convinced them of the importance of the project, worked assiduously with their authors in editing and revising manuscripts, and framed each volume in ways that have insured that the entire Encyclopedia is accessible and reader friendly. For their efforts and for the efforts of the chapter contributors, I wish to convey my deepest appreciation.
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REFERENCES Appadurai, Arjun. 1996. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Bauman, Zygmunt. 2004. ‘‘A Sociological Theory of Post-modernity.’’ In: Contemporary Sociological Theory, Craig Calhoun, James Moody, Steven Pfaff, Joseph Gerteis, and Indermohan Virk, eds. Oxford: Blackwell. pp 429–440. Castells, Manuel. 2000. The Rise of the Network Society, 2nd ed. Oxford: Blackwell. Derevenski, Joanna Sofner. 2000. ‘‘Material Culture Shock: Confronting Expectations in the Material Culture of Children.’’ In: Children and Material Culture, Joanna Derevenski, ed. London: Routledge. pp 3–16. Epstein, Irving. 2005. The Convention on the Rights of the Child: The Promise and Limitations of Multilateralism as a Means of Protecting Children. UNICEF– China, International Forum on Children’s Development, October 29–31. 2005. http://www.unicef.org/china/P3_EPSTEIN_paper.pdf. Frank, Andre Gunder. 1998. Reorient: Global Economy in the Asian Age. Berkeley: University of California. Fukayama, Francis. 1992. The End of History and the Last Man. New York: Free Press. Huntington, Samuel P. 1996. The Clash of Civilizations and the Making of the New Order. New York: Simon and Schuster. World Bank. 2007. World Bank Report: Development and the Next Generation. Washington, DC: World Bank.
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The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide is a six-volume set covering the world’s most populous regions. . . . . . .
Asia and Oceania Central and South America Europe North America and the Caribbean Sub-Saharan Africa North Africa and the Middle East
All of the volumes contain an introduction to the set from the general editor and a more specific introduction to the volume, written by the volume editor. A copy of the Convention on the Rights of the Child is also printed as an appendix in the North Africa and the Middle East volume. The volumes are divided into chapters organized alphabetically by country or in a few instances by regional name (where countries are grouped together on a regional basis). The following outline includes the sub-sections for each chapter. In a few instances, particularly when information is unavailable or irrelevant to a specific country or region, the sub-section has been eliminated. NATIONAL PROFILE The information gathered for this sub-section may include general demographic information, a summary of recent historical and political change within the country or region, a summation of the general challenges that confront the population, and how they might affect children.
USER’S GUIDE
OVERVIEW A discussion of the issues that affect children within the population, highlighting the general state of their welfare and the changing nature of their circumstances. EDUCATION A discussion of issues of access, literacy levels, drop-out, opportunities for educational advancement, equity and fairness with regard to socioeconomic status, gender, ethnic and religious affiliation, and disability. PLAY AND RECREATION A discussion of popular forms of play, children’s use of toys and the media, their use of technology, sports, games, and other types of recreation. CHILD LABOR A discussion of relevant legislation to protect children, efforts to enforce such legislation, cultural norms, social values, and economic pressures involving the use of child labor, the type of work children are expected to complete, the effects of globalization tendencies upon child labor abuses. FAMILY A discussion of relevant family structures, gender roles within the families, demographic trends regarding family size, effects of divorce, intergenerational relationships, effects of poverty and general socio-economic status upon family organization and behavior, rites of passage. HEALTH A discussion of issues related to infant and child mortality, vaccination and childhood disease, the general quality of medical care provided to children, access to clean water, exposure to air and other forms of pollution, and relevant sex education programming. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS A discussion of how the country’s legal system affects children—what protections they are given under the law, and how legal safeguards are guaranteed. The nature of the juvenile justice system, if one exists, how
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gang activity is handled, conditions for children and youth who are incarcerated. RELIGIOUS LIFE A discussion of prevailing religious practices and their meanings for children, forms of religious training, the role of religious organizations in children’s lives. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT A discussion including statistics that illustrates the scope of child abuse and neglect within the country or region, types of abuse and neglect and the reasons for their occurrence, and preventative measures that have been taken; how specific issues such as child soldiering, child trafficking, and child pornography are addressed. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY A discussion summarizing findings from other sub-sections of the chapter while offering assessments as to future prospects as well as what further measures will have to be taken in order to significantly improve children’s lives in the immediate and near future. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested readings, relevant video, film, and media sources, web sites, and relevant NGOs and other organizations are listed in this section. Whenever possible, sources are annotated. MAPS AND INDEXES A regional map accompanies each volume, and each chapter has its own country or regional map. Each volume includes an index consisting of subject and person entries; a comprehensive index for the entire set is included at the end of the North Africa and the Middle East volume.
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The realities of children in North America and the Caribbean are not the same from country to country, yet there are important similarities that reflect the widespread international concern that the lives of children everywhere be healthy, safe, and productive. Canada, the United States, and Mexico—the North American cases included in this volume—are all large countries in terms of territorial extension and population. Canada has a population of 32.6 million and 3,849,670 square miles; the United States has a population of 299.1 million and 3,717,796 square miles; and Mexico has a 108.3 million population and 756,062 square miles (Population Reference Bureau 2006, 6, 7). The island nations of the Caribbean are smaller. St. Vincent and the Grenadines has 151 square miles, and Cuba, the largest island, has 42,803 square miles. Populations range from less than 100,000 in Grenada, Antigua and Barbuda, and Dominica to 2.7 million inhabitants in Jamaica, 3.9 million in Puerto Rico, 8.5 million in Haiti, 9 million in the Dominican Republic, and 11.3 million in Cuba (Population Reference Bureau 2006, 7).1 In addition to distinctions of size, there are also economic, political, social, and cultural differences. GNI per capita ranges from $42,000 (PPP) in the United States (third in the world) and $32,770 in Canada (14th in the world) to $10,560 in Mexico (80th in the world) and $1,660 in Haiti (177th in the world) (World Bank 2007). Language practices vary, for example; Spanish is dominant in Mexico, Puerto Rico, Cuba, and the Dominican Republic; English predominates in many of the Caribbean islands, the United States, and Canada; and French speakers are found in Canada and the Caribbean. Indigenous and creole languages are also spoken. The
1. These population estimates are from the Population Reference Bureau and, as with other figures offered in this introduction to the volume, they may differ slightly from those provided by the sources used by chapter authors.
INTRODUCTION
deeper and more intriguing diversities of race, ethnic, and gender relations, economic strategies, and national projects are explained in part by the complex local variations in what are indeed shared histories of colonization (Slocum and Thomas 2003), as well as by the struggles, constraints, and choices in post-colonial development. The chapters in this volume offer a rich and systematic panorama of the experiences of children in North America and the Caribbean. The countries presented include Antigua and Barbuda, the Bahamas, Barbados, Canada, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Grenada, Haiti, Jamaica, Mexico, Puerto Rico, St. Kitts and Nevis, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Trinidad and Tobago, and the United States. Each country chapter addresses key themes of childhood, beginning with an overview of the country and including education, play and recreation, health, child labor, religious life, law and legal status, child abuse and neglect, and prospects for children into the twenty-first century. The study of children and adolescents across cultures is a relatively new academic endeavor. With roots in the disciplines of anthropology and psychology, ‘‘the cross-cultural study of human development as a recognized field of study with its own definite identity is no more than twenty-five years old. By 1975–1980, a critical mass of studies investigating the psychological development of children and adolescents in a variety of non-Western and Western societies had accumulated’’ (Gielen 2004, 6). As Gardiner counsels with regard to the possibilities offered in this new area of academic inquiry, contextualization is key; contextualization ‘‘refers to the view that behavior cannot be meaningfully studied or fully understood independent of its ecocultural context’’ (Gardiner 2004, 433). Although explicit comparison is not the objective of the essays here, common issues in the lives of children and adolescents organize the presentation of national patterns and local details, including family structures and parenting practices, educational opportunities, the nature and scope of health care, play and recreation, religion, migrations, and problems of child labor and violence.2 New perspectives of children’s rights, the global ordering of national and local life, and the resilience of cultures are all part of the contextualization that highlights what is shared and what is specific in the realities of childhood and adolescence. THE RIGHTS OF CHILDREN One milestone in the creation of more comprehensive knowledge about children’s issues worldwide is the United Nations (UN) Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). The CRC is an international 2. One good example of recent efforts is Teen Life in Latin America and the Caribbean, an edited volume that includes chapters on Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, Jamaica, Mexico, and Puerto Rico (Tompkins and Sternberg 2004).
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Table 1. Convention on the Rights of the Child Country
Date signed
Date ratified
Antigua and Barbuda Bahamas Barbados Canada Cuba Dominica Dominican Republic Grenada Haiti Jamaica Mexico St. Kitts and Nevis St. Lucia St. Vincent and the Grenadines Trinidad and Tobago United States
March 12, 1991 October 30, 1990 April 19, 1990 May 28, 1990 January 26, 1990 January 26, 1990 August 8, 1990 February 21, 1990 January 26, 1990 January 26, 1990 January 26, 1990 January 26, 1990 September 30, 1990 September 20, 1993 September 30, 1990 February 16, 1995
October 5, 1993 February 20, 1991 October 9, 1990 December 13, 1991 August 21, 1991 March 13, 1991 June 11, 1991 November 5, 1990 June 8, 1995 May 14, 1991 September 21, 1990 July 24, 1990 June 16, 1993 October 26, 1993 December 5, 1991
Source: Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. Status of the Ratification of the Convention on the Rights of the Child.
convention that was adopted into international law by the UN General Assembly on November 20, 1989. It draws upon previous international conventions and declarations, reflecting increased attention to the conditions of children around the world (United Nations; Hevener Kaufman 2004). The CRC came into force in September 1990, with 54 articles that establish child-centered rights and freedoms, the fundamental role and responsibilities of the family, and the ‘‘special safeguards and care’’ that children need; according to Article 43, it is monitored by the Committee on the Rights of the Child, composed of ten elected experts of ‘‘high moral standing and recognized competence in the field covered by this Convention’’ (Office of the High Commissioner, Convention on the Rights of the Child). Ratification of the CRC was swift and widespread. Only the United States and Somalia had not ratified the CRC by 2006. According to the Campaign for U.S. Ratification of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the opposition in the United States fears the CRC as a threat to the family and national sovereignty alike (Campaign for U.S. Ratification; Fagan 2001). As Table 1 shows, Canada, Mexico, and the nations of the Caribbean have all ratified the convention. The CRC has played a vital role in creating the rules of an international children’s rights regime. In implementing the Convention, the Committee aims to assist governments in bringing national laws and practices into conformity. The Committee uses a reporting system to assess the conditions of children in individual countries, though ‘‘much of the power of
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the convention comes from mutual example and pressure from the public and from donor countries rather than a real enforcement power’’ (United Nations). The system of country reports and Committee responses is only part of an ongoing process of organized discussion, assessment, and reaffirmation of the goals of the Convention. A World Summit for Children was held in September 1990 and the UN General Assembly adopted two Optional Protocols to the CRC in 2000, one increasing the protection of children from involvement in armed conflict and the second increasing protection from sexual exploitation. In 2001, the UN General Secretary issued a progress report entitled ‘‘We the Children,’’ and in May 2002 a UN General Assembly Special Session on Children was held with some 7,000 participants, including children. The Special Session produced the ‘‘World Fit for Children’’ document (United Nations Children’s Fund, United Nations Special Session). Other international initiatives support the CRC and the promotion of better lives and full rights for children. The United Nations Millennium Summit in 2000 produced a declaration and eight Millennium Development Goals (MDG) to be met by 2015 (World Bank 2007a); the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) is involved with monitoring the child-specific indicators associated with these goals. The 1990 World Conference on Education for All in Jomtien, Thailand, produced an agreement to universalize primary education and greatly reduce illiteracy by the end of the decade (Education for All—EFA), and follow-up has included the UN Education for All resolution in 1997, the World Education Forum in Dakar in 2000, and the declaration of the UN Literacy Decade (2003–2012) (United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization). Another initiative is the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) adopted by the General Assembly in December 1979. The International Labor Organization (ILO), an agency of the United Nations dedicated to human and workers’ rights, has provided strong support for the CRC with conventions regarding child labor that have the status of international treaties and are thus considered binding. The ongoing work of the Committee on the Rights of the Child aspires to induce change in the orientation of states and state actors, international and national non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and, as the participation in the Special Session in 2002 shows, in children themselves (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner, Fact Sheet No. 10). Regional organizing and collaboration is a crucial part of the creation of an international legal context that supports and protects children, as the Caribbean states demonstrate. The Caribbean Conference on the Rights of the Child was held in October 1996, promoted by UNICEF and Caribbean Community (CARICOM) and producing a Commitment to Action signed by seventeen Caribbean countries. The Kingston and Bridgetown Accords followed, whereby regional governments agreed
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upon implementation strategies and committed to a Plan of Action for Early Childhood Education, Care and Development (ECECD) (Williams 2004, 158). CARICOM incorporated these efforts into its Human Resource Development Strategy in July 1997. Progress was assessed at a regional ECECD conference in Jamaica in 2000 and another in Guama in 2002 (Brown 2003). Research on Caribbean children’s realities and rights has increased, both in the academy and by policy-oriented international organizations (see Barrow 2001, 2002; United Nations ECLAC 2001; United Nations Children’s Fund 2006b). There are other regional agreements and actions that promote national and international efforts to ensure the health, well-being, development, and protection of children in North America. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights issued an Advisory Opinion in 2002 on the legal status and human rights of children (Pinheiro 2006, 38). With regard to violence against children, the Organization of American States has promoted the Inter-American Convention to Prevent and Punish Torture, the Inter-American Convention on the Forced Disappearance of Persons, the Inter-American Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Persons with Disabilities, and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women ‘‘Convention of Belem do Para’’ (Pinheiro 2006, 40). Regional efforts require the cooperation of states, including active policy making and new legislation if needed, as well as the dedication of human and material resources to meet children’s needs. The support of intergovernmental, nongovernmental, and transnational organizations is almost always also needed. In this process, national, regional, and international efforts to improve children’s lives are creating new opportunities, helping resolve problems that affect children, and building an invaluable reserve of knowledge about children’s lives. In all of this, the commitments and capacities of individual states matter greatly. This is so especially in the unique case of Cuba, whose intended economic and political isolation within the regional and international environments has been pursued persistently by the United States government for more than four decades (Schwab 1999). Educational opportunities offer a good example of monitoring of progress toward a goal—Articles 28 and 29 of the CRC—that is widely shared and supported. The most recent UNESCO report on Education for All and country performance provides information about improvements in preschool, primary, secondary, and higher education (2007). Regional disparities, in-country differences between the rich and poor or rural and urban children, persistence of some gender disparities despite progress, and variations in teacher training are apparent, though a few countries in Latin America and the Caribbean have achieved the four most quantifiable EFA goals (or are close to achieving them), among them Barbados, Trinidad and Tobago, and Cuba (United Nations
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Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization 2007, 10). In terms of public spending on education as a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP) in 2002–03, Cuba dedicated 12.3 percent to education, Trinidad and Tobago 3.1 percent, the Dominican Republic 3.0 percent, Mexico, 4.1 percent, and Jamaica 5.2 percent (United Nations ECLAC 2006, 132). The problem of child labor is another area where improvement is reported. Here, statistics remain only estimates despite the increased attention to discovering, reporting, and eliminating child labor—Article 32 of the CRC—a problem that reflects the multidimensional nature of new standards and goals for children’s well-being, opportunities, and success (Weston and Teerink 2005). In the United States, an estimated 3.2 million workers are under the age of eighteen; in Latin America and the Caribbean, an estimated 17.4 million under eighteen work, although the regional rate of decline in child labor has been the best in the world (Child Labor Coalition 2005, 1; and International Labor Organization 2006). One area of special concern is children’s involvement in the worst forms of child labor, including activities where they are enslaved, forcibly recruited, prostituted, trafficked, forced into illegal activities or hazardous work (United Nations Children’s Fund, Child Protection). Many scholars and activists see child labor as a human rights issue (Weston and Teerink 2005). Yet even the framing of children’s issues—and child labor—as human rights issues is contested by some, using arguments that range from the defense of state sovereignty to rejection of public international law as applicable to private actors to doubts about the very concept of human rights (Weston and Teerink 2005, 6–18). On the grounds of such debate, the importance of state policy and commitments seems clear. In this regard, while the United States shows no signs of moving forward with the ratification of the CRC, it did rejoin UNESCO in 2003 (having left the organization in 1984). GLOBALIZATION The creation of an increasingly stronger international children’s rights regime is part of the process called globalization. Globalization is a concept or label used to explain relations within the contemporary global order, an order that many see as novel, exciting, and full of promise for a renewed strategy of free-market capitalist development. Globalization is defined in different ways, emphasizing variously economic, political, social, technological, or cultural aspects. Held and McGrew explain that ‘‘simply put, globalization denotes the expanding scale, growing magnitude, speeding up and deepening impact of interregional flows and patterns of social interaction’’ (2000, 4). As Hevener Kaufman and colleagues write in framing a collection of essays on globalization and children:
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Despite many legitimately different definitions of globalization we can construct a working definition that allows a focus on some major impacts of global change on children. Globalization is a process that opens nation states to many influences that originate beyond their borders. These changes are likely to decrease the primacy of national economic, political, and social institutions, thereby affecting the everyday context in which children group and interact with the rest of society. Some of the impacts of globalization on children are therefore normative. Efforts to assess the effects on groups of children must be culturally sensitive. (Hevener Kaufman et al. 2004, 4)
Globalization is in many ways important for contextualizing the lives of children in the United States, Canada, Mexico, and the island states of the Caribbean. The economic dynamics of the contemporary global order promise that intensified capitalist modernization will be facilitated by freeing domestic markets and orienting development toward competition in world trade. The call to engage the global economy is not entirely new for North America and the Caribbean, however, as history shows involvement since colonization. The forms of present day engagement are characterized by free trade agreements such as NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement), which unites Canada, the United States, and Mexico in a commitment to open markets, changes in the preferential trade relationships of Caribbean countries, including the ratification of the Caribbean Single Market in 2006, and the U.S. desire to create an even larger Free Trade Area of the Americas. Also important in neoliberal globalization are the structural adjustment programs demanded of troubled economies by international financial institutions. Critics of neoliberal globalization point to ongoing inequalities within the still-developing countries of the global south and between them and the developed countries of the global north. Monitoring of the Millennium Development Goals in Latin America and the Caribbean by the World Bank reports that the percentage of people living on less than $1 per day fell from about 9 percent in 2002 to 8.6 percent in 2004, although 47 million people still live in this state of extreme poverty (World Bank 2007d). In North America, the reported share of revenue going to the poorest quintile of the population was 7.2 percent in Canada, 5.4 percent in the United States (where one of every four children lives in poverty), and 4.3 percent in Mexico; in the Caribbean, figures were 4.0 percent in the Dominican Republic, 2.4 percent in Haiti, 5.3 percent in Jamaica, and 5.9 percent in Trinidad and Tobago (World Bank 2007b, 226–232; Pinheiro 2006, 311; and Rodgers 2006). Poverty in both rich and poorer countries affects children and their futures in multiple ways, including its contribution to the problems of child labor. Critics also identify ‘‘structural violence’’ in the poverty associated with the current phase of global capitalism. Violence does surface in various
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ways in the present global order, associated with inequalities and other development problems. Worldwide, between 133 and 275 million children witness violence in the home, according to a study prepared in support of the UN Secretary General’s Study on Violence against Children. For Latin America and the Caribbean, figures range from 1.3 million to 25.5 million children (Global Initiative to End All Corporal Punishment of Children 2006, 71). While school violence in the United States captures media attention, children in many countries experience the bullying that is part of school violence, see or carry weapons at school, or are involved in fighting. Homicide rates in the Caribbean and North America suggest extensive societal violence (Global Initiative to End All Corporal Punishment of Children 2006, 357–358). Worldwide, fewer than 20 countries have reformed their laws to prohibit corporal punishment in all settings, including the home (though the Committee on the Rights of the Child recommended reform to 130 countries between 1996 and 2006) (Pinheiro 2006, 74). Violence has consequences. A recent study by the World Bank and the UN Office on Drugs and Crime concludes that economic cost of crime negatively affects development in the Caribbean (2007). Some material costs are direct, including the policing and criminal justice systems, material damages, and counseling and social services required to treat victims and perpetrators (Heinemann and Verner 2006). Heinemann and Verner explored a number of indirect socio-economic costs, categorized as pain and suffering, economic multiplier effects, and social multiplier effects (2006). It is estimated that youth violence in the United States costs more than $158 billion per year in direct and indirect costs. Structural violence and development difficulties affect health and health care, important issues for children and their well-being. Haiti is the poorest country in the Caribbean and among the poorest in the world. In Haiti there is a high maternal mortality rate, more than one of every ten children die before the age of five, some 5,000 children are born each year with HIV, more than 200,000 children have lost one or both parents to AIDS, and thousands of young girls are enslaved by domestic work in the Restavek system (United Nations Children’s Fund, Haiti; and Haitian Street Kids, Inc.). In the United States, 11.2 percent of children and 19 percent of children in poverty have no health insurance (Samuels 2006). And the HIV/AIDS crisis also creates special issues for children who may be infected, orphaned, and subject to material and familial insecurities associated with the disease. In 2005, there were 1.2 million individuals in the United States and an estimated 58,000 Canadians living with HIV/AIDS (Joint United Nations Programme 2006c, 2006a). In the Caribbean, where prevalence rates are second highest in the world, there are 250,000 people living with HIV, nearly threequarters of them in Haiti and the Dominican Republic (Joint United Nations Programme 2006b). The countries that have progressed most
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Table 2. Selected Survival Indicators, 2005 Country Antigua and Barbuda Bahamas Barbados Canada Cuba Dominican Republic Grenada Haiti Jamaica Mexico St. Kitts and Nevis St. Lucia St. Vincent and the Grenadines Trinidad and Tobago United States
Infant mortality
Under-five mortality
Life expectancy (at birth)
11 13 11 5 6 26 17 84 17 22 18 12 17 17 6
12 15 12 6 7 31 21 120 20 27 20 14 20 19 7
– 71 76 80 78 68 – 52 71 76 – 73 71 70 78
Source: United Nations Children’s Fund (2006a), 102–105.
with controlling and treating HIV/AIDS are the Bahamas, Barbados, Cuba, and Jamaica, in part because of access to antiretroviral drugs. Cuba has an adult prevalence rate of 0.1 percent, Canada a rate of 0.3, and the United States a rate of 0.6 percent; the prevalence rate is 1–2 percent in Barbados, the Dominican Republic, and Jamaica, and 2–4 percent in the Bahamas, Haiti, and Trinidad and Tobago (Joint United Nations Programme 2006a). Despite striking difficulties in many countries, progress has been made along a number of the basic health measures associated with the CRC and the Millennium Development Goals. Table 2 reports survival indicators for children in the Caribbean and North America in 2005. CULTURAL PRACTICES AND THE REALITIES OF PLACE Globalization is also understood in terms of the information technologies that have diminished national sovereignties by speeding up financial transactions and blurring the boundaries of cultural production and distribution. Still, despite the presumed shrinking of an electronically linked world (Wilson 2004), children grow up in homes that are bounded in both time and space. There is indeed movement and change, as families and homes are affected by the flows of information, of cultural products and images, and of people throughout North America and the Caribbean. These flows both conserve and reshape the cultural practices of childhood and gendered family traditions.
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The emergence of single mother–headed families is one of the important issues of childhood in the 2000s. The nuclear family ideal still holds quite strong in North America, despite divorce rates, remarriage, and increasing numbers of single parent families. An estimated 550,000 families are headed by single mothers in Canada, while there are 10.4 million single mothers living with children under eighteen in the United States (compared to 3.4 million in 1970) (Statistics Canada; U.S. Department of Commerce 2007). In the Caribbean, especially the Anglophone Caribbean, what anthropologists call matrifocality has strong historical roots and has been reconsidered as an alternative form of family rather than an aberrant version of the class-based nuclear family model imposed with colonialism. In Jamaica, for example, 48 percent of households are headed by a female—the highest in the world according to Williams (2004). Patterns of matrifocality and woman-headed households raise questions about marriage customs and the choice of consensual unions, recast extended families and community in their own terms, and undermine the gendered foundations of the ‘‘myth of the male breadwinner’’ (Nurse 2004; Brown 2003; and Safa 2005). Traditional marriage and gender norms of femininity and masculinity remain important, however, both in creating families and socializing children. The importance of gender equalities for the well-being of children has been recognized by states, international organizations, and NGOs. This recognition has served to expand the measures used to interpret and assess the conditions of children. The Mothers’ Index is one example. The Mothers’ Index is prepared by calculating a weighted average of women’s health status (lifetime risk of maternal mortality, percent of women using modern contraception, percent of births attended by trained personnel, percent of pregnant women with anemia), mothers’ educational status (adult female literacy rate), and children’s well-being (infant mortality rate, gross primary enrollments, percent of population with access to safe water, percent of children under five suffering from moderate or severe nutritional wasting). Table 3 shows the international ranking of selected countries in North America and the Caribbean. It is notable that Canada and the United States rank 8 and 11, respectively, followed closely by Cuba as number 13 in the world. Movements of people have affected the meanings of home and family in North America and the Caribbean. There has long been a northward migratory flow, both permanent and temporary, from the Caribbean and Mexico to the United States and Canada. The diasporas thereby created have many meanings, from the popularization of food and music carried from the homeland to the politically rancorous debates about particular immigrants, language use, and national security. Although many from the Caribbean have preferred to migrate to the United Kingdom, there is a substantial Caribbean-born population in the United States and also in Canada. In 2004, there were 3,323,000 Caribbean-born residents in the
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Table 3. 2005 Mothers’ Index Rankings (of 110 countries included) Country Canada United States Cuba Mexico Trinidad and Tobago Jamaica Dominican Republic Haiti
Mothers’ Index rank
Women’s Index rank
Children’s Index rank
8 11 13 20 22 27 33 85
9 15 10 21 19 34 31 99
7 10 15 27 31 17 50 74
Source: Save the Children (2005), 40.
United States, as well as 10,805,000 Mexican-born residents. By 2005, 12.1 percent of the U.S. population was foreign-born, and 22.8 percent of the inflow of foreign-born population in 2004 was aged nineteen or younger (Global Data Center, United States: Inflow; Global Data Center, United States, Stock). The remittances sent by permanent or temporary migrants are very important for some countries. In 2004, remittances contributed 52.7 percent of Haiti’s GDP, 17 percent in Jamaica, and more than 10 percent in the Dominican Republic. In 2005, Mexico received $21 billion in remittances (Lapointe 2004; World Bank). The global flows of people are not unidirectional, however. Tourism sends millions to the Caribbean islands and Mexico. Preliminary 2006 estimates of world tourism are 842 million arrivals, 51 million of which were to the United States—the third most popular tourist destination worldwide. In 2005, Mexico ranked number seven with 21.9 million arrivals (ITA Office of Travel and Tourism Industries 2006). Caribbean tourism counted 18.2 million arrivals in 2004, and there were about 20 million cruise ship passengers as well; visitors to the Caribbean spent $21 billion (‘‘Caribbean Tourism Performance in 2004’’ 2005). Tourism’s benefits are accompanied by other more problematic effects, which can include the worst forms of child labor, trafficking, and drugs (Kempadoo and Ghuma 1999). Migrations, tourism, and the neoliberal economic strategies that inform them as survival tactics in the new global order have ambiguous effects on families, children, and the cultures within which the intimacies of daily life are practiced. It is not just people who move around and between locations and places, however. NGOs with domestic and international roots, humanitarian groups, and other actors in what is called a ‘‘transnational civil society’’ also mark the terrain of work with and for children. Save the Children, for instance, was created as the Save the Children Foundation in England in 1919 (by Eglantyne Jebb, who would
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write the Children’s Charter that was endorsed in 1924 by the League of Nations as the Declaration of the Rights of the Child). Its original work in Europe with children victims of WWI and then WWII was matched with efforts to aid the children of coal miners in Appalachia in the 1930s and the Navajo nation in the northern Arizona blizzard of 1948, and then with international development initiatives. Currently, Save the Children works in Haiti, reflecting its commitment to go where rural poverty is the highest, and also collaborates with three Save the Children Alliance members in Mexico and the Dominican Republic (Save the Children 2007). NGOs have many roles within the global, regional, and national contexts, including information gathering, agenda setting, and advocacy (Wiseberg 2005, 350–357). As the chapters in this volume report, NGO activity in the countries of the Caribbean and North America is extensive, ranging from XChange, created to work for safe and protective home, school, and community environments for children and youth in Barbardos, Grenada, Haiti, Jamaica, and other countries in the region, to the Red Cross, Soroptomists, and cause-specific organizations working on issues such as family planning, sports and recreation, and HIV/AIDS education and outreach, often with international assistance. In establishing some local and global landmarks that can be useful in contextualizing the realities of children in North America and the Caribbean that are presented in this volume, it is useful to look for signs of progress and problem solving. The existence of much new information about children and their lives helps greatly on this front, as does the creation of new and better measures for identifying children’s issues and their meaning. One such methodology is the Human Development Index (HDI), created in 1990 by Amartya Sen and Mabub ul Haq as an attempt to move beyond simple correlations of economic growth with individual human well-being. The HDI is used by the UN Development Program and reflects a capabilities approach that focuses on the quality of life: longevity (life expectancy), knowledge (adult literacy rate and combined gross enrollment at all three levels of schooling), and standard of living (GDP at Purchasing Power Parity in US dollars). The Human Development Index for 2006 locates countries in the Caribbean and North America in an international ranking, which is presented in Table 4. Against the backdrop painted by newer and more sensitive assessment tools, the growing body of published research on children, and the theoretical innovations that allow rethinking of old truths, it is indeed possible to explore the realities of what is different and what is shared in the lives of children in the United States, Canada, Mexico, and the island states of the Caribbean. The chapters collected here are important contributions to the foundations of our knowledge about children, each providing the reader with recommendations for key readings on the conditions of childhood in the country under study, visual resources in film, CD, and DVD
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Table 4. Human Development Index, North America and the Caribbean, 2006 Report Country
Human Development Index value (HDI), 2004
Rank
High Human Development Canada United States Puerto Ricoa Barbados Cuba St. Kitts and Nevis Bahamas Mexico Trinidad and Tobago Antigua and Barbuda
6 8 31 50 51 52 53 57 59
0.950 0.948 0.942 0.879 0.826 0.825 0.825 0.821 0.809 0.808
Medium Human Development Saint Lucia Grenada Dominican Republic Jamaica
71 85 94 104
0.790 0.762 0.751 0.724
Low Human Development Haiti
154
0.482
a
No ranking is provided by the source; Puerto Rico is often not listed separate from the United States. Source: United Nations Development Programme (2006), 283–286; and United Nations System-wide Earthwatch, Island Directory, Puerto Rico (United States). http://islands .unep.ch/CSV.htm. Accessed May 4, 2007.
formats a listing of websites that may be consulted, information on relevant international and national governmental and nongovernmental organizations, and a bibliography of sources consulted in preparing the chapter.
SELECTED REFERENCES Barrow, Christine. 2001. Situation Analysis of Children and Women in Twelve Countries in the Caribbean. Barbados: UNICEF Caribbean Area Office. http:// www.unicef.org/barbados/SitAn_Final_Report.doc. ———, ed. 2002. Children’s Rights: Caribbean Realities. Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers. Brown, Janet. 2003. ‘‘Developing an Early Childhood Profession in the Caribbean.’’ pp. 54–73 in Caribbean Childhoods: From Research to Action; Volume 1: Contemporary Issues in Early Childhood, Journal of the Children’s Issues Coalition, University of the West Indies. Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers.
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Campaign for U.S. Ratification of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. CRC Fact and Research, Frequently Asked Questions. http://childrightscampaign .org/crcfacts.htm. ‘‘Caribbean Tourism Performance in 2004.’’ 2005. TravelVideo. TV, January 31, 2005. http://travelvideo.tv/news/more.php?id¼A4091_0_1_0_M. Child Labor Coalition. 2005. ‘‘Protecting Working Children in the United States.’’ Washington, DC, June 2005. Fagan, Patrick F. 2001. ‘‘How UN Conventions on Women’s and Children’s Rights Undermine Family, Religion, and Sovereignty.’’ The Heritage Foundation, Backgrounder, February 5, 2001. http://www.heritage.org/Research/Inter national Organizations/BG1407.cfm. Accessed December 11, 2006. Gardiner, Harry W. 2004. ‘‘Cross-Cultural Human Development: Following the Yellow Brick Road in Search of New Approaches for the Twenty-First Century.’’ pp. 433–442 in Childhood and Adolescence: Cross-Cultural Perspectives and Applications. Edited by Uwe P. Gielen and Jaipaul Roopnarine. Westport, CT and London: Praeger Publishers. Gielen, Uwe P. 2004. ‘‘The Cross-Cultural Study of Human Development: An Opinionated Historical Introduction.’’ pp. 3–45 in Childhood and Adolescence: Cross-Cultural Perspectives and Applications. Edited by Uwe P. Gielen and Jaipaul Roopnarine. Westport, CT and London: Praeger Publishers. Global Data Center, Migration Information Source. United States: Inflow of Foreign-Born Population by Age as a Percentage of Total and Sex as a Percentage of Age Group, 1986 to 2003. http://www.migrationinformation.org/global data/countrydata/data.cfm. Accessed October 20, 2006. ———. United States: Stock of Foreign-born Population by Country of Birth, 1995 to 2005 (in thousands). http://www.migrationinformation.org/GlobalData/ countrydata/data.cfm. Accessed October 19, 2006. Global Initiative to End All Corporal Punishment of Children. 2006. Ending Legalised Violence against Children, Global Report 2006; A Contribution to the UN Secretary General’s Study on Violence against Children. http://www.nospank .net/globalreport.pdf. Haitian Street Kids, Inc. Restavek Fact Sheet—Haitian Child Slavery. http://quicksitemaker. com/members/immunenation/Restavek_Fact_Sheet.html. Accessed October 9, 2006. Heinemann, Alessandra, and Dorte Verner. 2006. Crime and Violence in Development: A Literature Review of Latin America and the Caribbean. World Bank Policy Research Working Paper 4041, October 2006. http://papers.ssrn .com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id. Held, David, and Anthony McGrew. 2000. ‘‘The Great Globalization Debate: An Introduction.’’ pp. 1–45 in The Global Transformations Reader: An Introduction to the Globalization Debate. Edited by David Held and Anthony McGrew. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers. Hevener Kaufman, Natalie. 2004. ‘‘The Status of Children in International Law.’’ pp. 31–45 in Globalization and Children: Exploring Potentials for Enhancing Opportunities in the Lives of Children and Youth. Edited by Natalie Hevener Kaufman and Irene Rizzini. Seacaucus, NJ: Kluwer Academic Publishers. Hevener Kaufman, Natalie, Irene Rizzini, Kathleen Wilson, and Malcolm Bush. 2004. ‘‘The Impact of Global Economic, Political, and Social Transformations on the Lives of Children: A Framework for Analysis.’’ pp. 3–18 in Globalization and Children: Exploring Potentials for Enhancing Opportunities in the
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Lives of Children and Youth. Edited by Natalie Hevener Kaufman and Irene Rizzini. Seacaucus, NJ: Kluwer Academic Publishers. International Labor Organization, Department of Communication and Public Information. 2006. Facts on Child Labor—2006. http://www.ilo.org/public/ english/bureau/inf/download/child/childday06.pdf. ITA Office of Travel and Tourism Industries. 2006. World & U.S. International Visitor Arrivals & Receipts. http://www.tinet.ita.doc.gov/outreachpages/ inbound.world_us_intl_arrivals.html. Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) and World Health Organization. 2006a. AIDS Epidemic Update, December 2006. Geneva: UNAIDS and WHO. ———. 2006b. Fact Sheet: Caribbean. http://data.unaids.org/pub/EpiReport/ 2006/20061121_epi_fs_c_en.pdf. ———. 2006c. Fact Sheet: North America, Western and Central Europe. December 2006. http://data.unaids.org/pub/EpiReport/2006/20061121_EPI_FS_ NAWCE_en.pdf. Kempadoo, Kemala, and Ranya Ghuma. 1999. ‘‘For the Children: Trends in International Policies and Law on Sex Tourism.’’ pp. 291–308 in Sun, Sex, and Gold: Tourism and Sex Work in the Caribbean. Edited by Kamala Kempadoo. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield. Lapointe, Michelle. 2004. Diasporas in Caribbean Development: Rapporteur’s Report. Report of the Inter-American Dialogue and the World Bank. Washington DC: Inter-American Dialogue. Nurse, Keith. 2004. ‘‘Masculinities in Transition: Gender and the Global Problematique.’’ pp. 3–37 in Interrogating Caribbean Masculinities: Theoretical and Empirical Analyses. Edited by Rhoda E. Reddock. Kingston, Jamaica: University of the West Indies Press. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. (a). Convention on the Rights of the Child. http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/k2crc.htm. Accessed October 9, 2006. ———. (b). Fact Sheet No. 10 (rev.1), The Rights of the Child. http:// 193.194.138.190/html/menu6/2/fs10.htm. Accessed October 9, 2006. ———. (c). Status of Ratification of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. http://193.194.138.190/html/menu2/6/crc/treaties/status-crc.htm. Accessed October 9, 2006. Pinheiro, Paulo Sergio 2006. World Report on Violence against Children. SecretaryGeneral’s Study on Violence against Children. United Nations. Population Reference Bureau. 2006. 2006 World Population Data Sheet, p. 7. http://www.prb.org/pdf06/06WorldDataSheet.pdf. Accessed April 1, 2007. Rodgers, Harrell R., Jr. 2006. American Poverty in a New Age of Reform. 2nd ed. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe. Safa, Helen. 2005. ‘‘The Matrifocal Family and Patriarchal Ideology in Cuba and the Caribbean.’’ Journal of Latin American Anthropology 10, no. 2:314–338. Samuels, Christina A. 2006. ‘‘More U.S. Children Lacking Insurance.’’ Education Week 26, no. 3 (September 13), 12. http://web.ebscohost.com/ehost/ detail?vid¼8&hid¼101&sid¼1060c614-63a0-430d-be95-d. Accessed September 27, 2006. Save the Children. 2005. State of the World’s Mothers 2005: The Power and Promise of Girls’ Education. Westport, CT: Save the Children.
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———. 2007. Our History; Creating the Foundation. http://www.savethechildren .org/about/mission/our-history. Schwab, Peter. 1999. Cuba: Confronting the Embargo. New York: St. Martin’s Griffin. Slocum, Karla, and Deborah A. Thomas. 2003. ‘‘Rethinking Global and Area Studies: Insights from Caribbeanist Anthropology.’’ American Anthropologist 105, no. 3: 553–565. Statistics Canada. Mother’s Day by the Numbers. http://www42.statcan.ca/smr08/ smr08_047_e.htm. Tompkins, Cynthia Margarita, and Kristen Sternberg, eds. 2004. Teen Life in Latin America and the Caribbean. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. United Nations. Background Note: Children’s Rights. http:www.un.org/rights/ dpil765e.htm. Accessed October 9, 2006. United Nations Children’s Fund. Child Protection from Violence, Exploitation and Abuse. http://www.unicef.og/protection/index_childlabour.html. Accessed May 9, 2007. ———. Haiti: Country in Crisis. http://www.unicef.org/emerg/Haiti/indexþbigpicture. html. Accessed October 9, 2006. ———. United Nations Special Session on Children, May 8–10, 2002. http:// www.unicef.org/specialsession/highlights/index.html. Accessed May 20, 2007. ———. 2006a. The State of the World’s Children 2007: Women and Children: The Double Divided of Gender Equality. New York: UNICEF. ———. 2006b. Violence against Children in the Caribbean Region: Regional Assessment; UN Secretary General’s Study on Violence against Children. Panama: Child Protection Section, UNICEF Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean. http://www.uwi.edu/ccdc/downloads/Violence_against_children .pdf. United Nations Development Programme. 2006. Human Development Report 2006: Beyond Scarcity: Power, Poverty and the Global Water Crisis. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire and New York: Palgrave Macmillan. United Nations, Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). 2006. Social Panorama of Latin America 2005. Santiago, Chile, May 2006. http://www.eclac.org/cgi-bin/getProd.asp?xml¼/publicaciones/ xml/4/24054/P24054.xml&xsl¼/dds/tpl-i/p9f.xsl&base¼/dds/tpl/top-bott om.xsl. ———. Caribbean Development and Cooperation Committee. 2001. An Evaluative Study of the Implementation of Domestic Violence Legislation: Antigua and Barbuda, St. Kitts/Nevis, Saint Lucia and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. http://www.eclac.org/publicaciones/xml/0/9910/carg0659.pdf. Accessed January 18, 2007. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Education for All, Background Documents. http://www.unesco.org/education/ efa/ed_for_all/background/background_documents.shtml. Accessed May 1, 2007. ——— 2007. Education for All Global Monitoring Report. Regional Overview: Latin America and the Caribbean. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0014/ 001489/148957E.pdf. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and World Bank, Caribbean Region. 2007. Crime, Violence, and Development: Trends, Costs, and Policy Options in
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the Caribbean. Report no 37820. March 2007. http://siteresources.worldbank .org/INTHAITI/Resources/Crimeandviolenceinthecaribbeanfullreport.pdf. U.S. Department of Commerce. 2007. U.S. Census Bureau News. Facts for Features: Mother’s Day 2007. http://www.census.gov/Press-Release/www/2007/ cb07ff-07.pdf. Weston, Burns H., and Mark B. Teerink. 2005. ‘‘Rethinking Child Labor: A Multidimensional Human Rights Problem.’’ pp. 3–25 in Child Labor and Human Rights: Making Children Matter. Edited by Burns H. Weston. Boulder, CO and London: Lynne Rienner Publishers. Williams, Sian. 2004. ‘‘The Effects of Structural Adjustment Programs on the Lives of Children in Jamaica.’’ pp. 151–160 in Globalization and Children: Exploring Potentials for Enhancing Opportunities in the Lives of Children and Youth. Edited by Natalie Hevener Kaufman and Irene Rizzini. Seacaucus, NJ: Kluwer Academic Publishers. Wilson, Brian. 2004. ‘‘Children and the Media.’’ pp. 99–106 in Globalization and Children: Exploring Potentials for Enhancing Opportunities in the Lives of Children and Youth. Edited by Natalie Hevener Kaufman and Irene Rizzini. Seacaucus, NJ: Kluwer Academic Publishers. Wiseberg, Laurie S. 2005. ‘‘Nongovernmental Organizations in the Struggle against Child Labor.’’ pp. 343–376 in Child Labor and Human Rights: Making Children Matter. Edited by Burns H. Weston. Boulder, CO and London: Lynne Rienner Publishers. World Bank. Latin America and the Caribbean. Fact Sheet. Close to Home: The Development Impact of Remittances in Latin America. http://siteresources. worldbank.org/INTLACOFFICEOFCE/Resources/RemittancesFactSheet06_ Eng.pdf. World Bank. 2007a. Global Monitoring Report 2007, website. http://web.wordbank .org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/EXTDEC/EXTGLLOBALMONITOR/EXTGO. World Bank. 2007b. Global Monitoring Report 2007. Millennium Development Goals: Confronting the Challenges of Gender Equality and Fragile States. Washington, DC: International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/World Bank http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTGLOMONREP2007/Resources/ 3413191-1176390231604/i-xviii_GMRfm.pdf. Accessed May 1, 2007. World Bank. 2007c. GNI Per Capital, Atlas Method and PPP. http://DataSitere sources.worldbank.org/DATASTATISTICS/Resources/GNIPC. World Bank. 2007d. Regional Highlights, Latin America and the Caribbean. Global Monitoring Report 2007: Confronting the Challenges of Gender Equality and Fragile States. http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/EXTDEC/ EXTGLOBALMONITOR/EXTGLOMONREP2007/0,,contentMDK:2125 6825menuPK:3413287pagePK:64218950piPK:64218883theSitePK :3413261,00.html. Accessed May 1, 2007.
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ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA Christolyn A. Williams and CarolAnn Louise Daniels NATIONAL PROFILE Former British colonies, Antigua and Barbuda are part of the Englishspeaking Caribbean referred to as the West Indies. They gained their independence in 1981. Antigua is situated 61° West longitude and 17° North latitude and is 108 square miles in area. The smaller sister island sister of Barbuda lies thirty miles north of Antigua and is sixty-two square miles in area. Both islands are flat except for one small area on Antigua, which rises to a height of 1,300 feet above sea level. The islands are subject to long periods of drought during the year. St. John’s city and St. John’s rural are by far home to the majority of the population. These two parishes alone house almost 60 percent of the population (45,346 inhabitants). The remaining population of 31,540 is found in the other parishes of St. George, St. Peter, St. Phillip, St. Paul, and St. Mary, as well as the island of Barbuda. Women are a majority in all but Barbuda where the male population maintains majority (by some fortynine males) over the female population (Antigua and Barbuda Summary 2001). The islands are dependent upon tourism, which contributes close to 60 percent of
NORTH AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Other major contributors are construction, communications, transportation, and agriculture. The twin-island nation of Antigua and Barbuda is a multiparty parliamentary democracy. Despite its small size and its dependence upon the tourism and service industries, the socio-economic conditions (status) of the island nation are relatively stable. In 2005, the per capita income was US$10,940. Poverty exists, however, and 12 percent of the population lives at the poverty level (Robert 2006). There are a number of governmental and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) that provide services to families and children. Families may also receive some support from their religious organization. Poverty alleviation initiatives implemented by the government with support from regional organizations and NGOs have sought to address the basic needs of the most desperate cases. One example is the Management Board of the Organization of American States (OAS) Inter-American Agency for Cooperation and Development (IACD) projects, which approved in 2005–2006 two programs directed at strengthening the agriculture sector. The Agriculture and Tourism Linkages and Agri-Trade Facilitation for Selected Crop and Livestock Commodities programs are designed to strengthen links between the tourism and agriculture sectors. These projects are directed at rural communities and farm families to help them become more competitive and to reduce the high volume of food imports to the islands (‘‘OAS to Assist Antigua’’). More localized programs sponsored by the Antigua and Barbuda government provide a small income to every child living in poverty. Women are the overall majority in Antigua and Barbuda and have been so since the nineteenth century. In a population estimated by the most recent census at 76,886, women number 40,777. Women and girls contribute significantly to the economy of the islands. They demonstrate tremendous academic and social success, completing secondary education in greater numbers than men and boys, and are successful professionals and entrepreneurs. However, their presence in government and politics is not representative of their percentage in the population. In the history of the nineteen-member House of Representatives, only one woman has ever been elected. This woman, Jacqui Quinn-Leandro, was elected in 2004 as a United Progressive Party (UPP) candidate. In addition, the current Speaker of the House, a position filled by the majority party, is a woman, D. Giselle Isaac-Arrindell. According to UNICEF for the Caribbean region, the family structure in Antigua is dominated by single-parent families. The majority of households are headed by women who have primary responsibility for the care and well-being of children. There are few formal laws that spell out the responsibilities parents have toward their children, but common law recognizes that parents have a duty to care for and provide for their children. Only a small percentage of persons in Antigua and Barbuda experience homelessness. The majority of the population is of African
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18
6
Deaths per 1,000 1.3
Rate of natural increase 12
Under five years old mortality rate 2.3
Total fertility rate 28
Percentage of population below fifteen years old
Source: Population Reference Bureau (2006). GNI, Gross National Income; ppp, purchasing power parity.
0.1 of 39 million for region
Population mid-2006
Births per 1,000
Table 1.1. Antigua and Barbuda Vital Statistics 2004–2005
69
M
74
F
Life expectancy
11,700
GNI ppp per capita 2005
37
Percent urban
NORTH AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
Table 1.2. Distribution of Population to Nineteen Years Old Age group 0–4 years 5–9 years 10–14 years 15–19 years
Male
Female
3,705 3,680 3,433 2,998
3,536 3,700 3,654 3,323
Total 7,411 7,380 7,087 6,321 28,199
Source: Antigua and Barbuda Summary 2001. Total population ¼ 76,886. The total number of individuals nineteen years old and younger represents 37 percent of the total population.
descent (Barrow 2001; Antigua and Barbuda Summary 2001; Population Reference Bureau 2006). There are more than 28,000 children and youth in Antigua and Barbuda. As listed in Table 1.2, this category encompasses the age group from birth to nineteen years old. This group represents 37 percent of the total population of the islands. Antigua and Barbuda holds membership in a number of regional organizations that focus on political, social, and economic development. These organizations include the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) founded in 1973, the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) formed in 1981, and the Caribbean Development Bank (CDB). Because government spending is tied to the GDP, contraction in the tourism sector often results in unemployment and underemployment and a reduction in government-funded services such as health care, education, and social services. This can have a devastating effect on the quality of life for those who depend on government-funded services (Benjamin and Bird 1998). Government agencies whose overall goal is to promote, protect, and meet children’s basic needs include the Ministry of Youth Empowerment, the Directorate of Gender Affairs, the Women and Development Program, the Department for Sexually Abused Children, the Child and Family Welfare Center, the Department of Social Improvement, the Health Education Unit of the Ministry of Health and Social Improvement, and the Alliance for Social Well-Being and NGOs such as the Christian Children Fund (CCF) and NGO and the Family and Guidance Center of the Collaborative Committee for the Promotion of Emotional Health in Children (CCOPE). The Human Development Index (HDI) is used to measure quality of life in countries around the world. The HDI measures three main arenas of human development: longevity, education, and economic standard of living. Antigua and Barbuda falls within the medium range of the HDI index (60), above countries such as Russia, Brazil, and Venezuela. The
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numbers of births per one thousand is eighteen, while the figure for deaths is six. There is a rate of natural increase of 1.3, and the under-five mortality rate is twelve. A life expectancy of sixty-nine years for men and seventy-four years for women reflects the relatively safe and stable environment of the nation (Population Reference Bureau 2006).
KEY FACTS – ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA Population: 69,481 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 18.26 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 72.42 years (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 85.8 percent (2003 est.) Internet users: 20,000 (2005) Sources: CIA World Factbook: Antigua and Barbuda. https://www. cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/ac.html. April 17, 2007.
OVERVIEW The government of Antigua and Barbuda has long ensured that children in the country have access to free education until the age of sixteen. Since 1991, government spending on education has increased to 13.2 percent of GDP. The commitment has been to provide access, equity, and quality education to nationals irrespective of socio-economic status (The EFA 2000 Assessment Reports). The promise of free education for all children irrespective of their race, class, or gender has been a primary concern since the Antigua Labor Party (ALP) took control of the Antiguan state from the British in 1969. The ALP expanded access to education and constructed numerous schools in the period before and after independence in 1981. As a result of having access to free education, many children born to poor parents have been able to improve their social and economic position in the society. Still, there is concern with increasing dropout rates, and a gender performance gap in favor of girls is apparent. Because of the absence of internal conflict and a largely healthy environment, child mortality rates are very low. The under-five mortality rate is twelve for every 1,000 live births, and the infant mortality rate is eleven. Severe malnutrition is rare. The social and political stability also means that refugees are not a political concern, although Antigua and Barbuda in the past accepted large numbers of persons who sought refuge in the country because of a massive volcanic eruption in neighboring island of Montserrat and political instability in Haiti. As a member of the Caribbean Commonwealth Community, Antigua and Barbuda have also become home to many citizens of other CARICOM countries. Among the largest immigrant populations in Antigua are nationals of Jamaica, Guyana, Montserrat, and Dominica. Nationals from the Dominican Republic are also a significant population in the capital city, St. John’s. Many of these Spanish speakers claim Antiguan citizenship as the descendants of Antigua and Barbuda nationals who immigrated to the Dominican Republic during the first three decades of the twentieth century. In addition to CARICOM and other Caribbean nationals, persons from
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the United States, the United Kingdom, and Asia (in particular China) have established residences and businesses in Antigua. These non-Caribbean expatriates are engaged in establishing businesses on the island or have retired to Antigua because of the political stability and beauty of the islands and the region. There are no wars between Antigua and Barbuda and any other state, nor have there been internal civil wars or military conflicts in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Other than contentious political rallies during election years, the islands have been relatively stable with little social conflict to disrupt the life of citizens and to threaten the safety and security of its children. The political democracies of the eastern Englishspeaking Caribbean of which Antigua and Barbuda is a part have maintained nondiscriminatory and inclusive policies towards the largely African-descended populations of the region (Benjamin and Bird 1998). The laws of Antigua and Barbuda provide children and other vulnerable populations with protection against exploitation, slavery, and indentured servitude. Trade unions, formed in 1940, remain an important watchdog against employer abuse and regulate the workplace conditions in Antigua and Barbuda. Juveniles in conflict with the law and the problem of street children are an emerging social and policy problem (U.S. Department of State). EDUCATION Education for Antigua and Barbuda nationals is free and compulsory for all children under the age of sixteen, resulting in high levels of literacy across the population. The literacy rate is estimated at 82 percent. Although all children have access to education, its quality is uneven, particularly in the early years. For example, because minimum standards for the operation of early childhood centers are lacking, many centers function without official government monitoring. Moreover, most of the early childhood centers and preschools are privately owned and operated. Because some parents find it difficult to afford the tuition, enrollment rates tend to be low. This means that many children enter the primary system without any pre-primary preparation (Benjamin and Bird 1998; Barrow 2001). More than 90 percent of children attend primary school. Some children do not attend on a regular basis because of lack of money for uniforms, lunch, transportation, and other costs of education. In 2004, the government instituted a program of free school uniforms for all students in primary and secondary schools, and plans are underway to create a national school meal program through which all children would receive free meals while in school. While some improvements have been made, the education system is still largely unable to meet the needs of children who are disabled or have learning problems. The needs of the most
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severely disabled are often overlooked, and some disabled adults and children remain hidden in their homes, socially excluded from mainstream society (Barrow 2001). In Antigua and Barbuda, schools are divided into three administrative zones, not including pre-primary education. The majority of children in schools are enrolled in primary, secondary, and tertiary level institutions. There are some thirty public and twenty-six private primary schools. Education at this level is largely academic. At the secondary level there are some thirteen schools, nine of which are public and four private. These institutions provide both academic and technical and vocational training. The tertiary level institutions include the University of the West Indies School of Continuing Studies, the Antigua State College, and the Hotel Training School. Special education resources are limited on the islands. Accommodations for deaf and hearing-impaired students have been provided since the 1960s by the Red Cross School, which admits children as young as three years old. Most referrals to the school are from hospitals and in some cases by applications of parents and guardians of deaf and hearingimpaired children. Most disabled students are integrated into regular classes, and more attention is being focused on teacher training to meet their special needs (The EFA 2000 Assessment Reports). The government also provides some opportunity for vocational training with an emphasis on acquiring skills. Among the poverty alleviation strategies that have been adopted since 2004 is a youth job program. Participants are paid a salary while training through job placements in schools, local industry, and government and private agencies. Vocational education courses are an important part of the education system given the high rates of dropout at the secondary level and a high rate of youth unemployment (Barrow 2001). Education is also free and compulsory at both primary and secondary levels for nonnationals who have resided in the country for more than three years. However, there are no special programs to teach foreign children in their own language. All students are encouraged to learn English. Nonnationals under the age of sixteen who have resided for less than three years in Antigua and Barbuda are educated primarily through the fee-paying schools. Since the 1990s, enrollments in private or fee-paying schools in Antigua and Barbuda have significantly increased. Currently, they educate more than a quarter of all primary school students. However, most of these fee-paying schools do not educate past the primary level of education (Benjamin and Bird 1998; Barrow 2001). At the end of their four years of study, students in academic secondary schools are required to complete school-leaving examinations administered by the Caribbean Examination Council (CXC), a regional body that oversees secondary education in the English-speaking Caribbean. Students who pass four or more subjects, including English, can apply for
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admission to the Advanced level (A Level) program. Academic success in the ‘‘A Level’’ program qualifies students for scholarships to the University of the West Indies. PLAY AND RECREATION There are a number of public playgrounds and facilities that have been built through government sponsorship, but these fall short of the demand and tend generally to be facilities for adolescents and adults rather than for children. Access to television is widespread in Antigua and Barbuda. Most households, well over a third, own a television, and considerable children’s programming is offered, both local and international. As in other parts of the world, children spend a large portion of their time watching television. Children also have access to computers and the Internet through schools and public libraries. While no figures exist for 2006, growing numbers of households on the island own computers. This has been facilitated by a government policy that offers a tax exemption for personal computers. All schools in Antigua and Barbuda have some organized sports in which children participate, regardless of racial, gender, or economic group. Schools have an organized sports day when children compete with each other in individual and team sports. The Ministry of Health, Sports, and Youth Affairs attends to youth empowerment, carnival celebrations, and development, and its Sports and Games Department is responsible for organized sports in the public schools. Among the team sports played by children and youth in Antigua and Barbuda are netball, cricket, football, and basketball (United Nations 2004, 50). Because child labor is not significant in the economy and society, children also have time after school to engage in play. Children in Antigua and Barbuda enjoy their time away from school engaged in leisure activities, both with and without adult supervision. Most participate in recreational activities such as picnics at the beach with family and with church and neighborhood groups. Additional programs include a summer cultural program run by the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Health. This program emphasizes particular Caribbean cultural forms and it engages children in activities such as arts and crafts, storytelling, chorus speaking, steel band, music, and drama. Because of proximity, the United States has become a major cultural influence in Antigua and Barbuda. Many households have cable network, which allows access to television programs from all across the world, but primarily from the United States. The cultural impact of globalization can be seen and felt, not just in Antigua and Barbuda but also throughout the region. Other organizations involved with children and youths include the Alliance for Social Well-Being, which was formed in 1993 by the government of Antigua and Barbuda. The objective of this organization is to
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provide a forum to participate in debates. Youth discussants at these adult-facilitated forums focus on issues such as civic pride, cultural consciousness, and HIV/AIDS. Some 250 youths participate in these annual symposiums (Benjamin and Bird 1998; Barrow 2001). CHILD LABOR The Antigua and Barbuda labor code defines a child as someone under the age of fourteen. While child labor is not a significant problem in either urban or rural areas in Antigua, there are a number of existing laws to protect children from child-trafficking, indentured servitude, and economic exploitation. Two laws specifically relate to the protection of children from economic exploitation: the Education Act. No. 7 of 1973, Section 6, and the Antigua and Barbuda Labour Code, Division E, of 1975. The Education Act not only sets the compulsory school age at sixteen but also stipulates that all such persons should not be employed during school hours. No matter the work environment for child workers, the code forbids work during school hours, or for more than eight hours in a twenty-four–hour period. It also restricts the employment of children at night (Benjamin and Bird 1998; Barrow 2001). In addition to regulating the employment of children under fourteen years old, the labor code also restricts the employment of young people through the age of eighteen. All young persons engaging in work are required to be examined by a medical practitioner who establishes whether the young person is fit for employment. Because of strong enforcement of these laws, there is high compliance among those who employ children and young persons (Benjamin and Bird 1998; Barrow 2001). FAMILY The 2001 Census of Antigua and Barbuda indicates that most families are headed by men. Among the 40,777 adult females on the islands, 10,666 women were designated ‘‘head of household,’’ compared with 13,872 men. However, UNICEF and other agencies acknowledge ‘‘between 31–49% of Caribbean children from birth to 14 years live in homes headed by women’’ (Family Law Reform in the Caribbean 2002). In addition to the care of their children, these heads of households reported that they care for other individuals such as parents, in-laws (adults and children), grandchildren, and nonrelatives (Antigua and Barbuda Summary 2001). Few laws in Antigua and Barbuda address the role of parents in guiding their children’s lives, but common law does recognize the duty of parents to ensure that their children receive due care and attention. As former British colonies, British common law has directed family relations in Antigua and Barbuda. The law imposes penalties, including
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imprisonment for parents who neglect their children when they are able to care for them. The state of Antigua and Barbuda is not required by law to assist parents in the raising of children, other than to provide free education and health care. However, there are a number of important statutes that ensure financial support for children in households headed by women. For example, the Magistrate’s Code of Procedure, Chapter 255, enables mothers to bring suit against their children’s father for financial support. If married, support also extends to women as well. Pregnant women are also entitled to support for expenses, including doctor’s fees, and for medical tests and treatment. A father can be named on the birth certificate only if he consents to it. The code denies custodial rights to unmarried fathers (Benjamin and Bird 1998; Barrow 2001). The laws in Antigua and Barbuda are structured to provide for the financial needs of children and female spouses in cases of divorce and or separation. In such cases, the best interest of the child is given significant consideration. Among the grounds for separation specified by the law are adultery, cruelty, and habitual drunkenness. Children in these households are awarded maintenance by the court. This is generally a maintenance award against the husband and father. In situations where children are physically, emotionally, or sexually abused, or abandoned, the state intervenes to remove them from abusive households and to provide alternate care. There are little or no opportunities for adoption or foster parenting (Benjamin and Bird 1998; Barrow 2001). Families are multigenerational and intergenerational attachments and obligations are thus at the core of familial relationships. Child rearing is perceived as the shared responsibility of the extended family. However, the overall pattern of parenting tends to reinforce adult control and obedience to parents. In many households in Antigua and Barbuda, as in much of the Caribbean region where traditional gender roles are practiced, boys enjoy more personal freedom than girls in households. Girls are kept close to home and are expected to perform household duties such as cleaning, washing, cooking, or assisting their mothers or other adults with such chores. Boys in households are often assigned tasks outside the house such as maintaining the yard, taking care of animals, and fetching water where there is no running water piped directly to the household. Women and girls perform a disproportionate amount of domestic work, even when women work outside the home for as many hours as their male spouses and partners. Older girls are expected to take care of younger siblings and relatives. They bathe, dress, and feed these younger brothers and sisters and take them to school or daycare. In single-parent households, older siblings often spend more time overseeing the care of younger children than the parent does, especially in households where the single parent works or is engaged in other activities outside of the home. Parents with alcohol dependency and other drug problems, as well as disabled or sick adults,
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are especially dependent on older children to run their households and care for younger children. The state provides little in the way of supportive services for these households. HEALTH The healthcare and emergency care needs of Antigua and Barbuda nationals are met via the Holberton hospital in the capital and district clinics in the parishes. These clinics provide free immunizations and basic health care, and dental and eye care are provided at low or no cost. Antigua and Barbuda signed the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in 1993 and has demonstrated its commitment to the convention by establishing a health policy document that states that ‘‘we will continue to pay special attention to mothers and children by implementing the maternal and child health strategy’’ (Benjamin and Bird 1998, 37–38). Since the 1980s, reported cases of severe malnutrition have remained in the single digits. A 1990s survey showed a 12 percent population with hemoglobin levels below normal. Irondeficiency anemia has been the most significant micronutrient deficiency in Antigua and Barbuda, and iron deficiency in pregnant women has played a significant role in premature births and stillbirths. The problem of childhood obesity is an emerging concern associated with the growing dependence on junk food and juice drinks. This is attributed to lack of nutritional education and the high fat content associated with fast foods. Children are hospitalized primarily as a result of gastroenteritis, an illness resulting from lack of potable water and an inadequate sewage disposal system. Pit latrines are still commonly used on the island, although the number of households with piped water has increased significantly since the mid-1990s (Benjamin and Bird 1998; Barrow 2001). Infant and child mortality rates have remained relatively low since the 1990s, and an effective immunization program has provided 97 percent of children with protection from childhood diseases such as measles, mumps, and chicken pox. The under-five mortality rate is twelve and the infant mortality rate eleven for every 1,000 live births. Since 1990 there have been no confirmed cases of polio, measles, or neonatal tetanus; no cases of tuberculosis have been reported since that time. This suggests that the program of immunization is an integral part of protecting children from a range of preventable diseases. Child mortality rates on the island nation are closely connected to medical resources for newborn care. In the mid-1990s, the number one cause of death among infants admitted to Holberton hospital was prematurity. In an effort to reduce the infant mortality rate, the government has invested in the care of newborns, including laboratory facilities, antibiotic availability, and neonatal ventilators (Benjamin and Bird 1998).
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Women in Antigua and Barbuda all give birth under medical care at Holberton Hospital and at Adelin, a private medical clinic. In all cases, delivering mothers have full coverage with trained health personnel. Postnatal care is provided both at the hospital and at district clinics distributed throughout the islands. The government has established approximately twenty-seven health clinics and health centers where Antiguans seek care on a daily basis. These health clinics and centers are located in every parish on the islands. In addition to access to parish clinics, followup care is also provided by district nurses. Ministry of Health records show that 92 percent of children who attended clinics for follow-up visits were immunized before six weeks of age. Additional follow-up and nutritional assessment is performed for children between one and four years of age and, with parental cooperation, children receive follow-up care until they enter primary school, where scheduled vaccinations and dental care are continued. Although the Ministry of Health has established a rigorous system for postnatal care for mothers and children, this care is underutilized because of the young age of many mothers and because of locations and the time commitment of the postnatal care program (Benjamin and Bird 1998). Following birth, women receive particular care and consideration through the Maternal Child Health Care Program. Six weeks after delivery mothers are also assessed to ensure that all reproductive organs are back to normal. This examination includes pap-smear tests and examination of the cervix and uterus (Benjamin and Bird 1998). Despite the proactive attitude of the government since the 1990s and a health policy that rigorously promotes health and health care for pregnant women, the State of the World’s Children 2006 reports some 65 cases of maternal deaths in Antigua and Barbuda between 1990 and 2005 (United Nations Children’s Fund 2005). The School Health Program, and others described earlier, target children as well as infants and mothers. The emotional health of children and adolescents is addressed by the Collaborative Committee for the Promotion of Emotional Health in Children. This nonprofit organization provides psychological and support services for children suffering from mental illnesses and for their families. Other agencies provide specialized and professional welfare services to children and families, including the Citizens Welfare Division, sponsored by the Ministry of Health (Pan American Health Organization). Since the 1990s, more than 50 percent of the population of Antigua and Barbuda have had access to water that was piped into their dwellings. The actual demand for water does not exceed the storage capacity for both surface and ground water, although there are periods of shortage on the island, often the result of prolonged drought. The increase in water storage with the installation of a reverse osmosis plant in 1995 dramatically increased the available water supply and lessens the water shortage even
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when a prolonged drought occurs (Benjamin and Bird 1998, 45–50). The majority of the population has easy access to clean water; living conditions continue to improve with most people using propane gas to cook (96 percent) and flush toilets linked to septic tanks (71 percent). Access to clean water and environmental health on Antigua and Barbuda is monitored by the Environmental Health Division of the Ministry of Agriculture, a division of the Antigua Public Utilities Authority (APUA). The water is tested for bacterial organisms and chemical chlorine residue. In addition to testing the water that is distributed by the APUA, private water supplies are all tested. Cisterns and tanks that are used for water storage in private facilities are tested for physical and bacterial quality and a program of disinfection is also undertaken. The water on Antigua is obtained from both surface and ground sources. Surface water includes seawater, desalination, rain, and runoff water in reservoirs. Ground water includes wells (Benjamin and Bird 1998; Antigua and Barbuda Summary 2001; http://www.environmentdivision.info/department/ index.htm). The most serious threat to human health and the environment in Antigua and Barbuda is the increasing growth of chemical manufacturing and the use of pesticides. Persistent organic pollutants (POPs) pose a threat to humans and especially children because they survive in the environment for a long time after their release and are internalized by humans through the air, water, and food. Once internalized, they cause cancer, birth defects, and other system dysfunctions. Although many of these POPreleasing chemicals were banned in 1980, the ability of the chemicals to remain in the air and soil raises concern for the protection of children in Antigua and Barbuda (Ministry of Health/Environment Division). The Environment Division of the Ministry of Works, Transportation, and the Environment has dedicated a web page specifically to educating children around these issues (see http://www.environmentdivision.info/ kids/index.htm). Until recently, children with disabilities in Antigua and Barbuda were largely invisible both to society and to the government. In 1996, a survey was conducted to assess the number of children affected by disabilities, their nature and seriousness, and the services available to them. Disability still carries a social stigma, and many hide their disability or are kept hidden away. These disabilities range from severe cases of cerebral palsy and epilepsy to less obvious problems, such as learning disabilities and emotional or behavioral problems. Although the government provides some services, the care of these children is seen as the responsibility of their families. Some of the needs of disabled children in Antigua and Barbuda are met by the Child and Family Guidance Center at Holberton Hospital. The Center is run by a local nonprofit organization, the CCOPE. Comprising local professionals, the center was funded in 1987 with the assistance of the Ministries of Education and Health, Sports, and Youth
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Affairs. The center offers support to children experiencing emotional problems and physical or emotional abuse, and to those exposed to trauma. The Resource Center for the Handicapped affiliated with the Antigua Council for the Handicapped also provides important services to disabled children and teenagers. Under the supervision of the Ministry of Labor, the center’s objectives include improving economic conditions for the disabled. This is done through job training and vocational rehabilitation that ready disabled persons for employment. Among the primary disabilities of those trained by the center are difficulties with walking, retardation, visual impairment, and deafness (Benjamin and Bird 1998). Services for the visually impaired and blind are provided by the Antigua and Barbuda government as part of a specialized education program at T.N. Kirnon, a private primary school in the capital. Since 1996, services for students have been largely revolving, with faculty from other schools moving back and forth between the public school and the T.N. Kirnon school. Children diagnosed with mental retardation have been served for over thirty years by the Adele School, which was a private institute until 1977 when it was taken over by the government. One of the biggest criticisms of the institution by UNESCO in the late 1990s was the unsatisfactory teacher-to-student ratio. In addition to government funding, the school has benefited from contributions from local businesses and private individuals. These contributions have been used to acquire charts and other audio-visual aids for use of the students (Benjamin and Bird 1998, 122–126). There has been an increase since the 1990s in the presence and role of NGOs in Antigua and Barbuda. Today, they are organized around a range of issues from food processing, education reform, and community care to care for disabled and the elderly. NGOs play a significant role in raising awareness of social problems, including youth violence and violence against children, as well as education reform. In addition to the thirty-eight NGOs listed as members of the NGO Network of Antigua and Barbuda, many other local and international organizations provide resources for the people and children of Antigua and Barbuda. In spite of the remarkable strides in health and health care, there is great concern about the increasing number of young people affected by HIV/AIDS. This is especially striking with girls. The increase has been attributed to early initiation into sexual activity (a large percentage of girls are sexually active by the age of twelve), social and cultural norms that condone multiple partners, gender norms that leave women and girls vulnerable and unable to protect themselves, and a cultural pattern of sexual relationships between adolescent girls and adult men. Social taboos also prevent open discussion of sex and sexuality with young people, resulting in unprotected practices and lack of knowledge in relation to sexuality and reproductive health (Benjamin and Bird 1998).
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As part of the HIV/AIDS prevention plan, voluntary counseling and testing is available at a number of sites throughout the country. Yet continued stigma and discrimination create a barrier that discourages individuals from seeking care and treatment. There is also a lack of trust in healthcare professionals among adolescents, which results in a reluctance to access health and other services. The national prevention plan includes a school-based AIDS education program, a social marketing program on condoms, and voluntary counseling and testing programs to prevent mother-to-child transmission (UNGASS Report 2005). One of the programs specifically geared to young people twelve years and older is a weekly television program called ‘‘Teen Talk.’’ While the HIV/AIDS Prevention and Control Program in Antigua and Barbuda continues to direct its efforts at education and condom distribution, the growing infection rates in the region have prompted governments to develop a cooperative CARICOM regional strategy to fight HIV/AIDS. This regional organization has sought and gained support from UNAIDS, the joint HIV/AIDS program sponsored by the United Nations (UN). However, the increasing spread of HIV/AIDS underscores the need to strengthen prevention not only for HIV/AIDS but also for sexually transmitted infections (United Nations, Children’s Fund 2005; Benjamin and Bird 1998). The social environment in Antigua and Barbuda is one that is hostile to gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgendered (GLBT) persons. GLBT youth in Antigua walk a thin line in a society where they are tolerated but might easily become the victims of physical and verbal attacks by strangers and even by members of their own families. The small GLBT community on the island is not very visible, and youths often create their own support networks among similar GLBT youths or with supportive friends and family members. Much of the social stigma and abuse is addressed to gay men and youth who, throughout the English-speaking Caribbean, are called ‘‘batty-man.’’ Gay men and boys are often targeted by other youths. Popular reggae singers have promoted homophobia with hatefilled lyrics, which have encouraged audiences to physically attack gay men and others who do not fit the extreme male stereotypes and who are therefore assumed to be gay. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS In Antigua and Barbuda, there are specific laws that provide distinct legal protection for children, some of which predate the UN 1989 CRC. The 1986 Status of Children Act, for example, introduced legislation specifically relating to the status of children. Other laws specifically related to the well-being of children include the 1994 amendment to the Civil Service Regulations. This grants thirteen weeks of maternity leave with full pay for new mothers. In addition, the 1999 Sexual Offences Act raised
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the age of consent from fourteen to sixteen years of age (United Nations 2004). One of the most glaring inequalities that existed in Antigua and Barbuda from British colonial rule until 1969 was the distinction between legitimate and illegitimate children. Laws have been reformed to equalize the status of children born out of wedlock with those born in wedlock. While legislation is a step in the right direction, it has not eliminated discrimination against children born out of wedlock. A double standard also persists with regard to the rights and responsibilities of unmarried fathers and mothers. Caribbean legal systems have attempted to upgrade their juvenile justice systems by establishing family courts. However, such a court has not been created in Antigua and Barbuda. If a child between the ages of eight and fourteen commits a crime and is found guilty, he or she is sent to a home for juvenile delinquents. Boys are sent to the Boys’ Training School and girls are sent to the Sunshine Home for Girls, which is run by the Salvation Army. These institutions have primarily been staffed by untrained workers, with few counseling and other rehabilitative resources in place to help young people once they leave the institution. Some child offenders are sent to a detention center in the prison for adults. However, these cases are rare and occur in order to provide protection to these children (Benjamin and Bird 1998). RELIGIOUS LIFE The majority of the population of Antigua and Barbuda is Christian. Participation in church is an important avenue of socializing children, and many children also attend church-based schools, at least through primary level. Children begin their lives in the church, being christened as infants. Those children in families that are regular members of a church may also be confirmed or baptized as young teens, a process that signals their membership in and commitment to the church. Of the approximately fifteen different Christian denominations with followers on the islands, the Anglican and Seventh Day Adventist churches dominate, with 26 and 12 percent of the population, respectively. These are followed by the Pentecostal Church (11 percent), the Roman Catholic Church (10 percent), and Moravian Churches (10 percent). Two other religions practiced in Antigua and Barbuda are Islam and Hinduism, both of which are practiced by less than 1 percent of the population (Antigua and Barbuda Summary 2001). The laws of Antigua and Barbuda are consistent with the UN CRC in terms of freedom of thought, conscience, and religion. Further, the Antigua and Barbuda Constitution protects children from being made to participate against their will in religious activities other than those of their own religion.
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CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT There are a number of laws specifically designed for the care and protection of children. These include the Sexual Offences Act of 1999, the Domestic Violence Act of 1999, and the Childcare and Protection Act of 2003. Although there is a growing recognition of child abuse as a social problem in Antigua and Barbuda, there are no laws to enforce mandatory reporting. There is also little in the way of documentation and information about trends. Child sexual abuse is a source of shame for the family, thus the tendency is to cover up rather than report. However, as a result of recent government efforts people are encouraged to file cases of sexual offences. The government also provides psychological counseling and support for victims of sexual abuse (United Nations 2004). Parents in Antigua and Barbuda depend heavily on physical punishment to discipline children. Because it is such a deeply ingrained cultural practice, there is little hope that such practices will be formally banned. Nonetheless, there appears to be a growing awareness of the negative effects of corporal punishment and the need for alternative forms of punishment. There is only one military force on the island, the Antigua and Barbuda Defense Force, and this institution does not recruit children. By law persons cannot join the Antigua and Barbuda defense force or the police force before attaining majority at the age of eighteen. The Defense Force runs a volunteer program of cadets, to which Antiguan high school students are recruited. The cadet program invites both male and female youths between the ages of thirteen and eighteen to participate in drills, survival training, and arms training as part of an after-school program or a month-long summer program. This program facilitates the admission of new recruits into the Defense Force of Antigua and Barbuda. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Antigua and Barbuda has made remarkable strides since it gained independence from Britain in 1981. With few exceptions, most children are born healthy and have access to free education and health care, ensuring that their childhood is largely a secure and comfortable stage of life. Children experience no instability from internal conflicts, and there are laws specifically related to their care, protection, and well-being. In spite of the enormous progress made, a number of concerns persist. These include the increasing incidence of HIV/AIDS among young people, lack of participation of young people in matters affecting their lives, and the use of corporal punishment as the primary form of discipline. As the silent HIV/AIDS epidemic sweeps through the Caribbean, young people and in particular young women between the ages of fifteen and twenty-four are especially at risk of falling victim to this disease. In
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some Caribbean countries, for example, HIV infection levels are six times higher for fifteen- to nineteen-year-old women than for men. The feminization of HIV/AIDS is particularly alarming given the early age of sexual initiation among girls and the silence around sex and sexuality in most families. This creates a situation where girls are vulnerable to the disease because of a lack of information, and this silence also prevents children from seeking out sexual and reproductive health services. Equally alarming is the refusal of many men to use a condom or to internalize information on the cause of the disease. Many young men continue to believe that HIV/AIDS is a homosexual disease and using condoms is seen as a ‘‘sissy’’ thing to do. Cultural norms around gender and sexuality further increase the vulnerability of girls to HIV/AIDS. The continued economic dependence of women on men, for instance, often hampers their ability to negotiate safer sex. Poverty and high unemployment among young people mean that girls often look to older men for economic support. For many girls this involves the exchange of sexual favors for either money or basic necessities such as food, clothing, and school books. Thus, even if she perceives herself to be at risk for HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases, a young woman may be unable to practice safe sex behavior if other risks appear more imminent. In other words, poor women and girls may be more concerned with obtaining food, shelter, and safety for themselves than maintaining HIV-protective behavior. While such relationships are not openly condoned, they are not assigned the negative label of prostitution. New sex trends in the region, such as sex tourism and other sex-exchange practices often driven by poverty, also put women at risk for HIV and AIDS (Spooner, Daniel, and Mahoney 2004). Compounding the risk to women and girls is the practice of multiple sexual partners and the social and cultural repression of same-sex partners. The continuing social and legal repression of same-sex partners drives homosexuals underground, sometimes resulting in bisexual relationships that increase the risk of HIV among women and girls. Behavior change is hindered without consideration of these factors (Kelly and Bain 2005). The right of adolescents to participate in activities affecting them remains a critical area for improvement in Antigua and Barbuda, as in the rest of the Caribbean. One of the major obstacles to participation lies in the cultural practices where children are perceived as dependent and incapable minors who are the property of their parents. This view of childhood promotes the idea that children, as immature minors, have neither the capacity nor the need to express opinions or to participate in decisions affecting their lives. In Antigua and throughout the rest of the Caribbean, this model is strongly enforced, and the position of most parents and adults is that children are to be seen and not heard. Adults assume responsibility for children, acting and speaking on their behalf (Barrow 2001; Kelly and Bain 2005).
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Despite international attempts to change these ideas about children, there is strong resistance from both parents and government against more inclusion of children’s opinions and participation in larger family, community, and national decisions. While it is clear that both adults and the government are acting in what they see to be the best interest of children and families, and are committed to socializing and protecting children, their adherence to this model silences children and limits their overall participation. The perception of children as passive beneficiaries of social protection, and also as deviant and disruptive, has increased adult and government use of corporal punishment and the institutionalization of children. Physical punishment of children is widely condoned among adults in Antiguan society. This punishment does not only involve slapping and flogging, but also takes the form of loud scolding (Barrow 2001). Although efforts have been underway to change the practice of physical punishment in Antigua and other Caribbean societies, there has been great resistance and even a loss of the limited gains of the 1990s. A contributing factor has been the growing public perception that children in Antigua and Barbuda and other Caribbean countries have become more deviant and disruptive. This perception has been strengthened by media sensationalization of crimes committed by young people. In response, a number of programs have been put in place to keep students constructively engaged during after-school hours. However, these programs are few and their contribution towards more active social participation has been limited. In the Situation Analysis of Children and Women in Caribbean Countries, prepared to inform on activities and programs in the 2003–2007 period, UNICEF exposes a Caribbean environment with few examples of projects and programs that are more than mere token responses to international pressure (Barrow 2001). RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Benjamin, Ernest, and Edris Bird. 1998. 1991–1996 Situation Analysis of Children and Their Families: Consolidating Social Achievements and Meeting the Challenges of the 21st Century. Child Survival, Development and Protection in Antigua and Barbuda. Bridgetown: UNICEF, Caribbean Area Office. This comprehensive report on Antigua and Barbuda society through 1996 details the experience of women and children and the political, social, and economic structures made available by this small Caribbean nation to provide for this population. Detailed population statistics and socio-economic information are provided in the report. Daniel, CarolAnn. 2004 ‘‘Social Work with West Indian Families: A Multilevel Approach.’’ Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Services 2, no. 3/4: 135–145. This article examines the experience of Caribbean immigrants in New York City and the social and economic challenges faced by families in the urban
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environment. Daniel also addresses the emotional impact of long-term separation on children and the challenges of unification with parents. Kelly, Michael J., and Brendan Bain. 2005. Education and HIV/AIDS in the Caribbean. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle. This study addresses the impact of HIV/ AIDS on education in the Caribbean context and outlines for readers lessons to be learned form the global experience. The role of education in AIDS prevention is the primary focus of this work, which looks at how the education sector can play a role in reducing the impact and spread of HIV/AIDS. Lazarus Black, Mindie. 1994. ‘‘Alternative Readings: The Status of the Status of Children Act in Antigua and Barbuda.’’ Law and Society Review 28, no. 5: 993–1018. The role of law in the construction of identity in Antigua and Barbuda is analyzed in this article. The focus is the 1986 Parliamentary law that enabled fathers to recognize their illegitimate children and end legal discrimination against such children, who constituted some 80 percent of the population.
Web Sites Antigua and Barbuda Government, http://www.ab.gov.ag/gov_v2/index.php. Complete Antigua and Barbuda Summary 2001: Report 2001. July, 2004. Vol. 1, http://www.ab.gov.ag/gov_v2/government/statsandreports/statsandreports2005/ complete_census_summary_report.pdf. Report of the Caribbean Summit for Children on HIV/AIDS, Bridgetown, Barbados, 21–23 March 2004. 2005. Bridgetown, Barbados: United Nations Children’s Fund, http://www.unicef.org/barbados/cao_publications_hivreport.pdf. 2005 Common Entrance Passes, http://www.ab.gov.ag/gov_v2/government/stat sandreports/statsandreports2005/2005common_entrance_passes.pdf. UNGASS Report 2005: Antigua and Barbuda, http://www.unaids.org/en/publica tions/2005ungassreporting/default.asp. UNICEF, http://www.unicef.org. UNICEF. At a Glance: Antigua and Barbuda, http://www.unicef.org/infobycoun try/antiguabarbuda.html.
Organizations and NGOs All Saints Community Caring Group Alphonso Daniel, Vice President All Saints Road St. John’s, Antigua, W.I. Phone: (268) 460-2634 Committed to dedicated service for the entire community. Amazing Grace Foundation Clarence Pilgrim, Chairperson
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All Saints Road, P.O. Box 2142 St. John’s, Antigua, W.I. Phone: (268) 560-1989 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.amazinggracefoundation.org Provides a home and respite care to children with severe disability. Antigua & Barbuda Association of Persons with Disabilities (ABAPD) Leslie A. Emanuel, Public Relations Officer P.O. Box W123, Woods Centre St. John’s, Antigua, W.I. Phone: (268) 461-7260 Email: [email protected] Provides an environment that enhances and maximizes the opportunity for every person with a physical, mental, intellectual and/or sensory disability. Antigua & Barbuda Centre for Dyslexia Awareness (ABCD) Desiree Antonio, President U.S. Peace Corps Office P.O. Box 3613, Factory Road St. John’s, Antigua, W.I. Phone: (268) 560-8168 Email: [email protected] ABCD’s mottos are ‘‘To be differently able’’ and ‘‘If they can’t learn the way we teach, then we must teach the way they learn.’’ Girl Guides Association Caroline McCoy, President P.O. Box 984, Deanery Lane St. Johns, Antigua, W.I. Phone: (268) 460-1285 Email: [email protected] The mission of the Girl Guides is to enable girls and young women to develop to their fullest potential, thereby contributing to national, regional, and worldwide development. Humanitarian Ecumenical Relief Organization (HERO) Brent B. Emanuel, Director P.O. Box W325 St. John’s, Antigua, W.I. Phone: (268) 462-1366 Fax: (268) 462-5971 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.heroantigua.com HERO, as a cooperative effort of Christian churches in Antigua and Barbuda, seeks to provide moral, spiritual, and financial assistance to persons in desperate circumstances. National Association for Mental Health Greta Georges, President Hope Centre
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Nugent Avenue St. John’s, Antigua, W.I. Phone: (268) 560-2734 To work with the family and friends of people with mental illness alongside professionals; to develop public awareness of mental illness. The Pan American Health Organization Web site: http://www.paho.org Serving as the regional office in the Americas for the World Health Organization (WHO), PAHO has 100 years of experience working to improve health and living standards in the region. The Professional Organization for Women in Antigua and Barbuda (POWA) Web site: http://www.powa-anu.org/iwc2004.html Professional Organization of women in Antigua and Barbuda Resource and Networking organization aiming to empower women. Soroptimist Lenore Worrell, Assistant Treasurer P.O. Box 3161 St. John’s, Antigua, W.I. Phone: (268) 560-0185 Fax: (268) 562-2465 Developmental assistance to women and children in literacy, health, and environment. Victorious Living Outreach Ministry Cornelia Michael, President P.O. Box 477 St. John’s, Antigua, W.I. Phone: (268) 461-0996 To promote positive Christian value amongst youths; to motivate and inspire youths on setting positive goals for the future; to encourage youth participation and concern for the elderly. Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA) Cornnelia Michael, President P.O. Box 477 St. John’s, Antigua, W.I. Phone: (268) 461-0996 The oldest and largest multicultural women’s organization in the world committed to eliminating racism and empowering women.
Selected Bibliography Antigua and Barbuda Summary 2001: Summary Social, Economic, Demographic, and Housing Characteristics. Issued July, 2004. Vol.1 http://www.ab.gov.ag/ gov_v2/government/statsandreports/statsandreports2005/complete_census_ summary_report.pdf. Accessed July 26, 2006.
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Barrow, Christine. 2001. Situation Analysis of Children and Women in Twelve Countries in the Caribbean. Barbados: UNICEF Caribbean Area Office. http:// www.unicef.org/barbados/SitAn_Final_Report.doc. Accessed July 26, 2006. Benjamin, Ernest, and Edris Bird. 1998. 1991–1996 Situation Analysis of Children and Their Families: Consolidating Social Achievements and Meeting the Challenges of the 21st Century. Child Survival, Development and Protection in Antigua and Barbuda. Bridgetown: UNICEF, Caribbean Area Office, Daniel, CarolAnn. 2004. ‘‘Social Work with West Indian Families: A Multilevel Approach.’’ Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Services 2, no. 3/4: 135–145. The EFA 2000 Assessment Reports: Country Reports. Antigua and Barbuda. http://www2.unesco.org/wef/countryreports/antigua_barbuda/contents .html ‘‘Family Law Reform in the Caribbean.’’ 2002. Children in Focus 15, no. 1: 1, 4. http://www.unicef.org/barbados/cao_publications_cifreform.pdf. Accessed October 28, 2006. Government of Antigua and Barbuda: Members of the House of Representatives. http://www.ab.gov.ag. Accessed November 29, 2006. Human Development Report 2006: Antigua and Barbuda. http://www.hdr.undp .org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/date_sheets/cty_ds_ATG.htl. Accessed November 29, 2006. Kelly, Michael J., and Brendan Bain. 2005. Education and HIV/AIDS in the Caribbean. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle. ‘‘OAS to Assist Antigua with Agriculture/Tourism Linkages.’’ OAS Antigua & Barbuda Newsletter. 2, no. 4. http://www.ckln.org/files/Antigua&BarbudaOAS %20Newsletter%20II.4%20E.doc. Accessed December 26, 2006. Pan American Health Organization. Antigua and Barbuda, Health Situation Analysis and Trends Summary. http://www.paho.org/English/DD/AIS/cp_028 .htm. Population Reference Bureau. 2006 World Population Data Sheet. http://www.albany .edu/yhuang/2006WorldDataSheet.pdf. Report of the Caribbean Summit for Children on HIV/AIDS, Bridgetown, Barbados, 21–23 March 2004. 2005. Bridgetown, Barbados: United Nations Children’s Fund. http://www.unicef.org/barbados/cao_publications_hivreport.pdf. Accessed October 27, 2006. Robert, Viviennet. 2006. National Report on Higher Education in Antigua and Barbuda. Caracas, Venezuela: IESALC/UNESCO, International Institute for Higher Education in Latin America and the Caribbean. http://www.iesalc .unesco.org.ve/programas/nacionales/antigua%20y%20bermuda/national%20 report%20antigua.pdf. Spooner, Mary, CarolAnn Daniel, and Annette M. Mahoney. 2004. ‘‘Confronting the Reality: An Overview of the Impact of HIV/AIDS on the Caribbean Community.’’ Journal of Refugee and Immigrant Services 2, no. 4: 49–67. UNGASS Report. 2005. Antigua and Barbuda, http://www.unaids.org/en/ publications/2005ungassreporting/default.asp. United Nations. 2004. Convention on the Rights of the Child 37th Session: Committee Considers Initial Reporting of Antigua and Barbuda. http:// www.hrea.org/lists/child-rights/markup/msg00333.html. Accessed July 25, 2006. ———. 2005. United Nations Children’s Fund. At a Glance: Antigua and Barbuda http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/antiguabarbuda.html.
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———. 2005. The State of the World’s Children 2006: Excluded and Invisible. New York: UNICEF. United Nations Population and Vital Statistics Report. http://unstats.un.org/unsd/ seriesa/031.asp. Accessed October 20, 2006. U.S. Department of State. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Antigua and Barbuda 2001. http://www.terrorismcentral.com. Accessed October 20, 2006.
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THE BAHAMAS Elizabeth M. Hunter NATIONAL PROFILE The Commonwealth of the Bahamas is an independent nation made up of 700 islands and 2,400 cays that stretch from 50 miles off southeast Florida for some 600 miles, extending almost to Haiti in the Atlantic Ocean. Only thirty of the islands are inhabited, and almost 70 percent of the population resides on New Providence, one of the smallest of the major islands. The capital and principal city is Nassau, on New Providence Island. The climate of the Bahamas is humid and subtropical. The annual rainfall averages 1,200 millimeters, and temperatures normally range between 20°C and 30°C. Hurricanes, fairly common between May and November, have caused severe damage on several occasions (Emergency Disaster Data Base 2006). The population of the Bahamas is 303,770, with a growth rate of 0.64 percent. The average life expectancy of a Bahamian is seventy-two years. The sex ratio at birth is 1.02 males per female, and in the total population it is 0.96 males per female. Age
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structure statistics indicate that the age group consisting of one- to fourteen-year-olds includes 27.5 percent of the population (there are currently 41,799 males and 41,733 females in this age group). The age group consisting of fifteen- to sixty-four-year-olds includes 66.1 percent of the population (98,847 males and 102,074 females), and 6.4 percent of the population is sixty-five years old and over (7,891 males and 11,426 females). The birth rate in the Bahamas is 17.57 births per 1,000 population. The total fertility rate is 2.18 children born per woman, and the death rate is 9.05 deaths per 1,000 population (Government of the Bahamas, Department of Statistics 2005). In 1990, the infant mortality rate was twenty-two per 1,000 live births, and in 2005 it was thirteen (United Nations [UN] Children’s Fund [UNICEF], At a Glance). In terms of ethnicity, 85 percent of the population is black, 12 percent white, and 3 percent Asian and Hispanic. English is the official language of the Bahamian population, and Creole predominates among Haitian immigrants. The Bahamas’ Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 2005 was $5.8 billion, with a GDP per capita of $18,062, although 9.3 percent of the population lived below the poverty line in 2004 (U.S. Department of State 2007). Labor force statistics for 2005, reported by occupation, show an estimated 5 percent employed in agriculture, 5 percent in industry, 50 percent in tourism, and 40 percent in other services; the estimated unemployment rate was 10.3 percent in 2005 (Central Intelligence Agency 2007). The female population of the Bahamas numbers 155,896. There were 86,055 women in the labor force in 2004, and of them, 76,560 were employed (9,495 were unemployed) (Government of the Bahamas, Department of Statistics 2005). In 2002–2003, 88 percent of Bahamian girls were enrolled in primary education (UNICEF 2005), and 96.5 percent of the female population could read and write (2003 estimate). With the May 2002 elections, eight of the forty seats in the lower house were held by women (20 percent) and seven of the sixteen seats of the upper house (43.7 percent) (Interparliamentary Union 2007). In 2003, 40 percent of managers and legislators together were women (UN Statistics Division 2006). Recent studies emphasize the conditions of women as heads of household in the Bahamas. Women are often tasked with the well-being of the family and especially with the responsibilities of parenting. Bahamian women’s roles also include extended family obligations, pregnancy, childbearing and rearing, and supporting the household materially (Hahnlen et al. 1997). In the Bahamas, HIV/AIDS is increasingly a reason for the existence of single-parent families. Between the first reported case in August 1985 and March 2005, 10,187 cases were identified (Thurston 2005). International agencies report a 3.3 percent incidence rate and 6,800 persons living with HIV/AIDS in the Bahamas in 2005, of which 6,500 were aged fifteen to forty-nine; of the 6,500 cases, 58 percent were
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women (UNAIDS 2006, 309). Women of childbearing age and young women (ages fifteen to forty-four) are the fastest growing population of HIV/AIDS victims (Neely-Smith 2003, 741). Adverse consequences of this dilemma are mother-to-child transmission, declining family welfare, and the breakdown of the family structure, including increasing numbers of orphans. The government is making strides for the good of children and families. The Ministry of Public Service emphasizes the ‘‘people focused–people driven’’ mission of the government (Government of the Bahamas, Ministry of Public Service 2005). The Ministry of Social Services and Community Development and the Department of Social Services have responsibility for coordination of government actions and policies with regard to children and for monitoring the implementation in the Bahamas of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) (Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights 2004, 5). Within the Ministry, the Bureau of Women’s Affairs and the Department of Rehabilitative Services also oversee state efforts in support of Bahamian families, and in particular for the welfare of women and children (Government of the Bahamas, Ministry of Social Services and Community Development 2005). The Bahamas Department of Social Services’ areas of responsibility encompass public assistance, social welfare, old age pensions, indigent and aged persons, care facilities, child protection, self help, and disabled persons. There is also attention to the problem of homelessness. The Urban Renewal Community Policing Project initiated in June 2002 is a comprehensive approach to solving interrelated social problems, including crime, poor housing conditions, unemployment, illiteracy, HIV/AIDS, and homelessness (Dean 2005). In addition to proactive ministries and agencies, international and domestic nongovernmental organizations, such as UNICEF, the Bahamas Red Cross Society, the Bahamas Association for Social Health, and the Bahamas Crisis Center, work closely with the government in KEY FACTS – THE BAHAMAS pursuing the welfare of children Population: 3 million (July 2007 est.) and their families. Religious Life expectancy at birth: 65.66 years (2007 est.) organizations also contribute to Literacy rate: 95.6 percent (2003 est.) social development in the BahaNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 84 percent (2000–2005) Internet users: 93,000 (2005) mas and have, for example, People living with HIV/AIDS: 6800 (2005 est.) supported the creation of afterschool enrichment programs, Sources: CIA World Factbook: The Bahamas. https://www.cia.gov/ cia/publications/factbook/geos/bf.html. April 17, 2007; UNICEF. hospitals, and the delivery of priAt a Glance: Bahamas––Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ mary health care. Authorities in infobycountry/bahamas.html. May 1, 2007; World Health the religious community are Organization (WHO): UNAIDS/WHO Global HIV/AIDS Online respected and their views are Database. ‘‘Epidemiological Fact Sheets on HIV/AIDS and Sexuality Transmitted Diseases: Bahamas.’’ http://www.who.int/ taken into consideration. GlobalAtlas/predefinedReports/EFS2006/index.asp? The UNCRC, adopted by the strSelectedCountry¼BS. December 2006. General Assembly of the United
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Nations on November 20, 1989, and ratified by every Caribbean country, serves as a guide for states to set missions and goals for the good of the children and their families. The Bahamas signed on October 30, 1990, and ratified the convention on February 20, 1991. Article 19 of the convention requires governments to take ‘‘all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to protect the child from all forms of physical or mental violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation’’ (University of Minnesota 1989). Article 19 thus states that children should not be hurt in any way and even parents have no right to hurt a child. Article 42 states that all adults and children should know about the CRC; children have the right to learn their rights (University of Minnesota 1989). The Bahamian government has used the convention to orient the efforts of ministries, agencies, and registries with regard to families, women, and children. OVERVIEW The CRC affirms that children, because of their vulnerability, need special care and protection; it places special emphasis on the primary caring and protective responsibilities of the family. McCartney reflects upon Bahamian culture and the desire to support the needs of children. ‘‘It is important and necessary for the survival of a people that they expose themselves, particularly their children, to the history and culture of their ancestors. This exposure will ensure their successful transition from childhood to adulthood. In this way, they will become proud contributors to the future development of their nation, and by extension, the world’’ (McCartney 2004, 2). The history of the islands of the Bahamas precedes the European conquest of Latin America and the Caribbean. When Christopher Columbus encountered the New World on San Salvador in 1492, the Arawak Indians were the only inhabitants. The first English settlements were established during the seventeenth century. In 1781, the Spanish attacked and captured Nassau, claiming the colony. Two years later, the islands came under the rule of Great Britain. The history of the island changed radically as black slaves labored on cotton plantations when Loyalists from the American Revolution migrated to the islands. The emancipation of the slaves transformed island life again in 1834. During the American Civil War, blockade running enriched the economy as did rum running during the prohibition era. During World War II and in the early 1950s, the town of Freeport was established, and offshore banking and a rise in tourism stimulated the economy enormously (Mitchell 1972). The Bahamas became independent on July 10, 1973. Currently, the Bahamas is organized politically with a parliamentary form of government under the 1973 Constitution. The prime minister is
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the head of government, and the monarch of the United Kingdom is the titular head of state. There are twenty-one administrative districts. A sixteen-seat Senate and a forty-seat House of Assembly compose the bicameral national legislature. According to Sullivan, ‘‘the Bahamas stands out among the Caribbean nations because of its relative wealth and prosperity’’ (Sullivan 1991). The Bahamas took in more than $2 billion in 2005 nearly from more than million tourists. International banking and investment management augment the tourist economy, with more than 400 banking institutions from thirty-six countries. The main industries in the Bahamas are tourism, which includes a thriving filmmaking component (Government of the Bahamas, Department of Tourism 2006), banking, e-commerce, cement, oil refining, and transshipment. Presently, Bahamian agriculture includes citrus, vegetables, and poultry, and the national exports are fish and crawfish, rum, salt chemical, and fruits and vegetables (National Geographic Society 2004). The Bahamian economy is affected by international events and trends, including the drug trade, as well as natural disasters. The United States has played a prominent role as a source of tourism, a participant in financial activities, and a trade partner (Urwick 2002), and tourism was directly and adversely affected by the 9/11 terrorist attack in the United States in 2001. Natural disasters such as hurricanes and storms that carry significant winds also affect tourism and the economy more generally. There have been sixteen hurricanes (‘‘wind storms’’) with notable repercussions from 1926 to 2005, with some fifty people killed and 3,200 residents left homeless (Emergency Disaster Data Base 2006). The government of the Bahamas provides free education at the primary and secondary levels. Schooling is compulsory in the Bahamas for children from five to fourteen years of age. The literacy rate for Bahamians aged fifteen years and older is 95.6 percent (Government of the Bahamas, Department of Statistics 2005). There has been growth in public secondary and technological schools in recent years. In 1974, the College of the Bahamas was established in Nassau. The College of the Bahamas offers bachelor’s degrees and some master’s programs in conjunction with other universities, including the University of the West Indies, Florida International University, and the University of Miami (http://www.bahamasgov.com). The CRC stipulates in Article 22 that if children are refugees, they have a right to special protection and help. According to the 2000 Census, there were more than 38,000 migrants in the Bahamas (residents include citizens from more than seventy countries), with nearly 13,000 of them under nineteen years of age. Estimates are that 30,000 to 40,000 (and perhaps more) undocumented migrants are living in the Bahamas, 85 percent of them Haitians (Office of the High Commissioner 2004; Research and Support Sub-Committee of the National Education Conference 2005, 4). Bahamian policies for children are extended to citizens and both documented and undocumented immigrants. The Ministry of
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Social Services and all state agencies are implementing this and other provisions of the CRC, including protection from sexual exploitation and abuse, prostitution, and pornography (Article 34); protection from mistreatment by parents or guardians (Article 19); and protection from labor that is dangerous or interferes with their education (Article 32) (University of Minnesota 1989). Article 5 of the CRC states that parties shall respect the responsibilities, rights, and duties of parents or, where applicable, the members of the extended family or community as provided for by local custom, legal guardians, or other persons legally responsible for the child, to provide, in a manner consistent with the evolving capacities of the child, appropriate direction and guidance in the exercise by the child of the rights recognized in the CRC. Article 27 states that children have the right to an adequate standard of living, meaning that parents have the responsibility to provide food, clothes, a place to live, and so on. It also states that if parents cannot afford this, then the government should help (University of Minnesota 1989). Though ratified by the Bahamian government and used as the basis in the design of policies and reform efforts, much of the responsibility still falls on women as heads of household to earn the family income, protect and feed the children, and keep the family home intact. EDUCATION According to the Bahamas 2004 report to the UN’s Committee on the Rights of the Child, ‘‘there is no entrenched right to education under the Constitution of the Bahamas’’ (Office of the High Commissioner 2004, 34). As early as 1878, primary education was made compulsory in the colony, although secondary education remained under the aegis of the church until 1925 and the creation of a public high school (Bahamian History Online). The Education Act of 1962 provided the basis for the present system of education and its purposes. The principle inherent in the act is ‘‘pupils are to be educated in accordance with the wishes of their parents, having regard to the available resources and whether it is compatible with the provision of efficient instruction and training’’ (Office of the High Commissioner 2004, 34). British influences persist, though there has been both a ‘‘Bahamianization’’ and ‘‘Americanization’’ of education since independence (Urwick 2002). A White Paper on Education was published in 1972, primary school teachers were ‘‘Bahamianized’’ in the 1970s, explains Urwick, and a national curriculum was implemented in 1982 (2002). The schooling system in the Bahamas includes six years of primary education (ages five to eleven), three years of junior high (ages eleven to fourteen), and three years of high school (ages fourteen to seventeen). The Education Act promises that children will have access to state-provided
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education, though historically such access was not formally guaranteed until the end of the 1960s. As the status report prepared for the 18th National Education Conference in July 2005 explains, only one public secondary school existed and segregation prevailed in private schools (Research and Support Subcommittee of the National Education Conference 2005, 6). Compulsory education through grade nine was instituted, and in 2001 an amendment to the Education Act extended it to grade eleven (age sixteen) (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner 2004, 34). In 2005–2006, there were 159 public schools and eighty-six private schools in the Bahamas, with 51,146 students enrolled in public schools and 18,538 enrolled in private schools (Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology, 24, 29). Most of the private schools are all-age schools or primary schools. Expenditures in education were 16.9 percent of the national budget (Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology, 28). Private schools, often religious, receive government funding. Gross enrollment in primary schools in 2005–2006 was 100.2, and it was 87.7 in secondary schools, while net enrollment in primary was 91.1 and in secondary 89.9 (Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology, 28). UN enrollment figures show that at the primary level, 83 percent of boys and 85 percent of girls are enrolled; and at the secondary level 78 percent of girls and 70 percent of boys are enrolled (United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization [UNESCO]). The Ministry’s Educational Statistics Digest reports that in 2005–2006, 87.8 percent of teachers were trained, the student/teacher ratio was 16.7 at the primary level and 13.1 at the second level, and 2.9 percent of all students repeated (3.5 percent in primary and 0.7 percent in secondary) (Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology National Examination Results 2005, 28). The Bahamas educational system uses an examination system to assess learning in grades three and six (the Grade Level Assessment Tests [GLAT]); there is a certification at the completion of ninth grade (Bahamas Junior Certification); an exit examination is administered upon completion of grade twelve. The U.S.-based Psychological Corporation assisted with the creation of the GLAT, although local management was complete by 1998 (Urwick 2002). The exit exam, the Bahamas General Certificate of Education (BGCE), replaced the British General Certificate of Education in 1993 and the Ministry notes positive achievements, including a 90 percent participation rate and increasingly better scores (Ministry of Education, Science and Technology 2005, 2–8; see Urwick 2002). The expansion of preschool education has been a goal since the late 1980s, although most of what is available remains religious or private. There were three public preschools in 2005–2006 and forty-three schools with preschool units. The government provides access to education for disabled children. In 2005–2006, there were seventeen schools with special education classrooms and ten special education schools (Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology, 24).
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Technical and vocational education is also available. Programs exist for the study of construction, food, home economics, management and tourism, business, and electronic and computer studies (Office of the High Commissioner 2004). Higher education was reformed in 1974, expanding access for Bahamian students. Before 1974, higher education consisted of teacher education at Bahamas Teachers College (located in New Providence) and the San Salvador Teachers College (later merged with the College of the Bahamas); C.R. Walker Technical College offered technical education. The Bahamas affiliated with the University of the West Indies in 1964, and in 1973 the Bahamas Hotel Training College was created, followed by the College of the Bahamas in 1974 and the Bahamas Baptist Community College in 1995. ‘‘Offshore colleges’’ established in the Bahamas include College of St. Benedict, University of Miami, Sojourner Douglass College, Nova Southeastern University of Florida, Atlantic College, St. Thomas University (1995–2002), and Omega College (Fielding and Gibson 2005, 5–7). The 18th National Education Conference identified five challenges for the Ministry of Education, together with the Ministry’s response. These areas include institutional capacity for planning and implementation, provision for the educational needs of all students, the pool of local and qualified teachers, better performance by students, and the preparation of students in accord with national economic needs (Research and Support Subcommittee of the National Education Conference 2005). Indeed, steady growth in tourism and the associated boom in the construction industry appear to play a part in the early dropout rates of students in the Bahamas. In 2004, 16 percent of primary school-aged children were not in school (UNESCO), and there is much controversy about the dropout rate for secondary-level students (Smith 2005). PLAY AND RECREATION The Bahamian government promotes sports and recreation for children. The Ministry of Youth, Sports, and Housing has divisions that are responsible for Youth Development, National Youth Service, and Athletic and Sporting Development, and the Department of Sports within the Ministry attends to Recreational Programs, Relations with Sporting Organizations, Sports Promotion, the Bahamas Games, the Carifta Games, and the Development of Sporting Facilities (Government of the Bahamas, Ministry of Youth, Sports, and Housing). The Sports Division organizes a variety of programs and competitions, including the Elisha Obed Boxing championship for children ten to eighteen years old, Bahamas Inter-collegiate Sports Association (including basketball and volleyball among other sports), Primary Track and Field Championships, the Community Swim Championship, and the Annual Summer Sports Program (Office of the High Commissioner 2004). Basketball and softball
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are more popular than cricket (Urwick 2002). The Bahamas sends teams to the Carifta Games, a regional sports competition for youth aged thirteen to nineteen created in 1972. The Bahamas also participates in the international Special Olympics movement that provides sporting opportunities to individuals with intellectual disabilities. Music is an important part of Bahamian culture and local traditions. The varieties of music characteristic of the islands reflect the influences of African rhythms, the Calypso of the Caribbean, English traditions, and the African American gospel of the United States. The uniquely Bahamian Goombay music—meaning ‘‘rhythm’’ in the Bantu language—is played by ‘‘rake and scrape bands.’’ According to the Ministry of Tourism, these bands ‘‘have been playing goombay music since the time of slavery, when African slaves had few resources to create musical instruments.’’ ‘‘Traditionally, rake and scrape music is used to accompany the Bahamian Quadrille and the Heel and Toe Polka dances—another example of how African and European influences have blended together’’ (Art/Music/Dance 2007). Other dances include the Jump-In-Dance (with roots in West Africa) (Art/Music/Dance 2007). Bahamian national holidays include New Year’s Day, Labor Day (June 1), Independence Day (July 10), Emancipation Day (the first Monday in August), Discovery/Columbus Day (October 12), and Boxing Day (December 26). The unique Junkanoo national festival is celebrated from December 26 (Boxing Day) to January 1. The carnivalesque Junkanoo parade invites spectators to join in the celebration, marching in dance-like fashion to loud goombay music, whistles, and bells. Junkanoo is more than a parade, however (Rolle 2003). The One Family Junkanoo and Community Organization that formed in 1993 sees it a force for social change, ‘‘as an industry that embodies the creativity that will drive the Bahamian economy well into the twenty-first century’’—especially important for youth (http://www.onefamilyjunkanoo.org). The government has recently formally committed to encouraging the participation of children in cultural activities, including Junkanoo art, and has created a program for marching bands in inner cities (Office of the High Commissioner, 53). Other statesponsored cultural activities include the National Dance School, Theatre in the Park programming, the National Arts Festival, and the Summer Dance and Druming Program (Office of the UN High Commissioner 2004). The government of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas recognizes civic and community organizations that provide social and recreational programming. For example, the Bahamas Chess Federation is involved in education of children through school programs as well as a rehabilitation program in the prison (Bahamas Chess Federation 2005). There are some fifty-five parks and playgrounds in New Providence. The Bahamas Film Commission, a government organization, was established specifically to develop and facilitate film production in the Bahamas. Cable television has been available since 1995, and viewers have access to more than fifty
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channels from the United States, three from Europe, and one that is national (Urwick 2002). The Bahamas largest Internet service provider supplies residential and commercial subscribers. In 2005, there were 292 Internet users for each 1,000 persons, compared with fifty-five per 1,000 in 2001 (Reuters Foundation 2006). CHILD LABOR The Department of Labor is committed to the Declaration of the Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work adopted by the International Labor Organization (ILO) in 1998. The four major areas of the declaration are freedom of association and the right to collective bargaining, the elimination of forced and compulsory labor, abolition of child labor, and the elimination of discrimination in the workplace (International Labor Organization 1998). There are laws to protect children in the Bahamas, and the means exist to enforce them. The Bahamian constitution includes child labor in its section on fundamental rights and freedoms, and other specific legislation regarding child labor has been developed and more recently revised in light of the CRC. The Employment of Children (Prohibition) Act of 1939 prohibited the employment of persons under the age of fourteen (‘‘children’’) in an industrial undertaking or during school hours. The Employment of Young Persons Act (defined as anyone between twelve and seventeen years old), prohibited employment on a ship (save one employing family members within Bahamian waters) or in night work (Office of the High Commissioner 2004, 7). The Employment Act of 2001 repealed these prior laws, revising them as Part X of the Employment Act. In 2004, there were 8,635 youth between the ages of fifteen and nineteen years counted as part of the labor force (Government of the Bahamas, Department of Statistics 2005). Some Bahamian children aged five to fourteen do work. The revised Bahamian law allows that a child may be employed as a grocery packer, gift wrapper, peanut vendor, or newspaper vendor (for a period of five years after passage of the Employment Act). Night work for children is still prohibited as it is for young persons, with the exceptions of permissible employment, including hotels, restaurants, food stores, general merchandise stores, and gas stations. Legally, the prohibition of employment during school hours for any person under the age of fourteen years is maintained (Office of the High Commissioner). Work outside of school hours is regulated: a young person may work outside school hours for no more than three hours on a school day; in a school week, for no more than twenty-four hours; on a non-school day, for no more than eight hours; in a non-school week for no more than forty hours (Employment Act 2001). On June 14, 2002, the government ratified the ILO’s Convention 182 on elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labor (U.S. Department of State 2002).
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A Rapid Assessment of child labor completed by the ILO in 2002 (Dunn 2002) found a reported 189 cases of children working under conditions of child labor. Of them, 109 (57.6 percent) were involved in such forms of work as assisting in family businesses, vending, and services, 28 (14.8 percent) were related to tourism, and 52 cases (27.5 percent) were associated with the Worst Forms of Child Labor (Dunn 2002). Acknowledging the small and unsystematic sample (157 persons were consulted, including a number of children), the assessment noted that the reported cases ‘‘do not necessarily reflect a major child labor problem in the Bahamas, but raise concerns for further research and action’’ (Dunn 2002, 27). The CRC’s concluding observations on the 2005 report of the Bahamas referred in Section 57 to the ILO Rapid Assessment, expressing concern over the possibility of child prostitution and pornography (Office of the High Commissioner 2005). FAMILY The legal age for marriage in the Bahamas is eighteen for both women and men. In 1990, the ‘‘singulate mean age of marriage’’ was twentyseven for women and twenty-nine for men (United Nations Statistics Division 2006). Forty-one percent of households were headed by women in the late 1990s, and in 1993, 72 percent of all births were to single mothers aged ten to nineteen (Nowak 1999, 120). Social problems can also lead to divorce, abandonment, and single heads of household (Government of the Bahamas, Ministry of Health 2005). According to a 1997 ethnographic study of mothering in the Bahamas, ‘‘most mothers carried the bulk, if not all, of the responsibility for the well-being of their children, with familial obligations taking significant personal tolls; however, the community, often in the form of extended family, provides informal assistance. The small and relatively safe communities provided a reassuring context in which to raise children, and birthing experiences were also more of a family or community affair. Mothering experiences seemed to vary somewhat by island and the unique circumstances of the community’’ (Hahnlen et al. 1997). The Ministry of Health’s National Family Planning Policy is a priority goal within the country’s overall health policy. There appears to be substantial demand for such services (Government of the Bahamas, Ministry of Health 2005). In 1988, 61.7 percent of women aged fifteen to fortyfour used some form of contraception (United Nations Statistics Division 2006). The Ministry of Public health notes that between 1994 and 1995, an average of 246 women had six or more children and that many women have a space of only twelve or eighteen months between children (Government of the Bahamas, Ministry of Health 2005). Abortion is permitted in the Bahamas under very limited circumstances. Abortion is not penalized if the health or life of the woman is at risk (Choike.org 2006). Bahamian
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women have access to maternity leave of thirteen weeks’ duration with 100 percent of their wages paid (United Nations Statistics Division 2006). An important issue facing families is the HIV/AIDS epidemic occurring in the Bahamas. There are many repercussions for family members of those infected, including erratic school attendance of children because of sickness of a household member, the child’s own illness, poverty, the inability to obtain medication, and death in the family (Government of the Bahamas, Ministry of Health 2005). The effects on seropositive women who must maintain a range of traditional gender roles can be very negative (NeelySmith 2003). Children may wind up orphaned and homeless. A 2005 estimate of Bahamian children from birth to seventeen years of age orphaned by all causes was 8,000 (UNICEF, At a Glance). The Status of Children Act of 2002 abolished the distinction between children born inside and outside marriage (wedlock) that had previously allowed discrimination on this basis (Office of the High Commissioner, 40). Whether married or not, parents are expected to provide for their children. Cases of children who are neglected, abused, or abandoned are handled by the Child and Family Services Division and its Child Protective Services Unit. Alternative care for endangered children can be arranged, including placement with relatives, foster care, adoption, or institutional homes. At the time of the Bahamas report to the CRC, there were fifteen institutional facilities for children needing substitute family care, some public and some private with government support. Examples are the Elizabeth Estates Children’s Home for orphans one to eighteen years old and the Ranfurly Home for Children, a foster home setting for children five to eighteen years old. Adoption is difficult in the Bahamas; domestic adoptions of Bahamian children numbered fourteen in 2001, twenty-two in 2002, and nine in 2003 (Office of the High Commissioner, 17). The state offers social services for women, children, and families, including food assistance, financial assistance, programs for disabled children and adults, a national lunch program, and education in parenting. There were some 100 trained social workers in the Bahamas in the 1990s and private organizations participate extensively in support of state policies, including the Kiwanis, the Red Cross, the Bahamas Association for Social Health, and others (Nowak 1999, 122). HEALTH The 2000–2004 strategic plan of the Ministry of Health identified five principal directions of work: ‘‘healthy people; healthy environment; maximized resources; quality service; and healthcare planning.’’ Among the priorities were maternal and child health, adolescent school health, and family planning, as well as HIV/AIDS, disaster preparedness, emergency services, care of elders, and disease prevention and control (Pan American Health Organization). Needed infrastructure for a healthy population is
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in place. In 2004, 97 percent of the population had access to improved water, and 100 percent of both the rural and urban populations used adequate sanitation facilities (United Nations Children’s Fund, At a Glance). Water and sewage services are offered by the Grand Bahama Utility Co. and in the less populated islands, sewage is mainly septic tanks and latrines (Pan American Health Organization). Major hotels and resorts have onsite sewage treatment and disposal systems. In the 1990– 2004 period, the Bahamas had 101 physicians per 100,000 population, and there were 667 nurses working in the public sector (Reuters Foundation 2006; Pan American Health Organization); there are currently three public hospitals. The principal causes of death for men in 1996–2000 were communicable diseases, diseases of circulatory system, neoplasms, and external causes; for women circulatory system diseases, communicable diseases, and neoplasms were the principal causes of death (Pan American Health Organization). Disease prevention is a cornerstone of the approach of the Bahamas Ministry of Public Health. The Ministry of Public Health promotes vaccines as an important way to prevent disease in persons who receive them, and to protect those who come in contact with unvaccinated individuals (Government of the Bahamas, Ministry of Health 2005). The Expanded Program on Immunization that began in the Bahamas in the late 1970s is a cooperative activity with other nations, as well as with the World Health Organization and the Pan American Health Organization. The program initially vaccinated against diphtheria, pertussis, tetanus, polio, measles, and tuberculosis and expanded to include Haemophilus influenzae (Hib), mumps, rubella, and hepatitis B. Tuberculosis is controlled in a separate program. Another vaccine offered by the Ministry of Public Health, but not included in Expanded Program on Immunization, is a yellow fever vaccine (Government of the Bahamas, Ministry of Health 2005). Rates of vaccination of children are high (United Nations Children’s Fund, At a Glance), and vaccines are available for both immigrant and Bahamian children; the government has announced that immunization for Bahamian children under two years of age will be provided regardless of whether they live in the islands or another country (Government of the Bahamas, Ministry of Health 2005). The Maternal and Child Health Unit (MCH) was created in 1992 to provide maternal and child health services previously offered by Community Health Services. Established in response to the World Health Organization’s call for health for all by the year 2000, the MCH programs include adolescent health, school health, the immunization program, reproductive health and family planning, the Parentcraft program, lactation management, and the Suspected Child Abuse and Neglect Unit (SCAN) (Government of the Bahamas, Ministry of Health 2005). Infant mortality in 2005 was thirteen per 1,000 live births (United Nations Children’s Fund, At a Glance).
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Rehabilitation services are offered at hospitals, and the government is developing a more comprehensive set of programs for children and youth with disabilities. In 2001, the Ministry of Health established the Neurodevelopmental Clinic to offer diagnostic testing for those children and infants considered to be at risk. The Sandilands Rehabilitative Centre provides assistance for developmentally delayed children and youth via its in-patient Robert Smith Ward. There were 675 children and youth aged ten to nineteen with disabilities in the 2001–2003 period, as reported by the Bahamas to the Committee on the Rights of the Child; of them, 258 had learning disabilities, 109 had behavioral disabilities, 122 had vision problems, seventy-three had hearing problems, and 173 had speech problems (Office of the Higher Commissioner, 17). The Ministry of Health’s Adolescent Health Center is a communitybased public healthcare facility, created as a pilot project of the MCH program in 1993. It serves adolescents aged nine to nineteen and became self-standing in 1998. Viewing the adolescent ‘‘as an important participant in the family unit and the community,’’ the center has a ‘‘holistic and team approach to adolescent health and developmental issues’’ (Government of the Bahamas, Ministry of Health 2005). It offers services for a variety of problems experienced by youth, including sexual molestation, teen pregnancy and parenthood, behavioral problems (such as aggression, suicidal tendencies, and early sexual activity), substance abuse, depression, domestic violence and intrafamily conflict, low self-esteem, depression, and problems of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgendered youth (Government of the Bahamas, Ministry of Health 2005). HIV/AIDS is a serious problem in the Bahamas, where the prevalence rate among those aged fifteen and over was 3.3 percent at the end of 2005 (United Nations Children’s Fund, At a Glance). Some 6,800 individuals are living with HIV/AIDS (58 percent of adult cases being women) (UNAIDS 2006, 309). There were a total of sixty-seven children or youth living with AIDS at the end of 2003 (aged birth to nineteen); forty-five were four years old or younger (Office of the High Commissioner, 32). Unlike other countries, transmission in the Bahamas is primarily through heterosexual relations, according to Neely-Smith (2003). Former President Clinton has directed support to the Bahamas (and Rwanda) through his William Jefferson Clinton Foundation’s AIDS Initiative, providing assistance with improved national prevention and treatment programs, including the provision of retroviral drugs needed by patients. In his early 2005 trip to the Bahamas, he praised progress made, including a decline in pregnant HIV-positive women from 2.7 percent in 2001 to 1.6 percent in 2004, and the report that there were no new cases of HIV-infected newborns in 2004 (The Body 2005). Deaths were reduced from 250 in 2003 to 140 in 2004. The Bahamas will create a resource center and become a best-practice site for the Caribbean region (Government of the Bahamas, Ministry of Public Service 2005).
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In 2001, through its National Health Surveillance Committee, the Ministry of Health altered its approach to food safety. Scientific studies suggested that more emphasis needed to be placed on education in sound food safety methods, rather than whether or not food handlers had any communicable disease. However, food-borne illnesses remain a public health problem in the Bahamas (Government of the Bahamas, Ministry of Health 2005). Regarding the quality of the environment, the Department of Environmental Health Services (DEHS) monitors to ensure air, water, soil, and housing quality, and also monitors hazardous substances. DEHS has developed a comprehensive solid-waste plan for creating sanitary landfills. The public health laboratories monitor water and food quality. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS As explained in the Bahamas report to the Committee on the Rights of the Child, the Minors Act of 1976 established eighteen years as the age of majority, although specific laws may provide a variation of this general consideration. Eighteen is the age at which citizens of the Bahamas with ‘‘full legal capacity’’ may be registered as voters, though renouncing citizenship cannot be accomplished until the age of twenty-one. The Education Act of 1962 as amended in 1996 defines ‘‘child’’ in terms of compulsory school age (previously fourteen and now sixteen), while the Employment of Children Act of 1939 (revised in December 2001) defines a child as a person under the age of fourteen. The Sexual Offences and Domestic Violence Act of 1991 defines ‘‘minor’’ as a person under eighteen; here, a child under sixteen cannot be considered to consent to intercourse, and a person under fourteen cannot be guilty of rape, procuring, or other sexual offenses. The Children and Young Persons (Administration of Justice) Act explains the age limits on imprisonment or admission to an institution of detention, and prohibits the death penalty for a person under eighteen who commits a homicide. Individuals under the age of fifteen may not marry except under special dispensation (Marriage Act, 1908) and parental (or guardian) consent is needed for marrying before the age of eighteen. A person may be recruited into the police at the age of sixteen (Defense Act, 1979), though the armed forces stipulate the age of eighteen (Office of the High Commissioner 2004, 7–9). The number of people younger than eighteen years old charged with the commission of a crime (reported to the police) in 2001 totaled 128. Of these, twelve were cases of crimes against persons and 104 of crimes against property, and only three of the cases were young women. In 2002 there were thirty-five crimes against persons, 192 crimes against property, and 148 cases of ‘‘other major crime’’; fifty-six of the total cases involved a young woman (Office of the High Commissioner, 34–35). Children younger than ten years cannot be held in a detention center of any type. In 2003, fifty-nine boys between the ages of ten and sixteen years were
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sentenced to the Simpson Penn Center for Boys, and fifty-five girls were sentenced to the Willie Mae Pratt Center for Girls, while thirty males younger than eighteen years old and twenty-eight females were detained in adult facilities (Office of the High Commissioner, 36). There are a number of state and private sector organizations working with prevention and treatment of youth and child involvement with substance abuse. The Sandilands Rehabilitation Centre admitted 154 Bahamian children seventeen years old and younger in 2003 (Office of the High Commissioner, 39). The government maintains its commitment to controlling drug trafficking and the associated substance abuse by adults and children. It created a Task Force on Drug Abuse in 1984 whose mandate included education of the public. Programs for youth include the DrugFree Achievers Program, Peer Leadership Program, I’m Special Program for primary-age children, Bahamas Association for Social Health, and Teen Challenge, among others (Office of the High Commissioner 2004, 44–47). RELIGIOUS LIFE Religion is a vital part of Bahamian culture, and freedom of religion is provided in the constitution. Christianity is dominant, and the range of Christian and other denominations found in the islands includes Anglican, Assembly of God, Ba’hai Faith, Baptist, Brethren, Christian and Missionary Alliance, Christian Science, Church of God of Prophecy, Greek Orthodox, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Jewish, Latter Day Saints (Mormon), Lutheran, Methodist, Presbyterian, Roman Catholic, Seventh Day Adventist, and other smaller denominations (The Bahamas Guide). According to the 2000 census, the three largest religious denominations are Baptist (35.4 percent), Anglican (15.1 percent), and Roman Catholic (13.5 percent), with 8.1 percent Pentecostal, 4.8 percent Church of God, 4.2 percent Methodist, 15.2 percent other Christian, 2.9 percent none or unspecified, and 0.8 percent other (Solcolm House). There are practitioners of Rastafarianism and Hinduism and other South Asian religions, and some Bahamians identify as atheists (U.S. Department of State 2006; Association of Religion Data Archives 2006). There is no official state religion in the Bahamas, although the Bahamian Christian heritage is expressed in government speeches and cooperation with churches in design and implementation of social policy as well as in the presence of religion as an academic subject in public schools and in the mandatory testing organized by the state (U.S. Department of State 2006). When churches and ministries describe their philosophies for use in the promotion of tourism, they often mention ministry and activities for children. National holidays with a religious basis include Good Friday, Easter Monday, Whit Monday, and Christmas Day. Children in the Bahamas are protected by the law to have the freedom to choose their own religion. The law permits private associations, the
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constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the government generally respects this right in practice (U.S. Department of State 2006). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT In 2004, there were 520 cases of suspected child abuse reported to the Department of Social Services, 227 of which involved some form of neglect, 162 concerned alleged physical abuse, seventy-two were alleged sexual abuse, and there were forty-seven cases of incest. Concern about abuse is strong and April 2005 was declared Child Protection Month with nationwide programming organized by the Ministry of Social Services, the National Child Protection Council, other advocacy groups, and religious organizations (Government of the Bahamas 2005). Governmental and nongovernmental organizations address the problem of child abuse, including schools, the police, hospitals, community clinics, and the Ministries of Health and Social Services, especially the Department of Social Services. The Child and Young Persons (Administration of Justice) Act of 1987 establishes that willful assault, ill treatment, neglect, abandonment, or exposure of a child to suffering or injury is an offense leading to a fine or imprisonment (one year) or both. The Sexual Offences and Domestic Violence Act establishes the legal basis for protection of children from sexual exploitation or sexual abuse. The law requires that all persons who have contact with a child they believe to be abused sexually report their suspicions to the police. Failure to comply may bring a fine of $5,000 or imprisonment for two years or both. However, the same reporting requirement does not apply to cases of physical abuse, which healthcare professionals believe occurs quite frequently. The police refer reported cases of sexual and physical abuse to the Department of Social Services, which investigates them and can bring criminal charges against perpetrators. The Department may remove children from abusive situations if the court deems it necessary (Office of the High Commissioner 2004, 48; Government of the Bahamas, Ministry of Social Services 2005). There are stiff penalties for incest and other unlawful sexual activities. The coordination of efforts to prevent and treat child abuse is organized through the Ministry of Health’s Suspected Child Abuse and Neglect (SCAN) Team. Created in May 1999, the program is evidencebased and multidisciplinary. Agencies that are required to report abuse and neglect, and that cooperate in prevention efforts, include, among others, the police, Health Social Services, the Ministry of Education, Adolescent Health Centre, Social Service/Child Protective Services, the Crisis Centre, the Children’s Ward of Accident and Emergency, and the Attorney General’s Office. Nongovernmental organizations that advocate for children are also involved (Government of the Bahamas, Ministry of Health 2005).
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There is concern that sexual abuse has increased since 1991 and the Sexual Offences and Domestic Violence Act. Abuse of disabled children is also gaining more recognition and, as with the protection of all children, efforts are made to raise public awareness. In July 1997, a 24-hour Child Abuse Hotline was created in the Department of Social Services to facilitate reporting (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner 2004, 10–11).
GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Much has been achieved for children, women, and families in the Bahamas in the last thirty years. The government acknowledges that more needs to be done, especially given the standards of the CRC. The nature of the social and economic realities in the Bahamas is changing, part of postcolonial development within the context of globalization. The challenges of change are many. The Bahamas is often used as a gateway for drugs and illegal aliens bound for the United States. Issues like child labor, slave labor, child selling and indentured servitude, child pornography and prostitution do not characterize childhood in the Bahamas, yet they are being monitored. Legal reform to comply with the CRC has heightened awareness of old and newer problems, creating prohibitions and presenting the aspirations of a government that works closely with the organizations of civil society, other Caribbean states, and international institutions in its pursuit of better conditions for women and children. In his remarks in the House of Assembly discussion of a Child Protection Bill in November 2006, Minister of Youth, Sports, and Housing Neville Wisdom promised to introduce a new National Youth Policy in 2007.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Barratt, Peter. 2004. Bahama Saga: The Epic Story of the Bahama Islands. Bloomington, IN: Authorhouse. Barratt’s book combines history and fiction to provide a sweeping and polyvocal narrative of Bahamian history, beginning with the original Lucayan conquest, through the arrival of Columbus and subsequent recolonizations, to independence. Craton, M., and G. Saunders. 2000. Islanders in the Stream: A History of the Bahamian People. Volume Two: From the Ending of Slavery to the Twenty-First Century, new ed. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press. Using a New Social History approach, Craton provides a history of the Bahamas from the emancipation of slaves in 1834 to twentieth century modernization, independence in 1973, and post-independence development. Eschewing the traditional Eurocentric perspective, the author incorporates autobiographies, letters, official and media sources, and travelers’ accounts.
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Jenkins, Olga Culmer. 2000. Bahamian Memories: Island Voices of the Twentieth Century. Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida. Jenkins, child of Bahamian emigrants to the United States, presents a collection of oral histories that recount—in vernacular—the full range of traditional life in the Bahamas, from folk medical practices to economic and artisan activities. McCartney, Donald M. 2004. Bahamian Culture and Factors which Impact upon It. Pittsburgh, PA: Dorrance Publishing Co., Inc. Donald M. McCartney worked in the Bahamian education system and also as First Assistant Secretary in the Ministry of Public Service for the Bahamian Government. His book provides a reflective cultural and political history of the Bahamas. Neely-Smith, Shane. 2003. ‘‘The Impact of HIV/AIDS on Bahamian Women: A Feminist Perspective.’’ Health Care for Women International 24: 738–754. This article uses an ‘‘eclectic feminist approach’’ to explore the impact of HIV/AIDS on women in the Bahamas. It examines women’s different roles (caregiver, receiver of care, child bearer, and child rearer), arguing that nurses should empower women and also work toward a transformation of the patriarchal social order that oppresses women. Nowak, Barbara J. 1999. ‘‘Social Work in the Bahamas: A Profession Helps to Build a Nation.’’ International Social Work 42, no. 2: 117–126. Nowak’s article examines the social work profession in the Bahamas and how it has contributed to nation-building, focusing on social welfare problems, the policy and programs designed to address them, the roles of social work, social work training, and ongoing challenges and issues.
Web Sites The Government of the Bahamas. About the Bahamas, The Commonwealth of the Bahamas, http://www.bahamas.gov.bs/bahamasweb2/home.nsf/.
Organizations and NGOs Bahamas Association for Social Health (BASH) Columbus Ave. Chippingham P.O. Box SS-5372 Nassau, The Bahamas Phone: (242) 356-2274 Fax: (242) 356-5252 Created in 1990 ‘‘to provide a positive spiritual response to some of the pressing social needs of the Bahamian community.’’ Bahamas Crisis Center Dr. Sandra Dean-Patterson, Director P. O. Box EE-17910 Nassau, The Bahamas Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.bahamascrisiscentre.org Created in 1982 and previously known as The Women’s Crisis Centre, the Crisis Centre is ‘‘a registered, non-profit organization that provides services to people who are the victims of physical, sexual and emotional abuse.’’
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The Bahamas Family Planning Association Valerie Knowles, Manager 37 East Avenue, Centerville P.O. Box N-9071 Nassau, The Bahamas Phone: (242) 325-1663 Fax: (242) 325-4886 Email: [email protected] The Bahamas Family Planning Association was founded in 1984 and ‘‘is the only private organization providing family planning services in the Bahamas.’’ Services offered, in cooperation with the government, include contraceptives (including Norplant insertions), HIV/AIDS counseling, pap smears, education and awareness, and other medical services. The Bahamas Red Cross Society John F. Kennedy Drive Nassau, The Bahamas P.O. Box N-8331 Phone: (242) 323-7370 and (242) 328-4415 Fax: (242) 323-7404 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.bahamasredcross.org The Bahamas Red Cross Society (BRCS) was founded in 1939 under the umbrella of the British Red Cross. The Society trains some 500 persons each year in first aid, disaster preparedness, and the management of shelters, and also offers emergency relief services, including Meals on Wheels, home help service, and a school milk program. The BRCS has a Youth Department. Disabled Persons Organization of the Bahamas P.O. Box SS 19011 Nassau, The Bahamas Phone: (242) 325-7475 Fax: (242) 326-2189 Disabled Persons Organization of Bahamas is a National Assembly Member of Disabled Peoples’ International, an international organization dedicated to both equal opportunities for disabled individuals and their full participation in families, communities, and nations. One Family Junkanoo and Community Organization #31 West Street P.O. Box EE-1557 Nassau, The Bahamas Phone: (242) 328-3786 Email: [email protected] The artists that created this organization in 1993 identified the mission of ‘‘build[ing] Bahamian culture through Junkanoo.’’ ‘‘Junkanoo must be seen as the ‘raw material’ of the future. Further, the magnetic qualities of Junkanoo and its appeal to all Bahamians regardless of superficial differences, makes Junkanoo a powerful vehicle for social change, particularly among the youth of our nation.’’ Special Olympics Bahamas P.O. Box SS6149
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Nassau, The Bahamas Phone: (242) 323-4671 Fax: (242) 323-3720 The non-profit Bahamas Special Olympics Association is an affiliated member of the international Special Olympics, an international nonprofit organization active in 160 countries and dedicated to providing sports training and competition to individuals with intellectual disabilities such that they may be physically fit and successful members of society. Teen Challenge Bahamas P.O. Box SS-6754 Nassau, The Bahamas Phone: (242) 341-0613 Fax: (242) 341-0829 Email: [email protected] Teen Challenge is a worldwide organization, with 230 centers in 90 countries. The organization is dedicated to providing ‘‘practical solutions to people with life-controlling problems,’’ notably drugs and alcohol, through religious activity. Zonta Club of Nassau P.O. Box N-868 Nassau, The Bahamas Zonta is a women’s service club that created the AIDS Foundation of the Bahamas in 1992.
Selected Bibliography Art/Music/Dance. 2007. About the Bahamas, Local Customs, the Islands of the Bahamas. http://www.bahamas.com/bahamas/about/general.aspx?sectionid¼ 23148&level¼2. Association of Religion Data Archives. 2006. The Bahamas. http://www.thearda .com/internationalData/countries/Country_17_1.asp. Accessed April 20, 2007. The Bahamas Guide. (n.d.) Bahamas Facts and Figures, Religion, Faith and God in the Bahamas. http://www.thebahamasguide.com/facts/religion.htm. Bahamian History Online. Personalities in Bahamian Education. http://www .bahamasnationalarchives.bs/Bahamian_Educators/Educational%20Resources_ Bahamian%20Educators.htm. The Body: The Complete HIV/AIDS Resource. 2005. ‘‘President Bill Clinton Praises Bahamas for its HIV/AIDS Progress,’’ February 8. http://www.thebody.com/ content/art25416.html. Accessed April 20, 2007. Central Intelligence Agency. 2007. The World Factbook, The Bahamas. http:// www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/bf.html#Econ. Accessed April 10, 2007. Choike.org. 2006. Abortion Legislation in Latin America and the Caribbean. October 2006. http://www.choike.org/nuevo_eng/informes/5010.html. Accessed April 20, 2007. Dean, Stephen, Assistant Superintendent. 2005. ‘‘Royal Bahamas Police Target Urban Renewal.’’ Gazette 67, no. 1. http://www.gazette.rcmp-grc.gc.ca/article-en. html?category_id¼55&article_id¼104. Accessed April 20, 2007.
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Dunn, Leith L. 2002. The Bahamas: The Situation for Children in the Worst Forms of Child Labor in a Tourism Economy: A Rapid Assessment, December 2002. Port of Spain, Trinidad: ILO Subregional Office for the Caribbean. Emergency Disaster Data Base (EMDAT). 2006. Bahamas: Country Profiles— Natural Disasters. http://www.em-dat.net/disasters/Visualisation/profiles/ countryprofile.php. Accessed December 5, 2006. Employment Act 2001. http://www.lexbahamas.com/Employment%20Act%202001 .pdf. Accessed April 20, 2007. Fielding, William J., and Jeannie Gibson. 2005. National Report on Higher Education in The Commonwealth of the Bahamas, prepared for UNESCO, IESALC, May 2005, revised November 2005. http://www.iesalc.unesco.org.ve/programas/ nacionales/bahamas/national%20report%20bahamas.pdf. Accessed April 15, 2007. Government of the Bahamas. 2005. Press Releases: ‘‘April to Be Observed as Child Protection Month.’’ http://www.bahamas.gov.bs/bahamasweb2/home.nsf/ a2adf3d1baf5cc. Accessed December 8, 2006. ———. About the Bahamas, The Commonwealth of the Bahamas. 2005. http:// www.bahamas.gov.bs/bahamasweb2/home.nsf. Accessed December 4, 2006. ———. Department of Labour, The Commonwealth of the Bahamas. 2005. http:// www.bahamas.gov.bs/bahamasweb2/home.nsf/vContentW/67925557D9088 D0906256ED0007E9C86. Accessed December 8, 2006. ———. Department of Statistics, The Commonwealth of the Bahamas. 2005. http://www.bahamas.gov.bs/bahamasweb2/home.nsf/vContentW/7F1F4F 18B3F300C406256ED100726406. Accessed December 4, 2006. ———. Department of Tourism, The Commonwealth of the Bahamas. 2006. Bahamas Film Commission, 2006. http://www.bahamas.gov.bs/bahamasweb2/home. Accessed December 6, 2006. ———. Ministry of Health, National Insurance, and Public Information, The Commonwealth of the Bahamas. 2005. http://www.bahamas.gov.bs/bahamasweb2/ home.nsf/vContentW/9BD111B3C248696D8525708100524D38. Accessed December 11, 2006. ———. Ministry of Public Service, The Commonwealth of the Bahamas. 2005. http://www.bahamas.gov.bs/bahamasweb2/home.nsf/vContentW/F1EC04B E893B563D8525716F004F2291. Accessed December 4, 2006. ———. Ministry of Social Services and Community Development, The Commonwealth of the Bahamas. 2005. http://www.bahamas.gov.bs/bahamasweb2/ home.nsf/vContentW/FBDC348C7DE5F13806256F0000705889!Open Document&Highlight¼0,social%20services. Accessed December 5, 2006. Hahnlen, Nicole C., Mashawn S. Rosado, Kristin A. Capozzi, and Raeann R. Hamon. 1997. Mothering in the Bahamas: A Student Ethnography. ERIC Document #ED417004. International Labor Organization. 1998. ILO Declaration on the Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work. 86th Session, Geneva, June 1998. http://www.ilo .org/dyn/declaris/DECLARATIONWEB.static_jump?var_language¼EN&var_ pagename¼DECLARATIONTEXT. Accessed April 18, 2007. Interparliamentary Union. 2007. Women in National Parliaments: World Classification, Situation as of 28 February 2007. http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif .htm. Accessed March 30, 2007. McCartney, Donald M. 2004. Bahamian Culture and Factors which Impact upon It. Pittsburgh, PA: Dorrance Publishing Co., Inc.
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Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology. The Bahamas National Education Statistics Digest 2005–2006. http://www.bahamseducation.com/Media/ Publications/bnsd.pdf. Accessed April 4, 2007. ———. 2005. National Examinations Results. 2005. http://www.bahamaseducation .com/Media/Publications/BGCSE%20Exam%20Results%202005.pdf. Accessed April 1, 2006. http://www.bahamaseducation.com/Resources/Examinations% 20&%20Assessments/National%20Examinations%20Results%202005.pdf. Accessed April 1, 2007. Mitchell, Harold Paton. 1972. Caribbean Patterns: A Political and Economic Study of the Contemporary Caribbean. 2nd ed. New York: Wiley. Moore, James E. 1988. Pelican Guide to the Bahamas. Gretna, LA: Pelican Publishing Co. National Geographic Society. 2004. Bahamas, National Geographic Atlas of the World. 8th ed. http://www3.nationalgeographic.com/places/countries/ country_bahamas.html. Accessed December 4, 2006. Neely-Smith, Shane. 2003. ‘‘The Impact of HIV/AIDS on Bahamian Women: A Feminist Perspective.’’ Health Care for Women International 24: 738–754. Nowak, Barbara J. 1999. ‘‘Social Work in the Bahamas: A Profession Helps to Build a Nation.’’ International Social Work 42, no. 2: 117–126. Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. Implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child; Responses to Issues to Be Taken Up in Consideration of the Initial Report of the Bahamas (CRC/C/8/ Add50). http://www.ohchr.org/English/bodfies/crc/docs/AdvanceVersions/ CRC.C.RESP.BHS.doc. Accessed April 10, 2007. ———. Committee on the Rights of the Child. 2004. Consideration of Reports Submitted by State Parties under Article 44 of the Convention, Initial Reports of State Parties Due in 1993, Bahamas [5 June 2003]. http://www.unhchr.ch/ tbs/doc.nsf/(Symbol)/CRC.C.8.Add.50.En?OpenDocument. Accessed April 10, 2006. ———. 2005. Consideration of Reports Submitted by State Parties under Article 44 of the Convention. Concluding Observations: The Bahamas, March 31, 2005. http://www.ohchr.org/english/bodies/crc/docs/AdvanceVersions/CRC.C .RESP.BHS.doc. Accessed April 10, 2006. Pan American Health Organization. Bahamas: Health Situation Analysis and Trend Summary. http://www.paho.org/English/DD/AIS/cp_044.htm. Research and Support Subcommittee of the National Education Conference. 2005. The System of Education in The Commonwealth of The Bahamas. A status report prepared for the 18th National Education Conference, July 3–7, 2005. Reuters Foundation. 2006. AlertNet: Alerting Humanitarians to Emergencies. Bahamas. http://www.alertnet.org/db/cp/bahamas.htm. Accessed December 6, 2006. Rolle, James O. 2003. ‘‘Art Forms in Junkanoo,’’ December 10. The Nassau Guardian. http://www.thenassauguardian.net/print/375312173220402.php. Smith, Larry. 2005. ‘‘Fixing our Failing Schools.’’ The Nassau Institute. http:// www.nassauinstitute.org/wmview.php?ArtID¼540. Accessed April 20, 2007. Solcom House. Religion. http://www.solcomhouse.com/religion.htm. Accessed April 20, 2007. Sullivan, Mark, P. 1991. ‘‘The Bahamas.’’ Chapter 2A: General Information, Countries of the World: A CD-ROM Encyclopedia. http://www.highbeam.com/ doc/1P1-28383288.html. Accessed December 4, 2006.
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Thurston, Gladstone. 2005. Government of the Bahamas. Press Release, ‘‘Bahamas a Model in the Fight against AIDS,’’ August 27, 2005. http://www.bahamas. gov.bs/bahamasweb2/home.nsf/a2adf3d1baf5cc6e06256f03005ed59c/58d55 06a80fa2bbf8525706e00554353!OpenDocument. Accessed April 19, 2007. UNAIDS, Joint United Nations Program on HIV/AIDS. 2006. Report on the Global AIDS Epidemic 2006. UNAIDS, May. http://www.unaids.org/en/ HIV_data/2006GlobalReport/default.asp. Accessed April 10, 2007. United Nations Children Fund (UNICEF). 2005. State of the World’s Children 2006. http://www.unicef.org/sowc06. Accessed December 8, 2006. ———. At a Glance: Bahamas. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/bahamas.html. Accessed March 29, 2007. United Nations Development Programme. 2005. Human Development Report. http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2005/. Accessed December 5, 2006. United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Institute for Statistics. Education in the Bahamas. http://www.uis.unesco .org/prifles/EN/EDU/countryProfile_en.aspx?code¼440. Accessed March 31, 2007. United Nations Statistics Division, Demographic and Social Statistics. 2006. Statistics and Indicators on Women and Men. http://unstats.un.org/UNSD/ demographic/products/indwm/ww2005/tab5c.htm. University of Minnesota Human Rights Library. 1989. Convention on the Rights of the Child. http://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/instree/k2crc.htm. Accessed December 4, 2006. U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. 2002. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, The Bahamas. http://www .state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2002/18318.htm. Accessed December 6, 2006. ———. 2006. Bahamas, International Religious Freedom Report 2006. http:// www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2006/71447.htm. Accessed April 20, 2007. U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs. 2007. Background Notes: The Bahamas. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/1857.htm. Accessed April 21, 2007. Urwick, James. 2002. ‘‘The Bahamian Educational System: A Case Study in Americanization.’’ Comparative Education Review 46, no. 2: 157–182.
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BARBADOS Christine Barrow NATIONAL PROFILE The small-island developing state of Barbados is located midway along the chain of Caribbean islands. The flat landscape along with small size, only 432 square kilometers, contrasts with the volcanic mountain terrain of neighboring islands and has facilitated an island-wide, integrated pattern of development. These physical features, combined with a consistent record of stable government and social order, have placed the country among the more developed in the region. Barbados achieved independence from Britain in 1966 and has adopted a system of parliamentary democracy, with two major political parties and elections under universal suffrage constitutionally due every five years. On the Human Development Index of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Barbados is placed at 31, thereby qualifying for ‘‘high human development’’ status and ranking as the most developed nation within the Caribbean region. A more sensitive indicator is the Commonwealth Vulnerability
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Table 3.1. Basic Indicators for Barbados Total population 2006 Population under age 15, 2004 (% of total) Population ages 65 and over, 2004 (% of total) Total fertility rate, 2000–2005 (births per woman) Life expectancy at birth, 2004 (years) Adult literacy rate, 2004 (% ages 15 and older) GDP per capita, 2004 (PPP US$) Poverty, 2004 (% population living below poverty line) Population with sustainable access to improved water source, 2004 (%) Population with sustainable access to improved sanitation, 2004 (%)
270,000 19.3 10.1 1.5 74.9 99.4 15,720 13.9 100 100
Source: United Nations Development Programme (2006). GDP, Gross Domestic Product; PPP, purchasing parity power.
Index (CVI) based on a broader range of criteria and assessing vulnerability according to the three critical indicators: lack of diversification, export dependence, and the impact of natural disasters. Significantly, the analysis showed that ‘‘small states were systematically more vulnerable than larger countries, irrespective of their incomes’’ (Easter 1999, 407). Nevertheless, on this scale Barbados was ranked as ‘‘higher medium vulnerability’’ (Easter 1999). Modern-day Barbados emerged from a heritage of plantation sugar production under slavery to become an economy based on tourism and international services with some contribution from manufacturing and agriculture. However, an estimated 13.9 percent of the population lives below the poverty line (United Nations Development Programme 2006), and the country also experiences the symptoms of social decay that accompany development including increasing crime and violence, much of it related to drug abuse and trafficking, and the appearance of ‘‘gangs’’ of unemployed youths, chronic lifestyle diseases, community and family fragmentation, declining social capital, and social exclusion. The population has stabilized and the country has entered the final phase of demographic transition with a population of 270,000 in 2006, a reduced proportion of children, and an increasing cohort of elderly persons (see Table 3.1). Residents are predominantly of African and mixed origin with a small group, approximately 4 percent, of European extraction. With a population density of over 600 per square kilometer the country is, however, among the most heavily populated in the world. During the colonial period, declining mortality rates threatened a population explosion, but migration acted as a safety valve. Critical to population control in the later years of that era was the establishment of the Barbados Family Planning Association in the mid-1950s. This was followed by the passage of the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act of 1983, under which abortion became lawful. In the three decades up to
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the 1980s, the total fertility rate KEY FACTS – BARBADOS per woman declined from 4.2 to 2.1, and today it stands at 1.5. Population: 280,946 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 11.55 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) The Barbados record is acknowlLife expectancy at birth: 74 years (2004 est.) edged as a model of fertility conLiteracy rate: 99.4 percent (2004 est.) trol in the region. Success has Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 97 percent (2000–2005) been attributed to the easy access Internet users: 160,000 (2005) to information and contraceptive People living with HIV/AIDS: 2700 (2005 est.) Children living with HIV/AIDS: >100 (2005 est.) distribution, relatively high levels Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 5 (2006) of literacy and education among both men and women, the Sources: CIA World Factbook: Barbados. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/geos/bb.html. April 17, 2007; UNICEF. expansion of employment opporAt a Glance: Barbados–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ tunities, and the absence of infobycountry/barbados_statistics.html. April 24, 2007; World strong religious resistance since Health Organization (WHO): UNAIDS/WHO Global HIV/AIDS Online Database. ‘‘Epidemiological Fact Sheets on HIV/AIDS and the country is predominantly AnSexually Transmitted Diseases: Barbados.’’ http://www.who.int/ glican, not Catholic (Nag 1971). GlobalAtlas/predefinedReports/EFS2006/index.asp?str But perhaps the most important SelectedCountry¼BB. December 2006; United Nations factor was the positive response Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Barbados. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ to contraceptive use by young countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_BRB.html. April 26, 2007; Child women. While their mothers and Care Board, Government of Barbados. grandmothers viewed early and continuous child bearing as inevitable and motherhood as their role in life, today’s generation are more likely to view early and regular pregnancies as a deterrent to social mobility and a perpetuation of persistent poverty (Handwerker 1989, 112–113). The Ministry of Social Transformation coordinates and regulates the initiatives of three main agencies: the Welfare Department, the National Assistance Board, and the Child Care Department. The latter provides care and protection for vulnerable children in residential Children’s Homes and other centers, supervises and regulates private daycare services, provides counseling and other supports for children in need, and supervises the fostering and adoption of children. With the government assuming this overall responsibility, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) for children have not been a feature of the Barbadian landscape, the only major one being Parent Education for Development in Barbados (PAREDOS), which provides parenting education and support services. OVERVIEW The appearance of childhood as a distinct phase in the life cycle is relatively recent worldwide and even more so in the Caribbean. Under slavery and indentured labor, family life and childhood were virtually nonexistent. Those children that did manage to survive (infant and child mortality rates were extremely high) were earning their keep in agricultural and domestic work from the age of five years. By the time they were
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ten years old, they graduated to full plantation labor as members of the so-called Third Gang (Beckles 1989). Gradually over the latter half of the 1800s, education spread to the wider population and children were relocated into a school environment, although child labor persisted illegally for over a century. The social history of childhood in Barbados is still to be researched and documented. But the information we do have reveals the paradox of deplorable social and domestic conditions of family life, along with the positive value of children within the home where they were loved, desired, and the center of attention. A family was empty without children and, for both women and men, parenthood was centered in social identity (Greenfield 1966). In the last two generations or so, adolescence has also emerged as a distinct life-cycle phase. In other words, adult status as experienced through employment, pregnancy, and parenting has been postponed. On October 9, 1990, Barbados ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) without entering any reservations, thereby committing the country to all of its stipulations. The CRC seeks not only to ensure children’s rights to provisions in health, education, and welfare, and to protection from harm and danger, but it also advances the agenda for children from charity and welfare by advocating for their participation. This is translated into the right to express opinions and to be heard, to freedom of expression and access to information, and to freedom of association. Accordingly, the orthodox construct of children as incapable, passive, and dependent is replaced by one that elevates them to the status of social actors. Of major importance in child survival and development are provisions in health and education. Between 1951 and 1955, the infant mortality rate in Barbados was reported to be the highest in the region at 132.8 and was attributed to the outdated structure and stigma of public health services (Lowenthal 1957, 460–466). Interventions in hygiene and sanitation and an improved public health system reduced the rate sharply in the years that followed. The provision and expansion of education, first at the primary level and then at the secondary level, has been a remarkable achievement in Barbados. Coupled with the high level of demand from parents for an education for their children as an avenue to employment and social mobility, this resulted in high enrollment ratios from as early as the 1930s. The Anglican Church played an important role by building and operating primary schools, though their motives might have been somewhat suspect—to reinforce obedience and servitude rather than facilitate the advancement and development of the ex-slave population. By the mid1960s, the early elite provisions at the secondary level had been expanded by government under the banner of ‘‘free secondary education for all’’ as an independence promise.
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EDUCATION The Education Act, amended in 1992, makes education compulsory for all children up to the age of sixteen years, and Barbados boasts a proud record of near universal coverage for both boys and girls at the primary and secondary levels (see Table 3.2). Today, free education is provided at all levels within the system. Distributed throughout the country, fifteen day nurseries and several preschools have been established by the government at a highly subsidized cost to cater mainly to the children of low-income working women. A range of private facilities for daycare and early childhood education are also available, all of them inspected, licensed, and registered, although they are of varying quality. Primary education is provided privately and also by government. The transition from primary to secondary school is still determined by a screening test— the Common Entrance Examination—despite official and public concern that it traumatizes young children. The exam is known locally as the ‘‘screaming test’’ and labels children as failures at an early age. Virtually all secondary schools are government-operated, though there is a marked hierarchical distinction in quality and resources between the four so-called top schools with sixth form facilities and those at the bottom of the scholarly ladder. At the tertiary level, there are four main institutions providing academic, technical, and vocational education, including one of the three campuses of the University of the West Indies. Table 3.2. Child Indicators for Barbados Infant mortality rate, 2005 (per 1,000 live births) Child mortality rate, 2005 (per 1,000 live births) Maternal mortality rate, 1990–2005, (per 100,000 live births) Infants with low birth weight, 1996–2005 (%) Children underweight for age, 1996–2005 (% under 5) Births attended by skilled personnel, 1996–2005 (%) Immunization coverage DPT (diphtheria, pertussis, tetanus) Polio Measles HepB3 (hepatitis) Net primary school enrollment ratio, 2000–2005 (%) Boys Girls Net secondary school enrollment ration, 2000–2005 (%) Boys Girls Source: United Nations Children’s Fund (2006a).
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11 12 0 11 6 98 97 91 93 92 98 97 93 98
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It is notable that, even at this level, government continues to provide free tuition, despite budgetary constraints and the worldwide trend toward fee payment for tertiary education even in developed countries. There is, however, a deep concern over gender disparities and the poor academic performance of boys as measured by attrition rates, examination failure, and declining levels of functional literacy. Young black males from the poorer sections of society are most at risk within the system (Layne and Kutnick 2001). Table 3.2 shows the gender imbalance in enrollment rates that has appeared at the secondary level. Violence within schools is also reported to be on the increase. A recent survey conducted with a stratified sample of 521 secondary school students revealed that half considered school to be an unsafe place, almost two-thirds had witnessed a violent incident at school, and 60 percent reported at least weekly fights at school (Barbados 2005). Education for children with disabilities is provided in special units within mainstream schools and also in specialized schools. Concern has, however, been expressed that the focus has been on providing separate services for children with disabilities, rather than in accordance with a policy of social inclusion in mainstream educational facilities (United Nations Children’s Fund 2006b, 13). In sum, the educational system has pride of place in Barbados as the principal social institution providing the poor with the wherewithal for social mobility and reshaping the rigid race and class stratification of slavery and colonialism. In specific ways, however, the system continues to reflect and even reinforce social inequalities and to marginalize certain sectors of the population, such as those with more severe forms of disability. PLAY AND RECREATION Provisions for children’s play and recreation in the home, school, and community have been expanded during the last generation. Games and toys are more evident in homes, and children’s television programming is slotted on a daily basis during after-school hours and on Saturday mornings, though very few programs are of Caribbean origin. Play parks have appeared in communities and a variety of sporting clubs and organizations have been set up, primarily by private agencies, catering to a wide range of physical activities from tennis to horseback riding, chess to karate. All primary and secondary schools have access to sporting facilities and are mandated to schedule sports and games on their timetables. As students approach examinations, however, the time dedicated to these activities gives way to academic lessons. Of note also is the recent initiative on the part of government known as the Education Sector Enhancement Programme. Designed essentially to prepare young people for the twenty-first century, the program highlights the infusion of information technology into the curriculum.
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But the importance of stimulation and play, especially in early childhood, as expressed in the CRC has not penetrated into local cultural constructs of childhood or patterns of socialization and parent–child interaction, especially between parents and their children. Parenting is still defined in terms of care, protection, discipline, and learning. The escalating levels of crime and violence in communities confines many boys and girls to their own homes and yards, and the children of overburdened single parents spend much of their out-of-school time indoors and in front of television and computer screens. In schools, academic activities are given clear priority and many so-called extracurricular activities are squeezed into break and afterschool periods. The rhetoric that expresses the link between a healthy body and a healthy mind is often heard, but is yet to be translated into childhood. CHILD LABOR In sharp contrast to the past, today’s children are protected from child labor, legally and socially (see Table 3.3). Insofar as children do work, this does not take the form of child labor in factory and large-scale commercial enterprises, but there is an established cultural practice, among poorer families in particular, of children helping out in small farm, domestic, and informal sector activities. Summer jobs and assistance with chores are identified as culturally acceptable work for children and are perceived as important to socialization. FAMILY The term ‘‘matrifocality’’ or female-centeredness captures the essence of Afro-Caribbean family structure. This characteristic has been variously attributed to African matrilineal patterns, the devastating effects of slavery
Table 3.3. Age Stipulations by Law for Barbados Minimum age for leaving school Minimum age for employment Parental duty to support Age used to define child abuse Age of sexual consent Minimum age for marriage Minimum age for criminal responsibility Age of majority under penal law
16 16/18a/15b 18 16 16 16c/18 7/11d 16
a
Dangerous or unhealthy employment. Part-time employment. c With parental consent. d Age at which there is refutable presumption that the child is not responsible (the doli incapax rule). b
Source: United Nations Children’s Fund (2005).
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on domestic life, high unemployment, and migration among men and, more recently, to dominant patterns of masculinity defining male space as outside the home and family. What it means in effect is that kinship relations are centered on women, that grandmothers, mothers and children form the backbone of the domestic group, and that children are raised within extended family networks of maternal relations encompassing grandparents, aunts, uncles, siblings and half-siblings, and cousins. Not surprising then, are the high proportions of female-headed households in Barbados, estimated to comprise 44.5 percent of the total in 2000 (Barbados 2000). Also characteristic of these families is the strong and enduring bond between mother and child, in comparison with which conjugal relationships tend to be unstable and short-lived. Marriage is uncommon, with only 22.1 percent of women aged fifteen years and over in marital unions (Barbados 2000) and many women in either ‘‘visiting’’ or ‘‘commonlaw’’ relationships. In the former, the woman remains in her family home and is visited by her partner. Children are often born to the union, but paternal support, although mandated by law, is usually irregular and inadequate. In the latter, the couple is co-resident and may in later years be married, often as a result of pressure from the children of the union. From the perspective of childhood, the consequences of this familial pattern are that the majority of children are born out of wedlock and that fathers are absent or play a peripheral role in their lives, whether because they live elsewhere, have migrated, or have denied paternity. Barbados led the way in the Caribbean in passing the Status of Children (Reform) Act in 1979 to abolish ‘‘illegitimacy’’ and mandate unequivocally that all children, whatever the circumstances of their birth, are equal in the eyes of the law. Legislation in the form of the Succession Act was also on the books since 1975 to protect the inheritance rights of children born out of wedlock, as well as the Maintenance Act and Family Law Act to mandate financial support from fathers for children up to the age of eighteen years. Prior to the passage of these acts, the proportion of children labeled as ‘‘illegitimate’’ hovered at around 70 percent and, although there was no social stigma in their communities (Manyoni 1977), as ‘‘filius nullius’’ or the child of no one, they suffered discrimination under the law and in school, the church, and other formal social settings. The correlate of matrifocality in family life has been described as ‘‘male marginality,’’ but there has been a notable enhancement of the ideology and practice of fatherhood within the last generation or so. In contrast to their narrowly defined role in the past, which merely required fathers to provide financial support and occasional heavy-handed authority, today’s men are increasingly imaging and practicing fatherhood to include childcare and socialization—‘‘to be there for my children’’ (Barrow 1998). However, matrifocality also correlates with the phenomenon of the ‘‘outside child.’’ Large numbers of children are either born to adolescents
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and young adults who subsequently separate or are the result of extramarital relationships. They remain with their mothers and are effectively without fathers, many of whom will have formed stable conjugal relationships and co-residential families. The persistently brittle nature of the conjugal relationship shows up in the escalating divorce rates. The Barbados Family Law Act of 1981 shifted the basis for divorce from fault to mutual consent by stipulating ‘‘irretrievable breakdown’’ as the sole ground. Paradoxically, although there has been an increase in the marriage rate, divorces have also risen and quite significantly. From an average of 5.4 per 1,000 of the population over the last century, the marriage rate rose to an average of 11.5 between 2000 and 2005. Meanwhile, divorce has climbed steadily. From an average of 192 per year during the 1980s, the number has risen during the last ten years (1995–2004) from 393 to 507, with the divorce rate per 100 marriages reaching 15.73 (Barbados, various years). There is some indication that this may correlate with a cultural redefinition of conjugality from the previous emphasis on individual autonomy, a division of labor and place between spouses, and attachment to one’s own kin group, to new and more intense expectations of intimacy, romantic love, togetherness, fidelity, and commitment for the future. In 2004, a total of 352 children were affected by the divorce of their parents. No information on the ages of these children is available, but the fact that in over half of the cases the divorcing wives were under the age of forty-five suggests that significant numbers of the children might be quite young. Although the act gives priority to the interests of children as ‘‘the first and paramount concern’’ during divorce proceedings, a local sociologist refers to the negative impact: The major reactions among children of divorce in Barbados vary with age and level of maturity. They run the full range from guilt to anxiety, fear of abandonment, sleeping problems, eating disorders, hyperactivity, withdrawal and physical development regression. These problems are exacerbated by the fact that children are often used as pawns in the divorce proceedings such as when parents take opposite sides in relation to them and refuse to compromise in their interest. (Carter 1994, 36)
HEALTH Barbados provides free health care, including dental and eye care and prescription medication, for all children up to the age of sixteen years. Much has been accomplished in maternal and child health. As Table 3.2 shows, infant and child mortality and maternal mortality have been reduced to levels on par with developed countries, all deliveries are attended by professionals, low birth weight and underweight children are uncommon, and immunization coverage is high. The provision of
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antiretroviral drugs for all residents of Barbados who are HIV-positive has cut the mortality rate from AIDS-related infections by half and, therefore, significantly reduced the number of children orphaned by the disease. Additionally, the introduction of an AZT program in 1995 has lowered mother-to-child transmission (MTCT) by 82 percent. However, concerns have been expressed over long waiting periods in public health clinics and the uncaring and judgmental attitudes of many healthcare professionals. With most serious infectious diseases brought under control, health interventions are giving priority attention to chronic lifestyle problems, such as diabetes mellitus and heart and cardiovascular disease. The child malnutrition of yesteryear has virtually disappeared, but there is today, even among young children, growing evidence of obesity attributable to sedentary lifestyles and the consumption of junk food. A cause for serious concern is the spread of HIV infection to adolescents. A total of 38 percent of all cases of AIDS has occurred among persons aged fifteen to thirty-four years. Given the relatively long incubation period of the virus before it develops into full-blown AIDS, estimated at anywhere between seven and fifteen years, it is clear that a large proportion of infected persons is contracting the virus during teenage years. Data for adolescents disaggregated by sex reveal an alarming trend among teenage girls. While males carry a higher rate of infection in the overall population, the reverse is apparent within the adolescent cohort. Using the cumulative total since 1984, girls between the ages of ten and nineteen years outnumber boys in that age group by a ratio of 2.2 to 1 for HIV infection and 2.0 to 1 for AIDS cases. Rates of teenage motherhood have continued to decline and have averaged 16 percent of all births since the late 1980s. However, teenage abortions in the public hospital amount to nearly one-quarter of the total. Rates of teenage motherhood may thereby be reduced, but it is apparent that adolescent girls continue to be exposed to unprotected sex, pregnancy, and HIV infection. Health and Family Life Education and guidance counseling, including lifestyle information and advice, are provided in all secondary schools and increasingly at the primary level. The result is evident in the high levels of knowledge about health, sexuality, and safe sexual practices within the adolescent population (Carter 2001, 2004). But surveys conducted with adolescents and young persons have also exposed a disconnect between knowledge and practice and alarming evidence of high-risk sexual activity (Barrow forthcoming). In one sample of secondary school students, 33 percent had been sexually active and, of these, 50 percent claimed that sexual intercourse had occurred before the age of thirteen, while 25 percent had been active with more than one partner (Ellis et al. 1990). This and other studies expose subcultural patterns of early experimentation and initiation of sexual activity, short-term relationships and multiple
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partnering both serial and concurrent, and casual one-night-stand liaisons (Carter 2001, 29; Ellis et al. 1990, 7–8). It has been found, generally, that adolescents who start having sex early are involved with high-risk partners and multiple partners. Early sexual debut is, therefore, a critical risk activity. Of greatest concern is the prevalence among adolescents of unsafe sexual practice, in this context meaning sex without condom use. Among secondary school children who were sexually active, 63 percent had practiced sex without condoms (Ellis et al. 1990). A more recent survey identified a disturbing proportion (45.8 percent) of young persons aged fifteen to twenty-nine years who admitted to inconsistent condom use, and an alarming 21.9 percent of females who ‘‘never used condoms’’ (emphasis in original), compared with 12.2 percent of the males (Carter 2001, 25, 30). This survey took the point further by reporting that condom usage was lowest among those who perceived themselves to be at risk of HIV infection (Carter 2001, 24). It also appears that public opinion in Barbados is becoming less tolerant of alternative lifestyles and that stigma and discrimination may be growing, especially against men who have sex with men. The recent official recommendations for the decriminalization of homosexuality and also commercial sex work were emphatically rejected in a series of public town-hall meetings across the island. The resistance has been fueled by the growth of fundamentalist religious faiths. The physical environment of Barbados is generally considered to be healthy and the provision of services such as electricity, transport and communication, garbage disposal, safe drinking water, and sanitation services virtually universal (see Table 3.1). The majority of dwelling units (74.6 percent) are privately owned, public housing is provided for the poor at a heavily subsidized rental rate, and district hospitals provide accommodation for the elderly who would otherwise be destitute. However, there is also evidence of dilapidated housing, especially among the elderly poor. Public health services are accessible at the nation’s central hospital and at polyclinics located across the island. The polyclinics provide a comprehensive program of promotive, preventive, curative, and rehabilitative services that center on children’s health and well-being, including the following: . . . . . .
Maternal and child health Family life development programs including family planning Ophthalmic and dental care primarily for children General medical care including hypertension, diabetes, and STI Laboratory, radiological, and pharmaceutical services Nutrition
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Community mental health Environmental health
Children with disabilities are provided for at the Children’s Development Centre, which began as a volunteer organization, but now provides diagnosis, care, and treatment including physical, occupational, and speech therapy and primary health care to over 2,000 children. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The CRC has no force in law within the jurisdictions of the ratifying countries. Nevertheless, Barbados and other countries of the region had already implemented legal provisions to protect the rights of children. Most significant is the Status of Children (Reform) Act of 1979, mentioned earlier. In Section 3, the act states: The distinction at common law between the status of children born within or outside of marriage is abolished, and all children shall be of equal status; and a person is the child of his or her natural parents and his or her status as their child is independent of whether the child is born within or outside of marriage.
Section 6 states: This act applies to all children whether born before or after the commencement of this act and to all dispositions and instruments made after such commencement.
Minimum-age legislation to protect children has also been on the books since the colonial period (see Table 3.3). However, much is dated and continues to reflect the days when childhood was hardly recognized in the life cycle. For example, at the young age of eleven years a child is assumed to be criminally responsible. Substance abuse, mainly of alcohol, marijuana, and ‘‘crack’’ cocaine has become more prevalent with increasing numbers of young men between fourteen and sixteen years appearing before the juvenile court on charges of abuse. If found guilty of this or any other offense, they may be sent to the Government Industrial School, to the compound for boys or that for girls, for up to five years or until they are nineteen years of age. If inmates are over the age of sixteen years and are in breach of the regulations of the school, they may be sent to the adult prison. A critical point of concern is the slow and piecemeal process of law reform. Caribbean countries, including Barbados, have not drafted a comprehensive code for children and the law remains fragmented into several specific acts. This has prompted the response that ‘‘the legislation of the region does not adequately incorporate the ‘general principles’
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recognized in the CRC (such as decisions made in the best interests of the child) nor the ‘civil rights and freedoms’ of children (such as the right to be heard in decisions affecting them)’’ (United Nations Children’s Fund 2005, 16). Children as children and their rights are not centered in the laws of Barbados, and this has led to the perceptive conclusion that legislation does not focus on the ordinary child, but only the abused child, the abandoned child, the student, the school leaver, the ‘outside child’, the street child, the child prostitute, the delinquent, the child with a disability and so on. As a result most new laws do not address the needs of the whole child but rather a unidimensional child seen from the narrow perspective of some particular concern of society, i.e. ourselves as adults. It is an approach that continues to frame the child as a problem for society rather than an asset with rights to legal protection. Legislators and politicians thus far have not succeeded in putting the child at the center of law reform efforts concerning children. (United Nations Children’s Fund 2005, 16)
RELIGIOUS LIFE Barbados is still considered to be a religious society, with the majority of the population belonging to one of the approximately ninety Christian faiths on the island. The Anglican Church continues to be the largest denomination, though there has been an influx of fundamentalist faiths in recent years. Most children attend church and Sunday school, especially before they are teenagers, and daily Christian prayers and religious teaching are part of the school curriculum. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The children of Barbados and the wider Caribbean start life with a great advantage. They are wanted, loved, and cared for, described as a ‘‘joy’’ and a ‘‘precious gift.’’ The notion of an ‘‘unwanted child’’ is alien to Caribbean cultures, and it would still be considered most odd for a woman or a man not to want children. However, traditional patterns of child discipline have become the focus of official and public concern in recent years, especially since the ratification of the CRC. While the international movement for children abhors the physical punishment of children, local cultural practices continue to favor ‘‘beating,’’ ‘‘lashing,’’ and ‘‘flogging’’ that ‘‘still forms part of the ‘tradition’ of schools, the judicial system and the home’’ (United Nations Children’s Fund 2006b, 2). Although the language generally overstates the severity of punishment actually administered and today’s parents distinguish between the heavy hits of their own childhoods and their preference for ‘‘little slaps’’ and alternative disciplinary methods, several
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Table 3.4. Reported Cases of Child Abuse in Barbados, 1981–2005 Year 1982–1983 1983–1984 1984–1985 1985–1986 1986–1987 1987–1988 1988–1989 1989–1990 1990–1991 1991–1992 1992–1993 1993–1994 1994–1995 1995–1996 1996–1997 1997–1998 1998–1999 1999–2000 2000–2001 2001–2002 2002–2003 2003–2004 2004–2005
Physical abuse
Sexual abuse
Neglect
Emotional abuse
Abandonment
77 138 225 224 202 246 201 203 385 327 227 173 203 251 218 278 304 241 213 270 303 304 266
28 40 78 93 123 116 120 152 187 152 125 124 106 142 181 185 287 – 197 186 242 231 190
129 361 455 337 322 420 412 382 649 501 553 304 480 447 473 606 477 491 405 611 713 718 565
– – – – – – – – – – – 10 24 60 78 63 45 69 72 75 112 131 93
53 32 24 23 54 25 20 26 8 11 2 4 6 8 1 0 4 1 – – – – –
Source: Child Care Board, Government of Barbados.
child-rights advocates are pressing for change. They point to the authoritarian nature of the parent–child relationship, the silencing of children, the emphasis in child socialization on obedience and ‘‘good manners,’’ and a ‘‘property mentality’’ among parents that allows them to deal with their children as they see fit (Le Franc 2001; Rock 2001). Official records of child abuse and neglect are notoriously inaccurate. In Barbados, underreporting, of sexual abuse in particular, relates to family shame and denial and the fear on the part of children of the consequences if they reveal the incidents. In this context, in which physical punishment is the norm, cases of physical abuse are also often hidden from officialdom unless they become severe. Nevertheless, the staff of the Child Care Department attests to a growing recognition of the wrong of child abuse and a greater willingness of individuals to come forward and identify cases. Although reporting is not mandatory by law in Barbados, individuals can do so anonymously. This change in atmosphere, rather than any increase in the actual incidence of child abuse may, therefore, explain the official statistics (see Table 3.4). These figures reveal fluctuations
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in child abuse, but no consistent decline in any category. Among the children affected, there is little distinction between the number of boys and girls in cases of emotional abuse, neglect, or even physical abuse where, in 2004–2005, 45.8 percent were girls. However, girls constitute the overwhelming proportion of victims of sexual abuse, 94.2 percent in 2004–2005. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY As a small-island developing state, Barbados has accomplished much in the area of economic growth with social development and, in the process, has overcome the historical legacy of slavery, colonialism, racism, and social inequality. The country has a reputation within the region for forward-thinking legal reform, especially in family law, to protect the rights of women and children. In addition, all children have benefited from programs in education, health, and social welfare and, despite the persistence of child abuse including the culturally condoned practice of physical punishment, most are protected from violence, harm, and danger. There remain, however, two principal areas of concern, namely the impact of poverty and the denial of participatory rights. Children bear the brunt of poverty. Poverty is the greatest obstacle to their survival and wholesome development, hence the insistence by the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) on development ‘‘with a human face’’ (Cornia, Jolly, and Stuart 1988) and that ‘‘poverty reduction begins with children’’ (United Nations Children’s Fund 2000). In Barbados, the main indicator of children’s vulnerability is food insecurity, followed by the chronic illness of a parent, both of which are closely linked to poverty as a cause and also an effect (United Nations Children’s Fund 2006b). Although widespread social destitution is a phenomenon of the past, so-called ‘‘pockets’’ of poverty persist and have multifaceted outcomes for children—from abuse to child labor, to poor health and inadequate education, to adolescent motherhood and single parenting. Children are most at risk when the reach and quality of state social services along with those of NGOs and faith-based organizations are inadequate, when extended family and community social capital shrinks, and when the efforts of families fall short of providing for their needs and rights. Most vulnerable are the children of adolescent mothers who are themselves at risk and parent single-handedly. From being silent objects of concern, the property of their parents, the beneficiaries of adult benevolence, and minors in need of guidance and control, children have been re-imaged within the CRC as active subjects with a critical voice in their own development. But very few societies have fully embraced this new global construct of childhood. In Barbados, children’s rights to participation are yet to be fully realized, and for the region as a whole the Caribbean office of UNICEF has concluded that
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‘‘children are to be ‘seen and not heard’, there is little allowance for their point of view, and they are simply expected to adhere to and obey directives from their parents’’ (United Nations Children’s Fund 1998, 35). Play and stimulation are of secondary importance to academic learning and discipline; there is evidence that parents, teachers, and other adults cling to an outdated image of children’s incapacity and dependency; and space is provided only for token participation, if at all. At worst, adult fears of escalating child and adolescent delinquency provokes a response that favors increasing control and sanctions, and the active participation of children is interpreted as a threat to the rightful authority of adults. Whether children are sentimentalized as innocent minors or criminalized as deviants, the end result is the denial of their right to participation in decisions that shape their own lives. Small beginnings towards the fuller participation of children are evident in research that increasingly hears and records children’s voices (United Nations Children’s Fund 2000) and in formal sessions such as Youth Parliaments. The participatory right of children is, however, still to be infused into the local cultural construct of childhood and into everyday practices in the family, school, church, and community.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Barrow, Christine, ed. 2001. Children’s Rights: Caribbean Realities. Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers. This volume brings together a collection of articles that describe and analyze the situation of children’s rights in the Caribbean, giving a frank portrayal of the challenges encountered, including those shaped by cultural factors and poverty, in the implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Articles from various countries of the region devote attention to a range of pertinent issues, including the law and juvenile justice, health and nutrition, socialization and education, families and parenting. The quality of life of vulnerable groups including children of minority groups and those who are victims of physical and sexual abuse receive special attention. ———. 2001. ‘‘Contesting the Rhetoric of ‘Black Family Breakdown’ from Barbados.’’ Journal of Comparative Family Studies 32, no. 3: 419–441. This article reviews, in historical perspective, and challenges the sociological literature that portrays the Afro-Caribbean family using a rhetoric of dysfunctionality and breakdown and, therefore, as responsible for a range of social ills from ‘‘unmannerly’’ children to ‘‘abandoned’’ elderly. Revisiting family and social problems in Barbados in relation to child discipline and abuse, adolescent sexuality and teenage pregnancy, divorce, and care of the elderly, the author proposes an alternative culturally appropriate perspective on family and kinship and more supportive social policy. ———. 2003. ‘‘Children and Social Policy in Barbados: The Unfinished Agenda of Child Abuse.’’ The Caribbean Journal of Social Work 2: 36–53. After reviewing Barbados’ record of achievement in child-centered social policy, the article
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turns attention to the unfinished business of child abuse, focusing specific attention on physical punishment in child socialization and the sexual abuse of adolescent girls. Noting that both practices are historically and culturally embedded, the recommendation is that the agenda for children move beyond their needs to contest and rethink ideological principles and cultural practices of childhood and adolescence, to re-enter family life and revisit relationships across gender and generation, and to adjust the balance between children’s rights and the rights and responsibilities of adult caregivers. Dicks, Barbara, ed. 2001. HIV/AIDS and Children in the English Speaking Caribbean. New York, London and Oxford: The Haworth Press, Inc. This PanCaribbean collection of articles on children, adolescents, and mothers presents information and analysis on a diversity of topics from social and demographic factors, knowledge/attitudes/practices, psychocultural factors, residential care, sexual risk-taking, the influence of popular music among adolescents, and policy interventions. Massiah, Joycelin. 1983. Women as Heads of Households in the Caribbean: Family Structure and Feminine Status. Paris: UNESCO. In the Caribbean the incidence of female-headed households is high, constituting between 22 and 47 percent of the total. Demographic data supported by case-study evidence from Barbados confirm that the women who head these households are concentrated in low-paid, low-status occupations with no prospects. Valuable insights are also offered into the composition, problems, and survival strategies of these households. Of concern are the implications for children born and raised in the context of single parenting and poverty. McDowell, Zanifa. 2000. Elements of Child Law in the Commonwealth Caribbean. Jamaica: University of the West Indies Press. This book provides a comprehensive, introductory review of laws relating to children across the Caribbean. With the need for law reform to bring the Caribbean in line with the articles of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, the author reviews a range of legislation, in both historical and contemporary perspective, in the areas of legitimacy, parental rights and duties, maintenance, succession, custody, adoption, and care and protection.
Web Sites Barbados Council for the Disabled, http://www.barbadosdisabled.org.bb/. The Barbados Family Planning Association, http://www.bfpa/. Parent Education for Development in Barbados (PAREDOS), http://www.bajan. info/parados/.
Organizations and NGOs Barbados Council for the Disabled Harambee House The Garrison St. Michael Phone: (246) 427-8136 Fax: (246) 427-5210
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Barbados Family Planning Association Bay Street St. Michael Phone: (246) 426-2027 Fax: (246) 427-6611 Email: [email protected] Child Care Board (Ministry of Social Transformation, Government of Barbados) Fred Edghill Building Cheapside Bridgetown Phone: (246) 426-2577 and (246) 429-3961 Fax: (246) 429-3497 Children’s Development Centre Jemmotts Lane St. Michael Phone: (246) 427-9514 Fax: (246) 427-7448 National Disabilities Unit Hastings Towers Hastings Christ Church Phone: (246) 228-2978/88/91 Fax: (246) 228-2979 Email: [email protected] Parent Education for Development in Barbados (PAREDOS) 4 St. Clair Gardens, Perry Gap Roebuck Street St. Michael Phone: (246) 427-7777 Fax: (246) 427-0212 Email: [email protected]
Selected Bibliography Barbados. 2000. Population and Housing Census. Government of Barbados, Barbados Statistical Service. ———. 2005. Report on Violence in Schools and Community Survey. Government of Barbados, Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports. ———. Various years. Report on the Registration Department. Government of Barbados, The Registration Department of Barbados. Barrow, Christine. 1998. ‘‘Masculinity and Family: Revisiting ‘Marginality’ and ‘Reputation’.’’ pp. 339–359 in Portraits of a Nearer Caribbean: Gender Ideologies and Identities. Edited by Christine Barrow. Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers. ———. Forthcoming. ‘‘Adolescent Girls, Sexuality and HIV/AIDS in Barbados: The Case for Reconfiguring Research and Policy.’’ The Caribbean Journal of Social Work.
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Beckles, Hilary. 1989. Natural Rebels: A Social History of Enslaved Black Women in Barbados. London: Zed Books Ltd. Carter, Richard. 1994. Family Disruption and Dysfunction: Divorce and the Use of Social Agencies. Paper prepared for the International Year of the Family Committee. Barbados. ———. 2001. Report on the National KABP Survey on HIV/AIDS. Barbados, Ministry of Education, Youth Affairs and Sport. ———. 2004. Report on the Secondary Schools Sexual Behaviour Survey, 2003/2004. Ministry of Education, Youth Affairs and Sports, Division of Youth Affairs, Barbados. Cornia, Giovanni, Richard Jolly, and Frances Stuart, eds. 1988. Adjustment with a Human Face. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Easter, Christopher. 1999. ‘‘Small States Development: A Commonwealth Vulnerability Index.’’ The Round Table 351: 403–422. Ellis, Henrick, et al. 1990. ‘‘A Knowledge, Attitude, Belief and Practices Survey in Relation to AIDS amongst Children Ages 11–16 Years Old in Barbados.’’ Bulletin of Eastern Caribbean Affairs 16, no. 4&5: 1–12. Greenfield, Sidney. 1966. English Rustics in Black Skin: A Study of Modern Family Forms in a Pre-Industrial Society. New Haven, CT: College and University Press. Handwerker, Penn. 1989. Women’s Power and Social Revolution: Fertility Transition in the West Indies. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications. Layne, Anthony, and Peter Kutnick. 2001. ‘‘Secondary School Stratification, Gender, and Other Determinants of Academic Achievement in Barbados.’’ Journal of Education and Development in the Caribbean 5, no. 2: 81–101. Le Franc, Elsie. 2001. ‘‘Child Abuse in the Caribbean: Addressing the Rights of the Child.’’ pp. 285–304 in Children’s Rights: Caribbean Realities. Edited by Christine Barrow. Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers. Lowenthal, David. 1957. ‘‘The Population of Barbados.’’ Social and Economic Studies 6, no. 4: 445–501. Manyoni, Joseph. 1977. ‘‘Legitimacy and Illegitimacy: Misplaced Polarities in Caribbean Family Studies.’’ The Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 14, no. 4: 417–427. Nag, Moni. 1971. ‘‘Patterns of Mating Behaviour, Emigration and Contraceptives as Factors Affecting Human Fertility in Barbados.’’ Social and Economic Studies 20, no. 2: 111–133. Rock, Letnie. 2001. ‘‘Child Abuse in Barbados.’’ pp. 305–329 in Children’s Rights: Caribbean Realities. Edited by Christine Barrow. Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 1998. The State of Eastern Caribbean Children 1998: Child Survival Protection and Development in Seven Caribbean Countries. Barbados: UNICEF, Caribbean Area Office. ———. 2000. Voices of Children and Adolescents in Latin America and the Caribbean: Regional Survey. UNICEF, Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean. ———. 2005. The Convention on the Rights of the Child Fifteen Years Later: The Caribbean. Barbados: UNICEF Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean. ———. 2006a. Women and Children: The Double Dividend of Gender Equality. The State of the World’s Children, 2007. New York: UNICEF.
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———. 2006b. A Study of Child Vulnerability in Barbados, St. Lucia and St. Vincent and the Grenadines. Barbados: UNICEF Office for Barbados and the Eastern Caribbean, in association with the Governments of Barbados, St. Lucia and St. Vincent and the Grenadines. United Nations Development Programme. 2006. Beyond Security: Power, Poverty and the Global Water Crisis. Human Development Report, 2006.
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CANADA Susie Veroff NATIONAL PROFILE Canada, from the Huron and Iroquois word kanata, meaning ‘‘village or settlement,’’ is a confederation of ten provinces and three territories—a vast country stretching across North America from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific Ocean and north to the Arctic Ocean, with an area of 3,831,033 square miles (Tremblay 1988). This is slightly less than the area of the United States, its southern neighbor, but Canada has only a little more than one-tenth of its population, at just over 32 million. Children under the age of eighteen constitute 24 percent of this population; 51 percent are boys and 49 percent girls, and 88 percent of children live in an urban setting (Statistics Canada 2006a). Visible minorities in Canada represent 13.4 percent of the total population: Asian (10 percent), black or African origins (2.2 percent), Latino (0.7 percent), and others, including First Nations (0.5 percent). There are two official languages spoken in Canada, English (59.3 percent) and French (23.2 percent), but Italian (1.6 percent), German (1.5 percent), and
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Cantonese (1.1 percent) are of note as well. In 2001, 250,640 people immigrated to Canada. Based on the Canada 2001 Census total population of 30,007,094 people, immigration represented 0.834 percent population growth that year (Statistics Canada 2001a). On a compounded basis, that immigration rate represents 8.7 percent population growth over 10 years, or 23.1 percent over 25 years (or 6.9 million people). Since 2001, immigration has ranged between 221,352 and 262,236 immigrants per annum (Citizenship and Immigration Canada 2005). According to Canada’s Immigration Program (Dolin and Young 2004), Canada has the highest per capita immigration rate in the world. The three main official reasons given for this are: the social component, Canada facilitates family reunification; the humanitarian component, relating to refugees; and the economic component, attracting immigrants who will contribute economically and fill labor market needs. Because of changes in the characteristics of Canada’s population, particularly the rapidly rising median age, which was 37.8 in 2003 but should reach 41.2 in 2011, Canada has already changed from a childcentered society to one focused on the needs, health concerns, and spending priorities of baby-boomers (Canadian Social Trends 1994). Although Canadian legislation, policy strategies, tax measures, and new and enhanced programs would seem to consistently attempt to ensure the rights, well-being, and optimal development of children in Canada and even abroad, many issues concerning children are still in need of being addressed; for instance, poverty in general, but especially affecting singleparent families (Henripin 2000), Aboriginal children, who are the fastest growing population in Canada, and the increasing and very necessary immigrant population who are major contributors to a healthier demography but who have twice the average poverty as Canadian-born residents (Campaign 2000 2006). Canada’s federal system of government, with constitutional powers shared between the federal, provincial, and territorial governments, and the dual nature of its legal system, encompassing common law and civil law traditions, are two key elements that shape the way government decisions are made. In Canada, all levels of government and First Nations, along with parents, families, communities, and the voluntary and private sectors, play key roles in ensuring the well-being of children. The country’s changing demographic profile also shapes the context for government action for children and families. With an average of 1.61 births per woman or 10.78 births per 1,000 population growth (Statistics Canada 2006), the government must pay more attention to the sectors of the population who are contributing to a higher birth rate: Aboriginal peoples and recent immigrants. Federal, provincial, and territorial governments have acknowledged the need to develop an integrated approach to many issues encountered by children and families; one of these approaches is the National Children’s
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Agenda (NCA), a cooperative effort by governments in Canada to ensure that all Canadian children have the best opportunity to develop their potential through six important goals: child development; supporting parents and strengthening families; improving income security for families; providing early and continuous learning experiences; promoting healthy adolescent development; and creating safe, supportive, and violence-free communities (Sign On for Canada’s Kids 2000). Although Canada is a wealthy country, one in six children, or 1,071,000 children, still lives in poverty (Campaign 2000 2006). One reason so many children in Canada live in poverty is that the nature of family environments has changed. Although 85.9 percent of children grow up in homes with two parents, 14 percent live in single-parent or lone-parent families that for the most part are led by women and mothers (Department of Justice Canada). Women still tend to gain custody of children after a divorce or a separation. Canada has a divorce rate of 45 percent, one of the highest in the world, and of all single mothers with children, 31.9 percent live below the poverty line (Department of Justice Canada). In 1996, the Prime Minister and provincial Premiers identified child poverty as a national priority and work began by Social Services Ministers to develop an integrated child benefit. The result was the launch of the National Child Benefit (NCB). Single-parent families receive an average of $7,600 in federal monies per year, but working single-parent families have an average income of almost half of the national average, at around $29,485. The increase in daycare costs ($551 a month per child) for most provinces except Quebec, which has govKEY FACTS – CANADA ernment-subsidized day care, Population: 33,390,141 (July 2007 est.) make the prospect of working Infant mortality rate: 4.63 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) seem painfully absurd to many sinLife expectancy at birth: 80.34 years (2007 est.) gle parents. The employment rate Literacy rate: 99 percent (2003 est.) in Canada is 63.1 percent (StatisNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 99 percent (2000– 2005) tics Canada 2007), the unemployInternet users: 21.9 million (2005) ment rate is 5.9 percent, and there People living with HIV/AIDS: 60,000 (2005 est.) are roughly 12 percent more men Human Poverty Index (HPI-2) Rank: 8 employed than women. Sources: CIA World Factbook: Canada. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ Homelessness in Canada is publications/factbook/geos/ca.html. April 17, 2007; UNICEF. viewed as a serious social probAt a Glance: Canada–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ lem. Canada is viewed by many infobycountry/canada_statistics.html. April 24, 2007; World Health Organization (WHO): UNAIDS/WHO Global HIV/AIDS as having far too high a number Online Database. ‘‘Epidemiological Fact Sheets on HIV/AIDS and of homeless people, with some Sexuality Transmitted Diseases: Canada.’’ http://www.who.int/ of the highest per capita rates of GlobalAtlas/predefinedReports/EFS2006/index.asp?str any developed nation (City of SelectedCountry¼CA. December 2006; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report Toronto 2000). It is second on 2006–Canada. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countr the list of countries with the ies/data_sheets/cty_ds_CAN.html. April 26, 2007. highest homeless population in
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the developed world, trailing just behind the United States. One of the most important causes is the unavailability of low-income housing. The 1960s and 1970s also saw an international movement of deinstitutionalization of the mentally ill. Today, up to 40 percent of the homeless have some sort of mental illness. While the years immediately after the Second World War saw a steady decrease in income inequality, this has not been the case in recent years, as the gap between the rich and poor has increased. Despite the booming economy of the 1990s, the very poor saw no real progress in their income or standard of living (Hwang 2001). OVERVIEW Canada, being a liberal welfare state, despite a culture of individualism and individual responsibility and reliance on the private market, offers much in the way of assistance to its people with modest but universal social insurance plans that cover health, education, and welfare. A certain dualism between market and state, although fragile, has been maintained to the benefit of Canadian people (Thomas 2000). Canada also has a large nonprofit sector, which is nurtured by the federal, provincial, and municipal governments. This backdrop impacts on the well-being of people in general, but especially on children. Infant mortality in Canada is 5.3/1,000 births, but much higher within the Aboriginal populations. For instance, in Nunavut, the infant mortality rate is 19.8/1,000 births (Statistics Canada 2004). Canada does not engage easily in warfare on an international level. This is partly because of social values and partly because of their small military, but for the most part, Canada has been a fairly safe haven for both refugees escaping from war and people escaping from war-making, such as American draft dodgers of the 1960s and 1970s. Theoretically and legally, children are protected against exploitation in Canada, but much work has to be done to protect vulnerable youth against the underground currents that pull them into unsavory and dangerous contexts that do exist, particularly in urban areas. EDUCATION Because Canada has no federal department of education, the provinces and territories are responsible for elementary, secondary, and postsecondary education. Boards of education operate at a local level as authorities of public education. Each of the thirteen education systems across Canada, although similar in general values, reflects a richness and diversity related to geography, culture, and regional history. Although the government of Canada does not have the primary responsibility for education throughout its nation, it plays a very important supporting role. Several federal government departments have mandates that intersect with education in issues of postsecondary educational
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funding, human resource development, and official language policy. The federal government also has specific responsibilities related to education for First Nation students at elementary, secondary, and postsecondary levels (Education@Canada 2006). The Council of Ministers of Education, Canada (CMEC) was created in 1967 to serve as the national voice for education in Canada. Provincial and territorial ministers meet regularly at the CMEC forum to discuss matters of collective interest. CMEC also represents Canadian interests in education with regard to foreign governments and international education, including foreign students studying in Canada. Seven percent of Canada’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) goes to education. Section 23 of the 1982 Constitution Act specifies that education in both French and English is available throughout Canada when the population of children speaking the minority language is sufficient to justify it (Education@Canada 2006). Education is free and publicly funded for all citizens and permanent residents in Canada from kindergarten until the end of secondary school (grade twelve in English Canada or grade eleven in Quebec), basically from age five to age eighteen. In Quebec, Cegeps (Colleges d’Enseignement General et Professionel) are free, preuniversity institutions that serve as a transition between high school and university. Tuition is charged for all other college and university education throughout Canada. Most schools offer preschool and kindergarten programs that provide pre-elementary education in all provinces and territories. Elementary education, in most provinces and territories, covers grades one to six, and some districts have middle schools or junior high schools for the intermediate level of schooling. Both academic and vocational curricula are offered at the secondary level. The academic program serves as a potential preparation for the entrance requirements of colleges and universities, whereas the vocational program prepares students to pursue more vocational studies or enter the job market. Diplomas are granted to students who have successfully completed both the required and the optional courses of their program of study. Postsecondary education in Canada, although the direct financial responsibility of the provincial and territorial governments, receives additional funding from the federal government, research grants, and students’ tuition fees. Cegeps in Quebec, unique in their form, provide two options for postsecondary study: a general academic program leading to university, or a professional program preparing students for the work force. Parents who want to educate their own children during any part of their compulsory school years may do so if they conform to the standards, curriculum, and diploma requirements dictated by the provincial or territorial authorities. The same restrictions for home schooling also apply to independent schools. Public schools try to accommodate special needs students in several ways. Many separate programs exist for physically or mentally disabled
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students as well as gifted students. Other schools provide strategies for integration of special needs students in regular classrooms. Programs also exist to help newly arrived immigrant children integrate harmoniously into new school situations (Education@Canada 2006). The Canadian high school graduation rate in 2001 was 75 percent (78 percent for females and 70 percent for males). Diversity among the school-aged population generally increased between 1991 and 2001. From 1991 to 2000, 2.2 million immigrants were admitted to Canada. This is the highest number for any decade in the past century. In 2001, close to three quarters of immigrants lived in just three metropolitan census areas: Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver. Among these 1990s immigrants, 310,000 were children between the ages of five and sixteen. For many of these children, the first language learned and used at home was neither English nor French. The language skills of children of immigrant parents just entering the school system were weaker than those of Canadian-born parents, but the longer the children lived in Canada, the smaller the gap in performance became, until it disappeared. In fact, in later years, the academic performance of many of these students surpassed that of their Canadian-born counterparts (Worswick 2001). The school-aged population of Aboriginal students is significant and growing in Canada’s Census Metropolitan Areas (CMAs) and in areas outside the CMAs in certain provinces and territories. In 2001, no other Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) nation had a higher proportion of its population aged twenty-five to sixty-four with either a college or university degree than Canada (Education@Canada 2006). Although average undergraduate tuition fees in Canada increased from $2,535 to $3,863 in the years between 1995 and 2005, they remained relatively inexpensive compared with tuition costs in the United States. Despite increases in costs, full-time enrollment at Canadian universities increased by 12 percent between 1992 and 2002, while part-time enrollment decreased 21 percent. The majority of full-time undergraduate students are now women, and their enrollment at the graduate level has almost met the level of men enrolled. In 2002, 16,500 individuals completed registered apprenticeship programs, which is down 12 percent from 1992. In 2001, the graduation rate for bachelors and first professional degree programs was 31 percent, and graduation rates were higher for women in the humanities and the social sciences. In the physical, natural, and applied sciences, the graduation rate for men remained higher, but the gap narrowed between 1992 and 2001. The graduation rate for men in general dropped by 1 percent between 1992 and 2001 and for women it increased by 10 percent. Sixty percent of graduates in 2001 were women, and the social and behavioral sciences and law were the fields with the most graduates nationwide, closely followed by business, management, public administration, and education.
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In 2003–2004 a little over half of all students seventeen years and older were working while attending school. In 2004, the unemployment rate for twenty-five- to twenty-nine-year-olds who had not graduated from high school was at 15 percent compared with 7 percent for university graduates. In 2000, university graduates had 77 percent higher mean earnings than high school-only graduates, while college or trade graduates had only 15 percent higher earnings (Allen, Harris, and Butlin 2003). Education in Canada is of excellent quality and comparatively inexpensive, but its veritable accessibility is also related to the general economic well-being of families. For many families living on the poverty line, even inexpensive postsecondary education is inaccessible. Although according to statistics, overall literacy levels in Canada are very high (99 percent), grade school teachers are alarmed by the fact that in some Ontario schools, 50 percent of students have not achieved grade three literacy standards, which means that schools and parents need to continue to be vigilant about children’s progress in school (Neuman 2003). PLAY AND RECREATION According to international guidelines, the majority of Canadian children and youth, aged five to seventeen, are not active enough for optimal growth and development. Canadian girls are less active than boys, with only 38 percent of girls (compared with 48 percent of boys) considered active enough using these guidelines (Public Health Agency of Canada). The average Canadian child watches television for three to five hours a day. A study in the Canadian Medical Association Journal showed that obesity in boys had increased from 15 percent to 35 percent between 1981 and 1996 (obesity in girls increased from 15 percent to 29.2 percent) (Tremblay and Willms 2000). Only 766 of 15,800 Canadian schools have been formally recognized for quality physical education on a daily basis. Many children and youth are transported to school and other places because of convenience or for safety reasons, and this also contributes to sedentarism. Part of the reason for widespread sedentarism is that the availability and diversity of media and technology is overwhelming, and often related to family income and habits. It is rare to find a Canadian family that does not own a television, and even computers and their accessories are commonplace in homes. The issue for parents, teachers, and children is more about learning how to monitor the quantity and the quality of what is offered to children, allowing a healthy balance between experiences that are entertaining and those that are educational. Several organizations have been preoccupied by these issues and provide guidance. The Media Awareness Network (MNet) is a Canadian nonprofit organization that has been pioneering the development of media literacy programs since its incorporation in 1996. MNet’s work is based on the belief that to be functionally literate in the world today—to
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be able to ‘‘read’’ the messages that inform, entertain, and sell to us daily—young people need critical thinking skills. MNet focuses its efforts on equipping adults with information and tools to help young people understand how the media work, how the media may affect their lifestyle choices, and the extent to which they, as consumers and citizens, are being well informed. Quality play and recreation opportunities remain vital to the health and personal development of all children and youth. The Canadian Parks and Recreation Association (CPRA), through its members, partners, and allied organizations, has made a commitment to make recreation more accessible to low-income families and their children in Canada. Through the ‘‘Everybody Gets to Play’’ national initiative, CPRA has demonstrated its leadership in addressing this fundamental issue. CPRA endorses the research that clearly demonstrates that recreation interventions are an effective and economical strategy to improve the lives of low-income families and their children. CPRA is committed to increasing awareness and understanding of this important issue and to building partnerships committed to action (Canadian Parks and Recreation Association 2007). The roots of the Canadian public recreation system stem back to the early 1900s when playground programs were provided for underprivileged children—the Playground Movement. Over the years, the focus changed, and in many communities municipal recreation became the domain of the middle class. As a result, many programs are unaffordable to low-income families (Karlis 2004). A Children’s Fitness Tax Credit announced by the federal government in 2006 proposes to allow parents to claim a nonrefundable tax credit of up to $500 in eligible fees for the enrollment of a child under the age of sixteen years in an eligible program of physical activity (Statistics Canada 2006b). Canada, as a geographical entity, offers nearly four million square miles of coastline, mountains, lakes, prairies, and forests, making for an endless adventure center for families that enjoy outdoor sports and activities. The extensive national and provincial parks system provides a structure for many of these activities such as wilderness camping, wildlife observation, visiting historic sites, understanding aboriginal heritage, learning about ecology and conservation, and so on. Canada also has a history of supporting the arts on many levels— national, provincial, and municipal, and this has an impact on children’s exposure to the arts, both as a form of entertainment and as a specific activity for personal development. Almost all of the national and provincial cultural institutions offer activities and special productions for children and youth. An example of this is Assitej, l’Association International du The^atre pour l’Enfance et la Jeunesse (International Association of Theatre for Children and Young People), the largest association of its kind, representing professional children and young people’s theatre in eightythree countries throughout the world.
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CHILD LABOR In Canada, labor laws have been enacted over many decades dealing with the employment of children and young persons. Factory acts became widespread in the early 1900s. They dealt in part with the employment of children, young girls, and women in the manufacturing sector, and were founded on similar English legislation that had been adopted around 1835 and was applied in Canada. Factory acts set minimum ages for the employment of children, imposed maximum limits on daily and weekly hours of work, and stipulated that no child or woman could be employed where he or she was likely to be permanently injured. Mining laws in some jurisdictions, starting with statutes in Nova Scotia (1873) and British Columbia (1877), also restricted the employment of children in mines. The provisions of these laws, which were amended on several occasions, later became part of employment (or labor) standards acts and occupational health and safety legislation. Most restrictions on access to certain occupations for children are found in these laws today. Many other laws prohibited or regulated occupations in which children and young persons could be employed. As an example, children’s protection acts established a minimum age for employment in street trades and the hours during which they would be tolerated. Also, temperance acts, municipal acts, and shops regulation acts often restricted access to occupations (Commission for Labor Cooperation 2006). Restrictions on the employment of children and young persons can be found in a variety of statutes. The most common are employment standards laws, occupational health and safety legislation, and education acts. Restrictions are also found in an assortment of provisions regulating vocational training, in child welfare legislation, in laws governing establishments where liquor is sold, and other statutes (Commission for Labor Cooperation 2006). It is possible to group the interventions of Canadian legislators, whether in federal, provincial, or territorial jurisdiction, under the three categories described later. There is some overlap between these categories because a number of provisions may serve more than one purpose. The employment of children and young persons subject to compulsory school attendance is severely limited during school hours. This ensures their presence in school during the crucial years when they acquire basic skills. In New Brunswick, a young person must attend school until graduation from high school or until he/she reaches the age of eighteen. In other provinces and Yukon, compulsory school attendance ends at the age of sixteen (Commission for Labor Cooperation 2006). Several provisions are aimed at preventing the exposure of young persons to occupations or situations that may be harmful to their growth or character. For instance, under Quebec’s labor standards legislation, no employer may have work performed by a person under the age of eighteen that is disproportionate to
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that person’s capacity or that is likely to be detrimental to his/her education, health, or physical or moral development. In addition, Quebec’s Youth Protection Act stipulates ‘‘the security or development of a child is considered to be in danger where he is forced or induced to . . . perform for the public in a manner that is unacceptable for his age’’ (Youth Protection Act 1979). In Canada, the approach adopted by the various jurisdictions has been to permit young persons to have relatively broad access to jobs and work experience, while putting in place measures to protect their health and safety as well as their normal development, and ensuring that work does not interfere with the education of children and youth who are subject to compulsory school attendance. The labor market for young Canadians aged fifteen to twenty-four has rebounded sharply from a twenty-one-year low in 1997, thanks to a stronger economy, according to a study published in Perspectives on Labor and Income. The recession at the beginning of the 1990s had a lasting effect on the youth labor market. By 1997, the employment and participation rates for this age group were at their lowest point since the mid-1970s. Since then, employment among these young people has grown at a fast pace, even faster than among adult workers. Between 1997 and 2004, job creation among youth rose 21.1 percent, the equivalent of 428,000 new jobs. This compares with a growth rate of just 15.8 percent among adults aged twenty-five and over. As a result, the unemployment rate among young people fell from 16.3 percent in 1997 to 13.4 percent in 2004. At the same time, the proportion participating in the labor force increased from a record low of 61.5 percent to 67.0 percent. The employment rate increased 7 percentage points, from 51.5 percent in 1997 to 58.1 percent in 2004. Although a large increase, this employment rate still does not match the 63.3 percent peak reached in 1989 (Usalcas 2005). In particular, the strong economy has benefited young women, whose job gains have outstripped those of young men, breaking a long-standing trend. During periods of economic growth, young men have historically had higher rates of employment than young women. Of the 428,000 new jobs, young women captured 240,000, which was a 24.7 percent gain from 1997, compared with 188,000 for young men, a 17.7 percent gain. Also, employment growth was proportionately stronger for teens aged fifteen to nineteen than for older youth aged twenty to twenty-four (Usalcas 2005). The retail trade sector, the largest employer of teenagers, was the driving force behind new jobs for teenagers. Between 1997 and 2004, employment among teens grew by 192,000, with half of this growth (97,000) in retail trade. A distant second was the accommodation and food services sector, where 61,000 new jobs were added. In both sectors, more jobs went to girls than boys. This is because more women tend to take jobs as cashiers, salespeople, or servers in food and beverage outlets (Usalcas 2005).
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The illegal trafficking of people does exist in Canada, usually involving the importation of young people from developing countries with promises of legitimate employment and a better life in Canada. Traffickers sometimes try to buy children from their parents or convince parents to send their children away so that they can earn money for the family. Teenagers who have left home are very vulnerable to traffickers. Children and teenagers are most frequently trafficked into the drug or sex trades. The government of Canada is working to combat trafficking in persons both domestically and internationally using the ‘‘Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, Supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime’’ and Bill C-49 in force as of November 2005 (Protocol 2000; and Department of Justice Canada, Trafficking in Persons). FAMILY The family environment in which Canadian children grow up has changed dramatically over the past decades. The traditional two-parent family of the fifties is no longer the only significant model of family life. Young children are born into a variety of different family types: married couples and common-law couples (85.9 percent) and lone-parent families (14.1 percent) (Statistics Canada 2002). Some of these are blended families, and the family to which the child is born is not guaranteed to be the family in which the child will spend his or her entire childhood. Family structure is in a constant state of flux. However, most parents of all types seem to understand the importance of the first five years of life and are trying to spend more time with their children than a decade ago (Zuzanek 2001). Due to a low birth rate, family size has changed as well, with 25 percent of Canadian children being only children. Children who experience parental separation do so at a younger age. Approximately 25 percent of children born after the late 1980s will experience parental separation (Marcil-Gratton 1998). The phenomenon of divorce is a far more complex issue than generally believed. Furthermore, statistics pertaining to divorce are difficult to understand and, as a result, are frequently misinterpreted. Overall, about one-third of all marriages in Canada end in divorce, and the rate is somewhat higher for remarriages. Dissolution rates are even higher among cohabitating couples. Currently, there are no solid predictions of either a sharp decline or a sharp rise in divorce rates in the near future. Divorce and remarriage are not necessarily in the best interest of the children. It is therefore not surprising that many, albeit not the majority, of children, who suffer serious negative consequences from their parents’ divorce and that some of these consequences may last even into adulthood. Divorce can be accompanied by poverty or a significant reduction in financial resources. This factor contributes to the negative effects of
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divorce on the mother-child family unit and on children’s life chances (Ambert 1998). Canadian family law is an area of shared jurisdiction between the federal and provincial governments. Federal jurisdiction covers marriage and divorce, and provincial jurisdiction includes the certification of marriage and property and civil rights in the provinces. Different marital regimes exist in different provinces and will have different impacts on the outcome of divorce settlements, for instance. There have been many advances for women’s equality in relation to property regimes and child support claims. Inheritance laws are enforced according to wills or estate successions, but all children will inherit from their biological or adoptive parents unless the will provides otherwise; if a child is still dependent he or she has first claim on the parent’s estate before it is distributed. Family customs obviously vary in different families and different cultures, and because Canada is a multicultural society, it is very hard to generalize about roles of male and female children in families. Various influences from the media, from school, and from peer pressure may create more equality in male–female roles growing up, or may not. The fact that more mothers are working outside the home may or may not create some change in the way domestic roles or tasks are divided between men and women and between male and female children. The family is a private and individualistically oriented institution. Many couples find parenting a real struggle—41 percent in one Canadian study said it was hard to find time and energy for parenting, and with so many women working the responsibility for family life and for looking after children must be shared by fathers, employers, and childcare providers, not just left to mothers (Adema et al. 2005). Many parents may choose to work for financial security instead of giving their children the time and attention they need for healthy growth and development. Caring and involved fathers need to take a larger part in bringing up their children. Because of time pressures that parents face, many children need other caring adults involved in their lives, such as grandparents, aunts and uncles, neighbors, teachers, coaches, and childcare providers. Unless governments are willing to give more adequate support to working mothers and fathers in the form of tax credits, family-friendly work places, and financial aid, more and more children will be at risk, meaning they could have problems with school, their physical and mental health, delinquency, and suicide (Hewlett 1992). Canadians have created a social order that, for very good reasons, no longer rewards or restricts on the basis of lineage. Instead, people are acknowledged for their individual accomplishments—educational, professional, financial, athletic, or political. For half a century, Canadian society has valued individual autonomy, achievement, and choice, downplaying the traditional bonds to family, employer, community, and country.
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There is a price to pay for individual freedoms and aspirations, and it is often at the expense of family life, marriages, the safety of the streets, relationships with neighbors, and, ultimately, at the expense of knowing what purposes are collectively shared with others. Many Canadian families have entered the new millennium in a state of personal stress, financial indebtedness, perpetual insecurity, and fragile personal relationships. The real question is whether or not the commitments made as a society and culture will serve to acknowledge, support, and reinforce the commitments that individuals are willing to make to one another in the context of family. Although the government of Canada has made helping children and their families a priority of its long-term commitment to a better quality of life through strong income support, employment insurance, parental benefits, tax supports, community-based programs, and research through partnerships with provincial and territorial governments, Canadian society in general must participate in structuring a community that acknowledges families as an important foundation of contemporary life (Glossop 1999). HEALTH Canada’s universal health system, although at times faltering because of fluctuating budget revisions, remains a stable, high-quality insurance of Canada’s commitment to its people’s health. Despite pressure from different factions for privatization, the accessibility of health care in Canada is still one of its national keystones. From 1990 to 2000, progress was made in the health of Canadian children, and for the majority of these children, their health remained excellent. Important challenges remain, however, in addressing the most persistent conditions of risk, and acting in other crucial areas to ensure optimal health for all populations of Canadian children. Particular challenges remain in relation to certain vulnerable populations and to Aboriginal children, the child population most at risk for poor health and social outcomes (Grzeskowiak 2005). Two broadly recognized indicators of child health, and of a nation’s health more generally, are the infant and child mortality rates. Canada has shown steady progress in both areas since 1990. First, the child mortality rate has fallen one-third from a rate of 9 per 1,000 to 6 per 1,000; the infant mortality rate has also declined from 6.8 per 1,000 to 5.3 per 1,000, except within Aboriginal populations where the current rate is more than triple that of the Canadian population as a whole. Another important measure, low birth weight, has shown steady improvement over the last decade; over 80 percent of Canadian children are born at a healthy weight (Government of Canada, Health Canada 2002a), and few Canadians are born prematurely. Through a range of programs, the government of Canada remains committed to supporting pregnant women
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most likely to experience unhealthy birth outcomes, including low birth weight. Immunization has proven to be an effective and accessible means for the prevention of numerous, potentially fatal diseases. Rates of immunization against diphtheria, pertussis, tetanus, polio, and measles have risen on an average of 90 percent over the past ten years, and these immunization efforts show results (Canadian Institute of Child Health 2000). In Canada, 99 percent of the population has access to safe drinking water and sanitary disposal of sewage. However, even Canadians are not complacent about their clean water as recent outbreaks of E. coli in Walkerton, Ontario, illustrate. Collaborative efforts among governments at all levels help address the local environmental needs of communities. Safety of drinking water and sanitary waste disposal has been a particular concern among First Nations communities where certain infrastructures sometimes tend to be lacking (Canadian Institute of Child Health 2000). Health outcomes among children linked to environmental factors were recently identified as a concern for Canadians, particularly because the majority of children live in an urban setting. There has been an alarming increase in cases of children with asthma over the past ten years, with one in ten children under eighteen being diagnosed with it. There is growing evidence that children’s exposure to environmental hazards are different and greater than adults and are linked to most of the leading causes of deaths, illnesses, and hospitalizations for Canadian children (from birth to age eighteen) (Canadian Institute of Child Health 2000). Although some improvements have been made in the levels of toxins in the Canadian environment, this is a global issue that needs coordinated, integrated, and comprehensive research and action to enact important and lasting change. During the last quarter century, there has been an overall decline in the teenage pregnancy rate in Canada, perhaps reflecting the availability of contraceptives and the increased awareness of the risks of unprotected sex brought about by the AIDS epidemic. Nevertheless, in 1997, an estimated 19,724 women aged fifteen to nineteen gave birth, and a slightly larger number in this age range—21,233—had an abortion (Canadian Institute of Child Health 2000). Among very young children, chronic conditions are the most prevalent type of disability. In 1986, 90.6 percent of children from birth to four years of age with a disability had some form of chronic health problem, as opposed to a disability based primarily on activity limitation. The single largest group was those affected by heart disease: 15.4 percent of young children with disabilities. Substance abuse remains an important health issue affecting Canadian children and youth. Although regular use of alcohol among youth is on the decline, tobacco and drug use remains high or has increased. Female rates of tobacco and drug use have dramatically increased and surpassed
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those of males in the same age cohort (Canadian Institute of Child Health 2000). Mental health problems are the leading health problems that Canadian children currently face after infancy. At any given time, 14 percent of children aged four to seventeen years (over 800,000 in Canada) experience mental disorders that cause significant distress and impairment at home, at school, and in the community (Waddell et al. 2005). Fewer than 25 percent of these children receive specialized treatment services. Without effective prevention or treatment, childhood problems often lead to distress and impairment throughout adulthood, with significant costs for society. Children’s mental health has not received the public policy attention that is warranted by recent epidemiologic data. To address the neglect of children’s mental health, a new national strategy is urgently needed. Here, medical experts have used research findings to suggest four public policy goals: promote healthy development for all children, prevent mental disorders to reduce the number of children affected, treat mental disorders more effectively to reduce distress and impairment, and monitor outcomes to ensure the effective and efficient use of public resources. Taken together, these goals constitute a public health strategy to improve the mental health of Canadian children (Waddell et al. 2005). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS According to the Canada Safety Council (1996), most young people in Canada are never in trouble with the law, but the number of criminal charges against young people is expanding. There is a debate as to whether that means there is more crime, or simply more charges being laid. Property crimes are far more common than violent crimes, although the proportion of violent offenses is marginally increasing. Almost half of youth court cases involve property offenses. Canada jails a high proportion of young offenders—higher even than the United States—because the justice system makes comparatively little use of alternate approaches. Young offenders often serve a longer prison sentence than adults for the same kind of offense. (Unlike the adult system, there is no parole for youth.) Aboriginal youth and young people from certain racial and cultural groups and from lower income families are overrepresented in the justice system (Trocme, Knoke, and Blackstock 2004). The Youth Criminal Justice Act (2002) clearly spells out both the rights and responsibilities of children under eighteen, the age of legal majority, who have been accused of any criminal act. For instance, the document states that communities, families, parents and others concerned with the development of young persons should, through multi-disciplinary approaches, take reasonable steps to prevent youth crime by addressing its underlying causes,
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to respond to the needs of young persons, and to provide guidance and support to those at risk of committing crimes; information about youth justice, youth crime and the effectiveness of measures taken to address youth crime should be publicly available; Canada is a party to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and recognizes that young persons have rights and freedoms, including those stated in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the Canadian Bill of Rights, and have special guarantees of their rights and freedoms; Canadian society should have a youth criminal justice system that commands respect, takes into account the interests of victims, fosters responsibility, and ensures accountability through meaningful consequences and effective rehabilitation and reintegration, and that reserves its most serious intervention for the most serious crimes and reduces the over-reliance on incarceration for nonviolent young persons. (The Youth Criminal Justice Act 2002)
The National Forum on Youth Gangs was convened December 9–10, 1999, by the Solicitor General of Canada and the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada in response to calls from the police community and others who have expressed the need to network and share information and strategies in dealing effectively with youth gangs. The forum brought together more than 120 participants and observers representing police, government, community service agencies, and research institutions to share information and strategies in dealing effectively with youth gangs. Young people themselves were key participants at the forum. Sixteen youth delegates worked together the day before the forum began to develop a report that they presented to the group. They also shared their views with participants throughout the forum. The forum focused on how the police and the community can work in partnership. In their report and presentation, the youth delegates made specific recommendations to address the needs of youth at various stages of gang involvement. The forum also warns that mainstream youth are not immune from gang life; they require supportive families, communities, and schools, as well as preventative awareness training on issues like gangs and violence. Youth at risk of gang involvement should be targeted for initiatives that are meaningful to them, such as mentoring or skills training. Most importantly, professionals need to reach out to these young people rather than expecting that they will seek out services. Youth who are currently in gangs also require assistance from professionals to limit the harm caused by their lifestyle, such as safe houses and anonymous health care. It is also important that these young people have information about how to exit gang culture so that they may access services when they choose to do so. Risk for gang involvement does not end when a young person leaves a gang. A strong support network and opportunities to develop new skills can help in reentering a mainstream life. The youth delegates also brought some key messages. Young people, particularly those to whom initiatives may be targeted, must be involved
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in the development of policies, programs, and services. Programs based on a youth-helping-youth model—peer support, peer counseling, and peer education—should be strongly supported. Youth know how to talk to one another and convey key messages, and young people must be actively recruited into programs. Professionals should not assume that youth will access programs simply because they are offered (National Forum on Youth Gangs 1999). Although a seemingly civilized country, Canada has had many cases of police brutality and outright racism, often in regard to young offenders. In 1994, Dr. Philip C. Stenning prepared a report, Police Use of Force and Violence Against Members of Visible Minority Groups in Canada, for the Canadian Centre for Police Race Relations. Stenning conducted a study with 150 inmates (60 whites, 51 blacks, and 39 other non-whites). While Stenning stated that his research does not necessarily reflect police–citizen contacts generally, Smith places its findings within the context of ‘‘both the historical treatment of African Canadians and (of) other studies contemporary to and following after’’ his work. The results, Smith says, ‘‘indicate a pattern of treatment that is pervasive within the criminal justice system.’’ Stenning found that police behavior toward African Canadians was less friendly and less polite, that African Canadians are sworn at more often by police (58.8 percent compared to 38.3 percent for whites and 43.6 percent for others) and are subject to racial epithets more often as well (31.4 percent compared to 5 percent for others). In responding to ‘‘minor offences,’’ police drew their weapons against African Canadians more frequently than with other groups (25 percent versus 6.7 percent for whites and 6.7 percent for others) (Brown 2002). RELIGIOUS LIFE The Preamble to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms explains that Canada is founded upon principles that recognize the supremacy of God. Canada currently allows believers the religious freedom to assemble and worship without limitation or interference. According to L. J. Francis (2000), many children lose interest in religious education between the ages of eight and fifteen. Only 36 percent of Canada’s children under twelve years of age attend religious services on a monthly basis, although 13 percent went weekly in 1994–1995. That was the finding of the National Survey of Children and Youth, which collected data on more than 22,500 children from newborn to eleven years. Most were accompanied by a parent, usually the mother (Statistics Canada 2001; Francis 2000). Attendance of religious services varied by geographical region and by religious affiliation. Children in the Atlantic provinces had the highest regular attendance rate, 52 percent, while those in Quebec had the lowest at 19 percent. There were no reliable estimates for children in Eastern
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Orthodox, Jewish, Buddhist, Hindu, and Sikh faith communities, but apparently children do not always continue to practice the religion of their parents. Since Canada is one of the most diverse countries in the world in terms of immigration and religious faith, the number of Canadians who reported religions such as Islam, Hinduism, Sikhism, and Buddhism has increased substantially. But how do successive generations of immigrants adapt and transform their inherited or adopted religions in the context of their new country? Peter Beyer’s research looks at what happens to the religious faith and beliefs of children of immigrants to Canada. He does this through focus groups and interviews with volunteer students of second-generation Muslim, Buddhist, or Hindu background who attend selected postsecondary institutions in Ottawa, Montreal, and Toronto. Key questions concern how immigrant youth are maintaining or changing religious identities and practices, the nature of their religious involvement, how their views and practices differ from those of their parents’ generation, how they see their situation in Canada and in the wider global world, and how religious and other developments in the world at large affect their religious orientations (Beyer 2006). Canada’s approach to religious education has sometimes been criticized as inconsistent. Catholic education public funding is mandated by various sections of the Constitution Act of 1867 and reaffirmed by Section 29 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. More recently however, with a growing level of multiculturalism, particularly in Ontario, debate has emerged as to whether publicly funded religious education for one group is permissible. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The Canadian Incidence Study of Reported Child Abuse and Neglect (CIS) provides national estimates of child abuse and neglect reported to, and investigated by, child welfare services in Canada. The CIS, Canada’s only national child maltreatment study, is part of a surveillance program funded and directed by the Public Health Agency of Canada in collaboration with the provinces, territories, and a team of researchers. The CIS2003 study collected data from a representative sample of sixty-three child welfare agencies across Canada. The CIS-2003 study indicates that large numbers of children aged from birth to fifteen have been maltreated in Canada. An estimated 235,315 child maltreatment investigations were conducted in 2003 (thirty-eight investigations per 1,000 children). Almost half (49 percent) of these investigations were substantiated (approximately nineteen substantiated investigations per 1,000 children). Unlike the analysis of police-reported data that is based on a narrower definition of child abuse, five maltreatment categories were captured in the CIS study, including
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emotional maltreatment, neglect, exposure to domestic violence, physical abuse, and sexual abuse. Among substantiated child maltreatment cases (excluding Quebec), neglect was the most common form of substantiated child abuse (30 percent), followed by exposure to domestic violence (28 percent), physical abuse (24 percent), emotional maltreatment (15 percent), and sexual abuse (3 percent) (Trocme et al. 2005). The CIS study found that most substantiated child maltreatment investigations involved allegations against parents, including biological mothers (54 percent), biological fathers (48 percent), stepfathers/common-law partners (12 percent), or stepmothers/common-law partners (2 percent). Relatives were the next most frequently identified perpetrators (6 percent). Only 3 percent of all cases of substantiated child maltreatment involved nonfamily perpetrators, and less than 1 percent of allegations involved a teacher or another professional working with the child. Biological mothers were considered to be perpetrators in 83 percent of cases where neglect was the primary form of substantiated child maltreatment. The overrepresentation of biological mothers should be interpreted with caution given that 42 percent of these substantiated neglect cases involved lone femaleparent families. Biological fathers (36 percent) and stepfathers (9 percent) were considered to be perpetrators in 45 percent of cases of substantiated neglect (Trocme et al. 2005). Historical data consistently show parents to be the primary perpetrators of family-related homicides against children and youth. In 2004, 85 percent of victims from birth to age seventeen (twenty-nine victims) who were killed by a family member was murdered by a parent, the same percentage that was reported during the period from 1974 to 2003. Fathers are more likely than mothers to be accused of killing their own children, although the difference is negligible when the child is an infant. The vast majority of spousal homicide incidents involve only one victim. However, between 1995 and 2004, when multiple victims were involved in spousal homicides (7 percent), it was typically the perpetrator’s own children who were also killed (Criminal Code of Canada 2007; Canada Evidence Act 2007). In Canada, child welfare laws require that all cases of suspected child abuse be investigated to determine whether a child is in need of protection. If a child is determined to be in need of protection, the child welfare authorities may respond by, for example, providing counseling and support for the family, removing the child (temporarily or permanently) from the home, or removing the abuser(s) from the home. Criminal sanctions may also apply in cases of sexual or physical abuse. Since the 1960s, significant steps have been taken to address child abuse in Canada, including, for example, the introduction of mandatory reporting laws, the creation of child abuse registries, changes to the Criminal Code and the Canada Evidence Act (Criminal Code of Canada 2007; Canada Evidence Act 2007), the extension of time limits for laying charges in child sexual abuse cases, and the establishment of child
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protection agencies run by First Nations. Further, since the landmark reports by Badgley (1984) and Rogers (1990), legislation to address child sexual abuse has been created and efforts to address the sexual exploitation of children are ongoing. Following the 1996 report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, the federal government acknowledged its role in the occurrence of physical and sexual abuse in residential schools, and implemented a community-based healing strategy for Aboriginal communities. (Indian and Northern Affairs Canada 1998). Given the extent of child abuse in Canada, as well as the complexity of this issue and its enormous impact, effectively preventing, identifying, and responding to child abuse is an enormous but essential task. Addressing this issue requires the ongoing commitment and collaboration of community members, practitioners, and policy makers across Canada. Community supports and services for victims and their families are essential. The Department of Justice of Canada and its partners—including nongovernmental organizations, provincial and territorial governments, and the private sector—are actively involved in addressing child abuse issues through legal reform, public and professional education, research, and support for programs and services. Some of this work is linked to the department’s participation in the federal government’s current Family Violence Initiative, which focuses on violence against women and children that occurs in the home (Government of Canada, Health Canada 2002b), while other areas of activity are linked to other initiatives including, for example, the National Children’s Agenda, the Aboriginal Justice Strategy, and the National Strategy on Crime Prevention and Community Safety. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY In Canada, the most pressing issues of the twenty-first century in preparation for a new economy are children and youth, education and knowledge, and health and the environment. To promote these issues, the government of Canada foresees strategies to improve maternity and parental leave benefits, enhance after-tax money for families, the creation of more family-friendly workplaces, the modernization of family law, more generous investments in the National Child Benefit, additional learning opportunities with an expanded School-Net (a partnership with the provincial and territorial governments, the education community, and the private sector, which promotes the effective use of information and communications technologies in learning), and continued special attention to the rights of the child in Canada’s foreign policy. One of the most urgent priorities of Canadian society is child poverty, with special attention to Aboriginal families and other at-risk families such as single-parent families. More coordination between departments and governments will undoubtedly enhance the effectiveness of any of these efforts. Generous social investments that are more broadly based with
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focus on prevention for all children at risk will eventually contribute to improvement in the well-being of all children and to the elimination of social inequalities in general (Government of Canada 2002). The Convention on the Rights of the Child recognizes the rights of a young person to have a say in decisions that affect his or her life. Moreover, Canada continues to validate young people by integrating principles of youth participation in initiatives related to community and economic development, youth health, environmental protection, youth justice, sexual exploitation, international development, and the promotion of cultural diversity. It goes without saying that parents and family play the primary role in providing care and nurturing for all children and young people. Whatever support and collaboration different levels of government, municipalities, voluntary sector organizations, professional associations, schools, or the private sector can offer is extremely important in the improvement of children’s well-being, rights, development, and ultimate participation into the new millennium. Canada consistently develops and supports policy that gives hope for the present and the future of children and young people and remains a generally progressive and humane nation. This does not mean, however, that there are no obstacles to these noble values. Canada needs, as do other countries, to be vigilant about its participation in globalization, to be clear about the price of their social values, and to pay close attention to seemingly insignificant minority needs. A prosperous and harmonious future lies in the well-being and inclusion of all of a country’s citizens; a good place to start is with children. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Adema, Willem, Ana€ıs Loizillon, Elina Pylkk€anen, Olivier Thevenon, Maxime Laidique, Elma Lopes, and Mark Pearson. 2005. Babies and Bosses—Reconciling Work and Family Life, Volume 4: Canada, Finland, Sweden and the United Kingdom. OECD Publishing. Discusses the challenge of finding a suitable work/family life balance. Many parents and children in Canada, Finland, Sweden, and the United Kingdom are happy with their existing work and care outcomes. However, many others feel seriously constrained in one way or another, and their personal well-being suffers as a consequence. This book discusses the challenge of finding a suitable balance of work and family life and presents comparative studies of work and family reconciliation policies. Bibby, Reginald. 2002. Restless Gods. The Renaissance of Religion in Canada. Toronto: Stoddart Publishing. Restless Gods confronts Canadians’ misconceptions and myths about religion, spirituality, and themselves. Restless Gods reveals the surprising news about religion and spirituality in Canada: Secularization is a myth. Doob, Anthony, and Carla Cesaroni. 2004. Responding to Youth Crime in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Doob and Cesaroni present a
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systematic overview and discussion of many important policy-related issues pertaining to youth crime and youth justice, including the recently implemented Youth Criminal Justice Act. It is a well-written and important corrective to the myths that surround youth crime and youth justice in Canada today. Howe, R. Brian, and Katherine Covell. 2005. Empowering Children: Children’s Rights Education as a Pathway to Citizenship. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. In Empowering Children, the authors assert that educating children about their basic rights is a necessary means not only of fulfilling a country’s legal obligations, but also of advancing education about democratic principles and the practices of citizenship. Olwig, Karen, and Eva Gullov. 2003. Children’s Places: Cross-cultural Perspectives. New York: Routledge. Based on in-depth ethnographic research, Children’s Places examines the ways in which children and adults, from their different vantage points in society, negotiate the ‘‘proper place’’ of children in both social and spatial terms. Thomas, David, ed. 2000. Canada and the United States: Differences that Count. Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press Ltd. Political scientists and related professionals—all but one of which are Canadian—point out differences in the archetypal issues of health care, taxes, and guns; social and cultural foundations; institutional structures; and the law.
Nonprint Resources Blowing the Whistle. 2003. Directed by Sarah Vermette. Tattle Tale Productions. VHS. Vancouver, British Columbia: Moving Images Distribution. This 17-minute video uses interviews with teenaged girls, professionals, shopkeepers, convicted felons, and young men from a Toronto shelter to provide insight and perspective on the causes and consequences of shoplifting. The Children’s Voice. 1994. Directed and produced by Katherine Marielle. Vancouver, British Columbia: Moving Images Distribution. This 30-minute video presents the story of a children’s theater group whose goal was to break the cycle of child abuse and domestic violence through the writing and performance of a play based in the children’s own lives and concerns. Fighting for the Family. 1997. Barbara Anderson and Brad Newcombe. Amazon Communications. VHS. Vancouver, British Columbia: Moving Images Distribution. Changing definitions of family are the focus of this 46-minute documentary, which provides profiles of living and parenting arrangements that differ from the traditional nuclear model. Holding the Sun. 1999. Gumboot Productions, produced with the participation of British Columbia Film, Film Incentive BC, in association with CBC Newsworld. VHS and DVD. Vancouver, British Columbia: Moving Images Distribution. Telling the story of Aaron Millar and the Millar family’s failed attempt to save him from the schizophrenia that led him to kill his mother, this 39-minute documentary explores mental illness, the healthcare system, and how education and awareness might help prevent such tragedies. Kingsley: Recognizing the Person. 2002. Directed by Penny Joy. Produced by Peter C. Campbell. Gumboot Productions. VHS and DVD. Vancouver, British Columbia: Moving Images Distribution. The story of Cherry Kinglsey is told in this 47-minute documentary, beginning with her own exploitation as a child
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prostitute, the personal transformation she experienced, and her successful work in Canada and internationally as an advocate for ending the sexual exploitation of children. Made in China: The Story of Adopted Chinese Children in Canada. 2000. Directed by Karin Lee. Produced by Shan Tam. VHS and DVD. Vancouver, British Columbia: Moving Images Distribution. Made in China, a 47-minute documentary, explores the experiences of Chinese children adopted by Canadian families in Quebec, British Columbia, and Newfoundland. Issues of adaptation and hybrid identities are explored. The Mind of a Child. 1995. Produced and directed by Gary Marcuse. Face to Face Media Ltd. in association with the National Film Board of Canada, Pacific Centre (et al.). VHS. Arcata, CA: Shenandoah Film Productions. This 60minute documentary focuses on the efforts of Loma Williams, Vancouver School District First Nations education specialist, to develop teaching methods for First Nations students, based on the work of Reuven Feuerstein. Olivia’s Puzzle. 2001. Directed by Jason DaSilva. VHS and DVD. Vancouver, British Columbia: Moving Images Distribution. In this 12-minute short, two sevenyear-old girls, Olivia and Reshma, are the focus of a comparison of childhood experiences, hopes, and aspirations in Goa, India, and British Columbia, Canada. Talk to Me. 1995. Directed by Susanne Tabata. Tabata Productions Associates. In this 45-minute documentary, social justice topics are discussed by British Columbia secondary school students with varied cultural backgrounds (First Nations, Asian, African, Indian, and Asian). The ten students discuss issues of racism, gender equity, class and poverty, homophobia, and immigration and assimilation. We Don’t Live in Igloos: Inuvik Youth Speak Out. 2005. Janet Ip. . This 19-minute documentary challenges stereotypes by presenting the views and values of Inuvik youth, including their own photographs of what they value. Whose Child Is This? 1994. Produced by Raincoast Storylines Ltd. in co-production with The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. Directed by Jerry Thompson. VHS. New York: Filmakers Library, Inc. This 48-minute video examines practices of white-family adoption of Native American children that separate them permanently from tribal influences, as well as efforts to find and repatriate these ‘‘lost’’ Native children.
Web Sites Active Living, http://www.activeliving.ca. Brighter Futures Family Resource Society, http://www.brighter-futures.ca. Canadian Centre for Adolescent Research, http://ccar.briercrest.ca. Canadian Youth Connection Forum, http://www.youth.gc.ca. Caring for Kids, http://www.caringforkids.cps.ca. Child Labor in Canada, http://www.cbc.ca/childlabour. Daycare Bear, http://www.DaycareBear.ca.
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Department of Justice Canada, http://www.justice.gc.ca/en. Education Canada, http://www.educationcanada.cmec.ca. Gifts in Kind International, http://www.giftsinkind.org. Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto, http:// www.oise.utoronto.ca. Statistics Canada, http://www.statcan.ca. Voices for Children, http://www.voicesforchildren.ca.
Organizations and NGOs Adoption Council of Canada Web site: http://www.adoption.ca Promoting understanding for Canadians of all aspects of adoption for adoptees, birth parents, and adoptive parents and raising awareness of the Canadian children in need of permanent homes. Big Brothers Big Sisters of Canada Web site: http://www.bbbsc.ca Helping in the development of children growing up in primarily lone-parent families through 180 member agencies that provide quality adult volunteer relationships to children across Canada. Campaign 2000 Web site: http://www.campaign2000.ca Raising awareness and support for the 1989 all-party House of Commons resolution to end child poverty by the year 2000 through a cross-Canada network of over 80 national, provincial, and community partners. Canada Safety Council Web site: http://www.safety-council.org Providing safety information, education, and awareness for Canadians through 350 national member organizations and 3,000 instructors nationwide. Canadian Association for Community Care Web site: http://www.cacc-acssc.com Serving 1,200 Canadian agencies/organizations providing direct community care services such as Meals on Wheels, home care support, and long-term care. Canadian Association for Community Living Web site: http://www.cacl.ca Confirming human rights for people with intellectual disabilities and to fight for more meaningful lives for people with intellectual disabilities in Canada.
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Canadian Association for Health, Physical Education, Recreation and Dance Web site: http://www.cahperd.ca Bringing together 900 teachers, administrators, researchers, coaches, students, and others with an interest in the fields of physical education, health, active living, recreation, sport, and dance. Canadian Association for Young Children Web site: http://www.cayc.ca Concerned with the well-being of children, birth through age nine, at home, in preshool settings, and at school. Canadian Association of Family Resource Programs Web site: http://www.frp.ca Providing leadership, consultation, and resources to 500 program members and approximately 1,500 nonmembers who care for children and support families across Canada. Canadian Association of Speech-Language Pathologists and Audiologists Web site: http://www.caslpa.ca Representing 3,800 speech-language pathologists and audiologists and supporting their professional development needs through a variety of services, including a national certification program, and championing the interests of people who require speech, language, and hearing services through advocacy activities. Canadian Child Care Federation Web site: http://www.cccf-fcsge.ca Improving the quality of child care for Canada’s families through a membership base of 9,000 child care providers across the country. Canadian Coalition for the Rights of Children Web site: http://www.rightsofchildren.ca Promoting the concerns of over fifty national, nongovernmental organizations to ensure the observance, both by governments and individuals, of the rights and freedoms proclaimed in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Canadian Council of Food and Nutrition Web site: http://www.ccfn.ca Working toward the nutritional health of all Canadians through a network of some 3,000 key decision makers in the nutrition and health field, including health professionals, academics, government representatives, industry leaders, and media contacts. Canadian Council on Social Development Web site: http://www.ccsd.ca This is one of the largest and most active agencies providing nongovernmental information on social issues, including those of children and youth. Some of their recent publications include: The Progress of Canada’s Children for 1999–2000, 2001, and 2002, and can be found at www.ccsd.ca/research.htm.
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Canadian Health Network Web site: http://www.canadian-health-network.ca The Canadian Health Network (CHN) is a national, bilingual health promotion program The CHN’s goal is to help Canadians find the information they are looking for on how to stay healthy and prevent disease. Canadian Institute of Child Health Web site: http://www.cich.ca Working with governments, educators, and professionals to equip them with the best in research and programs, and reaching out to families to help with the crucial task of nurturing, protecting, educating, and empowering our children and youth. Canadian Mental Health Association Web site: http://www.cmha.ca Promoting the mental health of all people for over eighty years. Canadian Paediatric Society Web site: http://www.cps.ca Serving Canadian children and its membership of 2,000 pediatricians by advocating for the health needs of Canada’s children and youth, establishing national standards and guidelines for pediatric care and practice, and providing continuing medical education in pediatrics. Canadian Parents for French Web site: http://www.cpf.ca Valuing French as an integral part of Canada and dedicated to the promotion and creation of French second-language learning opportunities for young Canadians. Canadian Parks and Recreation Association Web site: http://www.cpra.ca Raising awareness and promoting the importance of quality community leisure services and recreation experiences for all Canadians through the advocacy efforts of its 3,000 members and hundred of allies. Canadian Public Health Association Web site: http://www.cpha.ca Advocating for the improvement and maintenance of personal and community health through a membership network of 2,000. Canadian Teachers’ Federation Web site: http://www.ctf-fce.ca Ensuring that, as teachers, opinion was heard and taken into account whenever any authority outside the provincial jurisdiction was considering action that would affect teachers, or impinge on their work with students. Canadian Toy Testing Council Web site: http://www.toy-testing.org Serving Canada’s families through the publication of an annual toy report based on input from a network of 400 families, evaluators, and advocates who encourage the design, manufacture, and distribution of toys sensitive to children’s needs.
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Caring for First Nations Children Society Web site: http://www.cfncs.com To provide professional development, research, and liaison services for First Nations who protect and promote the well-being of First Nations children and families by respecting and reaffirming traditional values and beliefs, encouraging innovative and quality child and family service delivery, and empowering the voices of First Nations peoples. Centre of Excellence for Child Welfare Web site: http://www.cecw-cepb.ca The Centre of Excellence for Child Welfare encourages collaborative projects that integrate child maltreatment prevention and interventions across a variety of sectors, including health care, education, justice, and recreation. Centres of Excellence for Children’s Well Being Web site: http://www.hc-sc.gc.ca/hppb/childhood-youth/centres/index2.html An initiative of the federal government of Canada. Each centre is focusing on a different issue: child welfare, communities, early childhood development, special needs, and youth engagement. The centres are dynamic ‘‘virtual’’ networks. They link experts in children’s health regardless of the region in which they live. Child and Family Canada Web site: http://www.cfc-efc.ca A unique Canadian public education Web site. Fifty Canadian nonprofit organizations have come together under the banner of Child & Family Canada to provide quality, credible resources on children and families on an easy-to-navigate Web site. The managing partner of the consortium is the Canadian Child Care Federation. Child Welfare League of Canada Web site: http://www.cwlc.ca Promoting and protecting the well-being of at-risk children, youth, and their families through a network of 75 service agencies who serve over 500,000 children and their families. Childwatch International Web site: http://www.childwatch.uio.no Childwatch International is a coalition of twenty-nine major academic and other research agencies around the world that focus on children’s issues. Their Web site provides a wide range of research and more general information, as well as links to many other websites focused on specific issues. Family Service Canada Web site: http://www.familyservicecanada.org Representing families and family-serving agencies across the country through a network of seventy-five service agencies who serve over 500,000 children and their families. First Call Web site: http://www.firstcallbc.org
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A coalition of organizations and community groups that promote legislation, policy, and practice that will enable children and youth to achieve their full potential and to participate in making a better world. They believe that children and youth need first call on society’s resources. First Nations Child & Family Caring Society Web site: http://www.fncfcs.com Promoting the well-being of all First Nations children, youth, families, and communities with a particular focus on the prevention of, and response to, child maltreatment. Girl Guides of Canada Web site: http://www.girlguides.ca Challenging girls to reach their potential and empowering them to give leadership and service as responsible citizens of the world. Go for Green Web site: http://www.goforgreen.ca A national not-for-profit organization that encourages Canadians to pursue healthy, outdoor physical activity while being good environmental citizens. One of Go for Green’s major programs is Active & Safe Routes to School, encouraging youth and their families to choose walking, cycling, and other active ways to get to and from school. Go for Green identifies and shares community-driven solutions that make a positive contribution to Canadian society. Home Child Care Association of Ontario Web site: http://www.hccao.com Promoting, developing, and supporting home-based child care services for families through licensed agencies. Hospital for Sick Children Web site: http://www.sickkids.on.ca Enhancing the health and well-being of children locally, nationally, and internationally by designing strategies and fostering networks that shape the health outcomes of children. Invest in Kids Web site: http://www.investinkids.ca Ensuring the healthy social, emotional, and intellectual development of young children from birth to age five. Guided by experts in child development and parenting, their research, public education, and professional education initiatives are aimed at strengthening the parenting knowledge, skills, and confidence of all those who touch the lives of Canada’s youngest children. Learning Disabilities Association of Canada Web site: http://www.ldac-taac.ca Serving 10,000 families and professionals in every province and territory who work to help those affected by the presence of learning disabilities.
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Media Awareness Network Web site: http://www.media-awareness.ca Serving the Canadian public school system and all Canadians through an online clearinghouse that provides resources for media education, consumer information, and background materials on media issues affecting children and youth. Multiple Births Canada Web site: http://www.multiplebirthscanada.org Improving the quality of life for multiple birth individuals and their families in Canada. With an extensive network of local chapters, healthcare professionals, and organizations, Multiple Births Canada is the source for information on multiple births in Canada. Nunavut Inuit Child Care Association (NICCA) Box 159 Port Inlet, NU X0A 050 Representing children, childcare centers, child development programs and services, societies, and staff. NICCA will assume the principles of the Inuit Child Care Program and will work to assure that they are employed in Nunavut licensed childcare centers. These include Inuit-directed, -developed, and -delivered services. Safe Kids Canada Web site: http://www.sickkids.ca/safekidscanada Safe Kids Canada providing the public and professionals with information on preventing children’s injuries. Sparrow Lake Alliance Web site: http://www.sparrowlake.org Raising awareness and promoting the optimal development of all children and youth through a coalition membership of twelve professions and seven service sectors, as well as representatives of parent and youth organizations in Ontario. The Vanier Institute of the Family Web site: http://www.vifamily.ca Promoting the well-being of Canadian families through a diverse membership of 500 family lawyers, researchers, professional associations, teachers, libraries, and community groups. Voices for Children (VFC) Web site: http://www.voices4children.org Striving to strengthen public commitment to the healthy development of children and youth in Ontario. VFC has a vision of citizens working together to communicate the importance of healthy child development and the need for supportive, family-friendly policies and programs. Volunteer Canada Web site: http://www.volunteer.ca Promoting volunteerism in Canada, strengthening communities, and developing the capacity of the voluntary sector to engage citizens as volunteers.
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Youth Net/Reseau Ado (YN/RA) Ottawa Web site: http://www.youthnet.on.ca A bilingual regional mental health promotion and intervention program run by youth, for youth.
Selected Bibliography Adema, William, Ana€ıs Loizillon, Elina Pylkk€anen, Olivier Thevenon, Maxime Laidique, Elma Lopes, and Mark Pearson. 2005. Babies and Bosses—Reconciling Work and Family Life, Vol. 4: Canada, Finland, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. OECD Publishing. Allen, Mary, Shelley Harris, and George Butlin. 2003. Finding Their Way: A Profile of Young Canadian Graduates. Statistics Canada. Catalogue #81-595MIEno.003. Ambert, Ann-Marie. 1998. Divorce: Facts, Figures and Consequences. York University, for the Vanier Institute of the Family, 1998. Ottawa: Vanier Institute of the Family. Revised 2005. www.vifamily.ca/library/cft/divorce_05.pdf. Badgley, R. F. 1984. Report of the Committee on the Study of Sexual Offences Against Children in Canada. Ottawa: Ministry of Supply and Services. Baker, Maureen. 1995. Canadian Family Policy. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Beyer, Peter. 2006. Immigrant Youth and Religion in Canada. A research project conducted by and under the supervision of Dr. Peter Beyer. Department of Classics and Religious Studies, University of Ottawa. http://aix1.uottawa.ca/ pbeyer/immyouth.htm. Brown, Maureen. 2002. We Are Not Alone: Police Racial Profiling in Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom. An Executive Summary of ‘‘Crisis, Conflict, and Accountability,’’ by Charles C. Smith and ‘‘In their Own Voices: African Canadians in the Greater Toronto Area Share Experiences of Police Profiling.’’ Commissioned by the African-Canadian Coalition on Racial Profiling. http://www/camtraomomg/prg/BTC/docs.CanadianReferences/We% 20are%20Not%20Alone%20-%20Police%20Profiling.pdf. Campaign 2000. 2006. 2006 Report Card on Child and Family Poverty in Canada. http://www.campaign2000.ca/rc/rc06/06_C2000NationalReportCard.pdf. Canada Evidence Act. 2007. http://laws.justice.gc.ca/en/C-5/. Canadian Children’s Rights Council. http://www.canadiancrc.com/. Canadian Institute of Child Health; A CICH Profile. 2000. The Health of Canada’s Children, 3rd edition. Ottawa: Canadian Institute of Child Health. Canadian Parks and Recreation Association. 2007. http://www.cpra.ca/e/ index.htm. Canadian Social Trends: A Canadian Studies Reader. 1994. Vol. 2. Toronto: Thompson Educational Publishing, Inc. Central Intelligence Agency. 2006. World Fact Book. https://www.cia.gov/cia/pub lications/factbook/print/ca.html. Children and Families at Risk: New Issues in Integration Services. 1998. Center for Educational Research and Innovation. OECD Publishing (e-book). Citizenship and Immigration Canada. 2005. http://www.cic.gc.ca/english/pdf/ pub/facts2005.pdf. City of Toronto. 2000. ‘‘The Toronto Report Card on Homelessness.’’ http:// www.toronto.ca/homelessness/2000/index.htm.
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Commission for Labor Cooperation. 2006. Guide to Child Labor Laws in Canada. http://www.naalc.org/migrant/english/pdf/mgcanchl_en.pdf. Criminal Code of Canada. 2007. http://www.efc.ca/pages/law/cc/cc.html. Department of Justice Canada. Selected Statistics on Canadian Families and Family Law, 2nd ed. http://www.justice.gc.ca/en/ps/sup/pub/selstats2000/chap1 .html. ———. Trafficking in Persons. Legislation (Bill C-49), An Act to Amend the Criminal Code (Trafficking in Persons). http://www.justice.gc.ca/en/fs/ht/bill.html. Dolin, Benjamin, and Margaret Young. 2004. Canada’s Immigration Program, revised. October 2004. Library of Parliament, Law and Government Division. http://www.parl.gc.ca/information/library/PRBpubs/bp190-e.htm. Education@Canada. 2006. General Overview of Education in Canada. http:// [email protected]/EN/EdSys/over.php. Family Violence Initiative. http://www.phac-aspc.gc.ca/ncfv-cnivf/. Francis, L. J. 2000. ‘‘Youth and Religion.’’ Canada and the World Backgrounder, December. Glossop, Robert. 1999. ‘‘Family Life: Past, Present and Future.’’ Transition Magazine 29, no. 4, Vanier Institute of the Family. Government of Canada. 2002. National Report–Canada, Ten-Year Review of the World Summit for Children. http://www.phac-aspc.gc.ca/dca-dea/publications/pdf/ children-national-report-e.pdf. ———. Health Canada. 2002a. Healthy Canadians: A Federal Report on Comparable Health Indicators, 2002. Ottawa: Health Canada. http://www.hc-sc.gc.ca/ hcs-sss/pubs/care-soins/2002-fed-comp-indicat/index_e.html. ———. Health Canada. 2002b. The Family Violence Initiative, Five-Year Report. December. http://www.phac-aspc.gc.ca/ncfv-cnivf/familyviolence/pdfs/ Family-Violence-Report-040224.pdf. Grzeskowiak, Mark. 2005. Healthcare in Canada. http://www.medhunters.com/ articles/healthcareincanada. Henripin, Jacques. 2000. Les Enfants, la pauvert e et la richesse au Canada [Children, poverty and wealth in Canada]. Montreal: Les Editions Varia. Hewlett, Sylvia Anne. 1992. When the Bough Breaks: The Cost of Neglecting our Children. New York: Harper Perennial Publishing Howe, N., and Prochner, L. 2000. Early Childhood Care and Education in Canada. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. Hwang, Stephen W. 2001. ‘‘Homelessness and Health.’’ Canadian Medical Association Journal 164, no. 1: 229–233. Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. 1998. Gathering Strength: Canada’s Aboriginal Action Plan. Ottawa: INAC. http://www.ainc-inac.gc-ca/gs/pdf/rprt 98.pdf. Karlis, George. 2004. Leisure and Recreation in Canadian Society. Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press. Labor Program, Human Resources and Social Development Canada. October 15, 2006. http://www.hrsdc.gc.ca/en/lp/spila/clli/eslc/minage(e).pdf. Marcil-Gratton, Nicole. 1998. Growing up with Mom and Dad? Children and Family Instability. Ottawa: Human Resources Development Canada, Applied Research Branch. Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. 2000. Gathering Strength: Canada’s Aboriginal Action Plan, A Progress Report. Ottawa. http://www.inac.gc.ca. National Forum on Youth Gangs. 1999. http://ww2.psepc-sppcc.gc.ca/Publica tions/Policing/199912_e.pdf.
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Neuman, Shirley, Provost, University of Toronto. 2003. Introduction to the Conference [Presented at the Conference Literacy Policies for the Schools We Need, at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto, Thursday, November 6]. http://literacyconference.oise.utoronto.ca/papers/ provost.pdf. Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, Supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime. 2000. http://www.uncjin.org/Documents/ Conventions/dcatoc/final_documents_2/convention_%20traff_eng.pdf. Public Health Agency of Canada. Statistics and Public Opinion, Re: Physical Activity Levels and Obesity in Children and Youth (source: Canadian Fitness and Lifestyle Research Institute, 2000 Physical Activity Monitor). http://www .phac-aspc.gc.ca/pau-uap/paguide/child_youth/media/stats.html. Rogers, Rix. 1990. Reaching for Solutions: Report of the Special Advisor to the Minister of National Health and Welfare on Child Sexual Abuse in Canada. Ottawa: Health and Welfare Canada. http://www.phac-aspc.gc.ca/ncfv-cnivf/family violence/archives/html/1reach2.htm. Sign On for Canada’s Kids. 2000. ‘‘First Ministers’ Communique on Early Childhood Development, Ottawa, September 11, 2000.’’ http://www.childcaread vocacy.ca/sock/res/fmcomm.html. Statistics Canada. 2001a. Census. http://www.statcan.ca/Daily/English/011114/ d011114a.htm. ———. 2001b Census: Analysis Series Religions in Canada. http://www12.stat can.ca/english/census01/products/analytic/companion/rel/contents.cfm. ———. 2002. Weddings and Kids Less Popular. October 22. http://www.cbc.ca/ news/story/2002/10/22/census_021022.html. ———. 2004. http://www40.statcan.ca/l01/cst01/health21a.htm. ———. 2006. http://www40.statcan.ca/l01/cst01/demo04a.htm. ———. 2006a. ‘‘Welcome to Statistics Canada.’’ http://www.statcan.ca/start.html. ———. 2006b. Budget 2006. Ch. 3, Building a Better Canada: Families and Communities. http://www.fin.gc.ca/budget06/pdf/bp2006e.pdf. ———. 2007. Latest release from the Labor Force Survey. http://www.statcan.ca/ english/Subjects/. Stenning, Philip. 1994. Police Use of Force and Violence against Members of Visible Minority Groups in Canada. Ottawa: Solicitor General of Canada and Canadian Centre for Police-Race Relations. Thomas, David, ed. 2000. Canada and the United States: Differences that Count, 2nd ed. Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press Ltd. Tremblay, Helene. 1988. Families of the World, Family Life at the Close of the 20th Century. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Tremblay, M. S., and J. D. Willms. 2000. ‘‘Secular Trends in Body Mass Index in Canadian Children.’’ Canadian Medical Association Journal 163, no. 11: 1429–1433. Trocme, N., D. Knoke, and Cindy Blackstock. 2004. ‘‘Pathways to the Representation of Aboriginal Children in Canada’s Child Welfare System.’’ Social Service Review 78, no. 4: 577–600. Trocme, Nico, et al. 2005. Canadian Incidence Study of Reported Child Abuse and Neglect, 2003: Major Findings. Ottawa: Public Works and Government Services. Usalcas, Jeannine. 2005. ‘‘Youth and the Labour Market.’’ Perspectives on Labour and Income 6, no. 11. http://www.statcan.ca/english/freepub/75-001-XIE/ 1110575-001-XIE.html.
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Waddell, C., K. McEwan, C. A. Shepherd, D. R. Offord, and J. M. Hua. 2005. ‘‘A Public Health Strategy to Improve the Mental Health of Canadian Children.’’ Canadian Journal of Psychiatry 5, no. 4: 226–233. Worswick, Christopher. 2001. School Performance of the Children of Immigrants 1994–1998. Statistics Canada. Catalogue no. 11f0019MIE-178. The Youth Criminal Justice Act. 2002. http://www.justice.gc.ca/en/ps/yj/ycja/ explan.html. Youth Protection Act. 1979, Article 38, Section 1 of Chapter 4. http:// 72.14.203.104/search?q¼cache:wvqWLaF5i-J:142.213.87.17/en/commun/ docs/LPJ_. Zuzanek, Jiri. 2001. ‘‘Parenting Time: Enough or Too Little?’’ Isuma: Canadian Journal of Policy Research 2 (Summer): 125–133.
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CUBA Marıa Isabel Domınguez, translated by Sheryl Lutjens ‘‘Children are born to be happy.’’ Jose Martı
NATIONAL PROFILE In Cuban society today, children (birth to eighteen years of age) represent 25 percent of a population of more than 11 million people.1 This is the lowest proportion in Cuban history. In the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, children represented nearly 40 percent of the population; in the 1980s, they were still a third of the population. The sustained rate of decline informs a prediction that by 2020 children will count for approximately 15 percent of the total population (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2006, II.12). This change is a result of low birth rates combined with a continued increase in life expectancy (77.0 years) that is contributing to a rapid aging of the population.2 The processes of demographic transition occurring in Cuban society are one part of the larger process of social transformation during the last five decades, transformation that has had a strong impact on the social structure and the composition of families. The principal impact on social structure in Cuba is seen in the radical change in class structure. This change is explained by a concerted redistributive process that substantially reduced economic inequalities as well as by social policies that promoted My thanks to Claudia Castilla for her assistance in the development of this chapter. 1. In 2005, the number of persons ages birth to eighteen years rose to 2,816,156 to a total population of 11,243,836 (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2006, II.3). 2. Today, the population ages sixty or more years represents 15.8 percent of the total population (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2006, II.3). Estimates are that by the year 2020, this group will represent 21 percent of the population (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas, 2006, II.12) and by 2030, 30 percent (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2004a, 110).
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social justice and the eradication of discrimination based on gender, race, geographical location, or any other difference. These changes had a direct effect on the conditions of Cuban families. In the 1950s, the Cuban family was relatively large, with 4.9 members on average (Comite Estatal de Estadısticas 1984, CXXXVI) and a high rural concentration (Comite Estatal de Estadısticas 1984, LXXXOX). Educational levels were very low, with 80 percent of the population not completing the primary level of education (Comite Estatal de Estadısticas 1984, CLXXVII), as was women’s participation in the work force and social life. For example, only 11 percent of women were active in the labor force (Tribunal Supremo Electoral 1953, 143). Only 51 percent of boys and girls between the ages of six and sixteen were enrolled in school during this period (Comite Estatal de Estadısticas 1984, CLXXXVI), and only 25 percent of adolescents between fifteen and nineteen years old finished primary school (Comite Estatal de Estadısticas 1984, CLXXVII). According to the Survey of Employment, Underemployment, and Unemployment undertaken by the National Economic Council between May 1956 and April 1957, some 130,000 children worked for only minimal remuneration. Improving the situation of children and youth, offering them every possibility for access to education, health, and a dignified life, has been one of the principal priorities of the social policies developed by the Cuban government since the triumph of the Revolution in January 1959. The attention to children and youth has been accompanied by an equivalent focus on women that is understandable given the direct relationship between these groups. The Federation of Cuban Women, created in 1960, is a non-governmental organization with roots in communities and neighborhoods that represents the interests of women, and at the same time—together with other governmental agencies and social organizations—works to ensure the healthy development of children and youth. Efforts were thus made to make real women’s rights to study and to work. Special improvement and employment plans were created for specific groups of women, such as young women from rural areas and housewives.
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As a result of policies such as these, the educational level of Cuban women increased at an accelerated pace.3 There was also a significant change in the area of women’s work outside the home. By 1975 and the United Nations-designated International Women’s Year, the figure had already quadrupled, with women’s share of the labor force reaching 27 percent (Comite Estatal de Estadısticas 1984, LXIII–LXXII). The proportion of women continued to grow, and by the start of the 1990s it reached 40 percent (Federaci on de Mujeres Cubanas 1996, 26). In addition to education and employment, efforts in the area of women’s health quite specifically attended to pregnant women, including both the early detection of deformities or genetic problems and the prevention of complications during pregnancy and delivery through the provision of hospital care for nearly all women having children. The attention to the reproductive health of women is accompanied by sex education measures, guaranteed access to contraceptives, and specialized attention (clinical and psychological) to the practice of abortion such that motherhood can be a responsible decision. These commitments are complemented by legal protections that guarantee women the right to have paternal recognition and maintenance of their children even if the child is conceived outside of marriage, as well as the protection of mothers and their children by the state and society as sanctioned by the Cuban Constitution. The Constitution of the Republic, promulgated in 1976 and modified in 1992, establishes in Article 40 that ‘‘the state and society give special protection to children and young people. It is the duty of the family, the schools, the state agencies, and the social and mass organizations to pay special attention to the integral development of children and young people’’ (Asamblea Nacional de Poder Popular 1992, 21). All of these policies have contributed to the changing demographic patterns of the population and especially the dynamics of fertility. After the sharp growth that took place immediately after the Revolution (with a high point in the 1964–1965 period), producing a sort of ‘‘baby boom’’ and maintaining high fertility rates until 1972, a sustained decline beginning in 1978 resulted in fertility rates that do not guarantee the replacement of the population. An interesting demographic dynamic in terms of the age structures of the population has, at each point of change, created the principal shifts in social policies.
3. During the 1960s and 1970s, the number of male graduates grew 4.76 times, and female graduates increased 12.76 times; in other words, the rate of growth of women graduates tripled the rate for men. For this reason, the proportion of women among graduates of higher education expanded significantly. Before 1959 two of every ten university graduates were women, in 1980 four of every ten were women, and in the 1990s the number rose to nearly seven (Domınguez 2004, 107).
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Thus, in the 1960s and the first half of the 1970s, the age distribution was concentrated in children, which obligated social policies to attend rapidly to the demands of this social group. In this stage, the need for childcare centers, primary school teachers, and vaccination and other programs were met with the necessary emergency plans. Already beginning in the 1970s and 1980s, the social demands on state policy shifted to satisfying the needs of the adolescent and youth population. This was the point where huge numbers of students entered basic and higher secondary studies, requiring new emergency plans for the training of teachers for these levels, as well as the extensive construction of educational facilities. Then in the second half of the 1980s, the cohort of youth born in the ‘‘baby boom’’ arrived at working age, creating an expanding demand for employment (Domınguez et al. 1990). In other words, social policy was faced with the challenge of satisfying the widespread demands for basic education, higher levels of education, employment, youth recreation, housing for newly married couples, and childcare centers and primary education for the children of these young couples, all at the same time. The decade of the 1990s presented the great challenge of conserving social policy at its previous levels, given the severe economic crisis that the country experienced as a result of changes in the international context that accompanied the collapse of the Eastern European socialist camp with which Cuba had maintained is principal economic relations and by the intensification of the economic and financial blockade established by the United States in the early 1960s. Undoubtedly this decade saw the negative effects of crisis in the living standards of the population, which also affected children, requiring a great effort by the state and KEY FACTS – CUBA society as a whole to conserve Population: 11,394,043 (July 2007 est.) the successes achieved and to Life expectancy at birth: 77.08 years (2007 est.) avoid decline in the social standLiteracy rate: 97 percent (2003 est.) ards of education, health, and Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 96 percent social well-being. (2000–2005) Internet users: 190,000 (2005) The current situation is differPeople living with HIV/AIDS: 4800 (2005 est.) ent. Despite the fact that the Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 6 harmful effects of the blockade Sources: CIA World Factbook: Cuba. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ continued, Cuba is finding new publications/factbook/geos/cu.html. April 17, 2007; UNICEF. At modes of reinsertion in the intera Glance: Cuba–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ national economy and is achievcuba_statistics.html. April 24, 2007; World Health Organization (WHO): UNAIDS/WHO Global HIV/AIDS Online Database. ing significant levels of economic ‘‘Epidemiological Fact Sheets on HIV/AIDS and Sexuality growth that have permitted Transmitted Diseases: Cuba.’’ http://www.who.int/GlobalAtlas/ advances in its social programs. predefinedReports/EFS2006/index.asp?strSelectedCountry¼CU. For example, during 2006, the December 2006; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Cuba. http:// gross national product (GNP) hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/ grew 12.5 percent, the highest cty_ds_CUB.html. April 26, 2007. rate of growth achieved by Cuba
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after the triumph of the Revolution and the best in Latin America and the Caribbean in 2006, according to CEPAL. With these economic results, the 2007 state budget will dedicate resources equivalent to 22.6 percent of the GNP to education and public health, four times more than the average in Latin America. At the same time, low fertility rates sustained over a long period of time, the rising life expectancy of the population, and migratory processes have catalyzed the aging of the population. Such a change in demographic structures favors the actions of social policies accustomed to prioritizing the much higher needs of children and youth whose numerical reduction allowed a shift to a strategy of more differentiated, and in many cases more personalized, attention. OVERVIEW At the beginning of the 21st century, a consistent decline in infant mortality rate means that Cuban children benefit from extremely good chances of being born alive, in adequate sanitary conditions, and of remaining healthy. The infant mortality rate in Cuba is about 5 per 1,000 live births, which is the lowest rate in Latin America and locates Cuba among those countries with the lowest infant mortality rates in the world. Cuban boys and girls develop with free public health services guaranteed, and they have full access to education that is also public and free at every level, with equal opportunities for all children, regardless of gender, race, the economic situation of the family, religious affiliation, or the region of the country in which they live. This equality of opportunity facilitates educational coverage of 99 percent at the primary level and 86 percent at secondary level, with gender parity of 0.99 and 1.03 girls per boy respectively (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2006, XVI.23). The legal system of the country guarantees the rights of Cuban children to a healthy life and a quality education, to the protection of their families and of society as a whole, and to not be employed in activities that exploit or compromise their physical and moral integrity. Cuba is a signatory to the Convention on the Rights of the Child since January 1990, a mere two months after the approval on November 20, 1989, by the United Nations General Assembly, and to its ratification in 1991. EDUCATION Since 1959, education in Cuba has been public and free at every level. Education is compulsory through ninth grade. For boys and girls of preschool age whose mothers work, there are childcare centers and kindergartens that enroll children between one and five years old. Currently, approximately 17 percent of Cuban children in this age group attend preschool institutions (Oficina Nacional de
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Estadısticas 2006, XVI.2). There is also the ‘‘Educate Your Child’’ program for children in this age group. This program was conceived to provide attention to children who do not attend childcare centers, either because their mothers do not work outside the home or because the coverage of childcare centers is still not universal. The ‘‘Educate Your Child’’ program is coordinated by the Ministry of Education and the Federation of Cuban Women, organizing preschool education through informal or noninstitutional methods with the objective of orientating the family to enable it to nurture their child’s development with scientifically based ideas and pedagogical methods that correspond to the educational needs of children in this age group. Primary education has achieved nearly universal coverage for children aged six to eleven (99 percent) and coverage is 96.8 percent at the secondary level (until ninth grade). For the children in the twelve to seventeen years age group as a whole, however, coverage is 86 percent (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2006, XVI. 23). The upper level of secondary education has two basic modalities: preuniversity education that prepares adolescents for enrollment in high education and technical-professional education that prepares youth for the exercise of a trade or profession, although these youth may subsequently continue with university studies. Children with physical or mental disabilities also have a guaranteed right to education. They are evaluated by specialists in the Centers for Diagnosis and Orientation, of which there are 193 in all the provinces, and they attend one of the 421 schools of special education that exist on the island. For those children with a physical limitation that means they cannot attend school, there are ‘‘traveling’’ teachers who visit their homes, as well as hospital classrooms for those children who are hospitalized for long periods of time (O. Pe~ nate 2005, 28). After 2000, social policy was given a new impulse through the creation of what were called ‘‘new social programs.’’ An important part of the new social programs is expanding the possibilities for access to a quality education for all Cuban children and youth. Some of these new programs include the following: .
.
.
The large-scale preparation of teachers-in-training for primary education and of comprehensive teachers for secondary education. There was a related change in the conceptions of teaching in basic secondary education (junior high) with the shift from teachers working in specialized subject areas to comprehensive teachers who will cover all areas. The reduction in the number of students per classroom, to twenty in primary education and fifteen in basic secondary, in order to provide more personalized attention to students. Changes in programs of study with the introduction of computing and audiovisual programs at all levels of education, as well as the
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.
.
guarantee that the program has the needed technology through the provision of televisions, video players, and computers to all schools. Creation of Courses of Comprehensive Improvement for youth who neither study nor work, in which students receive remuneration and the opportunity to continue studying in higher education. In the first two years more than 100,000 youth graduated from these courses and, of them, one-third have enrolled in higher education. The expansion of higher education to all the localities in the country with the creation of municipal university centers. In the 1950s, only three universities existed in Cuba; in the 1990s, there were fifteen universities and forty-two other centers of higher education in medicine, pedagogical sciences, the arts, sports, and other fields, for a total of fifty-seven university centers (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2004, 306). Currently, there are seventeen universities and another fifty-eight higher institutes in different fields for a total of sixty-five centers of higher education; there are also 3,150 university centers in the different municipalities of the country (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2006, XVI.5). This vision of universalizing higher education has permitted enrollment to increase 3.8 times in only five years, the highest figure achieved in the history of Cuba, and one that ensures that all higher secondary school graduates can enter thirdlevel studies (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2006, XVI.19). Beyond facilitating the expansion of enrollments, the creation of municipal university centers has contributed to the modification of the social composition of the university student body, effectively extending educational opportunities to all sectors of society, in particular youth from the least advantaged social groups.4
In addition to institutional delivery of education, the training of children and youth is promoted in other ways. For example: .
.
Two new television channels with educational programming have been created, and such programs as ‘‘University for All’’ have been introduced to provide specialization in subject offerings, including foreign languages. The Youth Computation and Electronics Club Program has been extended to all localities in Cuba in order to develop an informatics culture in each community, with children and youth as a priority. This program has already graduated 150,000 youth in its regular courses. Today there are approximately 600 installations in Cuba’s 169 municipalities, with an average growth since its creation in 2000 of eightytwo centers each year (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2006, XIX.13).
4. Research findings show an increased presence of children of workers, and of blacks and mestizos in university classrooms (Domınguez and Domınguez 2005).
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Without a doubt, education is a right that is guaranteed for children and youth, and they themselves recognize it as such.5 Education constitutes the biggest category of expenditure in the state budget (in 2005 it reached 25.7 percent of expenditures) (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2006, V.4), but improving the quality of education and making it even more accessible to all Cubans remain ongoing objectives. PLAY AND RECREATION Closely linked to the educational system are sports and recreational opportunities for children and adolescents. Physical education is taught throughout the entire educational system, promoting the practice of physical activities and different sports, in which student competitions are held at each level from the local schools up through the national level. For example, in 2005 thirty-six provincial and national level competitions were organized in thirty-six sports specialties with more than 30,000 students competing (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2006, XX.2). ‘‘Interest circles’’ are organized in primary and secondary schools. Students join these groups according to their diverse interests, which could be scientific, artistic, sports, culinary, and so on, and use play as a means to develop abilities and knowledge in these areas. To the end of development of abilities, there are installations called ‘‘Pioneer Palaces.’’ There is still an insufficient number of ‘‘Palaces’’ for all children to attend however. Student organizations at the primary and secondary levels also develop such activities as the Movement of Pioneer Explorers, Pioneer camping (campismo), and other activities and excursions that combine physical activity with learning about nature and the protection of the environment. Children and youth especially like camping and the direct contact with nature it provides, whether it is in the countryside, the beach, or other spots of particular natural interest. As a mode of recreation, families often participate in campismo, although it has a special appeal for youth. Despite the growth of installations for this form of recreation (called ‘‘camping bases’’) and the improvement of general conditions, the demand by youth still exceeds capacity, above all during periods of vacation. Children can also count on cultural and recreational space in the mass media. Specific radio and television programming is dedicated to children and adolescents, and there is a national production of programs for children. In Cuba, there exists cinema produced for children that is also expanding. In 2005, seventy-six animated films were produced, a number that is nineteen times greater than the production in 2000 (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2006, XIX.3). 5. According to a survey undertaken with adolescents between fourteen and eighteen years of age, 91.7 percent recognized education as one of their principal rights and, in fact, it was the most widely recognized right (A.I. Pe~ nate 2005, 16)
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Similarly, there is extensive production of audiovisuals of varied types. The Festival of Audiovisuals for Children and Adolescents is celebrated annually, a project of education for communication based in respect for the creativity and expressiveness of children and their identification with the values that are properly their own. The festival has been accompanied since 1988 by a concurrent theoretical event called ‘‘The Audiovisual Universe of Latin American Children’’ (UNIAL). At the fifth meeting (1993) of this theoretical event, a network was created with the same name (UNIAL Network), conceived to unify the efforts of individuals and institutions of Iberoamerica that, without any profit motive whatsoever, aim to develop projects that promote the training, from the earliest ages, of more active, critical, and participatory spectators of cinema, audiovisual means of communication, and the world in which they live. Since 1995, the network has convened an international postgraduate course, ‘‘The Child and the Image,’’ aimed at educators, researchers, and, in general, any individual interested in audiovisual work with children and youth. There is also theatrical programming dedicated to children and youth, and some productions have been awarded international prizes. One example is the children’s theater group ‘‘La Colmenita,’’ composed entirely of children and staging a work that focuses on the integration of children with disabilities. Nevertheless, these offerings are concentrated more in the capital and the other principal Cuban cities, and for this reason special attention is given to the promotion of local initiatives through the Houses of Culture (Casas de Cultura) that exist in each municipality, the Workshops of Comprehensive Transformation in Havana City, and the many communitarian projects currently underway throughout the island. Published work dedicated to children and youth is ample. Of the total number of books and pamphlets published in 2005, 84 percent were textbooks for education, an additional 2.5 percent was dedicated to children’s entertainment, and 1 percent was for youth. Although the latter of these percentages might seem rather small, they actually reflect strong growth in publishing for children between 2000 and 2005—that for children grew nine times and for youth eight times, representing a great volume of books (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2006, XIX.2). Magazines for children Pionero (Pioneer), and youth are published regularly, including Zunzun, Somos J ovenes (We Are Youth), and Muchachas (Girls), among others. In events related to books and reading, such as the International Book Fair celebrated every year in February—and now extended throughout the entire country (the first fairs were only in Havana), sales of children’s books are high as is the participation of children in the many activities offered at the fair. Schools and other cultural institutions work to elevate the taste for reading. Libraries, whether national, provincial, or municipal, have a Children and Youth Room and promote numerous literary competitions.
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An effort is being made to increase the production of recorded children’s music and to promote musical programs for children, a line of work that has had insufficient attention in recent years. This was a concern for a large number of institutions and specialists because the missing children’s songs were substituted by a preference for other songs and styles of rhythm typically considered to be adult, which has little correspondence with the worries, knowledge, and necessary fantasies of children (Perez 2006, 4; Y. Dıaz 2006, 10). Currently, neighborhood playgrounds, affected by the economic crisis of the 1990s, are also being recuperated as a social space in which boys and girls play, undertake physical activities, and establish social relations with their peers. For example, in Havana City there are 300 children’s playgrounds, and efforts are underway to provide better conditions in them as well as to construct new ones (Rıos 2004, 8). Television is one of the activities preferred by children, and, as noted, Cuban society is experiencing the development of an informational culture with increased access to computing, digital games, and the like. Yet the majority of children actually use their free time to play games and practice traditional physically active sports outside, in the streets and parks, and with the collective participation that is an important component of their socialization. In this vein, some studies have demonstrated that even though some gender differences exist in the recreational interests of adolescents, young girls preferring artistic and reading options and the boys showing more affinity for sports and active games, in general all adolescents tend to enjoy activities in which they have to ‘‘poner el cuerpo’’ (use their body)—dancing, theater, sports—and have less desire to be passive (Alvarez 2005, 53). In general, Cuban children and adolescents have many opportunities for the healthy enjoyment of their free time through games, the arts, and recreation, and the major part of these activities are free or offered at a very low cost. Nevertheless, the actual use of many of these opportunities, in particular those that are offered outside the school environment, depend on the possibilities and interests of the family, of levels of education, cultural interests, availability of free time, geographical location, and so on, and this creates a challenge for public policies that aim to expand recreational options and make them increasingly more accessible. CHILD LABOR One of the most important actions of the Cuban state in favor of children was the elimination of child labor nearly five decades ago. Legislation establishes seventeen as the age at which working life begins and that only in exceptional conditions may adolescents of fifteen and sixteen years of age be employed (never younger than fifteen years old) in the capacity
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of apprentices, under the supervision of older workers who act as tutors, and only in certain types of work. For this reason, minors who work (fifteen or sixteen years old) represent only 0.02 percent of workers and constitute 0.3 percent of adolescents in this age group. Moreover, youth of working age between seventeen and nineteen are only 2.7 percent of the work force and 25.6 percent of their age group (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2006, II.3 and VI.8). The fact that education is compulsory until ninth grade and that both primary and more recently secondary levels of education have a regimen of double sessions, limit the possibility that the family will use children as economic support for the family, whether in agricultural labor or in urban work in the self-employment sector. Nevertheless, the concept of education that is applied in Cuban schools postulates the importance of linking study and work as a formative element in the creation of capacities such as, above all, the formation of ethical values. In this way, beginning at the secondary level the schools have different modalities for linking the student with productive activities, including the ‘‘Schools to the Countryside,’’ the ‘‘Schools in the Countryside,’’ and different programs for social and community service. Similarly, in technical-professional education and higher education, adolescents and youth are placed in internships in labor centers associated with the specialty they study. Finally, during periods of vacation student brigades are organized with the voluntary participation of students in a diverse array of socially useful tasks. These activities are in all cases realized under adequate supervision and have an educational content; in no case is the objective to benefit from the work of children or adolescents. FAMILY The families in which Cuban children live today are diverse and do not always correspond with the traditional family patterns. Contemporary families have fewer members (an average of 3.16 members) (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2005, 164); only infrequently will a family have more than two children (a child younger than fifteen is found in only 46.2 percent of family units; of them 66.3 percent have only one child and three or more children are found in a scant 5.5 percent of families) (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2005, 308). There is a high proportion of divorced parents (7 percent of the population is divorced) (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2005, 170), and also a high proportion of families that are recomposed through a new marriage or union of one of the parents. In more than a few cases, children live with their mother only or, to a lesser extent, with their father only (25.8 percent of the heads of household are women) (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2005, 239). And in many cases families live in multigenerational households,
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sometimes including four generations, in part because the housing deficit—above all in the capital city Havana—necessitates intergenerational cohabitation (40.5 percent of the family units in Cuba are defined as extended or compound, that is, they consist of other persons besides parents and children) (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2005, 309). Traditional gender roles in the interior of the family are still strong and relegate to the mother the care and education of children, despite the profound social transformations that have catalyzed the transformation of the social role of women. These traditional roles are reproduced in the socialization of boys and girls. The family, and more specifically women, have the support of the government in the protection of their rights and those of their children. A series of legislative measures and practical actions have favored women, including the following: the promulgation of the Family Code in 1975, which expresses the equality of rights and responsibilities of women and men in the context of the family and their responsibilities with regard to children; the revision of the Labor Code with the objective of eliminating restrictions and prohibitions that affect women; and the approval and implementation of the National Action Plan for Follow-up to the IV United Nations Conference on Women and the creation of governmental commissions needed (M. Alvarez 2000, 83–84), such as the creation within the National Assembly (Parliament) of the Permanent Commission for Attention to Children, Youth and the Equal Rights of Women. The area of legal protections includes policies regarding motherhood that support women’s inclusion in the social sphere. Laws and resolutions grant women paid maternity leave with guaranteed salary and a return to her position for periods of time that have been extended through the years. Law 1263/74 (1974) provided twelve weeks of paid leave (half before and half after the birth of her child), with the possibility of parttime work thereafter. This law was complemented with Resolution 10/91 (1991) that expanded the extent of paid leave to eighteen weeks (six before the birth and twelve after) and the option of extending with a partially paid leave (60 percent of salary) until the child reaches six months or an unpaid leave until the children turns one, if the mother cannot return to her job (Federaci on de Mujeres Cubanas 1996, 31). DecreeLaw 234 of August 2003 reconfirmed the previous conditions but extended the option of a 60-percent paid leave until her child turns one and the possibility that this option can be used by the mother, the father, or another authorized family member (O. Pe~ nate 2005, 25–26). Since 1987, a program has existed that provides comprehensive social attention to single mothers and minors with social problems, including not only financial assistance through social welfare but also help with job placement for these women, the enrollment of their children in daycare centers and schools with semi-boarding conditions, as well as orientation to help them face their economic difficulties and the psychological and
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social problems that can be present. In the same way, the program promotes the reestablishing of relations with parents who do not fulfill their obligations, attempting to find them and persuade them to provide both material and affective attention to their children (O. Pe~ nate 2005, 27). More recently, as a result of two national studies, a program was created in 2003 to attend to mothers of children with severe disabilities. A psychosocial study of persons with disabilities and a psychopedagogical genetic study—both social and clinical—of persons with mental retardation facilitated the decision to turn the labor of mothers who care for their severely disabled children into ‘‘employment.’’ In the case of mothers who had previously worked outside the home, they are remunerated at the level of their earlier salary and for housewives, economic measures were defined according to the needs of the family unit. For both groups of mothers, this new form of work comes with all the normal labor rights, including the accumulation of time towards retirement. Those mothers that continue to work are offered the option of a social assistant who will come to the home to care for the child during the hours they are away at work. For children who are orphaned, help is provided to extended family members to ensure that they are cared for. When this is not possible, there are homes for children without family protection, under the supervision of the Ministry of Education, in which they are provided with maintenance, education, and recreation, as well as the affection of an environment that is as much like a family home as possible (O. Pe~ nate 2005, 27). HEALTH The health of the population in general and of children more specifically, together with education, constitute the two principal priorities of the social policies of the Cuban state. The expenditures dedicated to health amount to 17 percent of the total expenditures in the state budget (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2006, V.4). The efforts in the area of health are reflected in an ongoing reduction in the infant mortality rate. For example, in the last eleven years the decline in infant mortality rate has been on the order of 43.6 percent, which has produced a rate of 5.3 per 1,000 live births at the end of 2006, the lowest in Latin America and in the Americas; only Canada has a lower rate. Cuba is among thirty countries of the world with the lowest infant mortality rates (Pelaez, 2007). The principal causes of death of children less than one year old are perinatal infections such as hypoxia, hyaline membrane disease, and bronchial aspiration of meconial amniotic fluid, as well as congenital malformations and chromosomal abnormalities, infections typical of populations with a high level of development (Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas 2006, XV.20).
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This is the result of painstaking attention that begins with the mother, within the frame of one of the most important public health programs in Cuba, the Mother and Child Program. Mothers receive systematic monitoring during the entire pregnancy, which includes not only ambulatory medical attention or admission to the hospital if necessary, but also the possibility to stay in health institutions called ‘‘maternity homes’’ (hogares maternos). Maternity homes provide care for pregnant women who are at any type of risk to prevent possible complications; they are attended with such programs as the Early Diagnosis of Genetic Diseases Program and the Reduction of Low Birth Weight Program. These maternity homes fulfill an important function, above all in the most rural and isolated parts of the island. The low infant mortality rates are thus found throughout the entire country, and nine of Cuba’s fourteen provinces demonstrate an infant mortality rate lower than the national average, among them some of the provinces with the largest proportion of rural population. It is also important to note as well that, in completing this cycle of care of mothers and children, practically all births are in health institutions with hospital facilities.6 After the birth, the mother and child are attended with the Program to Promote Breastfeeding in order to increase this mode of nourishing the child, the Program of Perinatal Development, the Program to Combat Severe Diarrheal Illnesses and Severe Respiratory Infections, the Program for Prevention and Control of Infectious Neurological Syndromes, the Follow-up Growth of Children under Five Years Old, and the National Immunization Program. This last program guarantees the administration of ten vaccinations in the child population to protect against thirteen transmissible illnesses: poliomyelitis, diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis, Haemophilus influenzae type B, measles, German measles, mumps, infantile tuberculosis, typhoid fever, meningitis B and C, and hepatitis B (Instituto Nacional de Investigaciones Econ omicas 2005, 24). There are other important health programs—attention and prevention— developed by the Cuban state for children and adolescents. These include the National Action Program on Accidents in Minors under Twenty Years Old, the Program for Conscientious Motherhood and Fatherhood, the Program for Responsible Sexual Conduct, the ‘‘For Life’’ Community Program, the Program of Comprehensive Attention to Adolescents, and the ‘‘Growing Up in Adolescence’’ and ‘‘My Life Plan’’ Projects (Audivert and Otazo 2005, 11). State programs are offered to the entire population without any socially based distinction and are completely free. These health programs are complemented by other community and environmental efforts, such as the National Program for Potable Water 6. Even in the most difficult moments of the economic crisis of the decade of the 1990s, hospital births were maintained with a 99.8 percent coverage in 1995 (Federaci on de Mujeres Cubanas 1996, 89).
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that proposed to achieve more extensive coverage and currently guarantees sustainable access to potable water for 95.6 percent of the population: 98.2 percent in urban areas and 87.3 percent in rural zones (Instituto Nacional de Investigaciones Econ omicas 2005, 65). Related actions include sanitation and vector control, most notably in the Campaign to Eliminate the Aedes Aegyptis mosquito that transmits dengue and yellow fevers. Cuba works with the collaboration of international organizations and agencies in the implementation of some of its programs, such as United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), United Nations Population Fund (UNPF), and the United Nations Development Program (UNDP). Health programs are also supplemented with communications strategies directed to the education of children and youth for a healthy lifestyle. For example, since 1998 members of UNIAL described earlier have coordinated the ‘‘Gemini’’ Project of education for communication, under the auspices of the UN-HIV/AIDS program and the UNICEF Office. This project organizes efforts to establish a strategy for group work with adolescents in the elaboration and dissemination of audiovisual messages on the thematic of sexually transmitted diseases and HIV/AIDS. This is an area of health care that has received special emphasis within the programs and policies for prevention and attention to adolescence and youth. The HIV/AIDS epidemic in Cuba has grown slowly since its appearance at the end of the 1970s, and currently the prevalence rate is one of the lowest in the world (less than 0.1 percent of the sexually active population) (Trinquete 2005, 4). This is explained by the existence of specialized services for the population that are universal and free, an effective system of detection that allows for early diagnosis of cases, and a commitment to education, prevention, and comprehensive care that includes clinical, nutritional, and psychosocial attention (Rosabal 2005, 26). By December 31, 2005, 6,967 cases of seropositive individuals had been diagnosed, of which 41.9 percent became ill with AIDS, and of those 47.6 percent have died. Of the total cases of HIV, 80 percent are men (Rosabal 2005, 24); at the time of diagnosis of their condition, more than 70 percent were between fifteen and twenty-nine years of age, with a concentration in the subgroup aged twenty-five to twenty-nine (Domınguez and Domınguez 2005, 17). Given that the majority of persons who have contracted HIV have done so through unprotected sexual relations, and that there is a predominance of men who have sexual relations with other men, policy has stressed the importance of disease prevention through education and social communication that modifies the mistaken perceptions of youth (Domınguez and Domınguez 2005). Cases of seropositive infants are very rare in Cuba, and all are a result of transmission from a mother who has decided to have her child; mother
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and child are cared for from the gestational stage. The accumulated experience with attention to these children, including the guarantee of adequate health conditions and quality of life, is highly satisfactory (Trujillo and Rodrıguez, 2005) LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS In the legal field, there is a set of laws and regulations that advocates for the rights and protection of children, enacted even before these were defined in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Among the principal laws and regulations are the Constitution of the Republic, the Code of Children and Youth, The Law of Social Security, the Labor Code, the Law of Maternity of the Working Woman, the Penal Code, and others. Since 1999, the Project of Dissemination of the Rights of Children and Adolescents in Cuba has worked to make known the articles of the convention and to enable social actors who work to promote a legal consciousness in children, adolescents, and the adult population, which will consolidate the process of promoting, developing, protecting, and respecting children and adolescents (Audivert and Otazo 2005, 4). To implement the project, sixteen Centers of Reference on the Rights of Children and Adolescents were created: one with a national scope; three regional centers for the western, central, and eastern regions; and twelve provincial centers (in the remaining provinces). Each reference center relies on multisectorial technical teams coordinated by the Ministry of Justice and its territorial offices. The governmental institutions represented in the technical teams include those attending to education, health, culture, sports and recreation, radio and television, hydraulic resources, work, and social security, among others. Other participating organizations include student organizations, the Federation of Cuban Women, the Commission for Prevention and Social Attention, and research centers such as the Center for Legal Research, the Center for the Study of Youth, and the National Center for Sex Education (Audivert and Otazo 2005, 8). Despite all the social efforts to guarantee the equality of opportunities for all, there are always children and adolescents that remain in situations of social disadvantage, that find themselves neither studying nor working, and that even fall into antisocial and/or criminal behavior. The Cuban legal system involves different actors in the treatment of these cases, for which it has particular standards. This area of work dates from 1959 and the creation of the Ministry of Social Welfare, one of whose functions was attention to minors who were abandoned or broke the law. This process developed through different stages and in 1986 a decree-law created the System for Attention to Minors, which remains in force today, albeit with some modifications. Among the fundamental objectives of the system was to decriminalize/depenalize minors, taking them out of the traditional
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legal and penal systems to center attention to them in socio-educative work. This conception of work was, according to the opinion of specialists, based in ‘‘the most advanced techniques in the world in relation with the special education pedagogy directed at resolving problems of conduct’’ (M. Dıaz et al. 2006). At the same time, the System of Attention to Minors worked in coordination with Public Health, the family, and other community actors to elaborate a design for attending to minors and the family with a long-term perspective. One aspect currently under discussion is the age at which majority is achieved. Although the laws establish that full majority is reached at eighteen years of age, the System of Attention to Minors is designed for attention to minors younger than sixteen. The period between sixteen and eighteen requires decisions by the Council of Minors with regard to the placement of youth in centers of reeducation or in penal institutions. In recent years, the system of reeducation of youth has been strengthened, including the reeducation of those in prison via the creation of university classrooms in these institutions to offer incarcerated youth the opportunity to improve themselves and even to achieve a university-level education. RELIGIOUS LIFE The diversity of religious life in Cuba paints a complex picture that is reflected in the different content of religious representations, in the levels of development of religious consciousness, and consequently, in activities and organizational forms (Ramırez Calzadilla 2003, 99). The religious expressions that exist in the country can be classified according to their origin and content as: .
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Christian churches, Catholic as well as Protestant, and among the latter, those representing both the beginning of the Reformation and subsequent development, particular in the United States, whose multiplication of Protestantism into different denominations has been reproduced in Cuba. Religious expressions of African origin, shaped according to the religious forms that persons of different African ethnicities who arrived as slaves carried with them, and that evolved according to the living conditions in Cuba. Spiritualism, both in the version closest to the European and North American Kardecian tradition as well as the syncretic forms typical in Cuba. Expressions associated with different immigrant groups, among which are Judaism and Islam. Expressions of Eastern philosophical-religious traditions (Ramırez Calzadilla 2003, 98).
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None of the religious expressions has prevailed in making itself the typical Cuban religion (Ramırez Calzadilla 2003, 115). Nevertheless, the most widespread expression of religiosity is that which the specialists call ‘‘popular religiosity,’’ characterized as spontaneous, relatively independent of institutional organization, and expressed at the level of everyday consciousness with a heavy affective content. Popular religiosity is manifested in irregular and occasional practices or elemental norms that are established spontaneously, individually, or in the family grouping, without the constitution of cohesive groups (Ramırez Calzadilla 2003, 102). This popular religiosity is shaped by the assimilation of elements of different religious expressions, in particular those of African origin, spiritualism, and Catholicism (Ramırez Calzadilla 2003, 115). In this form of religiosity, an important place is occupied by devotion to figures in which the supernatural is personified; these are syncretic figures considered to be miraculous in themselves, rather than mediators before a God. For this reason, they do not have a place within traditional religious systems (Ramırez Calzadilla 2003, 116). This is the case with the Virgin ‘‘de la Caridad del Cobre,’’ considered to be the Patroness of Cuba, as well as San Lazaro and Santa Barbara, among others. Devotion to these figures calls spontaneously upon a larger number of believers than the numbers of any other organized religion or the total of several of them (O. Perez 2003, 133). The Cuban Constitution declares that religious institutions are separate from the state and recognizes, respects, and guarantees religious liberty. While religious practice is therefore not officially promoted, different beliefs and religions enjoy equal consideration (Article 8), and children, adolescents, and youth will approach religious belief systems and practices from the everyday perspective of their family and social group. Research conducted on the participation of the population in festivities of devotion to the miraculous figures mentioned earlier has found that children are about 6.8 percent of the total number of participants (O. Perez 2003, 134). With regard to religious rites for children, the most widespread is baptism, which is practiced most by Catholic believers but is also present in other sectors of the population that engage in the popular religiosity mentioned above. To a lesser degree, communion is practiced. In the 1990s, Cuban society experienced not only the spontaneous growth of religiosity but also an increase in the work of religious institutions and groups (the Catholic Church, Evangelical Churches, expressions of African origin, and others). In this context there was an increase in preaching/proselytizing, work with the young and families, baptisms, and church marriages, among other practices of the populace (Ramırez Calzadilla et al. 2004). Religious organizations have a space within Cuban civil society and undertake their own institutional activities that include children,
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adolescents, and youth, although they have no responsibility for fulfilling the needs for education, health, protection for orphaned children, and other activities that the church may assume in other societies. In Cuba, fulfilling these needs is the responsibility of the state. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Given the strength of state policies for the protection of children, adolescents, and youth, institutionalized practices that allow the abuse of children, such as being forced to work or to undertake a type of activity that puts their physical and moral integrity in danger, do not exist. This does not mean that there are no cases of child abuse in the family context or that children do not experience the negative effects of intrafamily violence in general, and violence against women more specifically. The phenomenon of abuse has been substantially invisible and, as the specialists in the subject suggest, it was only in the 1990s that studies of child abuse were undertaken (M. Dıaz et al. 2006). For example, an edited collection by the Center for the Study of Women that included twenty studies about intrafamily violence in Cuba between 1994 and 1999 shows that about 12 percent of the victims of family violence were minors, with a predominance of girls (two-thirds), and the negative consequences are seen in scholarly performance, in family life, and in the community among the sons and daughters of women who were victims of violence. Violence toward children is expressed in terms of abuse (insults, shouting, blows, punishments), inattention, and abandonment (Centro de Estudios de la Mujer 1999, cited by M. Dıaz et al. 2006). Other studies undertaken with children admitted to pediatric hospitals have verified the effects of inattention and neglect in the care of children, such as acute diarrheal illnesses, malnutrition, and intoxication due to ingestion of medicines or alcohol (Acosta 2002). To counteract these tendencies, organizations and institutions exist in the country that direct their work to the protection of minors, such as the Federation of Cuban Women that was founded in 1960 and the National Commission for Prevention and Social Attention created in 1986. At the same time, laws and general welfare dispositions exist that promote the well-being of children at risk of being victims of abuse or negligence. For example, the Penal Code categorizes as crimes such deeds as illegal abortion, abandonment of minors and incapacitated or disabled persons, lascivious abuses, incest, substitution of one child by another, pederasty with violence, corruption of minors, and sale or traffic of minors (Aguilera 2001; Gonzalez, cited by Dıaz et al. 2006). In 1999, at the suggestion of the Federation of Cuban Women, a series of modifications in the Penal Code took place. The modifications intensified the sanctions for crimes against the bodily integrity and normal development of sexual relations, the family, children, and youth.
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Nevertheless, specialists insist on the need for improving the system of collecting and processing statistics, in particular regarding intrafamily violence, and for a system of specialized attention for victims of child abuse. Work is underway in this area with an emphasis on social education for a nonviolent cohabitation. Currently, the UNIAL network is developing a project, ‘‘The Children Say NO to Violence,’’ by means of audiovisual material and television spots whose objective is to stimulate children’s reflection and their education with regard to some of the manifestations of violence and to motivate the creativity of minors in the search for nonviolent solutions to their everyday problems. Also underway is the development of an innovative methodology for the prevention of intrafamily violence, called ‘‘Living in Families without Violence,’’ whose application offers resources and strategies from social, personal, and familial development perspectives (Duran et al. 2005). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Cuban children have entered the new century with a group of basic social guarantees that permit them to arrive in the world healthy, avail themselves of free medical care, have a long life expectancy, enjoy access to quality education, count on identifying for themselves important career choices, and develop in a social context characterized by the security of all citizens. Children in the 2000s are already enjoying in the present— and will have better prospects in the future—the social programs being developed to perfect public policies in all areas (Domınguez 2006). In addition to these advantages, there are a number of challenges. The first is the reduction in the size of the child population due to low fertility rates. While this does not have immediate effects on today’s children, in the medium- and long-term this generational group will have to bear the burden of the expanding population of older persons. Children also face the challenge of taking advantage of the equality of opportunities provided by existing social programs that are increasingly more differentiated in order to combat the social inequalities that issue from the family situation, such as level of education, socioeconomic standing, racial identity, and geographical locations. Finally, children also face the challenge of living in a society with a lessdeveloped economy in a world that is increasingly more unequal and polarized, with threats to peace and international stability, and the destruction of the global environment. Yet without a doubt, in the setting in which they live in the contemporary world, affected by numerous threats and at the same time offering many avenues to a healthy and educated life, Cuban children occupy a privileged location.
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RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings ~ la adolescencia, la mujer y la familia en Alvarez, Mayda. 2000. Situaci on de la ninez, Cuba [Situation of children, adolescents, women, and the family in Cuba]. Centro de Estudios de la Mujer (CEM) y Fondo de las Naciones Unidas para la Infancia (UNICEF), Havana: Editorial de la Mujer. This report provides an analysis of the situation of children, adolescents, women, and the family based on national statistics. Audivert, Ana E., and Ruben Otazo. 2005. ‘‘El Proyecto de Divulgaci on de los Derechos de la Ni~ nez y la Adolescencia. Los marcos de la experiencia cubana’’ [The Project of Disseminating the Rights of Children and Adolescents: The framework of Cuban experience]. Estudio (Centro de Estudios sobre la Juventud) 4 (July–December): 4-12. This article offers an overarching vision of the actions undertaken in the Cooperative Project ‘‘Disseminating the Rights of the Child,’’ Havana, 2000 and 2004 (unpublished), with the governments of Cuba and Finland and UNICEF, to disseminate information and ensure the fulfillment of what has been established in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. The article describes the objectives, procedures, achievements, and challenges of the project. Dıaz, Mareelen et al. 2006. Violencia intrafamiliar en Cuba. Aproximaciones a su caracterizaci on y recomendaciones a la polıtica social [Intrafamily violence in Cuba, approximations of its characteristics and recommendations for social policy]. Havana: Research Report, Centro de Investigaciones Psicol ogicas y Sociol ogicas (CIPS). This report presents the final results of the ‘‘Intrafamily Violence’’ research project, in which the results achieved from numerous years of research on the theme are summarized. Although the vision is focused on the family in a comprehensive fashion, of special importance is the analysis it provides of violence against children and the impact on them of violence among other members of the family, in particular toward women (mothers). Duran, Alberta, et al. 2005. Convivir en familias sin violencia. Una metodologıa para la intervenci on y prevenci on de la violencia intrafamiliar [Living together in families without violence: A methodology for intervention and the prevention of intrafamily violence]. Havana: Casa Editora Imagenes. This book proposes a methodology for the orientation of the family toward the reduction or elimination of violent relations in the family, specifically between adults and children, as the result of the ‘‘Living Together in Families without Violence’’ Project, carried out by the Family Studies Group of the Center for Psychological and Sociological Research (CIPS) under the auspices of the NGO Save the Children. The proposed methodology begins with an innovative element, which is the diagnosis of family violence starting with the very children who are involved. ~ ninas ~ y adolescentes de Cuba. Pe~ nate Leiva, Ana Isabel. 2003. La voz de los ninos, Evaluaci on de los avances cognoscitivos de la poblaci on infanto-juvenil [The voices of Cuban children and adolescents: An evaluation of the cognitive advances in the child and adolescent population]. Havana: Research Report, Centro de Estudios sobre la Juventud (CESJ). This report gathers together the advances achieved in the knowledge of children and adolescents with regard to their rights and respect for them, three years after the implementation of the
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Disseminating the Rights of Children and Adolescents Project realized in coordination with UNICEF. The report is supported by a comparative analysis of the first assessment done in 2000, in both cases by means of a survey administered to the very children and adolescents. The report, although still unpublished, is available in the Center of Documentation of the Center for the Study of Youth and an article by the author can also be consulted, ‘‘La voz de la infancia y la adolescencia cubana desde las investigaciones sociales [The voices of Cuban children and adolescents in social research].’’ Estudio (Centro de Estudios sobre la Juventud) 4 (July–December): 14–20. Plan Nacional de Acci on a Favor de la Infancia y la Adolescencia [The National Action Plan for the Promotion of Childhood and Adolescence]. 2004. Havana. This is the plan developed to organize the follow-up to the United Nations document A World Fit for Children.
Nonprint Resources Full-Length Films El brigadista [The teacher]. 1977. Directed by Octavio Cortazar. Drama, 35 mm, 119 minutes. Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematograficos (ICAIC). This film narrates the experience of a young literacy volunteer who, during the Literacy Campaign of 1961, has left the urban environment to work in a village near the Bay of Pigs. There he copes with experiences that contribute to his maturity. Como la vida misma [Like life itself]. 1985. Directed by Vıctor Casaus. Drama. 35 mm, 107 minutes. Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematograficos (ICAIC). A recently graduated actor joins a theater group that is investigating for its next work a preuniversity center where a case of cheating was discovered. The young actor will decide about his future directions. Madagascar. 1994. Directed by Fernando Perez. Drama, 35 mm, 53 minutes. Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematograficos (ICAIC). A university professor who has lost her capacity to dream faces her adolescent daughter who moves in a fantasy world. The relations between mother and daughter, full of strangeness, incomprehension, and reconciliations, are presented as a necessity if each is to preserve her utopia. [Honey for Osh Miel para Oshun un]. 2001. Directed by Humberto Solas. Drama, 35 mm, 115 minutes. Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematograficos (ICAIC). Paso P.C. TV Televisi on Espa~ nola, Canal þ Spain. Reunion and confrontation between a mother and son seven years after he was taken illegally to the United States by his father. Una novia para David [A girlfriend for David]. 1985. Directed by Orlando Rojas. Drama, 35 mm, 103 minutes. Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematograficos (ICAIC). This film tells the story of David, a young man who is preparing to enter the university and shares the camaraderie of friends who practice the conquest of women as a competitive sport. Among prejudices, jealousy, and intrigue on the one hand, and friendship and sincerity on the other, David develops his feelings. La vida en rosa [Life in pink]. Directed by Rolando Dıaz. 1989. Drama, 35 mm, 86 minutes. Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematograficos (ICAIC). A group of youth encounters, in a fantasy, images of themselves in their old
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age. This representation of the future brings them face-to-face with human deceits and misery. They will either accept their destiny or attempt to change it. Viva Cuba [Long live Cuba!]. 2005. Directed by Juan Carlos Cremata. Drama, Video–DVD. DDC Films LLC, Quad Productions, TVC Casa Productora, Colmenita, and Ingenio. ‘‘This is a film that defends the right of children to be taken into account when parents make decisions that affect them,’’ according to Director Juan Carlos Cremata. This feature film has received numerous awards: Cannes Film Festival 2005, Grand Prize Ecrans Juniors, awarded by a jury of children, and First Place for Fiction, Audiovisual Festival for Children and Youth, June 2006, Havana.
Documentaries Buscando a papa [Looking for Dad]. 1991. Directed by Idelfonso Ramos. Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematograficos. 35 mm, 12 minutes. This documentary provides reflections of a group of boys and girls with regard to relations with their parents and the lack of attention associated with divorce. La entrega de la confianza [Inspiring confidence]. 2007. Directed by Lissette Vila. Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematograficos. Videodisk, 13 minutes. Based on the experiences of two seropositive adolescents, this documentary addresses the development of adolescents as activists in the campaign to prevent HIV/AIDS. Erase una vez [Once upon a time]. 1976. Directed by Constante Rapi Diego. Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematograficos. 35 mm, 10 minutes. This film explores activities organized in children’s libraries in order to excite an interest in reading. Eso habrıa que verlo, compay [You have to see this one, pal]. 1999. Directed by Ian Padr on. Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematograficos. Video (Betacam SP), 27 minutes. In this documentary, the creators of Elpidio Valdes, the most popular children’s cartoon character in Cuba, view him. La familia [The family]. 1975. Directed by Idelfonso Ramos. Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematograficos. 35 mm, 37 minutes. The process of mass participation in the approval of Cuba’s Family Code is presented in this documentary. Ismaelillo. 1962. Directed by Rosina Prado. Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematograficos. 35 mm, 19 minutes. This documentary examines the life of children in a childcare center constructed in a once-marginal neighborhood that has been transformed. El juego [The game]. 1976. Directed by Idelfonso Ramos. Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematograficos. 35 mm, 20 minutes. The importance of games in the physical and intellectual development of children is presented in this documentary. Pensando en el amor [Thinking about love]. 1980. Directed by Melchor Casals. Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematograficos. 35 mm, 13 minutes. This documentary examines problems of adolescent pregnancy, emphasizing the need for greater responsibility on the part of youth. Primer dıa de clases [The first day of school]. 1974. Directed by Miguel Fleitas. Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematograficos. 35 mm, 10 minutes. This documentary explores the factors that support and impede a child’s adaptation to school.
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~ [Teacher]. 1986. Directed by Miguel Torres. Instituto Cubano del Arte Seno e Industria Cinematograficos. 35 mm, 12 minutes. Educators who work in Cuba’s childcare centers speak about what they do and how their relationships with children influence their own personal lives. Sistema penitenciario y reeducaci on cubano. Menores y j ovenes [The penal system and re-education in Cuba, minors and youth]. 1990. Directed by Lazaro Burıa. Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematograficos. 35 mm, 13 minutes. The sports competitions organized in the system of re-education for minors are the focus of this documentary, which also provides a short report on two youth who have been re-educated.
Web Sites Alma Mater digital (dirigida a los estudiantes universitarios) [Alma Mater digital edition (journal directed to university students)], http://www.almamater.cu. Centro Cultural Pablo de la Torriente Brau [Pablo de la Torriente Brau Cultural Center], http://centropablo.cult.cu. Centro de Estudios sobre la Mujer [Center for the Study of Women], http:// www.mujeres.cubaweb.cu. Centro de Investigaciones Psicol ogicas y Sociol ogicas [Center for Psychological and Sociological Research], http://www.cips.cu. Centro Nacional de Educaci on Sexual [National Center for Sex Education], http:// www.cenesex.sld.cu. Centro Nacional de Prevenci on de las Infecciones de Transmisi on Sexual y el SIDA [National Center for the Prevention of Sexually-Transmitted Disease and HIV/ AIDS], http://www.bvssida.sld.cu. Cine Cubano [Cuban cinema], http://www.cubacine.cu. Derecho Penal [Penal law], http://www.unifr.ch/derechopenal/legislacion/cu. Instituto Cubano de Amistad con los Pueblos [Cuban Institute for Friendship with the Peoples], http://www.icap.cu/argument/derecho_infancia.html. Juventud Rebelde (diario de alcance nacional dirigido a la juventud) [Rebel Youth (daily with national distribution directed to youth)], http://www.jrebelde.cubaweb.cu. Juventud T ecnica digital [Technical youth digital journal], http://www.juventudte cnica.cu. Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores [Ministry of Foreign Relations], http://www.cu baminrex.cu/Mirar_Cuba. Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas [National Office of Statistics], http://www.one.cu.
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Pagina Cubana del XVI Festival Mundial de la Juventud y Los Estudiantes [Cuban Page of the XVI World Festival of Youth and Students], http://festival .ujc.org.cu. Pionero digital (dirigida a los adolescentes) [Pioneer digital edition (journal dedicated to adolescents)], http://www.pionero.cu. Programa ‘‘Educa a tu Hijo’’ [‘‘Educate your child’’ Program], http://www.cubava .cu/educa. Somos J ovenes digital [We are young people, digital edition], http://www.somos jovenes.cu. digital (dirigida a ni~ Zunzun nos y ni~ nas) [Zunz un digital edition (journal dedicated to children)], http://www.zunzun.cu.
Organizations and NGOs Asociaci on de Pedagogos de Cuba [Association of Cuban Educators] Ave 41 # 3603 Playa, Havana Phone: (53-7) 202-5420 Asociaci on ‘‘Hermanos Saız’’ [‘‘Saız Brothers’’ Association] Ave de las Misiones # 53 Habana Vieja, Havana Phone: (53-7) 867-0210 Web site: http://www.artejovencubano.cult.cu Email: [email protected] Casa Editora Abril [April Publishing House] Paseo de Martı # 553 Habana Vieja, Havana Phone: (53-7) 862-5031 Email: [email protected] Centro Cultural Pablo de la Torriente Brau [Pablo de la Torriente Brau Cultural Center] Muralla # 63 Habana Vieja, Havana Phone: (53-7) 861-6251 Web site: http://centropablo.cult.cu Email: [email protected] Centro de Estudios Demograficos [Center for Demographic Studies] Ave 41 # 2003 Playa, Havana Phone: (53-7) 202-8141 Centro de Estudios sobre la Juventud (CESJ) [Center for the Study of Youth] Ave de las Misiones # 53 Habana Vieja, Havana Phone: (53-7) 863-0675 Email: [email protected]
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Centro de Estudios sobre la Mujer [Center for the Study of Women] Paseo # 260 Vedado, Havana Phone: (53-7) 55-2779 Web site: http://www.mujeres.cubaweb.cu Email: [email protected] Centro de Informaci on Cinematografico [Center of Cinematographic Information] 23 # 1166 Vedado, Havana Phone: (53-7) 55-2840 Centro de Informaci on para el Deporte [Sports Information Center] Ave Independencia and Vıa Blanca Cerro, Havana Phone: (53-7) 883-8321 Email: [email protected] Centro de Informaci on para la Educaci on [Center of Information for Education] Ave 41 and 14 Playa, Havana Phone: (53-7) 206-4070 Centro de Investigaciones Jurıdicas [Center for Legal Research] O # 216 Vedado, Havana Phone: (53-7) 55-3428 Centro de Investigaciones Psicol ogicas y Sociol ogicas [Center for Psychological and Sociological Research] B and 15 # 352 Vedado, Havana Phone: (53-7) 830-1451 Web site: http://www.cips.cu Email: [email protected] Centro de Orientaci on y Diagn ostico [Center for Orientation and Diagnosis] San Mariano and Luz Caballero Vıbora, Havana Phone: (53-7) 57-7650 Centro de Referencia Nacional de los Derechos de la Ni~ nez y la Adolescencia [National Reference Center on the Rights of Children and Adolescents] O # 216 Vedado, Havana Phone: (53-7) 55-3461 Centro Latinoamericano para la Educaci on Preescolar [Latin American Center for Preschool Education] Ave 3ra # 1408 Playa, Havana Phone: (53-7) 206-6899 Centro Nacional de Educaci on para la Salud [National Center for Health Education] I # 507 Vedado, Havana Phone: (53-7) 55-2557 Fax: (53-7) 830-1047
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Centro Nacional de Educaci on Sexual [National Center for Sex Education] 10 # 460 Vedado, Havana Phone: (53-7) 55-2528 Web site: http://www.cenesex.sld.cu Email: [email protected] Centro Nacional de Informaci on de Ciencias Medicas [National Center of Medical Information] E # 454 Vedado, Havana Phone: (53-7) 832-4519 Web site: http://www.infomed.sld.cu Centro Nacional de Prevenci on de las Infecciones de Transmisi on Sexual y el SIDA (National Center for the Prevention of Sexually-Transmitted Disease and HIV/ AIDS] B and 27 Vedado, Havana Web site: http://www.bvssida.sld.cu Federaci on de Estudiantes de la Ense~ nanza Media (FEEM) [Federation of Secondary Students] Ave 47 # 2802 Kohly, Havana Phone: (53-7) 204-1050 Federaci on de Estudiantes Students] 23 # 502 Vedado, Havana Phone: (53-7) 832-4610
Universitarios
(FEU)
[Federation
of
University
Federaci on de Mujeres Cubanas [Federation of Cuban Women] Paseo # 260 Vedado, Havana Phone: (53-7) 55-2771 . Secretar ıa de Trabajo Social [Secretary of Social Work] 13 # 760 Vedado, Havana Phone: (53-7) 55-2775 . Esfera de Trabajo Comunitario [Division of Community Work] A # 259 Vedado, Havana Phone: (53-7) 830-6043 Fiscalıa General de la Rep ublica [Attorney General of the Republic] Amistad # 552 Centro Habana, Havana Phone: (53-7) 867-0798 Instituto Central de Ciencias Pedag ogicas (ICCP) [Central Institute of Pedagogical Sciences] 22 # 112 Playa, Havana Phone: (53-7) 205-1648
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Instituto Cubano de Radio y Televisi on (ICRT) [Cuban Institute of Radio and Television, Divisi on de Programas para Ni~ nos y J ovenes [Divison of Programs for Children and Youth] 23 # 258 Vedado, Havana Phone: (53-7) 832-2065 Email: [email protected] Instituto Nacional de Deportes, Educaci on Fısica y Recreaci on (INDER) [National Institute of Sports, Physical Education and Recreation] Ave Independencia and Vıa Blanca Cerro, Havana Phone: (53-7) 54-5000 Web site: http://www.inder.co.cu . Grupo de Educaci on Fısica Escolar [Student Physical Education Group] Phone: (53-7) 57-7054 Instituto Nacional de Seguridad Social [National Social Security Institute] 23 and O Vedado, Havana Phone: (53-7) 55-0054 Ministerio de Educaci on (MINED) [Ministry of Education] 17 # 1 Vedado, Havana Phone: (53-7) 55-2920 . Direcci on de Educaci on Pre-escolar [Office of Preschool Education] Phone: (53-7) 832-2474 . Direcci on de Educaci on Especial [Office of Special Education] Phone: (53-7) 832-2452 Ministerio de Educaci on Superior (MES) [Ministry of Higher Education] 23 # 565 Vedado, Havana Phone: (53-7) 55-2314 Ministerio de Justicia [Ministry of Justice] O # 216 Vedado, Havana Phone: (53-7) 55-3430 Ministerio de Trabajo y Seguridad Social [Ministry of Work and Social Security] Direcci on de Seguridad Social [Office of Social Security] 23 and P Vedado, Havana Phone: (53-7) 55-0000 Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas [National Office of Statistics] Paseo # 60 Vedado, Havana Phone: (53-7) 830-0000 Web site: http://www.one.cu Organizaci on de Pioneros ‘‘Jose Martı’’ [‘‘Jose Martı’’ Pioneers Organization] Ave de las Misiones # 53 Habana Vieja, Havana Phone: (53-7) 867-0191
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Selected Bibliography Acosta, Nestor. 2002. Maltrato infantil [Child abuse]. 2nd ed. Havana: Editorial Cientıfico-Tecnica. Aguilera, Daisy. 2001. ‘‘La Violencia intrafamiliar, tratamiento jurıdico en Cuba. El delito de asesinato’’ [The legal treatment of intrafamily violence in Cuba: the crime of murder]. in Tertulia. Santa Rosa, CA: Centro de Justicia para Mujeres. Alvarez, Elcida. 2005. ‘‘Adolescencia: Derechos a la cultura e intereses culturales’’ [Adolescence: The right to culture and cultural interests], Estudio (Centro de Estudios sobre la Juventud) 4 (July–December): 50–54. Alvarez, Mayda. 2000. ‘‘Mujer y poder en Cuba’’ [Women and Power in Cuba]. pp. 77–107 in Cuba. Construyendo futuro [Cuba: Constructing the Future]. Edited by M. Monereo, M. Riera, and J. Valdes. Barcelona: El Viejo Topo. Asamblea Nacional del Poder Popular (ANPP) [National Assembly of People’s Power]. 1975. C odigo de Familia [Family Code], Ley # 1289 de Febrero 14 de 1975. Gaceta Oficial Ordinaria de la Rep ublica de Cuba # 16 de Febrero 15. Havana. ~ y la Juventud [Code of Childhood and Youth], ———. 1978. C odigo de la Ninez Ley # 16 de Diciembre 28 de 1978. Gaceta Oficial Ordinaria de la Rep ublica de Cuba de Diciembre 29. Havana. ———. 1984. De la Adopci on, los Hogares de Menores y la Familia Sustituta [On Adoption, Children’s Homes, and Foster Families], Decreto Ley 3 76 de Agosto 29 de 1986. Gaceta Oficial Ordinaria de la Rep ublica de Cuba de Agosto 30. Havana. ———. 1986. Sobre la Comisi on de Atenci on y Prevenci on Social [On the Commission for Attention and Social Prevention], Decreto–Ley # 95 de Agosto 29 de 1986. Gaceta Oficial Ordinaria de la Rep ublica de Cuba de Agosto 30. Havana. ———. 1987. C odigo Civil [Civil Code], Ley # 59 de Julio 16 de 1987. Gaceta Oficial Extraordinaria de la Rep ublica de Cuba # 9 de Octubre 15. Havana. ———. 1987. C odigo Penal [Penal Code], Ley # 62 de Diciembre 29 de 1987. Gaceta Oficial Especial de la Rep ublica de Cuba # 3 de Diciembre 30. Havana. ———. Constituci on de la Republica [Constitution of the Republic]. 1992. Havana: Editora Polıtica. ———. 1994. Decreto-Ley # 151, Modificativo de la Ley de Procedimiento Penal [Decree-Law #151, Modification of the Law of Penal Procedure]. Gaceta Oficial de la Rep ublica de Cuba # 6 de Junio 10. Havana. ———. 1999. Ley # 87 Modificativa del C odigo Penal [Law #87 Modification of the Penal Code]. Gaceta Oficial de la Rep ublica de Cuba # 1 de Marzo 15. Havana. Audivert, Ana E., and Ruben Otazo. 2005. ‘‘El Proyecto de Divulgaci on de los Derechos de la Ni~ nez y la Adolescencia. Los Marcos de la Experiencia Cubana’’ [The project of disseminating the rights of children and adolescents: the framework of Cuban experience]. Estudio (Centro de Estudios sobre la Juventud) 4 (July–December): 4–12. Centro de Estudios de la Mujer (CEM) [Center for the study of women]. 1999. Sistematizaci on de trabajos sobre violencia [Systematization of works on violence]. Informe [Report]. Havana. Comite Estatal de Estadısticas (CEE) [State Statistical Committee]. 1984. Censo de Poblaci on y Viviendas 1981 [Census of population and housing, 1981]. Vol. 16. Havana: Rep ublica de Cuba.
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Dıaz, Mareelen, et al. 2006. Violencia intrafamiliar en Cuba. Aproximaciones a su caracterizaci on y recomendaciones a la polıtica social [Intrafamily violence in Cuba: approximations of its characteristics and recommendations for social policy]. Informe de Investigaci on, Centro de Investigaciones Psicol ogicas y Sociol ogicas (CIPS), Havana. Dıaz, Yimel. 2006. ‘‘Nueva colecci on de m usica infantil’’ [New collection of children’s music]. Trabajadores (Havana), August 28, p. 10. Domınguez, Marıa Isabel. 2004. ‘‘Higher Education in Cuba: Democratization and the Role of Women.’’ pp. 103–122 in The Challenges of Public Higher Education in the Hispanic Caribbean. Edited by M. J. Canino and S. Torres-Saillant. Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener Publishers. Domınguez, Marıa Isabel. 2006. ‘‘Polıticas sociales y ciencias sociales en Cuba’’ [Social policy and social sciences in Cuba]. CD-R Caudales 2006. Havana: Editorial Ciencias Sociales (ISBN 959-06-0574-5). Domınguez, Marıa Isabel, and Deisy Domınguez. 2005. ‘‘Percepciones sociales de la juventud sobre el VIH-SIDA en Cuba’’ [Social perceptions of youth about HIV/AIDS]. Sexologıa y Sociedad (Centro Nacional de Educaci on Sexual), 11, no. 29: 13–19. Domınguez, Marıa Isabel, et al. 1990. Caracterısticas generacionales de los estudiantes y los desvinculados del estudio y el trabajo [Generational characteristics of students and youth who neither work nor study]. Havana: Informe de Investigaci on, Fondos del CIPS. ~ y adolescentes cubanos Duran, Alberta. 1996. Representaciones de la familia en ninos [Representations of family by Cuban children and youth]. Havana: Informe de Investigaci on, Centro de Investigaci ones Psicologicas y Sociol ogicas. Duran, Alberta, et al. 2005. Convivir en familias sin violencia. Una metodologıa para on y prevenci on de la violencia intrafamiliar [Living together in la intervenci families without violence: a methodology for intervention and prevention of intrafamily violence]. Havana: Casa Editora Imagenes. Federaci on de Mujeres Cubanas (FMC) [Federation of Cuban women (FMC)]. 1996. Las Cubanas: de Beijing al 2000 [Cuban women: from Beijing to 2000]. Havana: FMC. Gonzalez, Yamila. (n.d.) C odigo Penal y Violencia [Penal code and violence]. Havana. Instituto Nacional de Investigaciones Econ omicas (INIE) [National Institute for Economic Research]. 2005. Millennium Development Goals. Cuba: First Report. Havana. Oficina Nacional de Estadısticas (ONE) [National Office of Statistics]. 2004. Anuario Estadıstico de Cuba 2003 [Statistical Yearbook of Cuba 2003]. Havana. ———. 2005. Censo de Poblaci on y Viviendas Cuba 2002 [Census of Population and Housing in Cuba 2002]. Informe Nacional. Havana. ———. 2006. Anuario Estadıstico de Cuba 2005 [Statistical Yearbook of Cuba 2005]. Havana. Pelaez, Orfilio. 2007. ‘‘Cuba con mas bajo ındice latinoamericano de mortalidad infantil’’ [Cuba with the lowest indicator of infant mortality in Latin America]. Granma Internacional Digital. January 3. http://www.granma.cu. Pe~ nate, Ana Isabel. 2005. ‘‘La voz de la infancia y la adolescencia cubana desde las investigaciones sociales’’ [The voices of Cuban children and adolescents in social research projects]. Estudio (Centro de Estudios sobre la Juventud) 4 (July–December): 14–20.
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Pe~ nate, Orlando. 2005. ‘‘La protecci on social de los ni~ nos y adolescentes en Cuba’’ [The social protection of children and adolescents in Cuba]. Estudio (Centro de Estudios sobre la Juventud) 4 (July–December): 22–28. Perez, Dora, et al. 2006. ‘‘Vinagrito naufrag o en un barquito de papel (I) [Vinagrito shipwrecked in a paper boat (I)].’’ Juventud Rebelde, February 26, p. 4. Perez, Ofelia. 2003. ‘‘Religiosidad popular y cambios sociales en Cuba’’ [Popular religiosity and social change in Cuba]. In Sociedad y Religi on. Selecci on de Lecturas [Society and religion: selected readings]. Compiled by Vivian M. Sabater Havana. Ramırez Calzadilla, Jorge. 2003. ‘‘Religi on y relaciones sociales en Cuba’’ [Religion and social relations in Cuba]. pp. 91–117 in Sociedad y Religi on. Selecci on de Lecturas [Society and religion: selected readings]. Compiled by Vivian M. Sabater. Havana. ———, et al. 2004. El reavivamiento religioso en Cuba en la decada de los a~ nos 90s [The religious revivification in Cuba in the decade of the 1990s]. Havana: Informe de Investigaci on, Centro de Estudios Psicol ogicas y Sociol ogicas. Rıos, Anett. 2004. ‘‘Parques infantiles, como el Cachumbambe’’ [Amusement parks like Cachumbambe]. Granma, Julio 31, p. 8. Rosabal, Alberto. 2005. ‘‘Algunos factores sociales asociados a la epidemia de SIDA en Cuba’’ [Some social factors associated with the AIDs epidemic in Cuba]. Sexologıa y Sociedad (Centro Nacional de Educaci on Sexual) 11, no. 29: 24–27. Tribunal Supremo Electoral (TSE), Oficina Nacional de los Censos Demograficos y Electoral [Supreme Electoral Court (TSE), National Office of Demographic and Electoral Censuses]. 1953. Censo de Poblaci on, Vivienda y Electoral [Population, Housing, and Electoral Census]. Informe General, Havana. Trinquete, Dixie. 2005. ‘‘Adolescentes y VIH/SIDA: ¿Quien dijo que todo esta perdido? [Adolescents and HIV/AIDS: who said that everything is lost?’’ Sexologıa y Sociedad (Centro Nacional de Educaci on Sexual, La Habana) 11, no. 27: 4–7. Trujillo, Marlies and Yasmel Rodrıguez. 2005. ‘‘Mujer—Maternidad versus SIDA: on necesaria’’ [Women—motherhood versus AIDS: a necessary Una reflexi reflection].’’ Sexologıa y Sociedad (Centro Nacional de Educaci on Sexual) 11, no. 29: 20–23. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) 2000. ‘‘Convenci on sobre los Derechos ~ Primero del Ni~ no’’ [Convention on the Rights of the Child]. In Los Ninos [Children first]. New York: UNICEF. ———. 2003. Estado mundial de la infancia 2004 [The state of the world’s children 2004]. New York: UNICEF.
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THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC Lilith C. Werner NATIONAL PROFILE The island of Hispaniola is divided into two distinct nations: Haiti (independent from French rule since 1804) and the Dominican Republic (independent from Haitian rule since 1844). In the Dominican Republic, children under the age of fifteen represent approximately one-third of the total population of over nine million. The ethnic majority of Dominicans is of a mixed-race ancestry: 75 percent of Dominicans have a European, African, and indigenous American ancestry. The rest of the population is either of European ethnicity (16 percent) or black (11 percent). The Arawaks, Taınos, and Caribs, the indigenous groups of Hispaniola, either became extinct or were almost completely exterminated during the period of Spanish colonial control (Central Intelligence Agency 2006; Axtell 1992). Hispaniola was where the Santa Maria ran aground in late December 1492. Christopher Columbus and his crew set up the first Spanish fort, La Natividad, on the northern part of the island (now Haiti). Although the
NORTH AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
Spaniards on Hispaniola were first welcomed and helped by the local cacique, Guacanagarı, it appears that the good will dissipated at some point after Columbus’s departure for Spain; when he returned a year later, his men were dead and the fort destroyed (Axtell 1992). Columbus began to enslave the native peoples for labor, thereby founding the encomienda system (this type of system was similar to that of the slave plantation economy found in the South of the United States before the Civil War [Zinn 2003]). The natives of Hispaniola died in large numbers due to the harsh conditions under encomienda enslavement, murder, suicide, or disease such as smallpox. The Spaniards began to import African slaves as replacements (Axtell 1992). Colonial conquest left its mark on contemporary Dominican Republic demography: the forced and willing sexual contacts among European colonizers, indigenous peoples, and Africans created an ethnic majority with a multiracial ancestry. This multiracial ancestry plays an important sociocultural role in terms of the ‘‘haves’’ and the ‘‘have-nots.’’ That is, those who are labeled as having a European ancestry are usually found in the upper-SES (socioeconomic status) strata, and those who are determined to be black are usually found in the lower-SES strata. Furthermore, the multiracial majority has a hard time recognizing their African heritage, and there is racism and overt discrimination towards those who are darker. This racial tension heightens when Dominicans interact with Haitians (who have more African ancestry than the Dominicans) (Martınez 2005). Interestingly, the Dominican Republic does not celebrate their independence day based on the end of hundreds of years of Spanish colonial rule, like most other Caribbean and South American countries. Independence Day in the Dominican Republic is February 27, celebrating the end of twenty-two years of Haitian rule in 1844. This celebration points to the historical tension that still exists between the two nations and cultures that share the island (Martınez 2005). In 2001, the per capita income in the Dominican Republic was US$2,500. The Dominican economy is primarily service-based, even though it exports goods such as sugar, tobacco, and coffee (United Nations 2005). The overwhelming majority of the population is rural (65 percent), with the rest living in urban areas. In general, the standard of living is a very low one, and many parents cannot provide for the basic needs for their children. Almost 18 percent of the adult population is officially unemployed, and a quarter of all inhabitants live below the poverty level. Because the legal minimum monthly salary of Dominicans is US$142, money sent home from family members working abroad in countries such as the United States, Puerto Rico, and Spain is vital to the national economy. At least three billion dollars (US) are sent back to the Dominican Republic annually (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development [OECD] 2003). Because of poor economic conditions since the 1960s, Dominicans have migrated to the United States, Puerto Rico, and Spain. A 2004 report by the U.S. Census Bureau found that
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800,000 foreign-born Dominicans live in the United States, and they are the largest immigrant group in New York City (around 100,000). The New York neighborhood of Washington Heights is even known as ‘‘Quisqueya Heights’’ (Quisqueya is the Taıno name for Hispaniola) because of its sizeable Dominican population. The Central Intelligence Agency (2006) estimates that three people out of every thousand migrate from the Dominican Republic annually. While economic conditions improved at the end of the twentieth century, immigrant Dominicans do not generally return home for good. In the Dominican Republic’s population of more than 5.5 million over the age of fifteen, 1.3 million are married, 1.8 million are considered to be living in what are called free unions, 1.8 million are single, and the other 600,000 are either widowed, divorced, legally separated, or separated by mutual agreement (Oficina Nacional de Estadıstica 2002a). These figures suggest that the ideal of a traditional nuclear family unit composed of married mother and father with children may not be culturally significant in the Dominican Republic (indeed, the lack of roots for the nuclear family model can even be traced back to the era of slavery, when slaves were not allowed to marry). However, given the low numbers of divorced people (121,000 in 2002) compared with 1.3 million who are married, it is likely that once married, divorce is also not culturally accepted, even though it has been legal since 1963. If a KEY FACTS – DOMINICAN REPUBLIC Dominican is urban and in a relationship, however, there is a Population: 9,365,818 (July 2007 est.) greater likelihood of formal marInfant mortality rate: 27.94 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 73.07 years (2007 est.) riage than for a rural Dominican in Literacy rate: 84.7 percent (2003 est.) a relationship. It should also be Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 86 percent noted that weddings are expensive (2000–2005) events—perhaps too expensive for Internet users: 938,300 (2005) the majority to afford. People living with HIV/AIDS: 66,000 (2005 est.) The majority of rural DominiChildren living with HIV/AIDS: 3600 (2005 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 27 (2006) cans are thus considered by the National Statistics Office to be Sources: CIA World Factbook: Dominican Republic. http:// www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/dr.html. April 17, living in free unions (2002a). In 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Dominican Republic–Statistics. addition, the majority of parents http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/domrepublic_statistics. are in free union relationships. html. April 24, 2007; World Health Organization (WHO): As domestic partners (and legally UNAIDS/WHO Global HIV/AIDS Online Database. ‘‘Epidemiological Fact Sheets on HIV/AIDS and Sexuality married couples), both father Transmitted Diseases: Dominican Republic.’’ http://www. and mother share custody of the who.int/GlobalAtlas/predefinedReports/EFS2006/index children. Generally speaking, .asp?strSelectedCountry¼DO. December 2006; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development however, women are often the Report 2006–Dominican Republic. http://hdr.undp informal and formal caretakers .org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_DOM.html. of the children, regardless of April 26, 2007. marital or free union status.
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The Dominican government has set up a voluntary national welfare insurance program. This welfare program is based on contributions from employed citizens and covers health care, unemployment insurance, and pensions. Because of high unemployment and poverty rates, only slightly over 40 percent of the population is able to benefit from this program. Government-provided family financial support is available to unemployed single mothers with unmarried children who are younger than eighteen, or who are younger than twenty-one if a full-time student. If the unemployed single mother has a disabled child, there is no age limit at which government assistance is no longer provided (U.S. Social Security Administration 2005). Many social and economic problems affecting women, families, and children are tackled by domestic and international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in tandem with the Dominican Republic government. Without the assistance of these NGOs, lower-income families and marginalized populations such as the Haitians or HaitianDominicans would not receive much needed social and welfare services. OVERVIEW Like many other territories that belonged to the Spanish Empire, the political history of the Dominican Republic is tumultuous. At the end of the seventeenth century, Spain ceded the western area of Hispaniola to the French (who had occupied the territory from the beginning of the seventeenth century). The Republic of Haiti was declared in 1804. The Republic of Haiti claimed the entire island in 1822 and occupied the Dominican portion for twenty-two years, until Juan Pablo Duarte forced the Haitians out. The Dominican Republic became independent in 1844, although some seventeen years later it chose to return to the Spanish Empire. After reclaiming status as an independent nation-state in 1865, the Dominican Republic enjoyed self-rule until the American occupation from 1916 to 1924. In 1924, the Dominicans democratically elected their rulers. In 1930, a military coup d’etat led by Rafael Trujillo abolished democracy, and Trujillo ruled as a dictator until his assassination in 1961. Only in the late 1970s was there a peaceful handover of presidential power, although the peaceful elections that characterized the last quarter of the twentieth century were plagued by allegations of fraud. Adding to the political troubles of the Dominican Republic were the economic hardships lived by the majority of the nation’s residents who often went without basic services, such as water, electricity, or public transportation, and who saw the prices of food skyrocket. Economic problems began in 1965, and although there was a decade-long respite under the 1990 economic reforms of President Joaquın Balaguer (president in 1960–1962, 1966–1978, and 1986–1996), the nation suffered a recession and massive banking collapses due to corruption under President Hip olito Mejıa (2000–2004) (Ferguson 1999; Doggett and Connolly 2002). The
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current president is Leonel Fernandez. The Dominican Republic still experiences economic difficulties, though President Fernandez has promised, on his personal Web site (http://www.leonelfernandez.com), to deliver an economic boom based on technological advances and increases in foreigndirect investment. Resource mismanagement continues to characterize governmental performance (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development 2003). The Dominican Republic was one of fifty founding countries that drew up and ratified the charter of the United Nations in San Francisco on October 24, 1945. In doing so, it established its interest in belonging to an international community that desired to promote respect for human rights and basic freedoms, and to help solve humanitarian problems through cooperation and understanding. Even though at that time the country was led by the dictator Trujillo, who failed to implement state policies that would pursue the promulgated goals of the United Nations (UN), the fact that the Dominican Republic was a founding member state means that it has had an historical presence within the international discourse of human rights. Despite the lack of free and fair elections in the Dominican Republic, it was not isolated internationally, nor was it excluded from the ongoing world dialogue in quest of the betterment of humanity since 1945. Indeed, it has participated in the endorsement of several UN declarations that value and aim to fulfill all human potential, adult and child alike. Many Dominican policy documents reflect the sense of the United Nations’ 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Article 26 of the UDHR proclaims the right of all children to a free elementary education. While the UDHR and its articles did not legally bind member states, its guarantee of free schooling to all was included in the national constitution of the Dominican Republic. In 1989, the Convention on the Rights of the Child was ratified by most UN member states, including the Dominican Republic. Article 28 of the Convention provides for the right to a free and compulsory primary education. The most recent initiative of the UN is its Millennium Development Goals of 2000. All 191 member states have committed to attain these goals by the year 2015. Universal primary education is among the Millennium Development goals, and the Dominican Republic has pledged its national efforts to achieve that and other goals. Dominican state policies manifest the UN human rights discourse, and refer to broad and more specific rights without regard to national citizenship. For example, in the Constitution of July 25, 2002, the Organic Law of Education of 1997, and in the Strategic Plan for the Development of Dominican Education 2003–2012, the Dominican Republic promises to create avenues of access to free primary and secondary education for all habitantes (inhabitants) of the country. In making this commitment, formal policies make no distinction between documented residents and undocumented immigrants.
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For the past two centuries, the relationship between Haiti and the Dominican Republic has been one filled with tension. Because of the desperate economic situation and civic unrest in contemporary Haiti, the Dominican Republic has experienced a sizeable influx of Haitian immigrants. Current estimates of Haitian immigrants range from 650,000 to one million, meaning that at least 7.5 percent of the total population of the Dominican Republic (a little over nine million as of the Central Intelligence Agency’s July 2006 estimate) is Haitian, and the overwhelming majority of them work in the bateyes, or shantytowns, and sugar plantations in which decent and humane living and work conditions are not provided (U.S. Department of State 2006). Complicating the integration of Haitians into Dominican society is the fact that many Dominicans hold strong prejudices against Haitians, Dominicans of Haitian ancestry, and other foreigners of dark complexion. The prejudice toward people considered darker is a curious one given that the ethnic background of the majority of Dominicans is that of a mixed-race ancestry. According to San Miguel, many Dominicans have a hard time acknowledging their African descendance (San Miguel 2005). The issue of discrimination against Haitians and their children is not a new one. In 1996, the National Coalition for Haitian Rights (NCHR) argued before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights that three distinct classes of Haitians had been created within the Dominican Republic: seasonal migrants, long-term migrant workers without documentation, and children of Haitian workers born in the Dominican Republic. All three groups were subject to institutional discrimination, according to the NCHR (National Coalition for Haitian Rights 1996). In its argument before the commission, the NCHR echoed claims made by the U.S. Department of State that Haitians and Dominicans of Haitian descent were subject to extreme discrimination when trying to officially register their children as Dominican citizens. Even though these children are guaranteed educational services under the law, they are often marginalized from the educational system if they do not have official documentation provided by the state. NCHR stated that children of Haitian descent without an ‘‘official’’ status often experienced bureaucratic resistance or outright rejection when registering for school. (It is important to point out identity cards or birth certificates are not listed as prerequisites to access to the educational system in any of the laws and policies discussed earlier.) In 2001, the Secretary of Education announced that all children would be allowed to enroll in primary school, whether they had documentation or not. However, in reality, undocumented Haitian children had, and still have, a much harder time enrolling in school than undocumented Dominican children. Any child that is undocumented (i.e., without a birth certificate) is only allowed to enroll at the discretion of each particular school—even Dominican children of Dominican descent. The Dominican primary school enrollment numbers are grim for a nation that considers
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itself a democracy and aspires to economic development. Only 85 percent of children aged six through thirteen are enrolled, and enrollment rates for secondary school drop 20 percentage points (OECD 2003). If Dominican children are marginalized by lack of access to the educational system, Haitian children are doubtlessly even more marginalized, especially when considering the Dominican cultural prejudice against them. The exclusion of children of Haitian descent is not acknowledged as a challenge faced by the Dominican educational system in any of its current national policy documents. While the Dominican state has established formal laws and policies regarding the rights of minors, including the Code of the Dominican Minor of 1997, there is very little official oversight ensuring the enforcement of those laws and policies. In 2000, the U.S. Department of Labor’s Bureau of International Labor Affairs estimated that 18 percent of Dominican children between the ages of five and seventeen were employed, either willingly or not, and up to 30,000 children were employed in the sex trade. Even though there are laws prohibiting forced child labor and child prostitution, trafficking in children from, to, and within the Dominican Republic remains a serious problem. While there are no official statistics available for children who are homeless, they are the most vulnerable population when it comes to being exploited in the sex trade, forced by adults to beg on the streets, and pushed into a type of bonded labor within other wealthier Dominican households. EDUCATION Article 4 of the 1997 Organic Law of Education provides the conceptual framework of the Dominican educational system. It identifies three principles: (a) ‘‘education is a permanent and unalienable right of all [and] each person has a right to an education that allows him/her to develop their own individuality and their own socially useful activity . . . without any type of discrimination on the basis of race, sex, religious beliefs, socio-economic status’’; (b) ‘‘everyone has the right to participate in the culture and enjoy the benefits of scientific progress’’; and (c) ‘‘education shall be based on respect for life, respect for fundamental human rights, adhering to the principle of democratic coexistence, and in the search of truth and solidarity’’ (Congreso Nacional 1997). The 2003 Strategic Plan for the development of education affirms the educational system’s commitment to peaceful democratic coexistence by fostering a mindset within schools that favors a just political and economic order and tolerance of all. The Strategic Plan states that education should be a means to develop the individual and society, a service to the national public interest, and thus the responsibility of all. The plan consists of three volumes: The State of Dominican Education; The Strategic Vision; and Implementation, Monitoring, and Evaluation (Secretaria del Estado do Educaci on 2003a, 2003b, 2003c).
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Dominican citizens themselves have expressed concern over the state of the educational system: in 2004, the NGO Participaci on Ciudadana surveyed 2,437 Dominicans and found that their number one concern about the nation’s future was that of the quality of education, or lack thereof. A 2002 World Development Report (World Bank 2000) devoted to Knowledge for Development emphasized that ‘‘knowledge is crucial for development’’ and argued that education as a form of investment in human capital was a ‘‘key ingredient’’ in the growth and general success of a nation’s economy. The Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo (BID) and the OECD both call for increased investments and improvements to education in the Dominican Republic. In 2002, the BID approved a loan of $80 million to improve basic educational services for disadvantaged children in rural and marginal urban areas that would include many Dominican residents of Haitian ancestry. The 2005 United Nation’s Human Development Report found that the Dominican Republic spent 2.3 percent of its gross national product (GNP) on public education between 2000 and 2002. Of this, 46.3 percent was spent on primary education, 18.9 percent on secondary, and 10.9 percent on higher education. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) (2005) found the 2.3 percent spent on public education in the Dominican Republic to be the lowest percentage of GNP dedicated to education in all of the 29 countries throughout the Americas. In the school year 2002–2003, 96 percent of eligible children were enrolled in primary schools. Yet it is worrisome that in that same year only 36 percent of age-eligible children were enrolled in secondary schools (United Nations 2005). As estimated by the Central Intelligence Agency, literacy rates in the Dominican Republic reach almost 85 percent for those over fifteen. Female and male literacy rates are basically the same (84.8 percent and 84.6 percent, respectively). These rates are considerably higher than their island counterpart, Haiti (an average around 53 percent), yet lower than their neighbors to the north, west, and east (including Turks and Caicos, Cuba, Jamaica, and Puerto Rico). The OECD’s 2003 Caribbean Rim Initiative Report states that the Dominican Republic would attract more foreign-direct investment if their workforce became more highly skilled. Schooling is free and compulsory for Dominicans between the ages of seven and fourteen, and the 1997 Organic Law of Education states that the public system will be grounded in Christian principles. The legal language of instruction is Spanish. However, over 50 percent of Dominican children enter primary school at an age older than legally mandated and fees are often charged. If school fees are not charged, many families cannot afford school uniforms, books, meals, or transportation, thus the doors to an education are essentially shut to poor children. Fewer than
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75 percent of those who begin primary school graduate from the final year of primary school. UNESCO attributes this worrisome statistic to the likelihood of forced grade repetition and dropouts. Many schools do not have adequate resources for students (e.g., well-trained teachers, books, or other materials). At least 80 percent of both the primary and secondary teaching force is female. Almost 80 percent of Dominican students are enrolled in public schools, and the rest are enrolled in private schools. There are government-sponsored school breakfast programs in the public school system. Fewer than 50 percent of Dominican students who are of secondary school age are enrolled in school. Of the twentynine Americas countries examined by UNESCO, the Dominican Republic ranked twenty-eighth in terms of the net enrollment ratio for secondary schooling. Interestingly, female enrollment in secondary schooling is higher than that of males. In terms of higher education, there is one public university and many private universities. Because of the relatively high cost of higher education (around $3,600 for a diploma) in relation to annual wages, the majority of Dominicans either cannot enroll or do not graduate from an institute of higher education. Only 17 percent of young people between the ages of eighteen and twenty-four are enrolled in one of the forty institutions of higher education, and the desertion rate fluctuates between 50 and 70 percent. In terms of education for disabled children in the Dominican Republic, as in other developing countries with high rates of poverty, there is still much room for improvement. Most disabled students’ needs are not being met in the classroom, and these students face discrimination within the educational system. A United Nations 2001 report on the Dominican Republic (Concluding Observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child, Dominican Republic) found that not enough is being done to include them in either the schools or the wider society (University of Minnesota 2001). However, in conjunction with the Ministry of Education, the U.S. Peace Corps is attempting to build awareness about students with special needs within the public school system. Part of their awareness-building includes in-service training for teachers about appropriate teaching methodologies for disabled children, as well as creating in-school programs appropriate for these children (U.S. Peace Corps n.d.). The universal right to an education, which the Dominican Republic has vowed to uphold in both international and national forums, is challenged by institutional racism encountered by Haitian children and Dominican children of Haitian origin. The U.S. Department of State in its 2004 report on human rights practices in the Dominican Republic cites Catholic priests, and various human rights NGOs, such as the Dominican Center for Legal Advice and Investigation (CEDAIL), Participaci on Ciudadana, Movement of Dominican-Haitian Women (MUDHA), and the Socio-Cultural Movement of Haitian Workers
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(MOSCTHA), as having expressed concern for many years over continued discrimination and the exclusion of Haitian children from schools. Bilingual education programs are scarce for Haitian children who do attend school. However, the majority of Haitian children in the Dominican Republic do not attend school, and MUDHA calls attention to the pervasiveness of anti-Haitian sentiment and the denial of human rights to ethnic Haitian women and children within the Dominican Republic (El Movimiento de Mujeres Dominico–Haitiana, 2005). PLAY AND RECREATION The Dominican state formally recognizes within national educational policy and law that the child has a right to play and develop her abilities to her fullest capacity. However, it appears that more NGOs than the government itself are responsible for sponsoring recreational activities. In August of 2006, for example, 5,000 teenagers from different areas of the country participated in the World Vision National Olympic Games with a theme of ‘‘Strike out child’s work and delinquency.’’ Prior to these games and since 2004, World Vision had subsidized sports activities in the southeast part of the Dominican Republic. Both the Olympic games and other sports activities received funding from the country’s Ministry of Sports. The objectives of the Olympic games were to encourage peace and solidarity among different communities, and to allow the children to interact with each other in nonviolent ways. Playing with toys as infants, toddlers, and children is a necessary part of development that—in stages—fosters creativity, encourages interaction with others, and aids in brain and physical development. The majority of Dominican children—especially poor children—do not have enough toys. At the end of 2004, World Vision and the International Advisory Council for Rural Youth (CAJIR), in partnership with the Spanish NGO Fundaci on Crecer Jugando (Grow Up Playing Foundation) and the National Radio of Spain, distributed over 90,000 Euros worth of toys to children in the poorest areas of the Dominican Republic (World Vision). While there are many television stations available on the island, there are very few programs dedicated exclusively to children. Indeed, radios are more commonly found in lower-income households than are television sets. Regardless of the programming for children, not many children are able to take advantage of it due to the realities of child labor, domestic violence, begging in the streets, lack of electricity for television sets, and so on. Dominicans with a higher SES have access to digital or satellite television programming, thus their children are able to watch more programs dedicated exclusively to them. Less than 10 percent of the Dominican population has access to the Internet, and it is safe to assume that only the higher SES groups in the Dominican Republic are using the Internet on a regular basis.
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While most former Spanish colonies are obsessed with soccer, the Dominican Republic’s favorite sport is baseball, and many young boys dream of becoming a famous baseball player. (The baseball leagues in the United States hire more players from the Dominican Republic than from any other Spanish-speaking nation.) Unfortunately, many young Dominican boys drop out of school at very young ages to train to become a baseball player and try to get signed by a scout. The majority will never be signed to a team (Public Broadcasting Service 2000). Merengue music is a form of music native to the Dominican Republic— even though its exact sound origins are still disputed—and it is interwoven throughout formal cultural festivities and informal social parties. It is even part of the individual Dominican’s sociocultural identity. Initially rejected by the upper strata of the Dominican Republic until Trujillo became dictator, merengue eventually became the sound accepted and identified in a mainstream way. Today, bachata is a genre of music that is gaining popularity not only in the Dominican Republic, but also throughout the Americas. Much like merengue was perceived by the elites at the beginning of the twentieth century, bachata was first viewed as music for the lower classes because of its rural origins (Hernandez 1995). CHILD LABOR The Code of the Dominican Minor (1997) regulates children’s rights and welfare in the Dominican Republic. This law grants the public agency called the National Council for Children and Adolescents (CONANI) formal powers necessary for enforcing the code and ensuring that children’s rights are upheld (Consejo Nacional para la Ni~ nez y la Adolescencia 2005). The government has dedicated 2 percent of the national budget to this national council. Because there are so many areas of need when it comes to children and their rights, 2 percent is insufficient to protect Dominican children. The Code of the Dominican Minor states that there shall be eight years of compulsory education, but does not include any legal language regarding the parental obligation to send children to school. Child labor has been a serious problem, one that is associated with difficulties of economic development. It has been common for minors to be put on the street to fend for themselves as parents used meager resources to care for younger siblings. Homeless children are frequently at the mercy of adults who gather them together and put them to work begging and selling fruit, flowers, and other goods on the street. In return for their work they are given basic housing. According to a 2006 U.S. Department of Labor report on child labor in the Dominican Republic, 21.6 percent of boys between the ages of five and fourteen were working compared with 7.3 percent of girls of the same ages. The ages at which these children work, the hours they work, and their failure to comply
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with compulsory school attendance all violate the Code of the Dominican Minor. The labor code prohibits employment of children under fourteen, and also places limits on the employment of children under sixteen. Children who are between fourteen and sixteen are allowed to work six hours a day. However, child labor still remains an issue because of the low income levels and high unemployment levels of the general population. Parents in both urban and rural areas allow or encourage their children to earn money, thus there are many children under the age of fourteen who work in such places as sugar cane fields, clandestine factories, small businesses, and brothels. Many poor Dominican children accompany their parents to work in the sugar cane fields, and the sugar companies turn a blind eye to their presence. Legally, fines and sanctions may be applied to firms employing underage children. Nevertheless, state employees in charge of investigating agricultural companies’ adherence to labor laws also often turn a blind eye when they observe children working in the fields alongside their parents, especially if they are Haitian or of Haitian descent. There are, however, a number of state programs put into place by the Ministry of Labor to combat child labor and exploitation in collaboration with foreign and domestic NGOs, including the International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC) and the Dominican Republic’s Institute for the Family. When children are forced to work from very early ages and do not receive any substantial formal education or vocational training, their employment opportunities as adults are highly limited. In 2003, the OECD published a Business Environment Report in which the educational level of Dominicans was cited as a weakness by foreign businesses seeking investment opportunities. The Report states that there is a lack of skilled workers and supervisors. Both the BID and the OECD anticipate that a better educational system, reaching all Dominican residents, would have a positive impact on long-term economic development and the overall well-being of the nation. With support from the BID, the Dominican government is providing a US$10 monthly stipend to poor mothers who keep their children in school (and out of work). The government also provides free school breakfast, nationwide, in order to promote attendance. These benefits are available only to children who are legally permitted to attend school, and it is therefore important that barriers against Dominico-Haitian children be eliminated. While outside international agencies, such as the BID and the OECD, do not specifically address racial or ethnic discrimination in the Dominican educational system, they do call for increased investments and improvements to education. Despite the 2003 OECD report’s criticism of the lack of skilled workers and supervisors in the Dominican Republic, it also states that investors have positive perceptions about the trainability of Dominican workers.
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FAMILY Because of the Dominican Republic’s continued political and economic turmoil, in addition to its past as a nation that controlled the lives and relationships of slave families, familial ties are extremely important for social stability within the nation. Indeed, the family is central in the social lives of many Hispanics throughout Central and South America. The role of the male is central in Dominican family life when the male is the head of household. Men are the traditional breadwinners (77 percent compared with 23 percent who are women), and culturally men hold much power over the women and children in the household (Oficina Nacional de Estadısica 2002a). As such, the men can limit their wives’ and children’s movement to and from the household or even decide whether the children will accompany them to their employment. Yet, 31 percent of Dominican families have a woman as the head of household. Domestic violence is prevalent in lower-SES households with adult males. However, what the advanced countries consider domestic violence against children may not be perceived as such by the Dominicans because corporal punishment is the most commonly used and accepted method of punishing children. Sex role differentiation is encouraged at an early age and exhibits itself primarily through the differences in parental control over boys and girls. Boys are generally allowed much more freedom than girls. Boys are encouraged to explore and engage in much physical activity. They are not reprimanded if they are not clothed. Expected to be under the supervision of an adult at all times, girls are culturally valued when well behaved, in clean dress, and virgins. The mother–child relationship, regardless of the gender of the child, is a close one in which much physical affection is demonstrated and interest in the child’s daily routine is high. This is unlike the father–child relationship, which is a more distant one based on respect and authority. The law states that when parents in free union arrangements separate, the custody of the children is automatically awarded to the mother. The only reasons for custody not being awarded to the mother would be if the mother were known to have engaged in inappropriate behavior or had social/mental problems. However, the reality is that fathers usually do not have full custody of their children (U.S. Department of State 2004). Although the Dominican Constitution promulgates the principle of equality, discrimination continues to exist in terms of inheritance issues, especially if a single mother living in a rural area has a property claim. This means that there is a greater likelihood that the single mother will lose her property rights to a state claim (Agencia de las Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados 2002). HEALTH Health statistics are another crucial indicator of a nation’s commitment to providing adequate health care and can bring to light particular health
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issues that are faced by its citizenry. According to the CIA’s World Factbook (2006), the infant mortality rate in the Dominican Republic is 28.25 deaths per 1,000 live births. It is currently ranked eighty-eighth of 225 countries listed within the Factbook, well ahead of Haiti (ranked thirty-five, with an infant mortality rate of 71.65), yet behind the rest of their nearest Caribbean neighbors such as Jamaica (ranked 129, with an infant mortality rate of 15.98), Turks and Caicos (ranked 131, with an infant mortality rate of 15.18), Puerto Rico (ranked 160, with an infant mortality rate of 9.14), and Cuba (ranked 185, with an infant mortality rate of 6.22). In the Dominican Republic, there is a relationship between child mortality and the level of the mother’s education. A 2002 Demographic and Health Survey (Oficina Nacional de Estadıstica 2002b) report revealed alarmingly high rates of child mortality when mothers did not have formal education. However, the child mortality rate has decreased substantially since the 1960s, when almost 160 of every 1,000 children younger than five years old died. There are nearly 40,000 children between birth and age fourteen who have been orphaned by parents who have died from HIV/AIDS and other causes (World Bank 2002). A Human Rights 2004 report states that the Dominican Republic is only second to Haiti in terms of numbers of people infected with HIV/AIDS: around 2 percent of adults are infected with HIV, and rates of infection are increasing faster for women than for men. The report also highlights the social and economic discrimination faced by HIV-positive Dominican women. These women are often blamed for bringing a sexually transmitted disease into the relationship and face the great likelihood of domestic violence (there is a law stating that partners must inform each other of HIV infection). As a condition for employment in many female-dominated sectors (e.g., the tourist or service sectors), women are tested for HIV and can be denied employment if they test positive. Secondary schools are supposed to provide sexual education. However, given the low rates of secondary school attendance, the fact that the textbook used in the sexual education classes does not encourage condom use, and a male-centered culture already opposed to the use of condoms, stabilizing HIV/AIDS rates in the Dominican Republic has proved to be difficult. According to 2001 health statistics published by the United Nations Human Development Report, 90 percent of one-year-old children have been vaccinated against tuberculosis and 79 percent against measles. The following vaccinations are offered free to babies: tuberculosis, hepatitis B, polio, measles, rubella, chicken pox, diphtheria, tetanus, whooping cough, and type B influenza (one of the principal causes of meningitis). In 2001, the Dominican government passed a new social welfare law ensuring universal health care. However, the health system is a combination of private and public subsidization. Every employed Dominican contributes to financing the health system through a sliding-scale percentage of wages. Access to doctors and hospitals is free; however, access to and
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quality of medical care is not guaranteed. Many NGOs, such as Caritas International, Patronato Benefico Oriental, Inc., the Dr. Antonio Cruz Jiminian Foundation, and others, try to supplement the national health care system and provide services to children. As in other developing nations, those citizens who have the financial resources are better able to secure health care for their children and can afford private health insurance and doctors. For the richest 20 percent of Dominicans, the underfive child mortality rate is 26.6 percent compared with 89.9 percent for the poorest 20 percent of Dominicans. The 2001 social welfare law also provided for daycare centers for working class families with children between the ages of forty-five days and five years (U.S. Social Security Administration 2001). In 2002, 93 percent of the population had access to a source of clean water; this is an increase from 86 percent in 1990. Eleven percent of rural children suffer from chronic malnutrition versus 8 percent of urban children (World Bank 2002). The 2001 United Nations report Concluding Observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child, Dominican Republic (University of Minnesota 2001) expressed concern over a substantial lack of sexual education, health education, mental health education, and substance abuse education in the Dominican Republic, as well as the insufficient availability of counseling services for students. The lack of these programs in schools may have a correlation to the rising rates of sexually transmitted diseases and HIV infections, as well as drug abuse among adolescents. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS According to the Code of the Dominican Minor (C odigo del Menor Dominicano 1997), a minor is defined as a child from birth to twelve years of age, and is then considered an adolescent until seventeen years of age. The age of majority in the Dominican Republic is eighteen. However, if an individual is younger than eighteen and married, she or he is considered an adult. Once legally considered of age, voting is mandatory. Only those who have national identity documents are allowed to vote. Military recruiters can begin to sign up willing adolescents once they turn sixteen if the country is not at war. If it is wartime, adolescents may be conscripted. In theory, all adolescent military recruits must have formally completed their eight years of compulsory education. Although the Code of the Dominican Minor sets forth specific age groups, when it comes to the justice system, children younger than eighteen years old are often treated like adults. The Code of the Dominican Minor established a separate juvenile court system with its own legislation regulating infractions by children or adolescents (the code determined that no juvenile may be accused of a crime). It also created a separate police force and an Ombudsperson for Minors. However, the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights (1999) considers that very little has changed with regard to the differentiation of adult
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and juvenile detainees. There is often no physical separation of adults and juveniles in state-run detention centers or prisons. Because adults and minors continue to be housed together in overcrowded and corrupt prisons, an environment of physical, sexual, and mental abuse is perpetuated on the part of the adults towards the juveniles. In theory, juveniles are supposed to be rehabilitated and educated. More often than not, juvenile delinquents are confined with the adults until past the age of majority because of court system delays. In fact, 70 percent of those incarcerated have not been given a trial or sentenced. Juveniles who are imprisoned often join juvenile gangs (naciones) for protection. Due process as understood in the United States does not exist in the Dominican Republic. Even so, under the current administration of Leonel Fernandez, there is a reform movement within the justice system, and efforts are being made to address basic human rights violations within the prisons. RELIGIOUS LIFE Even though freedom of religion is permitted by the constitution, the Dominican Republic’s national motto is ‘‘God, Homeland, and Freedom.’’ Legally, the Roman Catholic Bible is supposed to be read by children in public schools, but there are no statistics to indicate the extent to which this law is followed. Sixty-eight percent of Dominicans consider themselves Roman Catholic. Eleven percent are Protestant (including Evangelicals, Mormons, and Jehovah’s Witnesses), and others adhere to animistic beliefs. Many Catholics practice a combination of Catholic beliefs and Afro-Caribbean beliefs (known as ‘‘santerıa’’). There are also two religious groups that have rising conversion rates, Evangelical Christians and Mormons. While there are no mosques in the Dominican Republic, there are resident Muslims who practice their religion. There are Jewish synagogues and one rabbi, and Buddhism is also practiced (Informe Internacional de Libertad de Cultos 2004). The Haitians on the island practice Catholicism, forms of voodoo, or a combination of both. Although in the general public’s eye voodoo may have only an ominous connotation, voodoo is actually a religion of spirits and mysteries as well as a world view (National Geographic News 2002). Much like other former Spanish colonies with a Catholic majority, at least half of the national holidays are Catholic in origin. These include Epiphany/Three Kings Day, Lady of Altagracia Day, Good Friday, Easter, Corpus Christi Day, Lady of Mercedes Day, and Christmas Day. There are, however, very few Dominicans who formally practice their religion or regularly go to mass. Children receive the majority of their religious training through their family networks (Central Intelligence Agency 2006). Another lasting imprint that Catholicism has left on the Dominican Republic is that of homophobia. Being gay and publicly manifesting that sexual identity is generally not culturally accepted.
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CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Child abuse and neglect continues to be a social ill that needs to be addressed in the Dominican Republic. Juveniles and adults are oftentimes incarcerated together. Domestic violence is also prevalent in households where a man and a woman cohabit, and this violence increases the likelihood of physical abuse faced by the children in the household. Many poor parents who live in the bateyes take their young children (many under the age of twelve) with them into the sugar fields to work instead of sending them to school. Other children are sent out into the streets to beg, sell trinkets, or work in the sex trade. Haitian immigrant children as young as twelve are brought to the Dominican Republic for the exclusive purpose of the sex trade (U.S. Department of State 2006). The Dominican public agency CONANI states that three out of ten children in Santo Domingo have been sexually abused (Consejo Nacional para la Ni~ nez y la Adolescencia 2005). Because children have been abused by family members or family friends, these crimes often go unreported and unpunished. While adult prostitution is legal in the Dominican Republic, trafficking in women and children to, from, and within the country is another area of concern for Dominicans and the international community. It is a crime to recruit women and children to prostitute themselves or to make money from their activities. Even though there are laws against human trafficking as well as stiff penalties for those who are caught trafficking, the child sex trade operates throughout the country, and is especially concentrated in tourist areas (International Human Rights Law Institute 2005). Actual statistics are hard to obtain because of the clandestine nature of the trade and because of the Dominican Republic’s lack of law enforcement with regard to the sex trade. Between 25,000 and 30,000 minors were estimated to be involved in the sex trade (El Mundo 2004). The numbers are sure to be higher because of the difficulty involved in collecting these types of statistics. The number of women and children involved in the sex trade is proportionally related to the types of educational and employment opportunities available within the society. Because one-third of Dominican households are headed by single women without formal education, viable skills, or lucrative jobs (or legal means to migrate to another country), the sex trade sometimes becomes the only way to make a living and survive. The children in these households, unfortunately, become a population that is even more at risk when they are unduly pressured to join the sex trade. The main agent of trafficking in women and children within the Dominican Republic is the family itself, unlike many other Central American countries where the agents are from outside the family. The Dominican Republic is the only Central American government that has incorporated human trafficking as one of the domestic ills the national
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agenda is committed to fight against. The Dominican National Commission on the Eradication of Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children is a governmental agency dedicated to combating this social ill (International Human Rights Law Institute 2005). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The availability of formal and public mass education is an important signal of a state’s commitment to children and their families. Educational policies may contribute directly to the success of democratization within a society, and schooling is also an important means of socialization that has well-documented effects on the development of children. The Dominican Republic has a long-standing moral commitment to those who reside within its borders and to the international community, with regard to guaranteeing the fundamental human right of access and opportunity to an education. Excluding children, such as poor rural children or children of Haitian ethnicity, from the Dominican Republic’s formal guarantees and protections will only have long-term detrimental effects within Dominican society. Uneducated and illiterate children will have a lower quality of life as uneducated and illiterate adults; their income, health, and rates of social and political participation will be negatively affected. These children will become unemployed or underemployed adults who will then look to the Dominican state for welfare and social services, putting a strain on the nation’s already limited resources. A limited education or no education as a child and teenager could mean that as adults they could be more easily manipulated by politicians and employers or even disenfranchised without knowing it. Foreign investors from major corporations would likely prefer to do business in other emerging market economies that produce workers with a higher level of training and education. Yet such unfavorable consequences need not occur. Organizations such as the OECD note that the Dominican work force is ‘‘competent, trainable, and cooperative.’’ Other educational policies are being enacted now to ensure that almost 90 percent of the Dominican population will finish primary schooling by the year 2010 (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization 2005). The OECD (2003) recommends several actions that could pave broader avenues of access and opportunity for children in the Dominican Republic. First, the government should increase national spending on public education, create outreach programs to ensure rural and poor children are enrolled in school—regardless of having proper documentation or not, and provide scholarships to lowincome students who pursue a university degree. Second, vocational or training programs should be created for those youths who drop out of school. Third, poor parents should be given financial incentives by the government if they send their children to school.
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RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Country Review—Dominican Republic (magazine subscription). This is an annual report on the Dominican Republic that provides details about demographics, current events, governmental issues, the economy, and business information. The report also analyzes cultural, societal, political, environmental, and other contemporary issues facing the country. Charts, graphs, and maps are also included. It is published by CountryWatch, a company that provides demographic information on all 192 recognized countries of the world to large media companies. Gregory, Steven. 2006. The Devil Behind the Mirror: Globalization and Politics in the Dominican Republic. Berkeley: University of California Press. In The Devil Behind the Mirror, Steven Gregory provides an account of the impact that globalization is having on the lives of Dominicans. He did ethnographic fieldwork in the towns of Boca Chica and Andres and demonstrates how transnational flows of capital, culture, and people are mediated by contextually specific power relations, politics, and history. He also explores such topics as the informal economy, the making of a telenova, sex tourism, and racism and discrimination against Haitians. Hernandez, Deborah P. 1995. Bachata: A Social History of Dominican Popular Music. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. This book explores the history behind the original Dominican music sound of bachata. Bachata has its roots within the 1960s Dominican working class and their oppression; it was rejected by the other classes who found its themes to be vulgar and preferred merengue instead. It also examines how this music, over time, has become accepted by the mainstream music industry. Howard, David J. 1999. Dominican Republic in Focus: A Guide to the People, Politics and Culture. New York: Interlink Books. This travel book provides an in-depth look into the Dominican Republic. It is divided into chapters describing the history, politics, culture, economy, and society of the country. Pons, Frank M. 1998. The Dominican Republic: A National History. Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener Publishers. This book examines the economic and political continuities between the U.S. military government and subsequent regimes, including the infamous Trujillo dictatorship (1930–1961). Suarez, Lucıa M. 2006. The Tears of Hispaniola: Haitian and Dominican Diaspora Memories. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. This book examines four writers (Jean-Robert Cadet, Junot Dıaz, Loida Maritza Perez, and Edwidge Danticat) who were born on the island and eventually left it, and how their autobiographical and fictional pieces bring to light the suffering and injustices experienced by the majority still on the island. Their writings also call for justice for the peoples on the island.
Nonprint Resources Merengue: Dominican Music and Dominican Identity. Rounder Select Label, compiled and annotated by Paul Austerlits. 1997. CD. This is a music CD that features merengue, a music that is identified with Dominican culture.
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Un Pueblo con Alma de Carnaval [A people with a soul of carnival]. Directed by: Fernando Baez. Print Source: Producciones Unicornio, S.A. Calle Pedro A. Lluberes #2, Gazcue, Santo Domingo, Rep. Dom. Email: fernandobaez@ unicorniotv.com. 28 minutes. Not yet available on DVD. Presented at the spring 2006 Film Festival in Chicago, this documentary goes to different villages to film their respective carnavales. Quisqueya en el Hudson: Dominican Music in New York. 2004. Smithsonian Folkways Label. CD. This is a music CD that includes an assortment of Dominican music styles, such as merengue, folk songs, bachata, and the Dominican version of son (an original Cuban sound). Recuerdos [Memories]. 2006. Not yet available on DVD. Presented at the 2006 summer Latino Film Festival in New York, this is a fictional movie about a romance between two teenagers, one of whom is leaving the Dominican Republic for good. La Republica de Baseball: Los Gigantes Dominicanos del Juego Americano [Republic of baseball: The Dominican giants of the American game]. 2006. Directed by Daniel Manatt. Produced by Sports for Development Foundation and Manatt Media LLC. 83 minutes. Not yet available on DVD. Presented at the 2006 summer Latino Film Festival in New York, this documentary examines how Dominicans have come to influence the major leagues in the United States (10 percent of major league players come from the Dominican Republic—a higher percent than players from any other Hispanic nation). This Is the Dominican Republic. 2005. JVC Productions. 60 minutes. DVD. This is a DVD that shows off the Dominican Republic and its tourist attractions.
Web Sites Dominicana On Line, http://www.dominicanaonline.org/Portal/espanol/default.asp. Educando: El portal de la educaci on dominicana [Educating: the Dominican education web site], http://www.educando.edu.do/educando. Human Rights Watch, http://www.hrw.org. International Reports, http://www.internationalreports.net/theamericas/dr/2002/ newsocial.html. Save the Children, http://www.savethechildren.net/dominican_republic/english/ what.html.
Organizations and NGOs La Asociaci on Pro-Bienestar de la Familia, Inc. (ProFamilia) [Institute for the Family] Calle Socorro Sanchez #160, Gazcue Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic Phone: (809) 689-0141 Fax: (809) 686-8276 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.profamilia.org.do/new
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Caritas International, Caritas Dominicana C. Coronel Rafael Fernandez Domınguez, Esq. 51, Ensanche La Fe Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic Phone: (809) 565-7746 Fax: (809) 565-3228 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.caritas.org Catholic Relief Services Web site: http://www.crs.org/our_work/where_we_work/overseas/latin_america_ and_the_caribbean/dominican_republic/index.cfm Centro de Investigaci on para la Acci on Femenina (CIPAF) [Research Center for Feminist Action] C/ Luis F. Thomen 358, Ens. Quisqueya Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic Phone: (809) 563-5263 Fax: (809) 563-1159 Centro Dominicano de Asesorıa e Investigaciones Legales (CEDAIL) [Dominican Center for Legal Advice and Research] Av. Los Pr oceres, GALA Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic Phone: (809) 567-9271, ext. 284 Email: [email protected] Clınica Cruz Jiminian [Dr. Cruz Jiminian’s Health Clinic] Av. Jose Ortega Y Gasset No. 90, Cristo Rey Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic Phone: (809) 682-9459 Consejo Asesor de la Juventud Internacional Rural (CAJIR) [International Advisory Council for Rural Youth] C. Casado del Alisal 10, Bajo B 28014 Madrid, Spain Phone: (34-91) 369-0284 Fax: (34-91) 369-0136 Email: [email protected] Direct Relief International Web site: http://www.directrelief.org/sections/information_center/countries/ dominican_rep.html Fundaci on Crecer Jugando [Grow Up Playing Foundation] Pasaje Nicolauets, 1 03440 IBI, Alicante, Spain Phone: (34-96) 655-4980 Fax: (34-96) 655-0275 Email: [email protected]
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The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights Web site: http://www.cidh.org The International Organization for Migration (IOM) Web site: http://www.iom.int/jahia/jsp/index.jsp International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC) Phone: (41-22) 799-8181 Fax: (41-22) 799-8771 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.ilo.org/public/english/standards/ipec/simpoc El Movimiento de Mujeres Dominico-Haitiana (MUDHA) [The Haitian-Dominican Women’s Movement] Calle Pedro A. Lluberes No. 1, Gazcue Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic Phone: (809) 688-7430 Fax: (809) 689-3532 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.kiskeya-alternative.org/mudha El Movimiento Socio Cultural Para los Trabajadores Haitianos (MOSCTHA) [The Socio-cultural Movement for Haitian Workers] Calle Juan Erazo No. 39, Villa Juana, Distrito Nacional Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic Phone: (809) 687-2318 Fax: (809) 221-8371 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://mosctha.redhjacquesviau.org.do Participaci on Ciudadana [Citizen Participation] Calle Wenceslao Alvarez No.8 Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic Phone: (809) 685-6200 Fax: (809) 685-6631 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.pciudadana.com Patronato Benefico Oriental, Inc. [Eastern Beneficial Patronage] P.O. Box 326 La Romana, Dominican Republic Email: [email protected] Peace Corps Web site: http://www.peacecorps.gov/index.cfm?shell¼learn.wherepc.caribbean .dominicanrepublic United Nations Educational, Cultural and Scientific Organization (UNESCO) Web site: http://www.uis.unesco.org
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World Vision Web site: http://www.worldvision.org
Selected Bibliography Agencia de las Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados (ACNUR) [United Nations Agency for Refugees]. 2002. Observaciones Finales del Comit e para la Eliminaci on de la Discriminaci on contra la Mujer de las Naciones Unidas. [Final Observations of the United Nations Committee Dedicated to Eliminating Discrimination against Women]. http://www.acnur.org/biblioteca/pdf/ 1807.pdf. Accessed October 1, 2006. ———. 2006. http://www.acnur.org/motor/index.php?id_seccion¼1. Accessed October 1, 2006. Axtell, James. 1992. Beyond 1492: Encounters in Colonial North America. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo (BID) [Inter-American Development Bank]. 2002. Programa multifase para la equidad de la educaci on b a sica–Fase I: Propuesta de pr e stamo. [Multi-phase program for basic education equity– Phase I: Loan proposal]. Washington, DC: Oficina de Apoyo Regional de Operaciones. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). 2006. World Factbook: Dominican Republic. http:// www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/dr.html. Accessed October 14, 2006. C odigo del Menor Dominicano [Code of the Dominican Minor]. 1997. Santo Domingo. http://www.monografias.com/trabajos14/menordominic/menordominic.shtml. Accessed September 20, 2006. Congreso Nacional [Nacional Congress]. 1997. Ley Org a nica de Educaci on de la Republica Dominicana [Organic Law of Education in the Dominican Republic]. Santo Domingo. http://www.educando.edu.do/NR/rdonlyres/3537AB13B47D-4A9A-BF27-B056C50941AC/0/LeyEdu66_97.doc. Accessed September 4, 2006. Consejo Nacional para la Ni~ nez y la Adolescencia [CONANI] [National Council for Children and Adolescents]. 2005. Memoria institucional 2005 [2005 Institutional Report]. http://www.conani.gov.do/Memoria%20CONANI%202005web.pdf#search¼’CONANI%20republica%20dominicana’. Accessed September 20, 2006. Doggett, Scott, and Joyce Connolly. 2002. Dominican Republic & Haiti. 2nd ed. Victoria, Australia: Lonely Planet Publications Ptv Ltd. Ferguson, James. 1999. The Story of the Caribbean People. Brooklyn, NY: Interlink Books. Fernandez Reyna, Leonel. http://www.leonelfernandez.com. Accessed November 21, 2006. General Assembly of the United Nations. 1948. Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Paris. ———. 1989. Convention on Rights of the Child. New York. ———. 2000. Millennium Development Goals. New York. Hernandez, Deborah P. 1995. Bachata: A Social History of Dominican Popular Music. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
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Human Rights Watch. 2004. A Test of Inequality: Discrimination against Women Living with HIV in the Dominican Republic. http://hrw.org/reports/2004/ dr0704/3.htm. Accessed November 23, 2006. Informe Internacional de Libertad de Cultos. [International Report on the Freedom of Religi on]. 2004. Published by the Dominican Republic’s Oficina para la Democracia, los Derechos Humanos y el Trabajo [The Office for Democracy, Human Rights and Employment]. http://www.usemb.gov.do/libertad_ cultos_2004.htm. Accessed November 23, 2006. Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. 1999. Report on the Situation of Human Rights in the Dominican Republic. http://www.cidh.org/countryrep/ dominicanrep99/table.htm. Accessed November 4, 2006. ———. 2000. Annual Report of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights 2000. http://www.cidh.org/annualrep/2000eng/ChapterIII/Admissible/ Dom.Rep12.189.htm. Accessed November 5, 2006. International Human Rights Law Institute. October 2005. In Modern Bondage: Sex Trafficking in the Americas. Chicago: DePaul University College of Law. El Movimiento de Mujeres Dominico–Haitiana (MUDHA) [The Haitian-Dominican Women’s Movement]. 2005. Declaraci on de la Misi on de MUDHA [Declaration of the Mission of MUDHA]. http://www.kiskeya-alternative.org/ mudha/. Accessed October 15, 2006. El Mundo (Madrid). 2004. ‘‘Moldear la Vida de Los Ni~ nos de Las Calles de la Rep ublica Dominicana’’ [Shaping the lives of Dominican street children]. November 15. National Coalition for Haitian Rights. 1996. Statement by the National Coalition for Haitian Rights to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights Concerning the Situation of Haitian Workers in the Dominican Republic. New York. http://www.nchr.org/hrp/archive/iach.htm. Accessed October 2, 2006. National Geographic News. October 21, 2002. ‘‘Voodoo a Legitimate Religion, Anthropologist Says,’’ by Brian Handwerk. http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/ 2002/10/1021_021021_taboovoodoo.html. Accessed November 23, 2006. Oficina Nacional de Estadıstica [National Statistics Office]. 2002a. VIII Censo Nacional de Poblaci on y Vivienda 2002. [The Eighth National Population and Housing Census 2002]. Santo Domingo. http://celade.cepal.org/cgibin/ RpWeb Engine.exe/PortalAction?&MODE¼MAIN&BASE¼CPVDOM2002 &MAIN¼WebServerMain.inl. Accessed October 1, 2006. ———. 2002b. 2002 Encuesta Demogr afica y de Salud (ENDESA) [2002 Demographic and Health Survey]. http://celade.cepal.org/cgibin/RpWebEngine.exe/PortalAction?&MODE¼MAIN&BASE¼DHSDOM2002&MAIN ¼WebServer Main.inl. Accessed October 1, 2006. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). April 2003. Caribbean Rim Investment Initiative: Business Environment Report on the Dominican Republic. Paris. http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/62/21/2635572. pdf. Accessed September 10, 2006. Participaci on Ciudadana [Citizen Participation]. 2004. Estado de la Democracia en la Republica Dominicana: Informe Ejecutivo. [The State of Democracy in the Dominican Republic: Executive Report]. Santo Domingo: Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Sociales (CIES). http://www.pciudadana.com/ download/2002–04/Estado_Democracia_Rep_Dom_CIES.pdf. Accessed September 11, 2006. Public Broadcasting Service. 2000. ‘‘The Dominican Comparison: ‘Developed vs. Undeveloped Baseball’ ’’ from PBS original television program Stealing Home:
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The Case of Contemporary Cuban Baseball. http://www.pbs.org/stealinghome/ debate/dominican.html. Accessed November 24, 2006. San Miguel, Pablo Luis. 2005. The Imagined Island: History, Identity, and Utopia in Hispaniola, translated by Jane Ramırez. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Secretaria de Estado de Educaci on [State Secretary of Education]. 2003a. Plan Estrat e gico de Desarrollo de la Educaci on Dominicana 2003–2012: Volumen 1. [Volume 1 of the Strategic Plan for the Development of Dominican Education 2003–2012]. Santo Domingo. http://www.educando.edu.do/NR/ rdonlyres/3537AB13-B47D-4A9A-BF27-B056C50941AC/0/LeyEdu66_97 .doc. Accessed September 9, 2006. ———. 2003b. Plan Estrat e gico de Desarrollo de la Educaci on Dominicana 2003– 2012: Volumen 2 [Volume 2 of the Strategic Plan for the Development of Dominican Education 2003–2012]. Santo Domingo. http://www.see.gov .do/sitesee.net/plan%20estrategico/Volumen_2.pdf. Accessed September 9, 2006. ———. 2003c. Plan Estrat e gico de Desarrollo de la Educaci on Dominicana 2003– 2012: Volumen 3 [Volume 3 of the Strategic Plan for the Development of Dominican Education 2003–2012]. Santo Domingo. http://www.see.gov .do/sitesee.net/plan%20estrategico/Volumen_3.pdf. Accessed September 9, 2006. Suprema Corte de Justicia [Supreme Court]. 2002. Constituci on de la Republica Dominicana [Dominican Republic Constitution]. Santo Domingo. United Nations. 2001. Human Development Report. 2001. http://hdr.undp.org/ reports/global/2001/en/pdf/completenew.pdf. Accessed September 15, 2006. ———. 2005. Informe sobre Desarrollo Humano 2005 [2005 Human Development Report]. http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2005/espanol/pdf/HDR05_ sp_complete.pdf. Accessed October 8, 2006. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). 2005. Regional Education Indicators Project: Summit of the Americas. Educational Panorama 2005: Progressing toward the Goals. http://www.uis.unesco .org/template/pdf/EducGeneral/SummitAmericas.pdf. Accessed October 21, 2006. University of Minnesota Human Rights Library. 2001. Concluding Observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child, Dominican Republic. UN Doc. CRC/C/ 15/Add.150. http://www1.umn.edu/humanrts/crc/dominicanrepublic2001 .html. Accessed October 15, 2006. U.S. Census Bureau. December 2004. We the People: Hispanics in the United States: Census 2000 Special Reports. http://www.census.gov/prod/2004pubs/ censr-18.pdf. Accessed November 19, 2006. U.S. Department of Labor. 2006. The Department of Labor’s 2005 Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of International Affairs. http://www.dol.gov/ilab/media/reports/ iclp/tda2005/tda2005.pdf. Accessed November 2, 2006. U.S. Department of State. February 2004. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2003: Dominican Republic. Washington, DC: Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. ———. March 2006. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2005: Dominican Republic. Washington, DC: Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. U.S. Peace Corps. (n.d.) Where Do Volunteers Go: Caribbean: Dominican Republic. http:// www.peacecorps.gov/index.cfm?shell¼learn.wherepc.caribbean.dominicanrepublic. Accessed November 1, 2006.
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U.S. Social Security Administration, Office of Policy. 2005. Social Security Programs throughout the World: The Americas, 2005. http://www.ssa.gov/policy/docs/ progdesc/ssptw/2004–2005/americas/dominican_republic.html. Accessed October 14, 2006. World Bank. 2000. 1999/2000 World Development Report. http://www.worldbank .org/wdr/2000/pdfs/chap3.pdf. Accessed November 12, 2006. ———. 2002. Dominican Republic Mortality Rates. http://siteresources.worldbank .org/INTHNPMDGS/Resources/563114-1112109151438/892594-11134 07069651/DominicanRepublic.pdf. Accessed November 12, 2006. ———. 2006. Breaking the Cycle of Poverty in the Dominican Republic. http://web .worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/NEWS/0,,contentMDK:21034305 pagePK:64257043piPK:437376theSitePK:4607,00.html. Accessed November 12, 2006. ———. 2006. Country Profile. http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/ COUNTRIES/LACEXT/DOMINICANEXTN/0,,menuPK:337779page PK:141132piPK:141107theSitePK:337769,00.html. Accessed November 12, 2006. World Vision. News Archive–Dominican Republic. http://www.wvi.org/wvi/ archives/lacro/dominican_republic.htm. Accessed November 10, 2006. Zinn, Howard. 2002. A People’s History of the United States. New York: Perennial Classics.
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GRENADA M. Gail Sanders Derrick NATIONAL PROFILE Grenada is an island nation in the southeastern Caribbean located between the Caribbean Sea and Atlantic Ocean, north of Trinidad and Tobago, and approximately 100 miles from the Venezuelan coast. Grenada is often referred to as the ‘‘Spice of the Caribbean’’ for its cultivation of spices, including nutmeg, cloves, cinnamon, ginger, and mace. Nutmeg was one of the major exports during the twentieth century, providing 20 percent of the world supply (‘‘Grenada Facts’’). Grenada is an independent state within the Commonwealth of Nations in the Windward Islands of the West Indies. The Commonwealth of Nations includes the island of Grenada and the southern half of the archipelago known as the Grenadines. Grenada is the largest island in the Commonwealth of Nations, approximately 344 square kilometers with 121 kilometers of coastline (‘‘Grenada Facts’’). It is a volcanic, mountainous island with crater lakes and a tropical climate tempered by northeast trade winds. The capital and
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largest city is St. George’s, and other major towns are Grenville and Gouyave. The island of Grenada is divided into six parishes: Saint Andrew, Saint David, Saint George, Saint John, Saint Mark, and Saint Patrick. The smaller Grenadines of Carriacou, Petit Martinique, Ronde Island, Caille Island, Diamond Island, Large Island, Saline Island, and Frigate Island are largely uninhabitable and are located north of Grenada (‘‘Grenada, Facts and Figures, Background’’). The islands of Carriacou and Petite Martinique have the status of dependency. The administration of the islands of the Grenadines group is divided between Saint Vincent, the Grenadines, and Grenada. Grenada is not the most developed of the Windward Islands but has progressed steadily over the past twenty years. While not a highly developed tourist destination, Grenada has a low-key and quaint approach, a real appeal for those that have visited the island. Grenada relies heavily on tourism as its main source of revenue. An international airport was finished in 1985 to aid this effort. Construction and manufacturing expansion have also contributed to economic growth. The devastation caused by Hurricane Ivan in September 2004 and Hurricane Emily in July 2005 has been a major political and economic issue for the government of Grenada. The island has managed to recover with aid and support from international organizations. The tourism industry was particularly hard hit. The majority of visitors used to be from the United States, but now 56 percent are from the Caribbean. Because one in four people are employed by the tourism industry in Grenada, the impact of hurricane damage has been substantial (Saargent 2006). Many hotels, restaurants, and other businesses reopened for the 2006–2007 tourist season. The estimated numbers of tourists arriving on Grenada each year is approximately 110,000 people, and the loss of tourists impacts all segments of island life (Grenada, Facts and Figures). The 2006 estimated Gross Domestic Product (GDP) was $408 million, the growth rate was 12.1 percent, and the GDP per capita in 2006 was $3,854 (U.S. Department of State 2006). The GDP by area is agriculture (7.7 percent), industry (23.9 percent), and services (68.4 percent). The labor force (1999 estimates) is primarily in the service area (62 percent), followed by agriculture (24 percent) and industry (14 percent). The unemployment rate is 12.5 percent and the population below the poverty line is 32 percent (Central Intelligence Agency). Poverty has likely increased as a result of Hurricanes Ivan and Emily. Many of the previous initiatives to improve incomes, achieve better education and health outcomes, and offer social protection to those in need had just begun to show progress in 1999. The relationship and links between poverty, growth, and employment are addressed through social policies and programs (International Monetary Fund and the International Development Association 2006, 1–6). Grenada is committed to establishing the economic stability needed to rebuild after Hurricanes
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Ivan and Emily, as well as to fight poverty as a strategy for social improvement. Christopher Columbus first sighted the island in 1498 and gave it the name Conception Island, and later called it Granada. At the time, the Island Caribs (Kalinago) lived there and called it knouhogue. The Spaniards did not permanently settle in Camerhogue. Later the English failed their first settlement attempts, but the French fought the Caribs and conquered Grenada around 1650. Virtually no Caribs and Arawaks survived the French purge at Sauteurs. At one point many Caribs opted not to be captives of the French and leaped to their death near Sauteurs, a present day town in northern Grenada. This resulted in warfare between the Caribs of present-day Dominica and St. Vincent and the Grenadines and the French invaders. The French took control of Camerhogue and named the new French colony Grenade. The colony was ceded to the United Kingdom in 1763 by the Treaty of Paris. Grenada was made a Crown Colony in 1877 (‘‘Grenada’s History’’). Briefly a province of the West Indies Federation (1958–1962), Grenada became an Associated State of the United Kingdom in 1967. At that point, Grenada became responsible for her own internal affairs and the United Kingdom had responsibility for her defense and foreign affairs. Independence was granted in 1974 under then Premier Eric Gairy, who became the first Prime Minister of Grenada. A coup d’etat occurred in March 1979 in protest of Gairy’s government, led by Maurice Bishop, the popular leftwing leader of the New Jewel Movement. Welcomed by many on the island and the international community, Bishop’s coup was a popular movement. The new government (the People’s Revolutionary Government [PRG]) aspired to socialism and attempted many radical reforms that had both positive and negative impacts on the island. The PRG emphasized the connection of education and health programs, teacher training, and agricultural education to improved social and economic productivity, and pursued improvements in agriculture as a stable industry along with the development of community programs (de Grauwe 1991). There was also a dramatic increase in scholarships offered for university and technical education abroad. The establishment of the Institute of Higher Education supported the government’s goals to fast track the offering of higher education. This institute was situated in a large hotel in St George’s, which provided space for a campus. These efforts, however, were short-lived given the end of the Revolution in 1983, and the return to a post-colonial government (Bobb-Smith 2005). Imprisonment of political opponents, the abolition of a free press (de Grauwe 1991), Bishop’s failure to conduct elections, and his alliance with communist Cuba were not well received by his country’s neighbors of Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados, Dominica, as well as the United States (‘‘Grenada History’’).
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Conflicts within the leadership led to the overthrow of the government by the more radical faction on October 19, 1983, Bishop’s arrest and subsequent execution, and the establishment of the Revolutionary Council under the short-lived leadership of General Hudson Austin. The island was invaded six days later by forces from the United States and five other Caribbean nations. In 1984, the United States provided Grenada with $48.4 million in economic assistance, and the CIA spent $650,000 to aid a pro-American candidate in that year’s election (Bell 2001). Seventeen members of the PRG and People’s Revolutionary Army (PRA) were convicted, fourteen were sentenced to death (subsequently commuted to life imprisonment after an international campaign), and three were sentenced to life imprisonment. These seventeen have become known as the Grenada 17. Amnesty International has stated their continued imprisonment is an injustice. The documentary Prisoners of the Cold War explores the idea that the continued imprisonment of the seventeen reflects the post-traumatic state of the island as a whole (‘‘Grenada’’). Currently, Grenada is a democratic country with universal suffrage, a well-established parliamentary democracy, free elections, a multiparty structure, equality of access to political activity, and the right to participate in government decision-making. The last elections, held in November 2003, were won for the third consecutive time by the New National Party of the current Prime Minister Keith Mitchell, which currently has a slim 8 to 7 majority (‘‘EU Relations with Grenada’’). Most of Grenada’s population, more than 80 percent, are descended from Africans brought to the island as slaves by the Europeans. About 12 percent of the population are descendants of the Indian indentured emigration to St. Lucia and Grenada that began in 1855 (U.S. Department of State, Background Note 2006). The racial and ethnic demographics of Grenada are thus 82 percent black, 13 percent mixed black and European, European and East Indian (5 percent), and a trace of Arawak/Carib Amerindian. The population is 53 percent Roman Catholic, 14 percent Anglican, and 33 percent Protestant. The official language is English, and French patois is also spoken (‘‘Facts about Grenada’’). French culture is evident in Grenada although less prominently than on other Caribbean islands. French architecture, French family names, and French place names are found on the island, although the island culture is more heavily influenced by African traditions and, to a lesser degree, its Indian heritage. Foods, music, dance, and festivals reveal the influence of this rich cultural heritage. The estimated population (July 2006) of Grenada is 89,703 (‘‘Facts about Grenada’’). The estimated population under eighteen years of age is approximately 33,000 with 9,000 under the age of five, although these numbers vary from different reporting sources. The 2006 World Population Sheet reports that approximately 32 percent of the Grenadian population is under the age of fifteen, and 5 percent are sixty-five years of age and older (Population Reference Bureau 2006). The median age is 21.7
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Table 7.1. Population Demographics Age 0 to 14 years of age 15 to 64 years of age 65 years of age and over
Percentage of total population
Male
Female
33.4 63.4 3.3
15,097 30,106 1,394
14,820 26,764 1,522
Source: ‘‘Facts about Grenada.’’
years (for males it is 22.1 and for females 21.02) (Grenada, Index Mundi). Approximately 38 percent of the population is considered urban, and 62 percent is considered rural (United Nations 2006). These general population demographics are presented in Table 7.1. As noted, the statistics vary from different reporting sources (‘‘Facts about Grenada’’). The population growth rate is 0.2619 percent, the birth rate is 22.3 births per 1,000 live births, and the death rate is 7.17 deaths per 1,000 deaths (Central Intelligence Agency). The infant mortality rate (the number of infants dying before reaching one year of age, per 1,000 live births in a given year) was 21 in 2000 and 17.5 in 2004. The under-five mortality rate (the probability that a newborn baby will die before reaching age five, if subject to current age-specific mortality rates) per 1,000 live births was 26 in 2000 and 21.3 in 2004 (World Development Indicators Database 2006). According to a report submitted to the Ministry of Education in 2003, there is a large number of single mothers with many children in Grenada. The report indicates that 27.6 percent of Grenadian children lived with their mothers and 14.3 percent lived with their mother and stepfather. Over one-third lived with their mother and father. Nearly half of school children lived in households with more than five persons, and most of them had siblings living elsewhere in Grenada and Carriacou. The ‘‘average’’ father had parental responsibilities in more than one household, and a large number of school children have mothers who have KEY FACTS – GRENADA children by men other than their Population: 89,971 (July 2007 est.) fathers (Kairi Consultants, Inc. Infant mortality rate: 13.92 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) 2003, vi). Life expectancy at birth: 65.21 years (2007 est.) Nongovernmental organizaLiteracy rate: 96 percent (2003 est.) tions and other associations in Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 84 percent (2000–2005) Grenada provide everything Internet users: 19,000 (2005 est.) from medical supplies to textbooks. Among the more visible Sources: CIA World Factbook: Grenada. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/geos/gj.html. April 17, 2007; UNICEF. At groups are the Rotary Club, a Glance: Grenada–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/inf Save the Children, Crossroads, obycountry/grenada_statistics.html. April 24, 2007. Peace Corps, Grenada Education
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(GRENED), Programme for Adolescent Mothers, and the New Life Organisation (Countries and Their Culture). OVERVIEW Education in Grenada is founded on the belief that it is a basic human need and right, a means of meeting other basic needs, and an activity that retrains and accelerates personal, economic, and social development (World Data on Education 2004). Human resource development, the main goal of the educational process, is seen as the path to the country’s prosperity and growth. Every child has an inherent right to an education, which should enhance the development of maximum capability regardless of gender or ethnicity, economic, social, or religious background so that the achievement of personal goals and the fulfillment of all obligations to society may be realized (World Data on Education 2004). Grenada has one of the highest unemployment rates in the Caribbean (about 15 percent). Unemployment is particularly high among young people and people living in rural areas. The causes of poverty in Grenada are related to historical and economic factors, including the vulnerability of the economy because of the country’s small size and its exposure to natural disaster. About 32 percent of all people are poor, and almost 13 percent are extremely poor. Poverty is a predominantly rural problem, driving many young people from family-run farms to look for work in urban areas or abroad. This migration of men leaves many households headed by women (International Fund for Agricultural Development). Poverty and the limitations of a small island economy affect rural youth, restricting their opportunity to complete schooling or to find employment. Young men in particular feel disenfranchised and participate less at the community level, so it is more difficult to involve them in economic activities. Young people see agriculture as an unsatisfactory employment option unless they have control over family lands. The tourism sector holds much more appeal for them, but they may lack appropriate qualifications and skills (International Fund for Agricultural Development). While teenage pregnancy appears to be declining in Grenada (from 23 percent in 1980 to 19.7 percent in 1991), it still represents a significant social problem. As elsewhere in the Caribbean, males gain peer status and self-esteem based on the number of women with whom they have sexual intercourse and the number of children they produce. Gender stereotypes limit women’s occupational horizons and opportunities (International Fund for Agricultural Development). Grenada has an active agenda at the local and international levels to address the quality of life for children and women through education and economic security. Child mortality rates have improved as a result of health education programs and international support. Grenada is ranked 108 of 190 countries for under-five mortality. Grenada’s rate for under-five
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mortality dropped from 37 in 1990 to 21 in 2005, and the infant mortality rate (under one year of age) went from 30 in 1990 to 17 in 2005 (United Nations Children’s Fund 2006, 103). Grenadians have mainly emigrated to the Great Britain and Canada. Emigration increased after the 1979 coup. As of 1999, Grenada hosted no refugees or asylum-seekers. However, the country’s lack of a national refugee law is a cause for concern as Grenada is likely to see an increase in the number of asylum-seekers due to escalating extra-regional migration and migrant trafficking through the Caribbean. In 1999, the net migration rate was 13.74 migrants per 1,000 people in the population. The total number of migrants in Grenada in 2000 was 8,000. The government views the immigration level as satisfactory, but the emigration level as too high (‘‘Americas, Grenada, Migration’’). Grenada has achieved some notable successes in its efforts against HIV/AIDS. However, legal and institutional reform is needed in the areas of: (a) sexual exploitation and abuse, (b) financial provision and support, (c) the juvenile justice system, and (d) access to health care for minors. The most recent data provided through the HIV surveillance unit of the Grenada National AIDS Programme indicate that in 2005 the total number of HIV-infected persons was 272. The figures have risen since 1984, when the first case of HIV was reported. As much as 15 percent of all cases are among young people aged fifteen to twenty-four years, particularly females. This feminization of HIV is consistent with regional and international trends for young women. The impact filters to children who may be left orphaned or without a support system, particularly in the aftermath of natural disasters such as Hurricane Ivan in 2004 (SealyBurke, 5). As a party to the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the government of Grenada has undertaken the responsibility to protect children from all forms of sexual exploitation and sexual abuse (Article 34). The Convention also creates a legal obligation on the part of the state to provide alternative care with a supportive infrastructure for children who are abused, neglected, or at risk of harm (Article 20). Grenada’s domestic law provides some protection to sexually abused and exploited children, and amendments to the Criminal Code include new sections addressing the issue of incest. Prostitution and other forms of sexual exploitation are addressed, although the issue of pornography is noticeably absent. The Child Protection Act (1998) offers protection to children who are physically, sexually, and emotionally abused, but could be strengthened, according to Sealy-Burke (6). The number of single mothers with little education, resources from noncustodial fathers, and little public assistance reinforces the need for legislation with regard to financial support. Poverty is significant in Grenada, and 56 percent of the poor are under the age of twenty-five (Sealy-Burke, 7).
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EDUCATION The school system in Grenada consists of four levels: preprimary, primary, secondary, and tertiary. Education is compulsory from primary school through grade ten—or the age of sixteen. The pupil to teacher ratio has remained more or less constant over the years and was twenty-five to one in 2001. Female teachers are in the majority in primary schools. Literacy is defined as the percentage of the population aged fifteen and over with the ability to read and write. In Grenada, the literacy rate is 95 percent for the adult population (U.S. Department of State 2004). Grenada is faced with high poverty and unemployment, and 64 percent of the population does not have formal education certification. More than 25 percent of students leaving primary school have no access to secondary school education. While the government increased spending on education from 5.3 percent of GDP in 2000 to 6.3 percent in 2002, low teacher qualification remains endemic (United Nations Development Programme). Preprimary education for children age three to five is offered mainly in small private institutions and is not compulsory. In 2002, Grenada had 106 preschool centers (seventy-four public and thirty-two private). The public centers are fairly equally distributed throughout the country, while twenty-five of thirty-two private centers are located in the parish of St. George’s. Primary education for children age six to eleven is compulsory. There are fifty-eight primary schools (forty-one denominational, seventeen government-run). Secondary education is for children age twelve to sixteen. There is a vocational alternative to this five-year secondary cycle: the skills training centers offer three-year courses, and the vocational training centers have a two-year program. Of the eighteen public secondary schools in Grenada, nine are denominational and nine are government-run. There are several options for continued study in higher education following the end of the secondary school cycle. These include courses for the General Certificate Examination (GCE), a technical and/or academic level examination at the T. A. Marryshow Community College (TAMCC), teacher education at the TAMCC, and University of West Indies School of Continuing Studies. The University of St. George’s is an American offshore campus that recently started offering scholarships to Grenadian citizens. Children who are eleven years old sit for the Common Entrance Examination (CEE), which selects 40 to 50 percent of the best performers each year for entry into secondary schools. Those who are not selected can continue for another three years in senior-primary sections of primary schools and can sit for the School Leaving Examination (SLE). This exam is administered to students in the fourteen-and-over age group, and allows those who pass a choice of three different options. One option is
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the opportunity to go into secondary education, joining in form three. Another is the opportunity to access technical and vocational education and training in the centers and community colleges. A third option is certification for successful examinees that have passed in at least four subjects, including the English language, to be eligible for entry into the job market. At the secondary level as with the primary level, there is an external examination at the end of the course. The examination is either regional in nature (Caribbean Examinations Council) or international, the GCE– Ordinary Level (GCE-O) (Vaillant, Jabif, and Domingo 2003, 8–9). According to the State of the World’s Children 2007, the percentage of primary school enrollment for males is 94 percent and for females is 90 percent. At the secondary level, the enrollment for males is 96 percent and for females is 105 percent (United Nations Children’s Fund 2006). The number represents the number of children enrolled in a level of schooling (primary or secondary), regardless of age, divided by the population of the age group that officially corresponds with the same level. This is a standard indicator of the level of participation in education. In countries with gross enrollment ratios over 100 percent, there is much under- and/or over-aged enrollment, meaning that many students are above or below the official age for the grade. This may be the result of having to repeat grades or entering school late because of work and/or inability to afford school fees. At the primary level, the average repetition rate for grades one to six was 6 percent in the early 2000s (two children out of a class of thirty-three). Pupil progression from grade one to grade six is satisfactory; 95 percent complete grade five and enter grade six. At the secondary level, the attrition rate is between 1 percent and 2 percent on average, somewhat lower in the early grades and slightly higher in forms three (middle school) and four (high school). Secondary enrollment has increased steadily since 1996, with an average growth rate of 4.4 percent. Access to secondary education remains low (60 percent of the age group), which means that about half of all young adults do not have any educational certificate. However, girls have consistently gained a much higher number of awards to secondary education, between 55 percent and 60 percent of the total awards. The Ministry of Education recently declared a strategy of expanding access to secondary education in order to make it universal (Government of Grenada 2002, 18–19). The government’s goal of universal secondary education is seen as a path to global competitiveness and domestic economic growth and stability. However, many families lack the resources to support the specific costs associated with attendance at public secondary schools (or private schools). This has particular implications for female-headed households where the head has not been able to find employment. A study conducted with 743 students in secondary schools found that the vast
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majority of parents and guardians who were in the workforce had a low level of skills. The cost of education compared with low levels of minimum wages poses a significant obstacle for secondary school attendance (Kairi Consultants, Inc. 2003). Special education is a collaborative effort between the government and nongovernmental and voluntary organizations. Three institutions are involved in the delivery and development of special education, one of which is government-assisted and the other two government-controlled. They include a school for the hearing impaired and two schools for the mentally challenged (World Data on Education 2004). Wherever possible, attempts are made to incorporate students with special needs into the mainstream system with minor adjustments made to curricular and testing procedures to accommodate them. For example, visually handicapped students are provided alternative adaptive strategies to allow them to sit the CEE. The curriculum is focused on mastery of basic skills in addition to prevocational training and self-help skills (World Data on Education 2004). A majority of teachers at the preprimary and primary levels are female. The feminization of the teaching profession can be attributed to a number of factors, which include the unattractive salary perceived as inadequate by males and the general attitude that teaching is largely a feminine role, especially when working with young children (World Data on Education 2004). Grenada has struggled to rebuild after Hurricane Ivan battered the island on September 7, 2004. The storm shut down the island universities and forced medical students to return to the United States. More than 1,000 students were relocated to Barry University in Miami Shores, Florida, and to the New York College of Osteopathic Medicine. Veterinary students were relocated to North Carolina State University, Kansas State, and Purdue University (Ceaser 2005). PLAY AND RECREATION Grenada offers a wide array of outdoor activities for both tourists and locals. Grenada is being increasingly discovered by outdoor enthusiasts of all types, including hikers, mountain bikers, birdwatchers, and water lovers. The island offers opportunities for scuba diving, snorkeling, parasailing, kayaking, sailing, and cruising. The diving in Grenada is considered to be some of the best in the Caribbean, with thirty or more dive sites encompassing reefs, wrecks—including the largest shipwreck in the Caribbean—and walls. Tourists enjoy golf, tennis, and the island’s black and white sand beaches. Grenada’s most famous stretch of sand is the twomile-long Grand Anse. Unlike other islands, Grenada has made sure that the development is unobtrusive. By law, no hotel on the island can exceed three stories or the height of the palm trees (‘‘Grenada at a Glance’’).
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The last decade and a half has been a period of considerable development in Grenada. While the expansion of the tourist industry has proceeded rapidly, the island nation has taken great care to protect its natural environment. A number of national parks have been developed, and the protection of both the rain forest and the coral reefs continues to be a high priority. One-ninth of Grenada’s land mass is preserved in the way of parks, natural sanctuaries, and wildlife preserves. Important are the Grand Etang Forest Reserve and the La Sagesse estuary. Grenada’s surrounding waters offer some of the best sailing and deepsea fishing in the Caribbean, and the island is one of the important yachting centers in the region. The Annual Spice Island Billfish Tournament held in mid-January each year attracts fishermen from the world over. The Carriacou Regatta, which takes place in August, covers the distance between Grenada and Carriacou, with cultural exhibits, dances, and street parties before and after the race (Sports and Recreation). The children of Grenada are active and athletic. Rounders is a popular sport similar to baseball. A tennis ball and a cricket bat are used with four bases and scoring is counted in terms of runs. Cricket, soccer (called football), and netball are popular sports on the island. Cricket is played from January to June and during that time there is a game almost every Saturday and Sunday (Sports and Recreation). The Preparatory Games in June give children aged from four to twelve a chance to take part in athletic competitions. Intercol is a popular annual sporting affair at which secondary schools compete against each other in running, jumping, and other athletic events. Other athletic events include the Grenada International Triathlon in which competitors swim one kilometer, cycle twenty-five kilometers, and run five kilometers. The National Athletic Championship occurs in March and features the top athletes in Grenada (Sports and Recreation). Grenadians’ celebrate many holidays as religious festivals. Corpus Christi in June marks the beginning of the planting season and is observed by a religious procession in the city of St. George’s. St. Patrick’s Day is celebrated with a street festival featuring local arts and crafts, agricultural products, and food. Easter Monday is celebrated by a kite-flying competition at various locations on the island. At the end of June, there is the Fisherman’s Birthday, the feast of Saints Peter and Paul. Priests bless the nets and boats of the fishing fleet. Carnival is celebrated during the second weekend in August and the days preceding the weekend. During this time there are steelband competitions, King and Queen of the Band competitions, calypso contests, parades, singing, and dancing (Sports and Recreation). CHILD LABOR The minimum age for employment in Grenada is sixteen years of age as established by the Employment of Women, Young Persons and
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Children Act of 1999. The Ministry of Labor enforces child labor laws in the formal economy through periodic checks of employers. Child labor is reportedly not a significant problem in Grenada, although some children help with harvesting and planting in seasonal agriculture. While education is free and compulsory for children between six and fourteen years of age, and despite an overall high enrollment in the primary grades, poverty, poor school facilities, and the need to assist family farming and harvesting have resulted in a 7 percent absenteeism rate among primary school children. The government of Grenada has addressed the issue of poverty and child labor with programs and strategies for low-income families. In 1990, the government began a school meals program in the island’s preprimary and primary schools, a textbook program, and a program to upgrade the preschools. The school meals program allows children to pay a nominal fee for the daily meal, and the textbook program assists children from low-income families in obtaining the texts needed for education. The Constitution of Grenada prohibits forced labor and slavery. There are no specific laws that address human trafficking and no reports of child trafficking to, from, out of, or within the country (U.S. Department of Labor 2002). FAMILY Grenada is faced with the challenge of migration, particularly by the younger population. It is estimated that with fewer than 90,000 residents on the island, there are at least that same number of Grenada-born people living in other parts of the Caribbean (Barbados and Trinidad) and major cities such as New York, Toronto, and London. Major countries of destination of migrants from Grenada are Canada, Puerto Rico, Trinidad and Tobago, the United Kingdom, and the United States. According to UN Population Division estimates, the foreign-born represented 10.5 percent (10,843) of the total population of Grenada in 2005 (Migration Information Source, Grenada). Approximately 31 percent of family households were headed by persons sixty years old and older, 53 percent of them by women and 47 percent by males. Among the elderly, 30 percent live alone. In 1996, 8.9 percent of the labor force (38,078 persons) was sixty years old and older, of which 59 percent were men and 41 percent women. There are thirteen homes that care for the elderly (one public and twelve private), and a nongovernmental organization also works specifically with this age group (Pan American Health Organization 1998). The percentage of Grenadian children from birth through age fourteen living in a household headed by a man and one headed by a woman is equal at 50 percent and 50 percent, respectively. However, the marital
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status indicates very disparate numbers for single-parent heads of household: male 5 percent and female 37 percent (Barrow 2001, 20). HEALTH In Grenada, the birth rate is 22.1 per 1,000 and infant mortality rate is 14.3 per 1,000. Life expectancy is 72 years overall, while the average life expectancy for males is 69.01 years and 75.9 years for females (Central Intelligence Agency). Between 1992 and 1995, there were 119 deaths in children under one year of age, with 48 percent of these deaths occurring within the first day of life. In the same period, twenty-seven children in the one- to four-year-old age group died, and in the five- to nine-yearold age group, sixteen children died. The proportion of low birth weight infants ranged between 9.7 percent and 10.6 percent of total births in the 1992 to 1995 period (Pan American Health Organization 1998). According to data on the estimated population of children under five years old and the number of first visits to well-baby clinics, more than 80 percent of this age group are seen by trained personnel in the public sector. In 1995, the Ministry of Health instituted a campaign to encourage more breastfeeding. A total of 1,154 infants were seen at age three months, and of these, 397, or 34.4 percent, had been solely breastfed for the first three months of life (Pan American Health Organization 1998). Total live births have declined over the last decade from 2,096 in 1996 to 1,264 in 2003. The crude birth rate decreased from 21.3 per 1,000 persons in 1996 to 17.9 per 1,000 persons in 2003. The crude death rate has decreased from 8.0 per 1,000 persons in 1998 to 8.7 per 1,000 in 2002. The rate of natural increase fell from 13.4 per 1,000 persons in 1996 to 8.5 in 2002. The total fertility rate over the 2000 to 2003 period averaged 2.5 children per woman of child-bearing age, down from 3.2 children during the 1992 to 1995 period (Pan American Health Organization 2004). There were twenty-six reported stillbirths in 2003 compared with twenty-one in 2002. The proportion of low birth weight babies was 8 percent to 10 percent of total births between 1996 and 2003. Low birth weight babies were 7.6 percent of total births in 2003 compared with 7.5 percent in 2002 (Pan American Health Association 2004). It is estimated that approximately 78 percent of pregnant women attended prenatal clinics held in community health facilities and were seen primarily by a nurse. Only 5 percent to 7 percent of these women, however, registered their first visit before the twelfth week of pregnancy, while 80 percent of those who attended did so by the sixteenth week of pregnancy or later (Pan American Health Organization 1998). The older population is primarily affected by diabetes, hypertension, and coronary or cardiovascular diseases and their complications. For persons screened in the district health services from 1992 to 1995, between
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8.5 percent and 14.1 percent were diagnosed with diabetes mellitus and between 10.5 percent and 11.7 percent with hypertension (Pan American Health Organization 1998). Chronic, noncommunicable diseases such as heart disease, stroke, diabetes, hypertension, and cancers have become the main causes of adult mortality and morbidity and represent big expenditure in national health care budgets. Major risk factors to health in the Caribbean are unhealthy eating habits, physical inactivity, obesity, tobacco and alcohol use, and inadequate utilization of preventive health services. An assessment of the meals consumed in four rural communities in Grenada concluded that there was little variety and that diets were deficient in vitamins B and C, carotene, and some minerals (Charles 1998, cited in Barrow 2001). Studies conducted by the Caribbean Food and Nutrition Institute (CFNI) in seven Caribbean countries on diet and all cancer incidences showed a positive correlation with fat intake and a negative correlation with plant and vegetable intake (Pan American Health Association 2004). Legislation enacted in 1980, currently being reviewed and updated, mandates that all children under thirteen years old must be immunized against diphtheria, whooping cough, tetanus, measles, and poliomyelitis. In 1996, immunization coverage of children under one year old was lower than the expected standard for the country, showing an overall decline compared to previous years—80 percent were immunized against diphtheria, tetanus, whooping cough, and poliomyelitis, and 85 percent were immunized against measles (Pan American Health Association 2004). The 1991 Census of Population and Housing indicates that 50.2 percent of Grenadians had their water supply piped into their dwellings, another 13.4 percent had water piped into their yards, 7.5 percent had private catchments, and 21.1 percent used public standpipes. The National Water and Sewerage Authority estimates that in January 1994 the percentage of households with pipe connections was about 59 percent, which means that about 85 percent of the population had access to potable water—96.4 percent in St. George’s and 76.1 percent in the rest of the country. Fifty-nine percent of households used pit latrines, 33 percent used septic tanks, 3 percent were linked to a sewerage system, and 3.9 percent (more than 850 households) had no toilet facilities. The St. George’s Sewerage system was upgraded in 1992, and in 1993 the Grand Anse Sewerage project was put in place (Pan American Health Association 2004). The Caribbean ranks second to Sub-Saharan Africa as having one of the highest prevalence rates of HIV/AIDS in the world. The First Summit for Children on HIV/AIDS was held in Barbados in 2004 to address the growing concern over the rising incidence in the Caribbean. The report states that 2.3 percent of all those between the ages of fifteen and twenty-four are infected with HIV/AIDS and that most new infections in
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this age group are reported among young women, an incidence rate three to six times higher than young men of the same age (Caribbean Summit for Children on HIV/AIDS 2004). A 2006 report prepared by the World Bank stated that Grenada has achieved some notable successes in its HIV response. However, the report explained that more could be done to protect the welfare, safety, and security of children whose lives are affected by HIV and AIDS and suggested that legal reforms are key to improving the protection of children in Grenada who are orphaned or made vulnerable by AIDS (Sealy-Burke). Sealy-Burke also reports that legal and institutional reform is particularly recommended in the areas of sexual exploitation and abuse, financial provision and support, the juvenile justice system, and access to health care for minors. Children affected by HIV/AIDS will continue to be a growing problem as the AIDS pandemic worsens in the region (‘‘The Real Casualties’’ 2002). The social concerns centered on the loss of a parent(s) affect children’s rights to an education, health, and protection from abuse and exploitation along with economic security. National policies and strategies to build and strengthen government, family, and community capacities to provide a supportive environment for orphans and girls and boys infected and affected by HIV/AIDS are currently being implemented (‘‘The Real Casualties’’ 2002). One of the most important issues affecting young people’s access to medical advice and treatment is the right to seek these services confidentially, without parental consent or notification. In Grenada, there is no legislative or clear policy position with respect to the age at which a child can consent to medical treatment. The abortion discussion poses even more challenges given the current law of Grenada, which still criminalizes abortion (Sealy-Burke, 10). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The legal system of Grenada is based on English common law. Queen Elizabeth is Queen of Grenada, and Governor-General, Sir Daniel Williams, represents the Crown. Executive power resides with the Head of Government, the Prime Minster. The Prime Minister is appointed by the Governor-General and is generally the leader of the largest faction in the parliament. The branches of government are a Cabinet, currently led by Prime Minister and National Security Minister Keith Mitchell; a bicameral legislature (fifteen-member elected House of Representatives and thirteen-member appointed Senate); and a Supreme Court (‘‘Grenada’’ 2005, 61). The government and the opposition appoint the senators, while the population elects the representatives (Central Intelligence Agency, CIA: The World Factbook: Grenada Online). Grenada ratified the CRC in November 1990 and since then has passed several laws incorporating the CRC principles, including the 1991
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Status of the Child Act, the 1991 Maintenance Amendment Act, the 1994 Adopter (Amendment) Act, and the 1998 Child Protection Act (Representing Children Worldwide 2005). The ratification of the CRC, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women—also known as the Convention of Belem Do Para—have focused on the rights of women and children in the Caribbean countries. Laws to end discrimination against single-women heads of household and children born out of wedlock are a focus of social reform efforts, as are legislative efforts to deal with divorce, matrimonial property, and financial provision (‘‘Family Law Reform in the Caribbean’’ 2002). A global study on Violence Against Children was conducted by the United Nations in 2005. This study explores forms, causes, and consequences of violence against children (those under the age of eighteen), and collaborative efforts with UN agencies, nongovernmental organizations, academic institutions, governments, and the public, including children. The 2005 report discusses violence in schools, home and family, communities, institutions, work places, and the legal implications of such violence. The discussions of the delegates point to an overall view of violence against children in the Caribbean as pervasive and on the increase. The increase is attributed to an erosion of family life, negative impact of the media, increased crime, and apathy of law enforcement (Voices of Caribbean Youth 2005). Based on cultural norms, male violence is regarded as normal, and the link between poverty and crime was seen as a major link. RELIGIOUS LIFE The population of Grenada is largely Roman Catholic, with estimates ranging from 53 percent to 64 percent of the population. The exception is Petite Martinique, where the population is 98 percent Roman Catholic and 2 percent Seventh-Day Adventist (U.S. Department of State 2004). An estimated 14 percent to 22 percent of the population adheres to Anglican tradition or other Protestant sects, including Methodists (3 percent) and Seventh-Day Adventists (3 percent). The membership of Seventh-Day Adventists on Grenada is approximately 10,633 (Grenada Conference of Seventh Day Adventists 2006). Other Protestant denominations found in Grenada are Presbyterian, Church of God, Baptist, and Pentecostal. Recently, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (Mormons) and the Mennonites have become active on the island. There are an estimated 625 Jehovah’s Witnesses and some 5,000 Rastafarians. There are no mosques, although Muslims, who number about 500, including Muslim foreign medical students at St. George’s University, congregate at a small religious center. Well over 60 percent of the
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population regularly participates in formal religious services, and that percentage rises during major Christian holidays (U.S. Department of State 2004). The Constitution of Grenada provides for religious freedom and prohibits discrimination based on race, place of origin, political opinion, color, creed, or sex. The government is secular and does not interfere with an individual’s right to worship. Nearly all government officials are Christians. The Christian holy days of Good Friday, Corpus Christi, Easter, Whit Monday, and Christmas are national holidays. The government established the Ministry for Ecclesiastical Relations to promote interfaith understanding. This group holds monthly meetings to bring together members from Christian and non-Christian groups, including Bah’ais, Muslims, and Rastafarians (U.S. Department of State 2004). The Conference of Churches of Grenada, created a decade ago, has become more active in its attempts to facilitate closer relations among various religious organizations. The Christian Forum for Social Action discusses social issues such as drug use, HIV/AIDS, and other social ills. For Independence Day and Thanksgiving church services, most Christian denominations worship together at ecumenical observances (U.S. Department of State 2004). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The Division of Social Services, a department in the Ministry of Housing, Social Services, Culture, and Cooperatives, is responsible for providing counseling and other social services to children and families. The National Coalition on the Rights of the Child (NCRC) was established in 1993 to insure that all levels of the Grenadian population were protected under the law. Through the influence of the NCRC, Grenada passed the Child Protection Act in 1998 and established the Child Welfare Authority, which collaborates with the Division of Social Services. In 2001, Grenada established a crisis hotline for domestic violence, and child neglect and maltreatment (Representing Children Worldwide 2005). Grenada recently completed an audit on its Child Abuse Reporting Protocol and found that public information, interagency cooperation, and staff training are three key elements essential to maximizing the impact of Child Abuse Prevention, Reporting, and Management Protocols. The audit, commissioned by the Grenada National Coalition on the Rights of the Child (GNCRC) and supported by the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), found that the Protocol could have a much greater impact on child protection practices had the three key elements mentioned above, among others, been strongly established. The Grenada audit report was handed over to the Minister of Social Development by the GNCRC. Grenada, along with St. Vincent, Antigua, St. Lucia, and Dominica, is actively working on improving the national protocols (Grenada Completes Audit; Sealy-Burke).
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The 2006 World Bank Report (Section 4), prepared by Sealy-Burke, states that sexual abuse and exploitation present some of the most challenging issues confronting the safety and security of Grenada’s children. Young women are particularly at risk, often being victims of incest in the home environment, sexual exploitation, and other forms of sexual abuse. Transactional sex with older men, now commonly referred to as the ‘‘Sugar Daddy Syndrome,’’ is reported as becoming widespread. The age difference and youthfulness of the young persons exploited by older male adults makes the negotiation of condom use and sexual boundaries very difficult, according to Sealy-Burke. The CRC, supported by the government of Grenada along with Grenadian criminal law, seeks to protect children from sexual exploitation and abuse. However, the issue of pornography is not addressed. Grenada’s current domestic law ensures that parents assume financial responsibility for their children and remove distinctions between children born in or out of wedlock. Under the current domestic law, parents are legally obligated to financially support their children. However, children born out of wedlock continue to be disadvantaged because of separate legislative schemes for married and unmarried women. As a result, poor child support is a problem for unmarried mothers (Sealy-Burke). The Maintenance Act (1991) stipulates no statutory maximums for child support, but actual awards are reported to be very low and tend to stay within close range of the statutory minimum of EC$15.00 (East Caribbean dollars) per week. The Ministry of Social Development does offer a ‘‘necessitous programme,’’ which provides a very small number of needy children with limited financial assistance of approximately EC$100.00 per month (EC$2.70 ¼ US$1.00) (Sealy-Burke). The high number of households headed by women in Grenada (48 percent of all heads of household) and the poverty experienced by these families reinforce the importance of adequate financial support from noncustodial fathers and, where required, public assistance from the state. Nevertheless, court-awarded child support has been described as extremely low, discriminatory of unmarried women with children, and difficult to enforce (Sealy-Burke). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The government of Grenada has officially subscribed to the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) agreed upon world leaders at the Millennium Summit in September 2000. Progress toward these goals is in alignment with many aspects of current policies and strategies for improving the quality of life and standard of living for Grenadian citizens. In the 2005 report entitled Civil Society Perspectives on Attaining the Millennium Development Goals, the progress was outlined for each goal (Moses 2005).
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Goal 1: Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger A 1999 Poverty Assessment Survey (Moses 2005, 3) revealed that 32 percent of the Grenadian population was living in poverty, with 13 percent considered to be extremely poor. The annual expenditure of the poor was estimated to be less than EC$3,262—the amount required to purchase the basic requirements of food and other necessities. This finding led the government to initiate accelerated assistance programs, and since then every annual budget has included poverty reduction measures. Examples of these measures are as follows: . . . . . .
increases in old age pensions; assistance for housing repairs; assistance for school books and uniforms; free water supply to the needy; free medicines for the elderly; financing for small community projects in rural areas.
Goal 2: Achieve universal primary education Grenada’s literacy rate is 95 percent. Dropouts for the period 1996 to 2000 ranged from 0.8 to 1.3 for boys and 0.5 to 0.8 for girls. At the preprimary level, consisting of children age three to five years, attendance is 70 percent because a considerable number of parents send their children to school only at the age of five years. Currently, 73 percent of primary school leavers enter secondary schools, and 57 percent of them are girls. A key target of the government’s 2002 to 2010 Strategic Plan for Educational Enhancement and Development is the achievement of universal secondary education by 2008 (Moses 2005, 3).
Goal 3: Promote gender equality Educational data for Grenada indicates that at the secondary and tertiary levels, there are more girls studying than boys. This trend continues up to the university level, which is providing a large number of female professionals for the workforce. Women now occupy senior managerial, administrative, and professional positions in all sectors of the economy. In the teaching profession, for example, there are more female than male teachers, though the percentage has declined from 83 percent in 1994 to 76 percent in 2001. The proportion of seats in Parliament held by women has risen to 28.5 percent in 2005, up from 17 percent in 2001. The current president of the Senate is a woman, while eight of the thirteen permanent secretaries in government ministries are female. The trends in education are
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positive; however, other issues such as higher general unemployment among women, domestic violence, and male dominance persist. This goal should be achieved by 2015, according to Moses (2005, 4). Goal 4: Reduce child mortality Health care in Grenada has been improving over the last three decades, as successive governments have implemented and supported sound health policies. However, the costs are rising, which has implications for access by the unemployed and indigent. The reduction in the child and infant mortality rate is an indicator of the progress that has been made. Immunization programs have been comprehensive, with 100 percent immunization against measles, mumps, and rubella in effect for children at age one and 95 percent to 98 percent coverage against diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis, and polio. Recently, the coverage was extended to hepatitis B and Haemophilia influenza type B. This goal is considered largely achieved (Moses 2005, 4). Goal 5: Improve maternal health Maternity health care in Grenada has improved considerably over the past two decades. The current low rate indicates that the goal is largely achieved. This is supported by a record of 100 percent deliveries by trained professionals (Moses 2005, 4). Goal 6: Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria, and other diseases Since HIV/AIDS was identified in Grenada in 1984, 265 persons have been diagnosed with the disease and 146 have subsequently died. The prevalence rate of HIV/AIDS is estimated at less than 0.5 percent. While comparatively low, a number of existing factors favor the growth and expansion of the disease. These include the tradition of multiple sex partners, limited use of condoms, early sexual initiation, reluctance to engage in voluntary testing, alcohol and drug use, and the stigmatization of the disease. The infection rate has declined within the past five years. Given the comprehensive strategic plan, implementation of which requires considerable resources, this goal could be achieved (Moses 2005, 4). Goal 7: Ensure environmental sustainability In 2003, a National Environmental Strategy for Grenada was developed to ensure that the principles of sustainable development are firmly integrated into national policies and programs. Hurricane Ivan has presented significant challenges since 91 percent of the forest was destroyed, seriously affecting the watershed and an ecosystem that supported fauna
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and flora, diminishing the protected areas, and undercutting the island’s biological diversity. However, this situation has presented an opportunity to enforce new policies and integrated approaches to environmental management. The proportion of persons with access to safe drinking water is estimated at 99 percent. Access to secure land tenure remains a major problem in Grenada. This is a direct result of the island’s early plantation system, when the ability to obtain title was difficult if not impossible. During the last twenty years, the problem of squatting has escalated, particularly in the urban areas. Nonetheless, the achievement of this and other targets under this goal remains possible (Moses 2005, 4). Goal 8: Develop a global partnership for development The achievement of the MDGs by small-island developing states like Grenada requires cooperation and assistance from developed countries. Hurricane Ivan has clearly revealed a major vulnerability to natural hazards, which can reverse years of sustained progress. Progress has been made in many areas; however, market access and debt sustainability remain areas of concern (Moses 2005, 4). Grenada has embraced the MDGs selected targets to achieve between 1990 and 2015. All of the development goals affect children and their future. Grenada continues to address the issues related to generational poverty, educational equity, and opportunity as a means of improving both the social and economic standard of living. The support of international organizations such as the World Bank, UNICEF, and the coalitions established by the Caribbean nations will continue to improve the quality of life in Grenada for children. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Adkin, Mark. 1989. Urgent Fury: The Battle for Grenada: The Truth Behind the Largest U.S. Military Operation Since Vietnam. Philadelphia: Trans-Atlantic Publications. Describes the 1983 U.S. invasion of Grenada and the political climate, and rivalry between the United States and Cuba. A coup in Grenada, coupled with a perceived threat to American students on the island, provided the United States with an excellent excuse to eliminate a Marxist regime allied to Fidel Castro’s Cuba. Brathwaite, Roger. 2000. Grenada: Spice Paradise. London: Macmillan Caribbean. Brathwaite has compiled a book that provides photographic insight into his home island of Grenada. Russell, Lee. 1985. Grenada 1983 (Men-at-Arms). Oxford: Osprey Publishing. On Friday, October 21, the leaders of the six small nations forming the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States voted to intervene militarily to restore order in Grenada. As none possessed the necessary forces, a request for help was
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formally presented. The United States, already fearing for its 1,000 or so U.S. citizens present there, decided to intervene. Sinclair, Norma. 2003. Grenada: Isle of Spice (Caribbean Guides). 3rd edition. North Hampton, MA: Interlink Publishing Group. This beautiful eastern Caribbean island is now visited by thousands of tourists each year. Grenada: Island of Spice will give visitors an introduction to the culture and history of the island. Steele, Beverley A. 2003. Grenada: A History of Its People (Island Histories). London: MacMillan Caribbean. This book provides a detailed chronological historical analysis but focuses especially on the story and everyday lives of its inhabitants from the earliest days of settlement to the overthrow, and execution, of the revolutionary Prime Minister Maurice Bishop in 1981, and beyond.
Nonprint Resources Exploring Grenada, Spice Island of the Caribbean. 2003. Directed by Sheryl Brakey, SJB Productions. 15 minutes. DVD. Exploring Grenada provides a glimpse of the history, culture, and life of a beautiful mountainous island nation in the Windward Islands. Globe Trekker: Destination Eastern Caribbean Travel Guide. 2004. Pilot Productions, 60 minutes. DVD. Traveler Justine Shapiro starts her journey in Trinidad’s capital Port of Spain, for one of the biggest street parties on earth—its worldfamous Carnival. She then travels to the laid back island of Tobago, the spice island of Grenada, the remote Carriacou, before continuing north to the lush island of Dominica. Porthole TV; Grenada: Excursion to ‘‘The Spice Island’’ Tours and Attractions. 2006. Sidney Cohen hosts this episode of Porthole’s TV visit to the spice island of Grenada. Prisoners of the Cold War. 2005. Directed by David Grey. 60 minutes. This documentary tells the story of the Grenada 17. In 1983, the Grenada Revolution collapsed when charismatic Prime Minister Maurice Bishop and others were killed. U.S. forces invaded the island and restored order. This action was condemned by the UN as an infringement of sovereignty. Subsequently, seventeen people were convicted in relation to the killings, via an ad hoc legal process set up and financed by the United States. The seventeen have always protested their innocence, and in 2003 Amnesty International published a report saying they had been the victims of a miscarriage of justice.
Web Sites Chamber of Commerce, http://www.caribsurf.com. CIA World Factbook, http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook. Government of Grenada, http://www.gov.gd. Grenada Board of Tourism, http://www.grenadagrenadines.com. Grenada Community Development Agency (GRENCODA), http://www.grencoda .org.
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Grenada Education and Development Programme Inc. (GRENED), http:// www.grened.org. Grenada Information and Relief Efforts, http://www.grenadaemergency.com. The Grenadian Connection, http://www.grenadianconnection.com/Search/Home .htm. The Ministry of Education, Grenada, http://grenada.com. Permanent Mission of Grenada to the United Nations, http://un.cti.depaul.edu/ cgibin. Rotary Club of Grenada, http://www.caribsurf.com. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), http://www.unicef.org/grenada. The World Bank, http://worldbank.org. World Health Organization (WHO), http://www.worldhealth.org.
Organizations and NGOs Agency for Rural Transformation (ART) P.O. Box 750 Marrast Hill, St. George’s Grenada Phone: (473) 440-3440/3915 Fax (473) 440-9882 Email: [email protected] Established in 1981 to facilitate agricultural and rural development. Caribbean Women’s Association (CARIWA) Glebe Street Phone: (473) 442-1654 Fax: (473) 442-1654 Email: [email protected] Established in 1970 to improve the status and condition of women in the Caribbean. Child Welfare Authority P.O. Box 1962 St. John’s Street, St. George’s Grenada, West Indies Phone: (473) 435-0293 Fax: (473) 435-0766 Email: [email protected] Services for children and youth in need of protection.
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Grenada Community Development Agency (GRENCODA) Lower Depradine Street Gouyave St. John’s, Grenada Phone: (473) 444-8430/9490 Fax: (473) 444-8777 Email: [email protected] Exists to provide guidance and support to rural individuals, families, and communities to improve their quality of life. Grenada National Coalition on the Rights of the Child c/o GRENSAVE House P.O. Box 3594 St. George’s, Grenada Phone: (473) 440-2448/435-0944 Fax: (473) 440-5120 Email: [email protected] Works to monitor and implement the Convention on the Rights of the Child nationally in Grenada. Grenada National Organization of Women (GNOW) C/O YWCA, Tyrell Street St. George’s, Grenada Phone: (473) 440-2992 Support network for women in need of assistance from abuse and domestic violence. Grenada Planned Parenthood Association (GPPA) P.O. Box 127 St.George’s Grenada, West Indies Phone: (473) 440-2636 Email: [email protected] The GPPA provides the population with the knowledge and the means to choose whether, when, and how many children to have. There is a focus on improving the health and well-being of women and children. GPPA aims to work towards a balance between human numbers, human needs, and Grenada’s natural resources. Grenada Red Cross Society (GRC) P.O. Box 551 St. George’s, Grenada Phone: (473) 440-1483 Fax: (473) 440-1829 Email: [email protected] The society is committed to helping the vulnerable in Grenada, Carriacou, and Petit Martinique, believing that it must work at the local level to change the public’s perception of the organization as almost exclusively a trainer and provider of first aid. Legal Aid Clinic and Counseling Clinic (LACC) St. John’s Street St. George’s
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Grenada, West Indies Phone: (473) 440-3788/3785 Fax: (473) 440-4595 Legal aid assistance and services to those in need. Ministry of Social Development Ministerial Complex Botanical Gardens, St. George’s Grenada, West Indies Phone: (473) 440-7952 Supports and addresses issues related to the needy, elderly, and those who need assistance. National Children’s Home (NCH), Guyana Office Old Fort Road, St. George’s Grenada, West Indies Phone: (473) 440-2822/6275 Email: [email protected] and Main Street, Sauteurs Grenada, West Indies Phone: (473) 442-9315 National Children’s Home assists the government in placing disabled students into community schools.
Selected Bibliography ‘‘Americas, Grenada, Migration.’’ Encyclopedia of the Nations. http://www.nation sencyclopedia.com/Americas/Grenada-MIGRATION.html. Accessed February 10, 2007. Barrow, Christine. 2001. Situational Analysis of Children and Women in Twelve Countries of the Caribbean. Barbados: UNICEF, Caribbean Area Office. Bell, P. M. H. 2001. The World Since 1945: An International History. London: Hodder Arnold. Blum, R. W., and M. Ireland. 2004. ‘‘Reducing Risk, Increasing Protective Factors: Findings From the Caribbean Youth Health Survey.’’ Journal of Adolescent Health 35: 493–500. Bobb-Smith, Yvonne. 2005. National Report on Higher Education in Grenada. Caracas: Venezuela: IESALC/UNESCO, International Institute for Higher Education in Latin America and the Caribbean. http://www.iesalc.unesco .org.ve/programas/nacionales/grenada/National%20Report%20Grenada.pdf. Accessed January 12, 2007. Caribbean Summit for Children on HIV/AIDS. 2004. Bridgetown, Barbados, March 23, 2004. Ceaser, Mike. 2005. ‘‘Ivan’s Aftermath.’’ Chronicle of Higher Education 52 (September 23): A13. Retrieved Tuesday, October 24, 2006, from the Academic Search Premier Database. Central Intelligence Agency. The CIA World Factbook: Grenada Online. http:// www.cia.gov/redirects/factbook. p. 11. Accessed September 21, 2006.
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———. The CIA World Factbook, U.S. Department of State, Area Handbook of the U.S. Library of Congress, Facts about Grenada, Economy, http://worldfacts .us/Grenada.htm. Charles, L. 1998. Grenada Community Baseline Surveys: Final Report. Barbados: UNICEF/CAO. Countries and Their Culture. Grenada. http://www.everyculture.com/Ge-It/ Grenada.html. Accessed January 19, 2007. ‘‘EU Relations with Grenada.’’ Europa, European Commission, Development. http:// ec.europa.eu/development/body/country/. Accessed January 18, 2007. ‘‘Facts about Grenada.’’ World Facts Index. http://worldfacts.us/Grenada.htm. Accessed September 21, 2006 and January 18, 2007. ‘‘Family Law Reform in the Caribbean.’’ 2002. Children in Focus (UNICEF) 15, no. 1: 1, 4. http://www.unicef.org/barbados/cao_publications_cifreform.pdf. Government of Grenada. 2002. (February 2002). Educational Statistical Digest, Past Trends, Present Position and Projections 2008. Granada Statistical Division and Development Unit, Ministry of Education, pp. 18–19. de Grauwe, Anton. 1991. ‘‘Education and Political Change: The Case of Grenada (1979–89).’’ Comparative Education 27, no. 3: 335–356. Grenada. 2005. Military Technology 29, no. 1: 60–61. ‘‘Grenada.’’ The Grenada 17: The Last of the Cold War Prisoners? Amnesty International. http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/engamr320012003. Accessed March 1, 2007. Grenada at a Glance. http://www.grenadianconnection.com/Search/Home.htm. Accessed December 1, 2006. Grenada Completes Audit on its Child Abuse Reporting Protocol. Eastern Caribbean Resources, UNICEF. http://www.unicef.org/barbados/resources_132.htm. Accessed January 19, 2007. Grenada Conference of Seventh Day Adventists. 2006. http://www.grenadaadven tists.org/Homepage.htm. ‘‘Grenada Facts.’’ National Geographic Online. http://www3.nationalgeographic.com/ places/countries/country_grenada.html. Accessed March 3, 2007. Grenada, Facts and Figures. ECPAT International. http://www.ecpat.neteng/Ecpat_ inter/projects/monitoring/online_database/countries.asp. Accessed January 8, 2007. ‘‘Grenada, Facts and Figures, Background.’’ Nation Master. http://www.nationmaster .com/country/gj-grenada. Accessed March 3, 2007. ‘‘Grenada History.’’ Commonwealth Secretariat. http://www.thecommonwealth .org/YearbookInternal/145158/history/. Accessed March 3, 2007. Grenada, Index Mundi. http://www.indexmundi.com/grenada/median_age.htm. Accessed January 12, 2007. ‘‘Grenada’s History.’’ http://www.grenadaguide.com/History.htm. Accessed March 3, 2007. International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD). Rural Poverty in Grenada. http://www.ruralpovertyportal.org/english/regions/americas/grd/index.htm. Accessed January 11, 2007. International Monetary Fund and the International Development Association. 2006. Joint Staff Advisory Note of the Interim Poverty Strategy Paper, Prepared by the Staffs of the International Monetary Fund and the International Development Association, March 31. Kairi Consultants, Inc. 2003. Final Report, Secondary School Students in Grenada: Improving the Assistance Programmes, June.
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Migration Information Source, Grenada. http://www.migrationinformation.org. Accessed January 21, 2007. Moses, Aaron. 2005. Civil Society Perspectives on Attaining the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in the National Context of Grenada. Commonwealth Foundation. http://www.commonwealthfoundation.com/uploads/documents/ mdg_grenada.pdf. Assessed January 20, 2007. Pan American Health Organization. 1998. Health Situation Analysis and Trends Summary, Country Chapter Summary from Health in the Americas, 1998. http://www.paho.org/English/HIA 1998/Grenada.pdf. Accessed November 22, 2006. ———. 2004. Grenada Health Situation Analysis, Grenada General Health Situation Analysis 23, November 2004. PAHO. http://www.cpc.paho.org/%5cfiles%5cDoc Files%5c45_72.pdf. Pinheiro, Paulo. 2006. World Report on Violence against Children, SecretaryGeneral’s Study on Violence against Children, United Nations. http://www .violencestudy.org/r25. Population Reference Bureau. 2006. 2006 World Population Sheet, Section 1. http:// www.prb.org/pdf06/06WorldDataSheet.pdf. Accessed January 19, 2007. ‘‘The Real Casualties of HIV/AIDS are . . . Children.’’ 2002. Children in Focus (UNICEF) 15, no. 1: 4. http://www.unicef.org/barbados/cao_publications cifhiv.pdf. ‘‘Representing Children Worldwide: How Children’s Voices are Heard in Child Protective Hearings.’’ 2005. Yale Law School, December. http://www.law.yale .edu/rew/jurisdiction/caribbean/grenada/frontpage.ht. Accessed October 21, 2006. Saargent, J. 2006. ‘‘After the Storm.’’ Geophysical 78, no. 3: 34–38. Retrieved October 24, 2006 from the Academic Search Premier Database. Sealy-Burke, Jacqueline. Protecting Children Affected by AIDS in the Caribbean: Recommendations for Legal Reform in Grenada. Global HIV/AIDS Program, World Bank. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTHIVAIDS/Resources/ 375798-1132695455908/LegalReformRecomm-OVC-GRENADA-July24 .pdf. Accessed January 21, 2007. Sports and Recreation. Grenada to Canada, Cultural Profiles Project, Citizenship and Immigration Canada. http://www.cp-pc.ca/english/grenada/sports.html. Accessed January 19, 2007. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 2006. The State of the World’s Children 2007: Women and Children, the Double Dividend of Gender Equity. New York: UNICEF. http://www.unicef.org/sowc07/report/report.php. Accessed January 19, 2007. United Nations Development Programme. Country Profiles, Grenada. http://www .bb.undp.org/p2p47p0.html. Accessed January 18, 2007. United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Division for Public Administration and Development Management. 2006. Grenada, Public Administration Country Profile, United Nations July 2006. http://unpan1 .un.org/intradoc/images/docgifs/UN.gif. Accessed January 21, 2007. U.S. Department of Labor. 2002. The Department of Labors 2001 Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor, Trade and Development Act of 2000. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of International Labor Affairs. U.S. Department of State. 2004. U.S. Department of State Annual Report on International Religious Freedom for 2004, Grenada, September 2004. http:// www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2004/35539.htm. Accessed March 1, 2007.
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———. 2006. Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs. 2006. Background Note: Grenada, October 2006. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/2335.htm. Retrieved Tuesday, October 24, 2006 from the Academic Search Premier Database. ———. 2007. Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs. 2007. Background Note: Grenada. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/2335.htm. Accessed March 1, 2007. Vaillant, Denise, Liliana Jabif, and Rosario Domingo. 2003. Teacher Training, OECS Education Development Project, Final Report, June 27, 2003. http:// wbln0018.worldbank.org/lac/lacinfoclient.nsf. Accessed December 1, 2006. Voices of Caribbean Youth. 2005. Report on The Youth Forum and on the Caribbean Regional Consultation on the UN Secretary General Study on Violence Against Children. p. 13. http://www.unicef.org/barbados/UNICEF_report_Caribb ean_youth_perspectives_on_violence.doc. World Data on Education, Web Edition 2004, Grenada. http://www.ibe.unesco .org/countries/WDE/WorldDataE.htm. Accessed February 11, 2007. World Development Indicators Database, April 2006. http://devdata.worldbank .org/external/CPProfile. Accessed January 20, 2007.
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HAITI Catherine Marsicek NATIONAL PROFILE The Republic of Haiti is located in the northern Caribbean Sea, approximately 600 miles southeast of Florida, and just off the southeastern coast of Cuba. It shares Hispaniola with its neighbor, the Dominican Republic, occupying the western third of the island and covering 10,700 square miles. Three-quarters of the country is mountainous, with its highest peak reaching 8,744 feet. Haiti is the second most densely populated country in the Americas, surpassed only by Barbados. The capital, Portau-Prince, is located in the southeastern part of the country, on the Gulf of Gonaives, and over 1.5 million inhabitants reside in the metropolitan area. Haiti has had a tragic past, plagued by revolt, civil war, occupation, political instability, poverty, and natural disasters. Haiti won its independence from France on January 1, 1804, becoming the first black republic and the second oldest republic in the Americas, after the United States. Almost immediately, Haiti was engulfed in a civil war that divided the
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north from the south, and was finally reunified in 1820. Soon after, Haiti pledged substantial monetary payments to France in return for official recognition of its status as an independent nation. From the mid-1800s to 1915, Haiti had twenty-two leaders, but only one finished his prescribed term. In response to this political instability, the United States occupied the country for the next twenty years until 1934. The following decades saw successive military coups and rulers, culminating in the election of Franc¸ois Duvalier in 1957. A shrewd leader made untouchable by the personal security forces that surrounded him, Papa Doc ruthlessly ruled the country until his death in 1971. He was immediately succeeded by his son, Claude Duvalier, or Baby Doc. Lacking the personality cult of his father, Haiti experienced widespread unrest, violence, and rebellion over the next fifteen years until Baby Doc fled Haiti into exile in 1986. Since 1986, Haiti has fluctuated between democratically elected governments and military dictatorships, with only one elected head of state completing his term. Jean Bertrand Aristide, a charismatic priest, was elected with overwhelming popular support in 1990 but was deposed soon after in a military coup and forced into exile. With backing from the United States military, Aristide was returned to power several years later. He was also reelected in 2000 by a wide margin. In February of 2004, after many months of violence and opposition, Aristide again fled the country. Even under the watch of a United Nations Peacekeeping Mission, the violence, including kidnappings, killings, and street protests, continued during the transitional government leading up to the election of Rene Preval as Haiti’s new president in 2006. Estimates in 2006 put the population at over 8.3 million (Central Intelligence Agency 2006). About 95 percent of the Haitian population is of African descent, with the rest of mixed ancestry, including Caucasian, European, and Middle Eastern. French and Creole are the official languages, but only about 10 percent speak and understand French. About one in eight Haitians has emigrated and now lives abroad, the majority in the United States, but also in Canada, France, and neighboring Caribbean nations. Haiti is the western hemisphere’s poorest and least-developed country. It ranks 153 out of 177 countries on the 2005 United Nations Human Development Index. Haiti suffers from poor infrastructure, few social services, high inflation, a significant trade deficit, the migration of many of its skilled workers, and a severe inequality of wealth. The richest 2 percent of the population controls approximately 44 percent of the national income. Roughly 80 percent live below the poverty line. The estimated per capita Gross Domestic Product (GDP at PPP [purchasing power parity]) is $1,700. The labor force is close to 3.6 million, but there is widespread unemployment and most workers are unskilled. Roughly two-thirds rely on small-scale subsistence farming for survival, although little of the land is arable because of the mountainous topography and the widespread
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environmental degradation due KEY FACTS – HAITI to deforestation. The main agricultural products are coffee, Population: 8,706,497 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 63.83 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) mangoes, sugar cane, rice, corn, Life expectancy at birth: 57.03 years (2007 est.) and sorghum. Other industries Literacy rate: 52.9 percent (2003 est.) include sugar refining, flour millNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 55 percent ing, and textiles. The GDP in (2000–2005) 2005 is estimated at $3.7 bilInternet users: 500,000 (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 190,000 (2005 est.) lion, while remittances from Children living with HIV/AIDS: 17,000 (2005 est.) family members living abroad Human Poverty Index (HPI-1): 74 total over $1 billion (Central Sources: CIA World Factbook: Haiti. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ Intelligence Agency 2006, under publications/factbook/geos/ha.html. April 17, 2007; UNICEF. At ‘‘Economy’’). a Glance: Haiti–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ The life expectancy for women haiti_statistics.html. April 24, 2007; World Health Organization is fifty-five years; for men it is (WHO): UNAIDS/WHO Global HIV/AIDS Online Database. ‘‘Epidemiological Fact Sheets on HIV/AIDS and Sexuality fifty-two years. The birth rate is Transmitted Diseases: Haiti.’’ http://www.who.int/GlobalAtlas/ 36 per 1,000 people. The child predefinedReports/EFS2006/index.asp?strSelectedCountry¼HT. mortality rate is high and about December 2006; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Haiti. http://hdr one in ten die before reaching the .undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ age of five. Approximately 42 ds_HTI.html. April 26, 2007. percent of the population is between the ages of birth and fourteen years (Central Intelligence Agency 2006, under ‘‘People’’). There is little government-provided support for families and children. National and international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and religious organizations have been working in Haiti for decades and attempt to fill in where the government has been negligent and ineffective. Because of limited finances and the overwhelming needs in Haiti, the most prevalent approach by NGOs to administering services is crisis intervention, not preventive care. OVERVIEW Children between birth and the age of fourteen make up over onethird of the Haitian population. Haitian children are in a very precarious situation as they confront poverty, poor nutrition, an inadequate health system, political instability and violence, and a weak education infrastructure. One of the best indicators of a countries’ development and status of its children is the death rate before the age of five. One out of ten children dies before the age of five in Haiti, demonstrating the vulnerable situation in which Haitian children live (United Nations 2005, Table 8). Some of the most pressing children’s issues include child labor, lack of educational opportunities, inadequate health care, and neglect. The deep, entrenched poverty along with recent political unrest and health issues, including the AIDS crisis, have taken their toll on Haitian children.
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Children are protected through legislation, but the Haitian government has inadequate funds and limited personnel to contend with the magnitude of these issues. EDUCATION The state of education in Haiti is bleak. Most Haitians have had no formal education, and only a small minority has gone beyond primary school. Although, by government mandate, education is free and compulsory through the primary school level, a comprehensive and accessible education system has never been developed. Estimated illiteracy levels are very high at 60 percent, and only about 65 percent of school-aged children enroll in school. Most children make it only a few grades, about four, before economic pressure requires them to drop out. Dropout rates are high: 80 percent in the rural areas and 50 percent in the urban areas. Over 40 percent of those who do remain in school are usually three grades behind for their age. About 48 percent of enrollment is female, only slightly less than male enrollment, although girls tend to enroll at a later age than boys. Only 50 percent of the schools offer the full cycle of education (Hadjadj 2000, sec. 3.2–3.10). Society as a whole values education, as demonstrated by the sacrifices made by families to send their children to school and by the educational reforms of the last few decades, but most Haitians do not have access to it. The Bernard Reform in 1979 set up the National Department of Education and established Creole as the language of instruction for the first four grades; prior to this, instruction was in French, although only 10 percent of the population has a command of French. The 1987 Constitution introduced Creole as an official language alongside French and also confirmed education as compulsory: ‘‘primary education is compulsory under penalty of sanctions to be determined by the law. School supplies and teaching aids will be provided by the government for pupils at the primary school level (Article 32-3)’’ (Haiti 1987). These reforms were designed to increase access to education; however, education remains underfunded and public schools are overcrowded, run down, and ill-equipped. Almost 75 percent of the teachers have neither the appropriate qualifications nor the necessary training required. Instruction in Creole has also been resisted by those middle-class families who see the French language as a status symbol and a means of bettering one’s social class. Government spending on education increased slightly in the 1990s to approximately 1.7 percent of GDP, but it is still significantly less than other low-income countries. This public spending is so inadequate that private financing by religious organizations and NGOs controls approximately 85 percent of Haiti’s primary and secondary schools. Private schools charge tuition for attendance, and, with additional costs for
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school uniforms, books and supplies, this payment is a great burden for most families (Hadjadj 2000, sec. 3.11). These private schools are often as poorly equipped as public schools, especially in the rural areas. Thus, access to education is greatly affected by socioeconomic status and proximity to an urban center. A comprehensive education is by and large a privilege of the upper-middle and upper classes. In 2003, the Haitian government offered a 70 percent subsidy of educational supplies to help alleviate the prohibitive costs of education. The Haitian curriculum includes all the standard subjects. Memorization is widely used as the method of learning. Discipline problems are rare in class as students treat their teachers with absolute respect, teachers are very strict, and corporal punishment, although illegal, is practiced. Access to higher education is even more limited. Most eligible youth from affluent families go abroad to study, usually to France or North America. Haiti’s most important public institution of higher learning is the University of Haiti in Port-au-Prince. During the years of turmoil surrounding Aristide’s departure in 2004, the university was effectively closed and is just now reopening. PLAY AND RECREATION The majority of Haitian children must contribute to the family work load and thus do not enjoy a rich recreational life. Leisure time is infrequent, and access to games and toys is limited. Some popular children’s games include tag (lago), hopscotch (marelle), and a dice game using goat’s bones (osselets). Most schools do not have playgrounds, although many schools organize sports teams. Soccer is a national pastime and children often play soccer, both through organized teams and on the street. There is some government and local support and financing of soccer fields, including the national stadium, Stade Sylvio Cator, in Portau-Prince, which was recently renovated in 2004. Cock fighting is also popular, but one must be eighteen years old to actively participate. Television is a popular form of entertainment for those who can afford it. Most television programs are imported shows from abroad and often dubbed into French. As most families do not own a set, often local entrepreneurs who do will show a movie and charge a minimal fee for others to watch. In 1997, there were only 4.7 television receivers per 1,000 inhabitants (UNESCO 1999, Table IV.14). Internet cafes are popping up in the larger cities, but connections are slow, fees are relatively high, and most children cannot read and are not familiar with the technology. Storytelling, especially in the form of riddles and singing, is also a popular form of entertainment. A day is reserved for children during the Carnival season. Carnival culminates the night before Ash Wednesday in a wild party and a parade of floats with large bands playing rara music and competing for the crowd’s
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attention. The children’s Carnival usually takes place the Saturday before the main event, with an elaborate costume parade winding through the city streets. CHILD LABOR It is estimated that 21.8 percent of all children between the ages of ten and fourteen were working in 2002 (U.S. Department of Labor 2004). Most work in the informal economy, in petty commerce, in the markets, in agriculture, and as domestic servants. Many remain in the family household while performing these duties, while others leave or are sent away to work elsewhere. It is customary for a Haitian child, usually around the age of six, to begin serving adults and contributing to the family’s livelihood (Smucker and Murray 2004, 13). Many of the child laborers are restav e ks, or unpaid domestic servants. A restavek, meaning ‘‘to stay with’’ in Creole, usually comes from a large, impoverished rural family and is sent to another household to perform domestic chores in exchange for food, shelter, and schooling. Some Haitians see this practice as an avenue to a better life and education, but children are usually sent away to become restaveks following a family crisis. Although data is difficult to gather, it is estimated that anywhere between 100,000 and 250,000 children are unpaid domestic servants (Sommerfelt 2002, 8–9). It is widely reported that many of these children receive no schooling, work long hours, are ill-treated and abused, and sometimes sexually assaulted. Pressure to end the restavek system has been strong, and there has been a sharp decline among the upper classes due to its social stigma. However, it has increased among the middle and lower classes, in those families that cannot afford to pay a maid and where chores are more difficult because of the lack of modern conveniences such as electricity and running water (Bracken 2006, 23). The Haitian Labor Code, updated in 1984, establishes the minimum age at fifteen years for industrial, commercial, and agricultural work and at fourteen years for apprenticeships. Additional protection includes: children under eighteen must undergo a medical examination before working in an industry; and children between the ages of fifteen and eighteen must have a work permit for industrial, agricultural, or commercial employment. Legislation was passed in 2003 to increase child protection by prohibiting trafficking and rescinding prior laws that permitted domestic work by children (U.S. Department of Labor 2004). These laws, however, are rarely enforced, as the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs lacks the personnel and the means to monitor child labor compliance. There are many faith-based organizations and international NGOs, especially in Port-au-Prince, that play an important role in providing some services for restaveks, namely afternoon schools for domestics and homes for restaveks who have run away. They are also active in the
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campaign to educate the public on the abuses that children face in the restavek system. Haitian children are also recruited by the neighboring Dominican Republic to work as field hands, domestic servants, prostitutes, and beggars. An estimated 2,500 to 3,000 are trafficked on an annual basis (U.S. Department of Labor 2004). These children have no legal rights in the Dominican Republic and, at times, are deported during systematic sweeps to rid the Dominican Republic of illegal immigrants from Haiti (Smucker and Murray 2004, 72). FAMILY Children are valued within the family, and both the mother and the father take an active role in child rearing and share responsibilities. On average, each woman will give birth to almost five children, although the fertility rate is higher in the rural areas and lower in the urban areas. Traditionally, especially in the rural areas, children were raised in an extended family setting. These days, however, Haitian families closely resemble the nuclear family, although children are sometimes sent to live with relatives to offer companionship, work, or for educational opportunities. As opposed to restaveks, these children are treated equally within the family unit. Common law marriage, or plasaj, is widespread in Haiti, especially among the lower classes and in the rural areas. Although not legally recognized, it is not considered improper, and men and women often have several plasaj relationships in their lifetimes. Children born from these unions are considered legitimate offspring of both parents and are treated as such. Legal marriage and divorce are becoming more common in the urban areas. Land inheritance is divided equally among all children, regardless of gender. As families are large, this often results in very small plots of land. Male and female children share many tasks, but it is primarily the girls who do domestic chores and the boys who work outside. Girls carry water, cook, and clean, and boys tend livestock, work in the fields, gather firewood, and unload cargo. As girls age, they may accompany women into the marketplace, as this is primarily a female responsibility. These market women, known as madam saras, are not required to share their income with their husbands and are thus often financially independent. Regardless of socioeconomic status, children have a very strict upbringing and are taught at a young age to respect and obey their elders and authority. Corporal punishment is widely accepted and practiced. Children, especially in rural families, are seen as an economic investment and a security in old age. Childhood is usually short because most children begin working within the family unit around the age of six (Smucker and Murray 2004, 11–12). The government provides no support for families with children, although in 2003 it offered a 70 percent subsidy to help cover educational supplies.
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HEALTH The health situation in Haiti is in crisis, especially for young children. Poor sanitation, limited access to safe drinking water, waste management problems, poor nutrition, and severely inadequate medical facilities are standard. Contributing factors are the rising air pollution problem in Port-au-Prince, considerable poverty, environmental degradation and susceptibility to natural disasters, and lack of state spending for health care. Haiti is experiencing an AIDS epidemic, with over 5.6 percent of the adult population infected. It has the highest incidence of the disease outside of Africa. AIDS is the leading cause of death in adults (22 percent), and it has greatly affected child and adolescent mortality rates. On an annual basis, 5,000 children are born with the virus. Access to safe drinking water is a major problem, with potable water reaching less than 50 percent of the population in both rural and urban areas. Only about one in two children receive all needed immunizations. About 18 percent of children under the age of five are malnourished, many severely. Violence, especially towards women and girls, is frequent with about 70 percent having been exposed to some sort of violence. There are thousands of orphaned and abused children, many of them living on the streets in perilous situations. Teenage pregnancy is high in girls aged fifteen to nineteen (80 per 1,000) as is the incidence of sexually transmitted diseases in both teenage boys and girls. There are no statesponsored family health programs. Approximately 7 percent of the population has some sort of disability, half of these being children. There are only 2.5 doctors per 10,000 Haitians, and about 75 percent of all births occur without medical attention (Pan American Health Organization 2003). Under these circumstances, it is easy to see why the infant and child mortality rates are so high. Estimates in 2006 put the infant mortality rate at seventy-two deaths per 1,000 live births. It is higher for males at seventyeight per 1,000 than for females at sixty-five per 1,000. In 2004, the World Health Organization (WHO) estimated the child mortality rate (under five years) for boys to be 122 per 1,000 children and for girls to be 112 per 1,000. These statistics reveal that approximately one in ten children die before reaching the age of five, a figure that is three times the average for other countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. And approximately 25 percent of all Haitians will die before reaching the age of forty. The leading health problem in children from birth to age four is diarrhea, and the primary causes of death are intestinal infections, malnutrition, and respiratory infections. Among children ages five to nine, the leading causes of death are infectious and parasitic diseases, and about 20 percent are considered to be living in a state of vulnerability. The leading cause of death among adolescents from ages ten to nineteen is HIV/ AIDS (5.8 percent) (Pan American Health Organization 2003).
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The 1987 Constitution, in its chapter on fundamental rights, guarantees that ‘‘the State shall be under an obligation to provide all citizens in all territorial communities with the appropriate means to assure the protection, maintenance, and restoration of their health by the establishment of hospitals, heath centers, and dispensaries’’ (Haiti 1987). In reality, however, the state spends very limited funds on health care. In 2003, the estimated total expenditure on health care as a percentage of the GDP was 7.5 percent. However, almost two-thirds of this (62 percent) was from the private sector, with only slightly more than one-third coming from the government (38 percent) (World Health Organization 2006). The WHO estimates that actual funds spent on health by the government only represent, at best, 1 percent of the GDP, with the rest going towards salaries and administration (World Health Organization 2004, 2). The private sector, including the for-profit sector, NGOs, organizations, foundations, and international organizations, supplement the meager state spending and play a major role in the health system. However, public and private health services still reach only about 60 percent of the population. Many Haitians still rely on traditional medicine, especially in the rural areas, and this receives no supplemental spending (Pan American Health Organization 2003). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The Haitian Constitution of 1987, in its articles on the family, guarantees protection for all children. Haiti has also ratified many international laws, treaties, and protocols that protect children, including the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the American Convention on Civil Rights, and the International Labour Organization Convention No. 29 on Forced Labour. Haiti has domestic laws that protect children, at least on paper. Chapter 9 of the Haitian Labor Code includes fifteen articles that regulate children in service, including the age allowed to work, the requirements for employing a child, the type of work allowed, the appropriate punishment, mandatory education of children, and so on. This legislation was updated in 2003 to rescind many laws that allowed domestic service by children (U.S. Department of Labor 2004). These laws are rarely upheld, and children as young as five often become restaveks. The Law of 1961, or the Law of Juvenile Delinquents and Youths at Physical and Moral Risk, regulates the treatment of delinquents between the ages of thirteen and sixteen. This law also established the Court for Minors, which protects and regulates children under thirteen within the legal system. Children under thirteen are not responsible for criminal activity, and the law mandates that the child be monitored, given assistance, or provided schooling depending on the offense and the child’s situation. The Law of 1961 establishes that children between the ages of thirteen and sixteen can be sentenced to rehabilitation and educational centers only.
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This law does not allow for the sentencing of children to prison. Article 9 of the Law of 1961 requires access to legal counsel in a timely manner. Article 15 requires the judge to take individual circumstances and the child’s personality into consideration before sentencing. This mandates that judges thoroughly investigate a child’s background, at times requiring the services of medical and mental health professionals, both of which are mostly lacking. Article 33 prescribes the placement of children in the Centre d’Accueil Duval Duvalier, an educational and rehabilitative center. However, it was disbanded in 1987 with the end of the Duvalier dictatorship, and no alternative center has been established. Article 50 states that children convicted of minor offenses can be returned home or placed temporarily in a rehabilitation center, and Article 51 explicitly allows for children convicted of criminal offenses to be placed in educational or rehabilitative centers instead of imprisoned (Zarifis 2001, 37–40). Although Haiti is legally bound to uphold these domestic and international laws, they are very rarely enforced. In fact, recent statistics show that children make up about 10 percent of Haiti’s growing prison population. No state educational or rehabilitation institution exists since the closing of the Centre d’Accueil in 1987. Most private orphanages and homes for street children do not accept children with criminal backgrounds. Many children are estranged from their home lives, thus home detention is often not an option. Courts are understaffed, and sufficient resources are unavailable to meet all legal obligations. Children as young as eight years old have been confined in prisons with no access to legal counsel. Most minors are detained without counsel for such lengthy periods of time that it extends beyond the period that would be legally permitted for that crime. Children over the age of sixteen are tried as adults, violating the international Convention on the Rights of the Child, which defines a minor as anyone under the age of eighteen. Conditions in Haiti’s prisons are deplorable: overcrowded, unsanitary, 24-hour confinement, and lack of health care, adequate nutrition, and clean water (Zarifis 2001, 37–39). Haiti has failed to protect the basic rights of children. Many children, including a high incidence of street children, are imprisoned following street sweeps to rid neighborhoods of gangs. Since Aristide’s departure in 2004, the United Nations Peacekeeping Forces have also taken part in these sweeps as a preventive measure to rid the streets of chim e res, or armed gangs that pledge allegiance to Aristide. These children have no legal representation, and many are incarcerated for months (Scherr 2005). RELIGIOUS LIFE The Haitian Constitution of 1987 grants freedom of religion. The majority of Haitians (80 percent) consider themselves Roman Catholics. In recent years, Protestantism has grown considerably, and now approximately 16 percent practice some denomination of a Protestant faith.
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Vodou (or voodoo) is officially practiced alongside Christianity by approximately 50 percent of the population (Central Intelligence Agency 2006, under ‘‘People’’), although most Haitians believe in many aspects of Vodou. Haitian Vodou combines African, Creole, and Christian beliefs, and was historically the religion of the slaves in Haiti. In 2003, Vodou was designated as an officially sanctioned religion by the Haitian Ministry of Culture and Religious Affairs. Vodou practitioners are encouraged to register with the Ministry in order to be able to legally preside over baptisms, weddings, and other rites of passage. Religion is an integral part of Haitian life. It is weaved into daily routine, major life transitions, artistic and cultural expression, and the political arena. Children grow up surrounded by religious rites and rituals. Children participate actively and frequently in Vodou rites and imitate adults until rituals become habitual. As children age, their responsibilities become greater, and they are expected to guide and teach younger children (Michel 1996, 290). Major life transitions, such as birth, education, initiation, marriage, parenthood, and death, are marked by religious ceremonies, often including both Vodou and Christian rites. At funerals, for example, family members often participate in Vodou rituals, which are then followed by Roman Catholic rites performed by a priest. The Haitian state recognizes several traditional Roman Catholic feast days as holidays, including Good Friday, Easter Sunday, the Feast of the Assumption, All Saints’ Day, All Souls’ Day, Immaculate Conception, and Christmas. Vodou holidays are not officially recognized by the state. Foreign missionaries have had a large presence in and a sizeable impact on Haiti. The Haitian government lacks the finances, infrastructure, and organization to provide basic services. Both national and foreign religious organizations and faith-based NGOs play a significant role in providing education, family planning, health care, disaster relief, and social services, such as orphanages and shelters. The majority of the national organizations are from one of the following denominations: Seventh-Day Adventist, African Methodist Episcopal, Baptist, Methodist, Catholic, and Mennonite (Bowie and Potocky 1998, 84–85). Over 50 percent of the Haitian students in school attend an educational center affiliated with a religious institution, the majority of these being Protestant schools (Hadjadj 2000, sec. 3.2). Vodou leaders also play a significant role in providing for social services. Practitioners are expected to pay their leader a significant sum of money in order to perform rites. This money is also often used to provide education, clothing, and medical services when a practitioner or a member of a practitioner’s family is in need. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Within both the family and the educational setting, children have strict upbringings that teach respect towards adults and superiors. Corporal
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punishment is widely accepted as a means of discipline and is not considered abusive by Haitian standards. Children who are employed are protected from bodily harm in the form of punishment under the Haitian Labor Code. The code also provides a formal mechanism for reporting this abuse and the fine that will be imposed. However, these laws are rarely enforced, and child domestic servants, or restaveks, are often treated as second-class citizens and publicly humiliated. They experience a high risk of physical, emotional, and sexual abuse. They rarely receive adequate nutrition and health care and are very unlikely to attend school. Street children and orphans are a considerable problem in Haiti, and their numbers have increased since the economic collapse in the late 1980s. Although statistics are difficult to gather, recent figures estimate that there are anywhere from 5,000 to 10,000 street children in Haiti, the majority of these living on the streets of Port-au-Prince (United Nations Children’s Fund 1999; Save the Children, under ‘‘Map and Stats’’). Children become street children for a variety of reasons, most of these related either directly or indirectly to poverty. The AIDS crisis has orphaned 200,000 children (Library of Congress 2006, 12) and, as orphanages are few, these children often end up on the streets. Restavek children, once reaching the age of fifteen, must legally receive a salary at the same rate as other domestic servants and are thus often released from service in favor of younger children. Runaways from domestic servitude and poor, rural families seeking a better life also end up on the streets. The recent violence preceding and in the wake of Aristide’s departure in 2004 has also contributed to an increase in street children. Street children are often rounded up in violent state-sanctioned sweeps that are publicized as ways to rid the streets of gang violence and drugs (Kovats-Bernat 2000, 419). These children end up in overcrowded and filthy prisons with no legal representation. According to Amnesty International, human rights abuses, including those against children, soared during the violence and insecurity in the years surrounding the departure of Aristide in 2004. Kidnappings became common as a means to intimidate and for financial gain. Children were reportedly abducted in order to extort money from their parents. In late 2004 and throughout 2005 and early 2006, there were clashes between the United Nations Peacekeeping Forces and local gangs in which innocent bystanders, including many children, were killed. Many children, accused of being members of armed pro-Aristide chimere gangs, were rounded up and jailed (Amnesty International 2006). There were reports of children being pressured and recruited to join these armed chimere gangs (Amnesty International 2004). Child abuse is very rarely reported, and penalties for abuse are rarely imposed. Many reasons exist for this, including the wide acceptance of corporal punishment as discipline, the established practice of domestic
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servitude and other forms of child labor, the institutionalized violence against street children, and the lack of a mechanism and practice in reporting abuse. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Haitian children are in a vulnerable state, and the outlook is bleak. The majority of children confront poverty and insecurity almost on a daily basis. This has resulted in stolen childhoods. The state has proven itself ineffective in dealing with the urgent needs of Haitian children in basic health care, social services, education, and protection. The recent political upheaval has also taken its toll, and until the protection of civilians and the rule of law are restored, socioeconomic programs remain a low priority. Although there is a sense of optimism since mid-2006 with the election of a new president, Rene Preval, continued episodes of violence and the weak economy demonstrate the fragility of the state. With a high projected population growth, Haiti will increasingly find it difficult to maintain and improve basic services unless the economy considerably improves. Yet, there are small glimmers of hope. More organizations, both domestic and international, are discussing child domestic servitude and are launching campaigns to end the system. Although not yet effective, the practice is becoming increasingly taboo, especially among the upper classes. The international development community and NGOs continue to operate in the country and attempt to fill in the gaps left by the ineffective government. Many of these organizations focus on children and offer needed relief. The Haitian government is increasingly attracting the attention of the international community, thus it will be held more accountable to the laws and protocols that it supports and signs. However, the current situation for children in Haiti is grim, and will continue to remain so until the problems of poverty, limited education and health care, and child labor and abuse are effectively addressed at the state level. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Arthur, Charles. 2002. Haiti: A Guide to the People, Politics and Culture. New York: Interlink Books. A brief overview of Haiti, including sections on history, society, the economy, politics, religion and culture. Cadet, Jean-Robert. 1998. Restavek: From Haitian Slave Child to Middle-Class American. Austin: University of Texas Press. A compelling first-hand account of a young boy in domestic servitude. Deren, Maya. 1983. Divine Horsemen: Living Gods of Haiti. New York: McPherson and Company. The classic text on Haitian Vodou, thoroughly describing the history, spirits, and ceremonies.
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Farmer, Paul. 2006. AIDS and Accusation: Haiti and the Geography of Blame. Berkeley: University of California Press. A study of AIDS in Haiti, with first-hand accounts and an emphasis on the cultural attitudes towards the disease. Hadjadj, Bernard. 2000. Education for All in Haiti over the Last 20 Years: Assessment and Perspectives. Kingston, Jamaica: UNESCO. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/ images/0013/001363/136393e.pdf. Accessed October 25, 2006. An excellent report on the education system in Haiti, the reforms in the 1980s, and current problems and challenges. Smucker, Glenn R., and Gerald F. Murray. 2004. The Uses of Children: A Study of Trafficking in Haitian Children. Port-au-Prince: United States Agency for International Development, Haiti Mission. An in-depth study of the restavek situation within Haiti and the trafficking of children to the Dominican Republic.
Nonprint Resources Children of Shadows. 2001. Produced and directed by Karen Kramer. Erzulie Films. 54 min. Videocassette. An excellent film documenting the child labor situation in Haiti through interviews with restaveks, their caretakers, social workers, and economists. Once There Was a Country: Revisiting Haiti. 2005. Written and directed by Kimberly Green. Two Tone Productions. 55 min. Videodisc. A documentary that follows healthcare providers and community leaders as they tackle health issues in Haiti. Port-au-Prince is Mine. 2000. Scripted and directed by Rigoberto L opez. 57 min. VHS. Les Productions CIDIHCA. A documentary that looks at current conditions in the capital of Haiti, including overcrowding, environmental problems, sanitation issues, and the hopelessness of many of its residents. They Call Me Dog. 1995. Directed by Frode Hojer Pedersen, United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund. 30 min. VHS. A fictionalized account of a female restav e k child working for a family in the city and the treatment that she endures. Unfinished Country. 2005. Directed by Whitney Dow. Two Tone Productions. 45 min. VHS. A discussion of the events surrounding the 2005 elections.
Web Sites Amnesty International: Haiti, http://web.amnesty.org/pages/hti-index-eng. An excellent overview on the current human rights situation in Haiti. Background Notes: Haiti. U.S. Department of State, http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ ei/bgn/1982.htm. A good overview of current issues relating to Haiti. Bob Corbett’s Haiti Page. Bob Corbett, http://www.webster.edu/%7Ecorbetre/ haiti/haiti.html. A personal Web page of a noted Haitian scholar, which includes a very active listserv on Haiti, bibliographies of materials about Haiti, and links to many academic resources. Country Profile: Haiti. Library of Congress, http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/profiles/ Haiti.pdf. A recent overview of the main issues within Haiti, an up-to-date
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complement to the more extensive Country Study also published by the Library of Congress (see below). Haiti: A Country Study. Library of Congress, http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/ httoc.html. An excellent historical overview of Haiti, including sections on history, people, politics, the economy, and culture. Human Rights Watch: Haiti, http://hrw.org/doc/?t¼americas&c¼haiti. An independent, non-governmental organization providing in-depth information on current human rights issues in Haiti with archives dating back to 1989. The World Factbook: Haiti. Central Intelligence Agency, https://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/geos/ha.html. A good source for current statistics. World Health Organization: Haiti. http://www.who.int/countries/hti/en/. An excellent source for up-to-date health indicators, disease outbreaks, legislation, and expenditures.
Organizations and NGOs Haitian Street Kids, Inc. 5209 Rain Forest Drive McKinney, TX 75070 Web site: http://haitianstreetkids.com An organization that focuses on and provides housing for street children, abandoned children, and restaveks. L’Institut Culturel Karl Lev^eque (the Karl Lev^eque Cultural Institute) 28, rue Jean Baptiste Canape-Vert, HT 6115 Port-au-Prince, Haiti Phone: (509) 245-4598 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.ickl-haiti.org An organization that promotes consciousness building on a variety of issues, including human rights and education. The Mercy and Sharing Foundation 201 N. Mill Street, Suite 201 Aspen, CO 81611-1557 Phone: (877) 424-8454, (970) 925-1492 Fax: (970) 925-1181 Web site: http://www.haitichildren.com/index.html A nonprofit organization founded by a U.S. couple, focusing on the needs of Haitian children. Reseau National de Defense des Droits Humains (National Network for the Defense of Human Rights) 9, rue Riviere
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Port-au-Prince, Haiti Phone: (509) 245-3486 Fax: (509) 244-4146 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.rnddh.org An organization that promotes and monitors human rights in Haiti, including issues within prisons and the police force. Saint Joseph’s Home for Boys Michael Geilenfeld c/o Lynx Air P.O. Box 407139 Ft. Lauderdale, FL 33350 Phone: (509) 257-4237 A religious-based orphanage for homeless boys that also serves as a hostel for travelers. Yele Haiti Foundation P.O. Box 2345 New York, NY 10108 Phone: (212) 352-0552 Web site: http://www.yele.org An organization founded by Wyclef Jean, a Haitian-born hip-hop artist, concentrating on issues of education, health, the environment, and humanitarian assistance.
Selected Bibliography Amnesty International. 2004. Haiti: Breaking the Cycle of Violence: A Last Chance for Haiti. June 21. http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGAMR360382004. Accessed October 25, 2006. ———. May 2006. Amnesty International Report 2006: Haiti. http://www.global policy.org/security/issues/haiti/2006/05amnestyreport.htm. Accessed October 25, 2006. Aristide, Mildred. 2003. L’enfant en domesticit e en Haiti produit d’un foss e historique (Child domestic service in Haiti and its historical underpinnings). Portau-Prince: Impr. H. Deschamps. Arthur, Charles. 2002. Haiti: A Guide to the People, Politics and Culture. New York: Interlink Books. Bernat, J. Christopher. 1999. ‘‘Children and the Politics of Violence in Haitian Context: Statist Violence, Scarcity and Street Child Agency in Port-au-Prince.’’ Critique of Anthropology 19, no. 2: 121–38. Bowie, Stan L., and Miriam Potocky. 1998. ‘‘Social Service and Health Organizations in Haiti: A Resource Assessment.’’ Social Development Issues 20, no. 1: 77–90. Bracken, Amy. 2006. ‘‘Haiti’s Children Pay the Price of Poverty.’’ NACLA Report on the Americas 39, no. 5: 22–25. Central Intelligence Agency. 2006. The World Factbook: Haiti. https://www.cia.gov/ cia/publications/factbook/geos/ha.html. Accessed October 25, 2006. Desmangles, Leslie G. 1992. The Faces of the Gods. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press.
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Hadjadj, Bernard. 2000. Education for All in Haiti Over the Last 20 Years: Assessment and Perspectives. Kingston, Jamaica: UNESCO. http://unesdoc.unesco .org/images/0013/001363/136393e.pdf. Accessed October 25, 2006. Haiti. Constitution de la R e publique d’Haiti 1987 (Constitution of the Republic of Haiti 1987). http://pdba.georgetown.edu/Constitutions/Haiti/haiti.html. Accessed October 25, 2006. ———. D e cret du 24 f e vrier 1984 actualisant le Code du travail du 12 septembre 1961 [Decree of February 1984 updating the Labor Code of September 12, 1961]. http://www.ilo.org/dyn/natlex/docs/WEBTEXT/135/64790/F61 HTI01.htm#Loi9. Accessed October 25, 2006. Hatloy, Anne. 2005. ‘‘Life as a Child Domestic Worker in Haiti.’’ Journal of Haitian Studies 11, no. 1: 11–26. Kovats-Bernat, J. Christopher. 2000. ‘‘Anti-Gang, Arimaj, and the War on Street Children.’’ Peace Review 12, no. 3: 415–421. Library of Congress. 1989. Haiti: A Country Study. http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/ httoc.html. Accessed October 25, 2006. ———. 2006. Country Profile: Haiti. http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/profiles/Haiti. pdf. Accessed October 25, 2006. Michel, Claudine. 1996. ‘‘Of Worlds Unseen: The Educational Character of Haitian Vodou.’’ Comparative Education Review 40, no. 3: 280–294. Minnesota Lawyers International Human Rights Committee. 1990. Restavek: Child Domestic Labor in Haiti. Minneapolis: Minnesota Lawyers International Human Rights Committee. Pan American Health Organization (PAHO). 2003. ‘‘Country Profiles: Haiti.’’ Epidemiological Bulletin 24, no. 1. http://www.paho.org/english/dd/ais/ be_v24n1-haiti.htm. Accessed October 25, 2006. Save the Children. Canada. Haiti. http://www.savethechildren.ca/wherewework/ caribbean/haitistats.html. Accessed October 25, 2006. Scherr, Judith. 2005. ‘‘Hope is Fading: Haiti’s Children’s Prisons.’’ Counterpunch October 7. http://www.counterpunch.org/scherr10072005.html. Accessed October 25, 2006. Smucker, Glenn R., and Gerald F. Murray. 2004. The Uses of Children: A Study of Trafficking in Haitian Children. Port-au-Prince: United States Agency for International Development, Haiti Mission. Sommerfelt, Tone, ed. 2002. Child Domestic Labor in Haiti: Characteristics, Contexts and Organization of Children’s Residence, Relocation, and Work. Oslo, Norway: The Fafo Institute for Applied Social Sciences. Suarez, Lucia de las Mercedes. 2005. ‘‘The Restavek Condition: Jean-Robert Cadet’s Disclosure.’’ Journal of Haitian Studies 11, no. 1: 27–43. UNESCO Institute for Statistics. 1999. Statistical Yearbook. http://www.uis.unesco. org/TEMPLATE/html/CultAndCom/Table_IV_14_America.html. Accessed October 25, 2006. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 1991. Haiti Faces Major Education Challenge. May 20. http://www.unicef.org/newsline/99pr19.htm. Accessed October 25, 2006. ——— 2006. Child Alert: Haiti. March. http://www.unicef.org/childalert/haiti/. Accessed October 25, 2006. United Nations. 2005. Human Development Report. http://hdr.undp.org/reports/ global/2005/pdf/HDR05_HDI.pdf. Accessed October 25, 2006.
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U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of International Labor Affairs. 2004. Haiti: Incidence and Nature of Child Labor. http://www.dol.gov/ilab/media/reports/ iclp/tda2004/haiti.htm. Accessed October 25, 2006. U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. 2006. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Haiti. http://www.state.gov/g/ drl/rls/hrrpt/2005/61731.htm. Accessed October 25, 2006. World Health Organization (WHO). 2004. Health Action in Crisis. http:// www.who.int/hac/crises/hti/background/2004/Haiti_Nov04.pdf. Accessed October 25, 2006. ———. 2006. The World Health Report 2006: Working Together for Health. http:// www.who.int/whr/2006/en/. Accessed October 25, 2006. Zarifis, Ismene. 2001. ‘‘Minors in Haiti’s Prisons.’’ Human Rights Brief 8, no. 3: 37–40.
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JAMAICA Rose Davies, Janet Brown, and Sian Williams NATIONAL PROFILE The island of Jamaica is situated directly south of Cuba in the Caribbean Sea. Approximately 240 kilometers long and 85 kilometers wide, it is the third largest and fourth most populous of the Caribbean islands. Jamaica experiences a warm tropical climate all year round but is vulnerable to hurricanes between June and October each year. The island has interesting topographical features, including hills, valleys and plains, rainforests, and desert-like conditions. The people of Jamaica are of mixed heritage with the majority (over 90 percent) being of West African descent. The rest of the population comprises people of Chinese, East Indian, Syrian, Lebanese, and European heritage. English is the official language of education and commerce, but most Jamaicans speak ‘‘patois,’’ a Creole derivative of the English, Spanish, and African languages. Jamaica’s total population is 2.6 million, of which 49 percent are males and 51 percent are females. Children (defined as birth to eighteen years) account for approximately 37 percent of the total population. Although the number of rural communities exceeds urban and semiurban centers, nearly 52 percent of the population lives in the urban areas. Jamaica’s changing demographic trends
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reflect a transition to an aging population as the statistics for recent years show a declining birth-to-fourteen-year age group, an increasing working population (fifteen to sixty-four years), and an increasing dependent elderly age group (sixty-five years onward). Jamaica is heavily indebted, and almost 60 percent of the annual national budget goes toward debt repayment. The remaining 40 percent only minimally meets the capital expenditure needs of the country and population. Poverty levels have been persistently higher than desirable in Jamaica, where the wealthiest 5 percent of the population accounts for about 46 percent of national consumption, while the poorest 20 percent accounts for less than 7 percent of national consumption. The average unemployment rate for year 2004 was close to 12 percent. Consistently over the years, more males have been employed in the labor force than females (73 percent of males compared with 56 percent of females in 2004), and the unemployment rate for females is approximately twice that for males (16 percent of females compared with 8 percent of males in 2004) (Economic and Social Survey Jamaica, 2004 2005). Unequal access of females to employment in the Jamaican labor market impacts the status of children negatively. The percentage of children living in poverty has averaged over 22 percent in the last five years and has been consistently higher than the 15 percent national incidence of poverty. Child poverty is also associated with the fact that 46 percent of the country’s heads of households are single females who are unable to meet the economic needs of their families adequately (Survey of Living Conditions 2005 2006). Results from the Profiles Research Project (SammsVaughan-cited 2004) in Jamaica indicated that parental stress was strongly associated with children’s behavior problems. Jamaican women generally bear the primary responsibility for child-rearing and support, and in many poor, single-female-headed households, parental stress is very high. Male children in particular pose greater challenges to their parents than females. Many boys become wards of the state or join the ranks of the homeless, living on the streets and jeopardizing their health and safety. The number of street children in Jamaica, mostly males, is estimated to be over 6,000 across the island (Leo-Rhynie 2006). Most are dropouts from the primary and secondary school systems. Poverty levels in the last decade have been trending downward in response to planned government initiatives and interventions. In undertaking these initiatives, the Jamaican government, signatory to the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), has been conscious of the need to meet its obligations to promote and protect Jamaican children’s rights to survival, protection, development, and participation. The government’s National Poverty Eradication Program (NPEP), established in 1995, works in partnership with private sector and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs; many of these faith based) to improve the quality of existence for poor families and communities. Support is provided
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through a range of social assisKEY FACTS – JAMAICA tance interventions targeted at households living in poverty, in Population: 2,780,132 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 15.73 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) particular those with children, Life expectancy at birth: 73.12 years (2007 est.) elderly persons, persons with disLiteracy rate: 87.9 percent (2003 est.) abilities, and pregnant and lacInternet users: 1.067 million (2005 est.) tating women. Specific assistance People living with HIV/AIDS: 25,000 (2005 est.) is offered in the form of schoolHuman Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 30 feeding programs, school-fee Sources: CIA World Factbook: Jamaica. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ assistance, subsidized medical publications/factbook/geos/jm.html. April 17, 2007; World Health Organization (WHO): UNAIDS/WHO Global HIV/AIDS services, and housing assistance. Online Database. ‘‘Epidemiological Fact Sheets on HIV/AIDS and Other social protection measures Sexuality Transmitted Diseases: Jamaica.’’ http://www.who.int/ include a National Insurance GlobalAtlas/predefinedReports/EFS2006/index.asp?strSelected Scheme (NIS) and a National Country¼JM. December 2006; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006– Health Fund (NHF). The more Jamaica. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ recently established Program for data_sheets/cty_ds_JAM.html. April 26, 2007. Advancement through Health and Education (PATH) involves cash transfers to families living below the poverty line and a coordinated strategy to ensure that PATH beneficiaries are able to access all other social protection benefits offered under NPEP. The Jamaica Social Investment Fund (JSIF) and the Micro Investment Agency (MIDA) are government agencies established to increase access of poor individuals to small entrepreneurial business endeavors and to community improvement ventures such as establishment of preschool and primary school facilities. OVERVIEW Since 2004, the Jamaican government has accelerated the pace of development and implementation of major policies and legislation to strengthen and improve the quality of services to children. These include: (i) passage of the Child Care and Protection Act, with accompanying regulations and standards for the management and monitoring of early childhood institutions. Under this act also, a Registry of Child Abuse and a Child Advocate’s Office were established; (ii) passage of the Early Childhood Act and the Early Childhood Commission Act and the subsequent official launch of the Early Childhood Commission as the agency responsible for ensuring a coordinated and integrated approach to delivery of early childhood (birth to eight) programs and services; (iii) passage of the Property (Right of Spouses) Act, which guides the division of property between spouses and some common law unions; (iv) the establishment and strengthening of the Child Development Agency; and (v) development and dissemination of national plans and frameworks for action, such as the National Youth Policy, the National Policy for HIV/AIDS Management in
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Schools, the National Framework of Action for Children, the National Plan of Action on Child Justice, the National Integrated Response to Children and Violence, the National Plan on Children Orphaned and Made Vulnerable by HIV/AIDS, and the National Plan on Youth Development. The government has also provided support to NGOs involved in rehabilitation of street children and vulnerable children, such as Children First, Western Society for the Upliftment of Children, the Possibility Programme, Learning for Earning Activity Programme (LEAP), Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) programs for male dropouts aged twelve to fifteen, and Child Guidance Clinics that provide mental health services for abused, neglected, and vulnerable children. EDUCATION All Jamaican children have an equal right to education regardless of gender, religion, ethnic group, or socioeconomic status. This policy is protected by the CRC, to which the government is signatory. Unequal access to education is therefore generally related to other factors, such as poverty or unavailability of services. The Jamaican education system makes provision for individuals from early childhood to tertiary level through a wide network of public and private institutions. Services for the care and education of children from birth to three years are provided through daycare facilities, which may be purpose-built or redesigned structures as well as private home–based facilities. Daycare provisions for children birth to three years have been inadequate for decades, and presently, only about 10 percent to 12 percent of this age cohort has access to daycare. The private sector is the main provider of daycare services as only six of the estimated 400 daycare centers throughout the island are owned and operated by the government. Daycare coverage in the rural areas is particularly low. Generally, the better daycare facilities are costly and cater to families who are able to pay for the services. Poorer families rely on informal community-based homecare arrangements, which seldom meet the national standards for daycare provision in Jamaica. Since the last decade, a home-visiting innovation, the Roving Caregivers Program (RCP), has provided early stimulation services in three of Jamaica’s fourteen parishes, to children birth to three years living in rural communities not served by any formal early childhood education program. Trained caregivers visit the children and their families in their homes and engage in stimulating developmental activities with the children along with their parents or guardians. Educational toys are loaned to the family for continued interactive experiences between parents and children until the next visit of the caregiver. Findings from research carried out on this program model have shown that it has been very successful in impacting children’s development positively (Roopnarine 2005).
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This program is now being considered for wide-scale replication in other poor rural Jamaican communities. Education for three- to five-year-olds is not free, except where offered in government-owned infant schools and infant departments of all-age schools. The private kindergartens and community basic schools charge for service, although the difference in the fees of both types of institutions is significant. The community basic schools, numbering over 2,000, enroll the majority of the children in the three-to-five age cohort (over 80 percent), with the remaining 20 percent shared between the 112 government-owned and 209 privately run institutions across the island. Jamaica has achieved near universal coverage of three- to five-year-olds in early childhood educational institutions (approximately 98 percent) (Economic and Social Survey Jamaica, 2004 2005). However, the variation in program quality in the different types of institutions is still cause for concern. Data collected over the last decade have shown repeatedly that children who attend the private and more expensive kindergartens achieve higher scores than their counterparts in the government infant and basic schools, on the Grade One Readiness Inventory (GRI) test administered to all grade one students in the first term of primary school attendance. In this test comprised of four subtests, children are ranked by three categories of achievement: mastery, near-mastery, and nonmastery. The statistics for 2003, which are indicative of the trends over several years, show that only 26 percent of children in basic schools achieved mastery on all subtests compared with 31 percent from the government-owned infant facilities, and 61 percent from private preparatory schools (Task Force on Educational Reform 2004). Enrollment at the primary level is nearly universal at approximately 96 percent of the children in the six to eleven years of age cohort. The government is the main provider of free primary education for approximately 94 percent of primary-aged children enrolled in 989 primary, all-age, and primary/junior high schools across Jamaica, while the remaining 6 percent of students are enrolled in 196 private fee-paying preparatory schools. As with the early childhood level, the issue of quality and school efficiency is cause for concern. In spite of the high enrollment rate at the primary school level, the actual national attendance rate is much lower, remaining over the years within the 70 percent range. Efforts to institute and enforce compulsory attendance in eight parishes in Jamaica did not result in any improvement in attendance rates. Three tests are administered to students between primary grades three and six. These are the Grade Three Diagnostic Test, Grade Four Literacy Test, and Grade Six Achievement Test. The scores for 2003 reflect the general trend in student performance on these tests over the years. On the six subtests of the Grade Three Diagnostic Test, 15 percent of the students mastered three to five subtests, 34 percent mastered one to two
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subtests, and 51 percent mastered none of the subtests. On the 2003 Grade Four Literacy Test, which seeks to identify the children who are at risk of not being literate by the end of primary school, approximately half the number of children achieved mastery and the other half were to varying extents deemed to be at risk of being illiterate on leaving primary school (Task Force on Educational Reform 2004). Students’ performance on these two tests over the years indicates that the primary school system is not very efficient at producing the intended educational goals and learning outcomes. The statistics show that by the end of primary grade six, about 30 percent of children are still leaving school illiterate each year. The primary education system has struggled to improve its efficiency levels over the years; however, it has largely failed to achieve the goals of high literacy and numeracy rates among students and also to prepare them to access secondary education. Secondary level education is provided for children from age twelve to sixteen years through various types of government and private institutions. Schools operated by the government include all-age schools (grade seven to ten); primary and junior high schools (grade seven to eleven); secondary high schools, technical high schools, vocational/agricultural schools, and private high schools (grade seven through eleven or thirteen). Education at the lower cycle of secondary education (grades seven to nine) is offered in all-age schools, primary and junior high schools, and public and private high schools, and technical high schools which also provide secondary education at the upper cycle, that is grades ten and eleven and in many instances through to grade thirteen. The enrollment rate at the lower cycle of secondary education is high, at approximately 98 percent in 2005. The high enrollment rate at this level is indicative of the number of school types offering lower secondary education. The enrollment rate in secondary schools that offer the upper cycle of secondary education is lower at 82 percent, which is not surprising in view of the fact that fewer student places are available in these schools. The variety of school types at the secondary level is also reflected in the differentials in student performance levels. There is a tendency for many Jamaicans to regard traditional high schools as the only ‘‘real’’ secondary schools. Many of these schools started as private institutions run by a church. Over time respective governments increased their financial support to full grant-aided status. Traditionally, these schools are generally better staffed and resourced, and student performance on national achievement tests is much better than for the other types of schools offering secondary education. However, within the English-speaking Caribbean region, Jamaican secondary school students have shown much weaker performance on the regional Caribbean Secondary Examination Certificate (CSEC) examinations than their regional counterparts, especially in language arts and mathematics. At the end of secondary schooling, many students fail to achieve the
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requirements to move into higher education or meaningful employment. Inequality of provision at the lower secondary level is a major problem, and equity at this level is still to be achieved. Postsecondary education and training are offered at multidisciplinary institutions, such as community colleges. The national training agency HEART Trust/NTA provides skills training in a range of vocational areas through its various academies located throughout the island. At the tertiary level, there are three main universities that between them offer a wide range of professional training opportunities. The University of the West Indies (UWI) is the largest and oldest, followed by the University of Technology (UTech), both government-supported. Northern Caribbean University (NCU) is a private, faith-based institution located in one of Jamaica’s central parishes. A second small, faith-based university, International University of the Caribbean (IUC), recently started offering a limited range of programs from its location in the capital city of Kingston. A number of foreign universities also offer offshore programs locally. In spite of this, only approximately 15 to 20 percent of the population is enrolled at the university level. Nine teachers colleges and seven training institutions for nursing prepare the majority of teachers and nurses employed in the country’s education and health systems. The government pays 80 percent of the cost of tertiary education for the training of teachers and nurses, and its student loan bureau also provides tuition loans to students who cannot afford to pay on their own. Tertiary education in Jamaica reflects the international trend of higher percentages of female participation rates compared with males. Approximately 10 percent to 12 percent of any population has a disability, and another 10 percent to 12 percent is at risk and in need of assessment and intervention. Between 100,000 and 173,000 Jamaican children have special conditions that require intervention (Task Force on Educational Reform 2004). The 2005 statistics show only a small proportion (6,028 students) enrolled in programs serving the disabled. These facilities include a school for the visually impaired, seven schools for the hearing impaired with four satellite schools, six schools for the mentally retarded, and seven units for the multiple disabled. The units for the multiple disabled are attached to primary, all-age, and junior high schools in six parishes. Satellite units are attached to high schools and primary schools. There are ten private institutions and also home-based programs that provide services throughout the country. The government recently approved construction of a special school on the grounds of one of the teachers colleges, which trains special education teachers. Efforts are also being made to integrate children with disabilities into the regular classrooms. In 2005, twenty-five students with visual impairments were integrated into nine high schools, and special arrangements were made for fifty students with specific challenges to sit the Grade Six Achievement Test. The overall situation with regard to the education of children with
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special needs reveals inadequacies in provision of appropriate facilities, as well as in the number of trained teachers to provide satisfactory services to these children. The lack of early screening results in many at-risk children being present but remaining undetected in the regular school system. These are the children who frequently become problem cases and are likely to drop out of the school system early. The Jamaican education system has underperformed at all levels over many years. Not surprisingly, in 2004, responding to social commentary on the state of the Jamaican education system, the incumbent Prime Minister established a special Task Force on Educational Reform for Jamaica, with the mandate to ‘‘prepare and present an action plan consistent with a vision for the creation of a world-class education system which will generate the human capital and produce the skills necessary for Jamaican citizens to compete in the global economy’’ (Task Force on Educational Reform 2004, 5). The Education Reform program aims to systematically reduce weaknesses and improve the quality of education from early childhood through secondary levels of the system. The many recommendations for action include, among others, improving the quality of all school facilities, reducing pupil–teacher ratios, increasing student access to services, improving teacher training and quality of teaching, increasing parent education and involvement, and providing early screening and improved facilities for children with special needs. PLAY AND RECREATION In Jamaican society, the importance of play in children’s development is not well understood by many adults, including parents and teachers. Although parent education initiatives and improved teacher training in recent years have played an important role in increasingly sensitizing stakeholders and others to the importance and value of play, the provision of adequate and appropriate stimulating play spaces for children has been slow in coming. Research conducted locally (Samms-Vaughan 2004) has shown consistently that especially among poorer families, there are very few, if any, educational toys such as puzzles and playing blocks available for children’s use in their homes. Such toys are more likely to be found in the homes of families with higher levels of education and income. A recently completed comprehensive literature review of Caribbean research on children’s play and leisure time (Brown and Williams 2006) highlighted findings from the Profiles Project that the most common leisure activity among 80 percent of six-year-old children surveyed was watching television, in most instances without parents being involved. Most of the children read books at some point in time, but this was not consistent over the period of one month. The survey revealed that ‘‘homes had relatively little physical material to stimulate children’s
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development or encourage appropriate play’’ (Samms-Vaughn 2004, cited in Brown and Williams 2006, 9). Similarly, school environments at all levels of the education system lack adequate play and recreation facilities. Surveys of Jamaican early childhood learning environments have consistently reported conditions similar to what obtains in the homes, that is, a lack of materials to adequately stimulate children, and physical arrangements in most preschool indoor learning environments that do not facilitate effective learning through play (Brown and Williams 2006). Because planned indoor play opportunities are limited in many homes, Jamaican children tend to spend much of their playtime outdoors, romping and playing tag-like games. Purpose-built playgrounds for children are mostly seen in areas where private businesses or residential communities invest their own resources and time to build them. No special government resources are allocated to provide well-equipped public play parks or playgrounds to encourage children’s spontaneous free-play activities. Many Jamaican children, especially from rural communities, have become quite skilled at creating their own toys. The most popular among these are wooden spinning tops called ‘‘gigs,’’ as well as pull-along replicas of cars and trucks fashioned from discarded tins and boxes. Also very popular are the roughly hewn wooden go-carts that inspired the historical first Jamaican bobsled team. The local toy manufacturing industry, which was encouraged in the 1970s, declined over the years and was not sustainable because of the influx of imported toys. Today, most of the toys available in the retail sector are imported and too costly for poor families to buy. School settings at every level usually have some outdoor space designated as playground, but the majority of these provide little or no outdoor play equipment. The emphasis is on encouraging development of more formal competitive sports, such as athletics, football, netball, and the like from as early as the preschool level. For preschools and primary schools, competitive events in these sports are sponsored annually by the business community and mirror the highly acclaimed events at the secondary school level. For decades, Jamaica has been known in international circles to have the most organized approach to the development of athletics at secondary school level. The fact that today Jamaicans have a formidable reputation in world athletics has stimulated interest in protecting this dominance by beginning such preparation from the early childhood stage and ensuring its continuation though the primary and secondary school levels. At the community level, the government, through the special fund Culture, Health, Arts, Sports and Education (CHASE) and the Sports Development Foundation (SDF), helps with provision of play fields and gear to encourage development of group sports such as football, basketball, cricket, volleyball, and similar activities. The amount spent in such infrastructural work in 2005 was approximately J$262 million.
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CHILD LABOR Most Jamaican children grow up routinely sharing domestic chores within and outside the home. In a recent study (Brown 2007), children and parents across classes indicated that children begin home chores early, usually ‘‘volunteering’’ to help in the home with dishes, sweeping, and so on. These chores are formalized by about age six or seven, and both girls and boys were expected to share in home maintenance tasks. Rural children in the sample carried the heaviest loads, particularly boys, who did outdoor farming and other physical tasks in addition to the domestic tasks common to their sisters, such as sweeping the yard and house, washing dishes, washing clothes, cooking, and caring for younger siblings. Children had little say in what chores they were to do; failure to comply with parental expectations in this area is often met with punishment. While some middle-class children receive an allowance, most children cannot expect payment for these tasks. Parents sometimes reward compliant behavior with ‘‘treats’’ or special outings. While some chores were occasionally described as ‘‘male’’ (usually outdoor) and ‘‘female’’ (usually indoor) tasks, in fact both sexes were called upon to do most tasks within the home from time to time. Middle-class children were often given fewer chores as they approached the exam period at the end of primary school, which largely determines the quality of high school they will attend, and homework and school grades become the focus of parental demand for performance from the children. A Jamaica Youth Activity Survey in 2002 estimated that 16,240 children, or 2.2 percent of the age cohort between five and seventeen years, were engaged in some form of work for pay, with the majority of those between fifteen and seventeen working an average of 22 hours a week (Fox and Gordon-Strachan 2007).1 In the more recent 2005 Jamaica Youth Resiliency and Risk Behaviour Survey (Fox and Gordon-Strachan 2007), 5.4 percent of the ten- to fifteen-year-old children had jobs in addition to attending school. This is assumed to be an underestimation when work within the informal sector is considered. Work in the informal sector includes household service, buying and selling, and working in small unregistered and even illegal businesses with little protection from exploitation or opportunities for formal training or advancement. Most of these children are not abandoned or homeless, but they work to increase family income or to support their own school and social needs and are estimated to come from the poorest 20 percent of the population (Economic and Social Survey Jamaica, 1999 2000). Large numbers of working children have given up schooling, or schools have given up on them. The 1998 government statistics show 1. This is lower than a 1995 Government of Jamaica/UNICEF estimate 4–6 percent of children age six to sixteen working.
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that 22 percent of children in the twelve-to-eighteen age group are out of school; the majority of these are male, and more are from rural than from urban areas. Less than 21 percent of children aged seventeen to eighteen from the poorest quintile of the population remain enrolled in any school, compared with 87 percent from the highest quintile (Williams 2002). Most working children have few skills for earning, and many are illiterate. A 2005 survey of 3,000 in-school children ages ten to fifteen (Fox and Gordon-Strachan 2007) revealed that 9.5 percent were illiterate, 44.9 percent were considered to have basic literacy, and 45.6 percent were functionally literate. Male illiterates outnumbered female by almost four to one. There is a clear link between these realities and the number of young children working or seeking work, as well as with the social problems of crime, drug abuse, teenage pregnancy, and violence. This pool of out-of-school unskilled teens is of course open to exploitation by adults in the pornography and sex trades, local and foreign. Both young girls and boys have also found that their sexuality can earn income and other benefits to themselves and their families. Under the Child Care and Protection Act (CCPA) of 2004 (from the Child Care and Protection Act 2004 n.d.), employing a child under the age of thirteen is a punishable offense (fine or imprisonment). The only allowable exceptions for children thirteen to fifteen are when the employment is judged to be sufficiently light and age-appropriate and does not in any way interfere with the child’s education or otherwise harm his or her health or development. Such exception permits may be granted for work within the entertainment industry. However, the law specifically forbids employing children in any nightclub for any purpose (e.g., use for immoral purposes, selling liquor or tobacco products). It also can charge adults with causing a child to beg on the street or in any premises, with or without an adult present. The sale of children or their services for any purpose is strictly forbidden by law, with harsh consequences for the trafficker in such cases. As with other provisions of the CCPA, its intentions are ahead of the mechanisms of enforcement and the capacities of the state or NGOs to appropriately provide required care and protection measures. FAMILY Jamaican families, when first studied by external as well as local researchers, were most often described as ‘‘dysfunctional,’’ even ‘‘pathological,’’ because they were viewed through the normative lens of the middle-class European, who saw ‘‘family’’ as father-mother-children under one roof, usually married. In Jamaica, marriage has always been the pattern for the minority middle and upper classes, and only occasionally for the majority, and this often later on in life. Child-bearing most often begins within ‘‘visiting’’ relationships; the mother is young, often still living at home with her mother/family, and her ‘‘baby father’’ visits.
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Sometimes these relationships move to firmer ground as a common-law or even married partnership. But a national sample of children at age six indicated that at birth, 50 percent of these children’s biological parents were in a visiting relationship, 35 percent in a common-law relationship, and 15 percent were married (Samms-Vaughan 2004). By age six, 40 percent of the children’s parents had no relationship, common-law relationships had dropped to 28 percent, 6 percent remained in a visiting relationship, while a few more got married (22 percent). By age sixteen, parents with no relationship rose to 63 percent, common-law relationships were down to 10 percent, and marriage rose to 26 percent, with few visiting relationships remaining. For almost 17 percent, the father figure was now a stepfather or mother’s partner. Grandparents served as mother figure for almost 6 percent and father figure for 3 percent. Other relatives served as mother figures (3.6 percent) and father figures (2.6 percent). Migration to earn abroad plays a major role in parent absence. Households in the urban areas are over 50 percent ‘‘female-headed’’ (slightly less in rural areas), which may signal a single mother with her child(ren), or a grandmother whose offspring and children live with her. This does not mean that men are not in the household, for there may be adult sons, uncles, or boyfriends under the roof and assisting financially, but the woman is de facto household head. A visiting or absent father may be a source of financial help but does not co-reside. ‘‘Child-shifting’’ is a common experience of many Jamaican families. Child-shifting is the act of informally ‘‘giving’’ a child/children for short or long periods of time to another relative or even an unrelated person to raise, usually with the understanding that this shift is in the best interests of the child, for example, better financial circumstances, nearer to a better school, or because parents are migrating to earn and cannot yet send for the children. This pattern has been common since the exigencies of slavery and its aftermath of privation, and has enabled many children to survive and even do well who might not have otherwise done so (McDonald-Levy 1998). Data drawn from the 1996 Jamaica Survey of Living Conditions on shifted children indicated that these children were shifted mostly to kin rather than non-relatives, especially grandparents and aunts. Migration and inability to ‘‘mind’’ children (financially) were major causes of shifting. There were no gender differences among the shifted children, and an emphasis was placed on socioeconomic benefits to both parents and children; children most often were moved to richer households with older caregivers. Strong female network ties serve as the main support system for women, especially when fathers are not taking responsibility for their offspring. But child-shifting is also known to exact a heavy emotional toll on many children, and sometimes a physical one as well, if they are placed with abusive or neglectful substitutes (Ramkissoon 2006). Other studies have extended our understanding of the effects on children of parent–child
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separation from death, migration, or separation/divorce of parents (Pottinger 2005; Crawford-Brown and Rattray 2001). It was noted that the type of parental loss influenced children’s emotional reactions. Those who experienced migration as negative were likely to feel depressed and have suicidal thoughts. Parental break-up or divorce was the greatest predictor of low self-esteem, and sometimes impacted negatively on a child’s ability to form secure attachments with others and feel a sense of trust. Reunification with migrant parents also posed problems, especially if the children felt resentment or anger for being left behind. Ramkissoon (2006) confirmed earlier findings that biological parents of shifted children are still perceived to be the main caregivers, even when absent, suggesting that the receivers of children are still expected to provide everyday care and protection, rather than financial resources. Another long-standing feature of Jamaican family culture is that of multiple partners/families. Perhaps beginning in slavery when marriage of slaves was forbidden and families were routinely wrenched apart, multiple concurrent or serial relationships have resulted in both men and women having children with different partners over time. Sexual activity—and thus child-bearing—generally begins early. Although the fertility rate overall is dropping, more than 11 percent of live births are to girls in the fifteen to nineteen age group (2002–2003 Jamaica Reproductive Health Survey 2002). By the time of educational and/or financial maturity, a young father may have several ‘‘baby mothers,’’ and a mother may have several children by more than one father, each proffering hope (however elusive) of greater financial stability. A couple in an eventual stable common-law or married union may thus have one or more children ‘‘outside’’ their current relationship for whom they are actually or nominally responsible. In tight economic circumstances, the needs of ‘‘outside children’’ sometimes become secondary to those within the present union. A corollary of this pattern is that fathers who remain the more common ‘‘visiting’’ partner are sometimes discouraged or even denied access to their children because the mother’s new partner is now ‘‘stepfather,’’ or because they cannot provide financially, or because the relationship with the mother has broken down. The dynamics of the parent dyad therefore take primacy over the right of the child to know and have access to and relationships with both parents. Among the findings of a recent qualitative examination of Jamaican parenting styles among middle- and lower-class parents from rural and urban settings (Brown 2007) were the following: .
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Corporal punishment is justified on cultural/scriptural grounds as necessary by almost all parents, although some only use it rarely or in ‘‘mild’’ forms. Many parents across classes experience high levels of stress, which influence their parenting practices.
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High value is placed on children’s obedience, mannerliness, and ‘‘respect’’ for adults and their authority. Across classes, lying and stealing were strongly condemned and the influences of ‘‘bad’’ company feared. Children’s emotional/social needs are not commonly central to Jamaican parenting, and child participation in family decisions that affect them is usually minimal. All respondents described a very real commitment to their children’s education as a critical route to future success and opportunities; many of these parents were active within their children’s school PTAs and visited the school/teachers regularly. This is often linked to parents’ desire that children have more opportunities, or less poverty, or less harsh upbringing than they had. Boys are generally afforded greater freedom, particularly outside the house, and somewhat harsher discipline than are girls, although there were exceptions. The surveillance and protection of their children, especially girls, was seen as a very important responsibility of parents, particularly within community settings with high levels of violence and poverty.
The parenting styles of the study participants ranged along a continuum of harsh disciplinary regimes and non-negotiable authority at one end, and few rules or limits at the other, either by choice or by virtue of being overwhelmed and ‘‘giving up’’ authority altogether. In between are the majority who use ‘‘reasoning and beating’’—they warn or talk, then use physical punishment that can be either severe or mild, and there is generally more and varied communication between partners and between parents and children with limited physical punishment. Focus groups of children confirmed these patterns, suggesting that although children are unhappy with physical means of punishment, some have incorporated its defense as essential to parenting. The majority of Jamaican children live in conditions of urban or rural poverty. In these environments, very few have parents who read to them; limited play or reading materials and very few educational toys such as puzzles and playing blocks are in the home. There is lack of systematic supervision of children or routine in homes where parents are frequently absent or are long hours at work, and children are often late to school or play truant in these circumstances (Evans 1989). Children are expected to do regular domestic chores and many are responsible for sibling childcare and supervision (Brown 2007). The findings from a national study of six-year-olds in Jamaica (SammsVaughan 2004) indicated that the five most significant indicators (out of nineteen measured) of child outcomes in early childhood included socioeconomic status, parental education, parental stress, reading books, and
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the early childhood learning environment (e.g., preschool) outside the home. The implications for parent support needs are apparent, and to date access to parenting support and education programs is very uneven or in some communities almost absent. Health centers, churches, and schools remain the primary sources of support for parents. HEALTH Jamaica’s health indicators compare very favorably with those of developed and developing countries internationally. Over 86 percent of the population has access to safe drinking water and nearly 100 percent of the population has proper sanitary facilities. Health care is provided through a network of more than twenty-four hospitals, including five specialist institutions and over 348 Type I–V health centers. The designation of Type I–V signifies the capacity and range of services provided at a particular health center. Through a fairly well-organized primary healthcare system, children and their families can access affordable health services at reasonable cost, in spite of the resource challenges faced by many health facilities presently. Poor families who are unable to pay the cost of health care can apply to receive free services under special programs established by the government to assist such families, for example, NHF and PATH. Children and senior citizens are given priority consideration in these instances. Jamaica’s infant and child mortality rate in 2005 was 19.2 per 1,000 live births compared with 24.5 in year 2000. Immunization rates increased steadily during the 1970s as a result of the targeted improvements in primary health care throughout the island. Immunization coverage, which rose to rates of above 90 percent during the 1990s, has shown subsequent decline attributed to the problem of limited resources in the overall health sector. In 2001 the percentage rates of immunization for polio, tuberculosis, and diphtheria/tetanus/pertussis were 96.4, 91.0, and 90.4, respectively. These rates fell sharply in 2003 and 2004 to the 70 percent to 80 percent range but showed improvement for 2005 (94.5, 83.6, 87.5, and 84.0, respectively). The measles-mumps-rubella vaccination rate of 84 percent in 2001 also fell below 80 percent in 2004 but recovered to 84 percent in 2005. The government has indicated its intention to increase immunization prevalence to over 90 percent in the immediate future (Economic and Social Survey Jamaica, 2004 2005). The incidence of HIV/AIDS has continued to increase in the general population in spite of the government’s efforts to contain the spread of this disease. An estimated 20,000 children in Jamaica are affected by HIV/AIDS, and approximately 5,000 of these are orphaned. Children in the age range birth to eighteen years account for close to 10 percent of all reported AIDS cases. Adolescent girls ten to nineteen years old are three times more likely to become infected with HIV than boys of the
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same age. This is due to various factors, such as early sexual initiation involving older infected men, forced sex, and unsafe sexual practices among adolescents. Teenage pregnancy rates are much higher than desired, as adolescents account for approximately 20 percent of all births. Although AIDS is the second most prevalent cause of death among children birth to four years, the incidence of pediatric HIV/AIDS infection among children one to eight years has been trending downward in the last four years because of increased availability of Prevention of Mother to Child Transmission (PMTCT) services and increased testing of pregnant women. In spite of the existence of a national policy on dealing with HIV/AIDS in schools, infected school-aged children continue to experience discrimination and marginalization in their communities and schools. They are also poorly nourished and attend school irregularly (Economic and Social Survey Jamaica, 2005 2006) Table 9.1 provides information on the various conditions that lead to children from birth through nineteen years being seen in accident and emergency units of hospitals. Bites, poisonings, and burns occur most frequently among children five years and under. Assault and motor vehicle accidents also occur quite frequently for this age group but become the leading reasons for seeking hospital treatment among the five to nine and the ten to nineteen age groups. In most instances, males far outnumber females in number of cases that occur. Males ten to nineteen years are also involved in a significant number of incidents involving stabbings and gunshot wounds. The incidence of sexual assault is highest among girls in the five to nine and ten to nineteen age groups (Economic and Social Survey Jamaica, 2005 2006). The majority of Jamaican children are adequately nourished. Prevalence of malnutrition has been trending downward over the years. The Table 9.1. Children Birth to 19 Years Seen as Patients in Accident and Emergency Units of Public Hospitals in Jamaica by Condition, Gender, and Age, 2005 Under 5 years
5–9 years
10–19 years
Conditions
Male
Female
Male
Female
Male
Female
Burns Poisoning Bites Stab wounds Gunshot wounds Blunt injury Sexual assault Motor vehicle accidents
267 283 325 6 2 228 10 214
204 245 206 2 1 170 61 152
110 84 521 29 4 412 24 400
94 52 302 7 8 239 131 298
151 63 577 550 227 1528 18 1354
119 61 584 199 52 1225 859 1078
Source: Economic and Social Survey Jamaica, 2005 (2006).
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incidence of malnutrition in 2004 was 1.6 percent compared with 3.8 percent in 2003. The latest data on child nutrition provided by the Tropical Metabolism Research Institute (TMRI) show that children are becoming heavier and even obese. In 1966, the average weight of a sixyear-old was 19.5 kg compared with 23.2 kg in the 1990s. In 2004, the rate of obesity was 6 percent among preschool-aged children in Jamaica. Weight increase among children is perhaps linked to the rapid growth of the fast-food industry in Jamaica in recent years. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS2 The first legislation applicable to Jamaica under British rule that acknowledged the state’s obligation to protect its youngest and most vulnerable citizens was the Prevention of Cruelty to Children Act (the Children’s Charter) passed in 1889 in the U.K. Parliament. Subsequent legislation covered different aspects of child status and child protection (child labor, juvenile justice, sexual offenses against children, etc.). In 1993, Jamaica joined most countries of the world in ratifying the international CRC, which commits countries to ensure a wide range of rights for children. The passing of Jamaica’s CCPA of 2004 concluded a lengthy period of consultations with broad sectors of the society, which sought to ensure that the proposed new legislation would preserve all previous elements essential to child protection, incorporate those elements required to comply more closely with the international convention, and reflect Jamaican realities and experience. The CCPA of (March) 2004 passed after years of consultation with relevant departments of government, NGOs, and many groups and individuals committed to fulfilling the rights of children as outlined in the CRC. The new act also sought to rationalize previous and sometimes contradictory pieces of legislation relating to children or children’s welfare, and thus replaced several earlier legislative acts pertaining to children. The act defines ‘‘child’’ as any person under the age of eighteen, except where otherwise stated in a specific clause. The act’s preamble asserts that its provisions make paramount the best interests of the child, which is interpreted to take into account these facets of childhood: . . .
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safety physical and emotional needs and level of development quality of relationship with parents/caretakers and the effect of maintaining those relationships religious and spiritual views
2. This section draws substantially from two sources: The Technical Working Group for CAMP Bustamante (2006) and Jamaica Ministry of Justice Steering Committee (February 2006).
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level of education and educational requirements; views, if age and maturity allow, and situation if decision on interests is delayed.
The principles guiding the interpretation and administration of the new law include the following: .
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Children are entitled to be protected from abuse, neglect, and harm or threat of harm. A family is the preferred environment for the care and upbringing of children, and the responsibility for the protection of children rests primarily with the parents. If a family can provide a safe and nurturing environment for a child with the help of available support services, such support services should be provided. Decisions relating to the child should take into account the child’s own views when the child’s age and maturity allow. Kinship ties and the child’s attachment to the extended family should be preserved if possible. Decisions relating to children should be made and implemented in a timely manner. The parents and/or legal guardians are deemed responsible for the care and protection of children; desertion of the family or no residence with the child does not remove this responsibility from either parent. The autonomy and integrity of the family unit should be supported, and help provided, with mutual consent wherever possible. Services to the child must recognize children’s need for continuity of care and stable family relationships, and consider their physical and mental differences. Children in conflict with the law have special needs that must be recognized.
The CCPA spells out the legal process and options of the court when reports of abuse are made. Thus, a child is considered legally in need of care and protection if he or she: .
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Has no parent or guardian, or whose parent/guardian is unfit to provide care, leaving the child subject to bad associations, moral danger, and without appropriate supervision and control; Is cared for in circumstances that are likely to impair his or her physical or mental health or emotional state; Is deemed by his/her parents or guardians to be beyond their control and they request the court’s placement of the child;
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Has been victim of an offense or attempted offense committed against him or her, including: murder or manslaughter; abandonment or gross neglect; abduction; sexual acts, even if the child consents; assault; rape; any bodily injury; given or sold intoxicating liquor; is in the same household as either the victim or perpetrator of any of the above offenses.
A person convicted of any of the above offenses is liable to a fine and/or imprisonment, with or without hard labor, for periods from two months (common assault) to life imprisonment (carnal abuse of child under twelve, child rape). Fines can range from a maximum of J$1,000 (common assault) to J$1.0 to 1.5 million (cruelty to children, cruelty for monetary gain). Some convictions in Circuit Court can draw fines of even greater amounts, depending on the nature and severity of the offense (e.g., child trafficking). The law provides legal procedures for removing a child from his/her home if deemed necessary to protect the child, or, alternatively, issuing a warrant for the removal or restriction of access of the person accused of the offense against the child. On hearing the evidence, the court may: (1) return the child to the home with parents/guardian charged to provide proper care under the supervision of a probation or aftercare officer; (2) place the child with another willing person, relative or not, who is deemed fit, under the supervision of a probation or after-care officer; (3) place the child directly under supervision of a probation or aftercare officer; (4) remove a convicted offender from the home or refuse access to the child without supervision for a period up to two years; (5) prohibit contact by a convicted offender with the child’s caretaker, if warranted; (6) require that an offender and/or the children in that person’s care receive counseling from a qualified person; (7) make an interim judgment (any of the above) while further investigations are carried out to ensure the best interests of the child are paramount. Such interim judgments cannot exceed sixty days before a final disposition.
RELIGIOUS LIFE Jamaica is reputed to have the most churches per square mile in the world. The majority are Christian denominations, namely Anglicans, Methodists, Baptists, Catholics, Presbyterians, Seventh-Day Adventists, Church of God, and a variety of smaller fundamentalist/charismatic
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religious groups. This latter grouping has the fastest growing church membership in Jamaica today. The non-Christian religious groups in Jamaica include Jews, Hindus, Muslims, Bahais, and the locally founded Rastafarian sect. For the majority Christian population, children are expected to participate in religious life to the extent that their families do. The religious beliefs of parents and the wider population are a significant influence on attitudes toward and expectations of childhood behavior. The teachings of the church are regarded as a template for what is good versus what is bad child behavior and social habits. Many adherents of Christianity support biblical injunctions such as ‘‘spare the rod and spoil the child’’ and by so doing will justify the use of corporal punishment as a disciplinary strategy. Families who attend church regularly expect children of all ages to accompany them and participate in the various rituals, beginning with infant baptism or ‘‘christening.’’ It is strongly believed among devout Christians that infants should be blessed as soon after birth as possible as a form of protecting the child from evil. After infant baptism, children are expected and encouraged to become a part of the church congregation through attendance at Sunday School. Many churches presently provide nurseries for the care of very young infants during adult worship services. Children from preschool age upward attend Sunday School classes where they are tutored in the principles and practices of Christian living through Bible stories exemplifying good moral behavior. By age ten to twelve, children are considered old enough to be included in church life as individual members, and most parents enroll their children in the preparation classes leading to baptism or confirmation, which signals official recognition as an individual church member. The significant symbol of individual church membership is the entitlement to participate in the ritual of Holy Communion. The church in Jamaica has played a significant role in the education sector. Many public and private schools were founded by different church denominations. Many of Jamaica’s basic schools were first founded and are still operated by churches. Initially, they would be established in the church hall until resources allowed for erecting new buildings to house the school facilities. Religious rituals are practiced in most public and private schools, influenced by the incumbent denomination. Worship sessions are held at the start of each school day, and usually involve singing of hymns, reading Bible passages, and saying prayers. Non-Christian students are exempted from participating in Christian worship on request. In addition to the educational services, churches representing many denominations (Salvation Army, Catholic, Anglican, Methodist, United Church, Pentecostal, Church of God, and others) are very active in social service projects and programs, such as skill training for school leavers, health clinics offering primary healthcare to poor families, rehabilitation services for the disabled, orphanages for abandoned children or children whose parents have died from HIV/AIDS infection, and children’s homes for boys and girls. Food for
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the Poor, the largest organization offering support to poor families in Jamaica, is run by the Catholic Church. Religion is regarded by most Jamaican parents as an important aspect of raising children to become decent citizens. Findings from the Profiles Research Project provide a basis for understanding such a perspective, as church attendance was associated with several positive outcomes and attitudes in children. The research found that there was a very high level of church attendance (over 82 percent attending church two to three times per month) among the children surveyed. This was most evident in the Pentecostal and Evangelical churches, with smaller percentages recorded for the traditional churches (Samms-Vaughan 2004). The research found that children’s church attendance was associated with higher spelling scores and arithmetic scores. Attendance at religious services was also associated with children’s behavioral strengths, identified as interpersonal and intrapersonal strengths, family involvement, school function, and affective strengths. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Jamaicans take justifiable pride in the historical sacrifices made for their children over generations, and in the achievements that have resulted from these sacrifices. Yet the reported number of children who suffer physical and emotional abuse, neglect, and sexual exploitation within Jamaica testifies to the failure of our collective caring and sacrifice to prevent such travesties. The number of reports are growing. Jamaica’s Ministry of Health provides a table (see Table 9.2) indicating the stark rise in violence-related injuries in children between 1999 and 2002. Additional detail about the nature of these injuries is seen in Table 9.1, which reports more recent information about children (from birth to nineteen years old) seen as patients in accident and emergency units of public hospitals in 2005. Although the children who attend the ten Child and Adolescent Mental Health Clinics across Jamaica represent only a tip of the iceberg of children in need of counseling and support, the breakdown of child patient visits gives us some picture of the nature of children’s problems, many of which are related to situations involving abuse in one form or another. Of approximately 3,000 patient visits (11 months, 2005), Table 9.2. Violent Injuries of Children Violence-related injuries
1999
2000
2001
2002
Children <5 years old Children >5 years old
220 4,094
319 6,431
239 8,183
383 10,485
Source: Economic and Social Survey Jamaica, 2003 (2004).
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3 percent were for physical abuse, 15 percent were for sexual abuse, and 8 percent were for post-traumatic stress disorder (mostly witnessing or experiencing serious acts of violence). The remaining visits related to children with attention-deficit/hyperactive disorder (ADHD), conduct disorders, learning disorders, anxiety disorders, depression, psychosis, adjustment disorders, or substance abuse; many of these conditions can be associated with conditions of neglect or abuse (Economic and Social Survey 2005 2006). There are many more children whose suffering goes unnoticed or unreported, and without counseling interventions this often turns into anger or withdrawal; at this point, the child’s behavior is often redefined in families as ‘‘badness’’ or ‘‘sickness.’’ In a review of cases in 2002–2003, only 11.7 percent of the perpetrators of violence against children were strangers; 86 percent of child abuse incidents were committed by a relative, friend, acquaintance, or intimate partner (The Jamaica Injury Surveillance System Data 2004). Ninetyeight percent (773) of the 789 victims of sexual assault cases were girls, a female to male ratio of 26 to 1. Violence against children occurred most frequently in homes and in public areas (including on the streets). But the home was especially dangerous for girls, as over half of all violent acts and almost 60 percent of all sexual assaults of girls occurred in their homes (Branche 2004). In 2005, there were 2,572 children living in state-run or statesupported residential institutions, assigned by the courts upon the death of parent(s) or for abandonment, neglect, abuse, or for behavior problems the parent(s) were unable to control. The Child Development Agency, which is the state’s organization for investigating and recommending dispositions of such situations to the court, has launched a strong campaign to increase the number of foster parents for such children with some success, but the numbers assigned to residential care continue to increase. A newspaper headline in early April 2007 noted that 55 children had been abandoned to state care since the beginning of the year (Rose 2007); over 50 percent of these were between birth and six years of age. Conditions of stark poverty, unemployment, mental illness, and young/poor parenting in various combinations are usual push factors in such cases. A Ministry of Health initiative, supported by the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), established a special unit at Jamaica’s one children’s hospital (servicing children up to age twelve) dubbed ‘‘CAMP,’’ or the Child Abuse Mitigation Project, to tackle suspected cases of child abuse. This pilot provides short-term counseling interventions to children identified at registration or by referral as suspected victims of violence or neglect. Home and school visits are part of this program, as are family counseling and referral to other support services, and the sensitization and training of all levels of hospital staff to identify and refer suspected cases of abuse. Intentions are to replicate aspects of this model in other hospitals and health services island wide. However,
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the project’s effectiveness to date has been limited by the realities of long waiting lists for longer-term public counseling services, high costs of private services, slow processing of cases needing the attention and disposition of the courts, and the dearth of community-based services to support stressed families with individual and group counseling and supervised activities after school and on weekends for children. When CAMP Bustamante was able to successfully link its short-term interventions to other support services, the program recorded successful behavior change within families. Another disturbing aspect of recorded cases of violence against children is the rising incidence and costs of school-based violence. The Minister of Education cited a J$30 million government cost related to school violence in 2006–2007 fiscal year. Most of these incidents are among peers and involve pencils, stones, knives, and physical fights; some cases of teacher– student violence end up in the hospital and/or court as well. Many children leave homes and communities with high levels of corporal punishment and general violence and enter overcrowded and under-resourced schools where teachers find it increasingly difficult to handle their own stress levels and maintain order. The most disturbing statistics are the rising numbers of children murdered, often as reprisal tokens within internecine gang wars. Over 300 children were murdered between 2001 and 2005; in 2005, the number was 91 (UNICEF 2006). A study on adolescence and violence in Jamaica cites one male high school student as saying: ‘‘What I am seeing in modern society now is that nowhere is safe. Yu can be in yuh house, gunman come in, kick off yuh door an’ kill yuh. Yu can be at school, dey come shoot up the school and kill yuh. Anywhere yuh be, yu not safe. From a your time fi dead a jus’ your time, yuh si me?’’ (Williams 2002, 227). Some children try to escape these circumstances by living and working or begging on the streets. Numbers are elusive, but a newspaper article citing a 2002 Ministry of Health survey claimed the number of children who live and work on the streets as nearly 6,500 (although UNICEF figures are a more conservative 2,000–3,000). Although more than 58 percent of the children surveyed said they wanted to return home, for varied reasons those who could actually return home were less than 40 percent (Lewis 2007). Some children work on the streets washing windscreens, or selling produce or other goods for their parent(s) after school hours or on weekends to help pay their school and family expenses. Some are sent, or choose, to beg. Many are physically or sexually abused in hostile street environments. A few government and NGO programs exist to offer re-entry to school and/or greater protection to these children, but the numbers who remain out of reach remain high. An intersectoral Working Group on Children and Violence has prepared a five-year Plan of Action on Children and Violence (Intersectoral Working Group on Children and Violence 2006), which provides a coordinated and structural approach to issues pertaining to children as
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victims, perpetrators, and witnesses of acts of violence and abuse. It offers strategies and guidelines to a range of institutions for prevention, treatment, and rehabilitation initiatives. It seeks to reform policies, laws, and standards to strengthen the enforcement of children’s rights with regard to violence, to improve access to appropriate and affordable services, to strengthen family and community capacities to address issues of violence and children, to educate the public on children’s rights in relation to violence, and to improve coordination of all services working to these ends. This plan of action addresses some of the problems related to implementation and enforcement of the CCPA. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY With the changing realities of globalization, children of all nations will need to be specially prepared to cope with the complexities of life in the twenty-first century. Levinger (1996) explores the impact of rapid technological innovation on future demands of the workplace and life in general and suggests that individuals will need to be multi-skilled and more socially adaptable to be successful. The twenty-first-century worker will need to place emphasis on employability rather than employment in a highly competitive environment. As a nation, Jamaica still grapples with many challenges that impact the extent to which its population, and specifically children, are being prepared to meet the expectations of twenty-first-century work and family life. These challenges were outlined in previous sections of this chapter. It is clear from the information provided that advancement in the different facets of children’s development has not attained the level of progress desired in some instances. The government of Jamaica, as signatory to the CRC, has identified the priorities to be addressed in order to increase children’s chances of achieving their full developmental potential in becoming ready for life in the twenty-first century. This is critical in light of government’s expressed intention to put Jamaica in a position to achieve developed country status by year 2030. The Economic and Social Survey Jamaica, 2006 (2007) provides an overview of some of the government’s plans and programs intended to provide opportunities for children to become healthy, well educated, and well socialized. These initiatives will include, among others: .
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Improved child nutrition, which will result from the development and implementation of infant and child feeding policies and programs; Increased access to improved basic health care by the vulnerable of the population (includes care and support of children with HIV/AIDS); Promotion and protection of the rights of persons with disabilities through improved coordination of a wide range of cross-sectoral issues impacting persons with disabilities;
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Raising the standard of care and education programs at the early childhood level; Improved training for staff working in early childhood facilities and residential children’s homes; Development of a comprehensive parenting policy and parenting education strategy for reaching parents island wide; Increased screening and early detection for children from birth through eight years; Expansion of school spaces at early childhood through secondary levels to increase access and reduce class size and pupil-teacher ratios; Improved early childhood curriculum for children from birth to five years; Increased emphasis on the promotion of early literacy and numeracy development; Increased provisions for promoting technology readiness in schools; Expansion and promotion of the Safer Schools Programme to combat increasing violence in schools; and Promotion of the Adolescent Healthy Lifestyles Programme in schools.
Although the above initiatives are not all inclusive, they will address a range of critical activities that will go a long way in providing the appropriate supports children need as they journey into the twenty-first century. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Barrow, Christine, ed. 2002. Children’s Rights: Caribbean Realities. Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers. A compendium of presentations at an academic/research conference on the issues of child rights within the context of the Caribbean. Many of the Caribbean articles cited are relevant to Jamaican experience, and several are specific to Jamaica. Caribbean Childhoods: Journal of the Children’s Issues Coalition Volume 1: Contemporary Issues in Early Childhood (2003) Volume 2: Children at Risk (2005) This research journal is based at the University of the West Indies (Jamaica campus), and the majority of articles in the 2003 and 2005 journal issues concern Jamaican family/child studies. Caribbean Journal of Social Work, Volumes 1 (2002) through 5 (2006), Lincoln Williams, ed. Covers many articles on Jamaican family life, culture, and community development. Cherannes, Barry. 2001. Learning to Be a Man: Culture, Socialization and Gender Identity in Five Caribbean Communities. Kingston: University of the West Indies Press. This work is a qualitative study of the processes by which male children are socialized in three Caribbean countries: Dominica, Guyana, and Jamaica.
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Davies, Rose. 2000. ‘‘Investing in Early Education and Development in Jamaica: Perspectives, Problems and Possibilities.’’ Journal of Education and Development in the Caribbean 4, no. 2: 75–92. This article provides an overview of the status of the early childhood sector in Jamaica, the relatively low public sector investment, and the resultant poor quality of many preschool services. Suggestions are made for achieving improvements to the sector. Evans, Hyacinth. 2001. Inside Jamaican Schools. Kingston: University of West Indies Press. An ethnography of life in Jamaican school settings that exposes the experiences of those who work and learn in schools and examines how children’s identities are shaped in their interaction with others in the school setting. Leo-Rhynie, Elsa. 2006. Social Toxins and Our Children: Can the Pollution be Stopped? Environmental Foundation of Jamaica Annual Public Lecture. Kingston: Environmental Foundation of Jamaica, 18 Norwood Avenue, Kingston 5, Jamaica. This lecture focuses on how children’s development is significantly influenced by ‘‘social toxins’’ and proposes strategies for stopping the pollution. Planning Institute of Jamaica and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). 2005. Jamaica Human Development Report 2005. Kingston: Planning Institute of Jamaica. A collection of papers on several issues related to Jamaica: economy, education, health, culture, and other social issues in the context of globalization. Samms-Vaughan, Maureen. 2000. Cognition, Educational Attainment and Behaviour in a Cohort of Jamaican Children. Kingston: Planning Institute of Jamaica. This document focuses on the impact of socioeconomic status, home and family life, nutrition, and early childhood education on school performance, cognitive function, and behavior. ———. 2006. Children Caught in the Crossfire. Kingston: Grace Kennedy Foundation Annual Lecture Series. Grace Kennedy Foundation, 73 Harbor Street, Kingston, Jamaica. This lecture examines the current state of childhood in Jamaica and the many challenges children face as a result of the ‘‘crossfire’’ between the adults in their lives.
Nonprint Resources Cool Runnings. 1993. Directed by Jon Turteltaub. Walt Disney Productions. 98 min. DVD. This comedy film is directed by Jon Turteltaub. It is loosely based on the exploits of the Jamaican bobsled team at Calgary, Alberta, in the 1988 Winter Olympics. It stars Leon Robinson, Doug E. Doug, Malik Yoba, Rawle D. Lewis, and John Candy. Life and Debt. 2001. Documentary film directed by Stephanie Black. A Tuff Gong Pictures Production. 86 min. This prize-winning film explores the effects of globalization and neoliberal economic policies on Jamaica and the Jamaican people, contrasting international tourism with the realities of structural adjustment and economic difficulties. Excerpts from Jamaica Kincaid’s A Small Place and reggae music provide a rich cultural backdrop for the messages of the film. As Director Stephanie Black explained in an interview, ‘‘The aim of the film was to clarify, simplify and make visible an essentially invisible subject matter—the impact of economic policies on the day to day
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lives of people whom these policies are ostensibly supposed to benefit but actually don’t.’’ The Rural Family Support Organization (RuFamSo), located in Clarendon, Jamaica, is a nongovernmental entity that provides an educational home-visiting child development program in rural areas of Jamaica. The organization has developed a kit of materials that includes: 1. The Roving Caregivers Early Childhood Home Visiting Programme: Guide for Training Rovers (Compiled by Myrtle Daley) 2. Video: Roving Caregivers Training Video ‘‘Play and the Young Child’’ (22 minutes) 3. Video: ‘‘The Making of a Competent Caregiver’’ (27 minutes) 4. CD: Songs Children Love to Sing 5. Cassette Taped Music: Children’s Songs: Have Fun and Learn 35 Years of Child Development in the Caribbean. 1999. CD. Kingston: Dudley Grant Memorial Trust, University of West Indies.
Web Sites Broadcasting Commission, http://www.broadcastingcommission.org. Caribbean Child Development Centre, University of the West Indies, http:// www.uwi.edu/ccdc. Child Development Agency, http://www.cda.gov.jm. Culture Health Arts Sports and Education Fund (CHASE), http://www .chase.org.jm. Early Childhood Commission, http://www.ecc.gov.jm. Environmental Foundation of Jamaica (EFJ), http://www.efj.org.jm. Jamaica Social Investment Fund (JSIF), http://www.jsif.org. Ministry of Education and Youth (MOEY), http://www.moeyc.gov.jm. Ministry of Health (MOH), http://www.moh.gov.jm. Parenting Partners Caribbean, http://www.parentingpartnerscaribbean.org. Planning Institute of Jamaica. http://www.pioj.gov.jm. UNICEF Jamaica, http://www.unicef.org/Jamaica. University of the West Indies, Mona Campus, http://www.mona.uwi.edu.
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Organizations and NGOs Broadcasting Commission 53 Knutsford Boulevard Kingston 5, Jamaica Phone: (876) 908-0957 Web site: http://www.broadcastingcommission.org The Commission has undertaken a leading role in promoting healthy child development and early education, including promoting research, setting standards, and in collaboration with UNESCO, supporting a children’s literacy project. Caribbean Child Development Centre University of the West Indies Mona Campus Kingston 7, Jamaica Phone: (876) 927-1618 Web site: http://www.uwi.edu/ccdc The Centre provides a comprehensive database on research on children’s issues. It is also the base for the journal Caribbean Childhoods: From Research to Action. Volume 1: Contemporary Issues in Early Childhood (2003) Volume 2: Children at Risk (2005) Volume 3: Screening, Referral and Early Intervention (2007) Child Development Agency 2–4 King Street Kingston, Jamaica Phone: (876) 948-2841 Web site: http://www.cda.gov.jm Jamaica’s principal government child development agency, which performs a wide range of functions related to children’s welfare and well-being. Culture Health Arts Sports and Education Fund Ltd. (CHASE) 52 Grenada Crescent Kingston 5, Jamaica Phone: (876) 908-3667 Web site: http://www.chase.org.jm This organization provides funding support for a wide range of projects in the areas indicated. It places special focus on early childhood education and has supported many projects to improve infrastructure of school plants. Early Childhood Commission Shop 45, Kingston Mall Kingston, Jamaica Phone: (876) 922-9296/7 Web site: http://www.ecc.gov.jm A recently established agency with overall responsibility for overseeing the comprehensive delivery of early childhood programs and services in Jamaica. Environmental Foundation of Jamaica (EFJ) 18 Norwood Avenue
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Kingston 5, Jamaica Phone: (876) 960-6744 Web site: http://www.efj.org.jm A non-governmental organization involved in a wide range of environmental and sustainable development projects. These include a number of early childhood development projects. Jamaica Social Investment Fund (JSIF) 1c-1f Pawsey Road Kingston 5, Jamaica Phone: (876) 906-2869 Web site: http://www.jsif.org A government-established organization that provides funding support for community development projects aimed at improving the welfare and well-being of the poor. Ministry of Education and Youth (MOEY) 2 National Heroes Circle Kingston 4, Jamaica Phone: (876) 922-1400 Web site: http://www.moeyc.gov.jm The government ministry with responsibility for all levels of education and youth development. Ministry of Health (MOH) 2–4 King Street Kingston, Jamaica Phone: (876) 967-1100 Web site: http://www.moh.gov.jm The ministry of government responsible for population health programs and health surveillance. Office of the Children’s Advocate 72 Harbour Street Kingston, Jamaica Phone: (876) 948-1134 The children’s advocate provides legal representation on children’s issues and advises government on legislative reform to safeguard children’s interests. Parenting Partners Caribbean 15 St. Lucia Way Kingston 10, Jamaica Phone: (876) 920-4299 Web site: http://www.parentingpartnerscaribbean.org This Jamaica-based organization provides information on training and projects, such as a regional radio project, for parents in Jamaica and across the region. Also linked to this site are: Caribbean Food and Nutrition Institute (CFNI), Caribbean Support Initiative (CSI), Pediatric Association of Jamaica, and Women’s Centre of Jamaica.
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Planning Institute of Jamaica 10-12 Grenada Way Kingston 5, Jamaica Phone: (876) 906-4463 Web site: http://www.pioj.gov.jm The Institute’s Web site provides access to statistical data and reports on Jamaica, as well as a range of special interest publications, such as the annual survey of living conditions, the annual economic and social survey of Jamaica, studies on parenting, readiness of schools for children, the impact of violence on children, and the range of social and economic conditions affecting children’s lives. UNICEF Jamaica 60 Knutsford Boulevard Kingston 5, Jamaica Phone: (876) 926-7584 Web site: http://www.unicef.org/jamaica UNICEF’s office in Jamaica undertakes research, situational assessments of women and children, and projects in cooperation with the government of Jamaica. Meeting Adolescent Development and Participation Rights: The Findings of Five Research Studies on Adolescents in Jamaica is a particularly useful resource published in 2002. University of the West Indies, Mona Campus Kingston 7, Jamaica Phone: (876) 927-1660 Web site: http://www.mona.uwi.edu This Mona Campus Web site provides links to the work of the Institute of Education, Tropical Metabolism Research Institute, Sir Arthur Lewis Institute of Social and Economic Research, and other research centers of the university undertaking work on children’s issues such as poverty, migration, and violence. Publications of the University include Caribbean Quarterly (Email: [email protected]), a journal that regularly explores children’s issues. For example, the March 2004 issue (volume 50, number 1) explored HIV/AIDS education in the region with a particular focus on Jamaica.
Selected Bibliography Branche, C. 2004. The Jamaica Injury Surveillance System Data. Kingston: Ministry of Health. Brown, Janet. 2007. They Loved Him So Much He Growed: Childrearing and Child Participation in Jamaica. Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Promundo and Save the Children Sweden. Brown, Janet, and Sian Williams. 2006. Childrearing and Cultures: A Literature Review. Research Approaches and Findings on Childrearing and Socialization of Children (Birth to Eight Years of Age) in the Caribbean. Unpublished manuscript. Bridgetown, Barbados, W.I.: Caribbean Support Initiative. Crawford-Brown, Claudette P.J., and J. Melrose Rattray. 2001. ‘‘Parent-Child Relationships in Caribbean Families.’’ In Culturally Diverse Parent-Child and
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Family Relationships: A Guide for Social Workers and Other Practitioners. Edited by Nancy Boyd Webb. New York: Columbia University Press, pp. 107–130. Economic and Social Survey Jamaica, 1999. 2000. Kingston: Planning Institute of Jamaica. Economic and Social Survey Jamaica, 2003. 2004. Kingston: Planning Institute of Jamaica. Economic and Social Survey Jamaica, 2004. 2005. Kingston: Planning Institute of Jamaica. Economic and Social Survey Jamaica, 2005. 2006. Kingston: Planning Institute of Jamaica. Economic and Social Survey Jamaica, 2006. April 2007. Kingston: Statistical Institute of Jamaica and Planning Institute of Jamaica. Evans, Hyacinth. 1989, ‘‘Perspectives on the Socialisation of the Working Class Jamaican Child.’’ Social and Economic Studies 38, no. 3: 177-2-3. Fox, Kristin, and Georgiana Gordon-Strachan. 2007. Jamaican Youth Risk and Resilience Behavior Survey 2005: School-based Survey on Risk and Resiliency Behaviors of 10–15 Year Olds. Kingston: Ministry of Health, USAID, MEASURE Evaluation. From the Child Care and Protection Act 2004. (n.d.) Implementation Handbook for Professionals: A Publication of the Child Development Agency. Ministry of Health, with support of UNICEF and Planning Institute of Jamaica. Intersectoral Working Group on Children and Violence. September 2006. National Plan of Action on Children and Violence. Kingston: Planning Institute of Jamaica. Jamaica Ministry of Justice Steering Committee. February 2006. Final Draft, National Plan of Action on Child Justice. Kingston: Ministry of Justice. Leo-Rhynie, Elsa. 2006. Social Toxins and Our Children. Can the Pollution Be Stopped? Kingston: Environmental Foundation of Jamaica. Levinger, Beryl. 1996. Critical Transitions: Human Capacity Development across the Lifespan. Newton, MA: Education Development Center. Lewis, Taneisha. 2007. ‘‘No Night Out for Street Kids.’’ Jamaica Observer, April 5. http://www.jamaicaobserver.com/news/html/20070404T230000-0500_12 1358_OBS_NO_NIGHT_OUT_FOR_STREET_KIDS.asp. Accessed April 25, 2007. McDonald-Levy, Brigette. 1998. Two Sides of the Same Coin: Child Fostering and Child Shifting in Jamaica. Masters Thesis, Consortium Graduate School, University of the West Indies. Pottinger, Audrey. 2005. ‘‘Disrupted Caregiving Relationships and Emotional Wellbeing in School Age Children Living in Inner-city Communities.’’ In Caribbean Childhoods, Journal of the Children’s Issues Coalition, Volume 2: Children at Risk. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers. pp. 38–57. Ramkissoon, Marina. 2006. Descriptions of Child Shifting in Jamaican Children. Draft for publication. Roopnarine, Jaipaul L. 2005. The Roving Caregiver Programme in Jamaica: Its Theoretical and Research Foundations and Efficacy. The Hague, Netherlands: Bernard van Leer Foundation. Rose, Marshalynn. 2007. ‘‘55 Kids ‘Dumped’ over 11 Months.’’ Jamaica Observer, April 15. http://www.jamaicaobserver.com/news/html/20070414T1400 00-0500_121745_OBS_KIDS_DUMPED_OVER_MONTHS_.asp. Accessed April 25, 2007.
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Samms-Vaughan, Maureen. 2004. Profiles–The Jamaican Pre-school Child: The Status of Early Childhood Development in Jamaica. Kingston: Planning Institute of Jamaica and Environmental Foundation of Jamaica. Survey of Living Conditions 2005. 2006. Kingston: Statistical Institute of Jamaica and Planning Institute of Jamaica. Task Force on Educational Reform. 2004. Jamaica: A Transformed Education System, Report. Kingston: Office of the Prime Minister. ———. 2005. Jamaica Early Childhood Care and Development Sector Report, March 2005. Kingston: Office of the Prime Minister. The Technical Working Group for CAMP Bustamante. 2006. Responding to Child Abuse: A Training Resource to Guide Jamaica’s Hospitals and Support Services in Responding Effectively to Abused Children and Their Families. Kingston: Ministry of Health, UNICEF. 2002–2003 Jamaica Reproductive Health Survey. 2002. Kingston: Jamaica National Family Planning Board in collaboration with the Statistical Institute of Jamaica. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 2006. Annual Report (Internal). The 2007–2011 Government of Jamaica/UNICEF Country Programme. Williams, Lincoln. 2002. ‘‘Adolescence and Violence in Jamaica.’’ pp. 226–280 in Meeting Adolescent Development and Participation Rights: The Findings of Five Research Studies on Adolescents in Jamaica. Kingston: UNICEF/UNFPA. Williams, Sian. 1999. Sexual Violence and Exploitation of Children in Latin America and the Caribbean: The Case of Jamaica. Montevideo, Uruguay: Inter-American Institute with Caribbean Child Development Centre, University of West Indies, Mona.
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MEXICO Fernando M. Reimers and Felicia Knaul NATIONAL PROFILE Mexico is a large, upper/middle-income country. The economy is the fourteenth largest in the world (World Bank 2006). In terms of geographic area, Mexico spans 1,964,375 km2 and borders with the United States, Guatemala, and Belize (Instituto Nacional de Estadıstica, Geografıa e Informatica [INEGI] 2006a). In 2005, the country included 22,790,188 households and 103,263,388 persons, of whom 30.6 percent are aged birth to fourteen years (INEGI 2006b). Mexico is a multicultural nation that is home to numerous indigenous groups. Over six million inhabitants speak one or more of the over eighty languages and variant indigenous dialects (INEGI 2006b). The National Commission for the Development of Indigenous People states that these groups of people are divided into sixty-two ethnicities, many of which represent thousand-year-old cultures, languages, and traditions (Comisi on Nacional para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Indıgenas 2006). During the last sixty years, Mexico has been going through profound and polarized demographic and epidemiological transitions. Life expectancy at birth rose from forty years in 1943 to 74.5 in 2006, and the total fertility rate fell from 6 children in 1976 to 2.2 in 2006. Currently, the
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annual rate of population growth is 1 percent (Consejo Nacional de Poblaci on 2006; INEGI 2006a). While the population is still young— more than 50 percent is currently aged twenty-five or under—the aging process is advancing rapidly. The number of children six years old or younger is declining at an annual rate of just below 1 percent, and the group that is growing rapidly is aged sixty-five and over. In 2000, approximately one in twenty Mexicans was older than sixty-five, while by 2050 this figure will be one in four (Consejo Nacional de Poblaci on 2006). This demographic transition represents an opportunity and a challenge; in a decade, most of the population will be of working age and the conditions facing children at present will have a profound impact on Mexican society when today’s children constitute the majority of the population. More than 76 percent of the population lives in urban areas, particularly concentrated in three major megalopolis areas: Mexico City,1 Guadalajara, and Monterrey. At the same time, the growth—both in number and population—of medium-sized cities has been intense during the last twenty years (INEGI 2006b). However, the rural population continues to represent a great challenge, particularly in terms of the provision of services. The rural areas are highly dispersed, and 72 percent of the 187,938 localities in the country have less than 100 inhabitants.2 This dispersion is linked to poverty, which in turn is related to geographical conditions that make access to small communities difficult. Based on advances over the past decades, the country enjoys a more open economic and political system than ever before and is more integrated into the world economy. For example, Mexico has been a member of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Economic Development (OECD) since 1994. Mexico is a federal republic composed of thirty-one states and the Federal District. The country is a democracy with a presidential system and a division of responsibilities between the executive, legislative, and judicial systems (Secretarıa de Gobernaci on 2006). Both presidential and statelevel elections take place every six years. The Mexican political system is one of multiple parties, with the three dominant ones being the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), National Action Party (PAN), and Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD). A defining characteristic of the Mexican political system was the political transition that took place after the electoral victory of the PAN in 2000. The inauguration of Vicente Fox as president represented both a change of power after more than 1. Mexico City includes most of the Federal District. The Federal District has around 8 million inhabitants. The Zona Metropolitana del Valle de M e xico extends beyond the limit of the Distrito Federal and covers part of the State of Mexico and one municipality of the State of Hidalgo, and about 20 million people live in the Zona Metropolitana. 2. Authors’ estimations based on INEGI 2005b.
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seventy years under PRI rule and a move to more transparent electoral processes. The continual process of decentralization to the states that has been undertaken for more than two decades also represents a significant political transition. The states now have substantial margin to pass laws, assign budgets, and organize programs in all sectors and levels of government. Mexico has one of the highest levels of per capita income in Latin America at 7,411 dollars in 2005.3 Basic living standards and conditions are also, on average, quite high. In 2005, 88 percent of the 22,261,664 homes registered in Mexico had running water, 85 percent had drainage, and 97 percent had electricity (INEGI 2006b). Almost 75 percent of the population aged fourteen and over was economically active in 2005, and of these, 63 percent were men (INEGI 2005a). Female labor force participation, while substantially lower than that of men, has increased rapidly over the past four decades, representing one of the key social transitions in Mexico. This rate is now approximately 40 percent (INEGI 2006c). At the same time, women are especially prone to having to manage the double burden of household work and caregiving, alongside their labor market participation (Del Razo Martınez 2003). Although the country has made important gains in access to services and income per capita growth, poverty rates remain high. In a recent study, the World Bank documents a continual reduction between 1998 and 2004 in the proportion of households living on less than $2 per day from more than 25 percent to almost 15 percent (World Bank 2005). This means that despite improvements, several million families do not earn enough income to cover their basic needs. At the same time, substantial variation continues to exist in living conditions and economic development between rich and poor, the north and south, and the urban and rural areas. Inequality is pervasive: the richest 10 percent of the population receives over 40 percent of total income, while the poorest tenth receives only 1.1 percent (Tuiran Gutierrez 2006). There are also deep regional and ethnic disparities and differences in access to basic services. These gaps are usually associated with place of residence and with ethnic status. The National Population Council reports that of the thirtytwo federal entities that make up Mexico, three have very high indices of ‘‘marginalization’’ (an expanded measure of poverty that includes income and access to services, as well as literacy and percentage with primary education completed), eight are categorized as high, seven as medium, ten as low, and only four as very low (Consejo Nacional de Poblaci on 2005). Poverty and social deprivation are particularly common among indigenous populations. The presence of these communities constitutes an 3. Authors’ calculations based on INEGI 2006d, Consejo Nacional de Poblaci on 2005, and Banco de Mexico 2006.
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expression of the great cultural wealth and diversity that exists Population: 108,700,891 (July 2007 est.) in Mexico. However, largely Life expectancy at birth: 74.5 years (2006 est.) due to the isolation and geoLiteracy rate: 92.2 percent (2003 est.) graphical dispersion of the maNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 98 percent jority of their settlements, but (2000–2005) also as a result of decades of Internet users: 18.622 million (2005 est.) exclusion, indigenous people People living with HIV/AIDS: 180,000 (2005 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 9 suffer from underdevelopment and much lower living standards Sources: CIA World Factbook: Mexico. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ than the general population. Of publications/factbook/geos/mx.html. April 17, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Mexico–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ the eleven municipalities with a infobycountry/mexico_statistics.html. April 24, 2007; World human development index of Health Organization (WHO): UNAIDS/WHO Global HIV/AIDS less than 0.5 in Mexico, eight Online Database. ‘‘Epidemiological Fact Sheets on HIV/AIDS and Sexuality Transmitted Diseases: Mexico.’’ http://www.who.int/ are communities in which pracGlobalAtlas/predefinedReports/EFS2006/index.asp?str tically the entire population, SelectedCountry¼MX. December 2006; United Nations more than 98 percent, is indigeDevelopment Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006 – Mexico. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ nous. Of the 122 municipalities data_sheets/cty_ds_MEX.html. April 26, 2007. that score poorly on the human development index, in fifty-five of them more than 95 percent of the population is indigenous; and in thirty-five of these municipalities indigenous people represent between 70 and 95 percent (Comisi on Nacional para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Indıgenas 2006). During the last decades, families in Mexico have experienced transformations reflected in an increase in the percentage of nonnuclear families and an increase in the percentage of single-parent families, most of which are headed by women. In 1970, 80 percent of the families were headed by two parents. In 1997, two-parent families accounted for only 67 percent of all families. The percentage of families headed by women increased from 13 percent in 1960 to 21 percent in 2000 (INEGI 2000b). KEY FACTS – MEXICO
OVERVIEW The national education system is dominated by public institutions, although private educational institutions are also important and cover 8.72 percent of primary and lower-secondary and upper-secondary students (Secretarıa de Educaci on P ublica 2006). A total of three years of preschool and nine years of basic education (primary and lower secondary) are constitutionally free and mandatory. The level of educational attainment of the population has increased dramatically as has coverage. The average number of years of education went from 3.4 to 8.1 between 1970 and 2005. Still, more than 40 percent of Mexicans aged fifteen and over have not completed secondary education. Primary school attendance
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has gone from 65.7 percent to 96.1 percent between 1970 and 2005, and secondary school attendance from 52.6 percent to 82.5 percent (INEGI 2006b). EDUCATION Although access to education has increased significantly in Mexico over the last several decades, the low quality and efficiency of the education system, which lead many students to drop out of school before completing the mandatory nine years of basic education, have resulted in a significantly smaller increase in the levels of educational attainment of the economically active population in Mexico than in other OECD countries. At present, the national education system includes 31 million students, most in primary schools as shown in Table 10.1. During the last three decades, the education priority was to expand access to primary school, which comprised six years of compulsory instruction. From 1970 to 2005, the number of students in elementary school increased 60 percent. In 1993 an education reform expanded compulsory education to nine years. Most recently priority was also given to achieving three years of universal preschool education. As shown in Table 10.2, relative to the total number of children in the relevant age group, enrollments increased between 1970 and 2005 in preschool (ages three to five) from 8 percent to 70 percent, in elementary school (ages six to twelve) from 92 percent to 97 percent, from 31 percent to 92 percent in lower secondary school (ages thirteen to fifteen), from 7 percent to 42 percent in high school (ages sixteen to nineteen),
Table 10.1. Number of Students Enrolled at Different Levels of Education in Mexico from 1970, in Thousands
Total Preschool Elementary Lower secondary Technical high school High school Normal high school (teacher training) Normal bachelor (teacher training) Bachelor Graduate
1970
1975
1985
1995
2004
11,538.87 400.13 9,248.19 1,102.22 33.86 279.49 55.94
15,480.58 537.09 11,461.41 1,898.053 78.38 607.96 111.50
25,253.79 2,381.41 15,124.16 4,179.46 359.13 1,538.10 64.70
26,915.64 3,169.95 14,623.43 4,687.33 387.98 2,050.68 —
31,816.90 4,086.82 14,652.87 5,894.35 362.83 3,185.08 —
126.35
160.03
146.30
1,033.08 39.67
1,295.04 77.76
2,087.69 150.85
19.03
41.86
252.231 —
501.251 —
Source: Instituto Nacional para la Evaluaci on de la Educaci on (2006).
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Table 10.2. Gross Enrollment Rates at Different Levels of Education
Preschool Elementary Secondary High school College
Ages
1970
1990
2000
2005
3–5 6–12 13–15 13–19 20–24
7.92 92.13 31.54 7.07 13.07
42.24 97.96 68.05 22.53 29.35
51.13 95.47 84.96 32.83 39.92
69.54 96.86 91.81 42.13 23.95
Source: INEGI (2006b) and Secretarıa de Educaci on P ublica (2006).
and from 13 percent to 24 percent in college (ages twenty to twentyfour). Most children begin elementary school at the age of six (69 percent), but a few begin at the ages of five (11 percent) and seven (16 percent).4 Most children attend preschool for at least one year. In 2004, 21 percent of sixth graders reported that they had attended one year of preschool, 22 percent had attended two years, 26 percent had attended three years, and the rest had attended more years. A new law mandating three years of free and compulsory preschool (passed in 2002) will increase access to this level of education. Most schools, particularly at the precollegiate level, are publicly funded. Ninety-one percent of all basic education institutions (grades one through nine) are public, and 75 percent of high schools are publicly funded. Funding for education has consistently increased in the last fifteen years; public education spending increased from 3.7 percent of GDP in 1990 to 5.5 percent in 2005. Education spending has also become a greater priority within public spending in general, accounting for 19 percent of total government spending in 1990 and 28 percent in 2005. In spite of this relatively large fiscal effort to fund education, because a large share of Mexico’s population is of school-going age, on a per capita basis Mexico spends less per student than most other countries at comparable or higher levels of economic development, as shown in Table 10.3. Income inequality in Mexico is related to inequality in educational attainment. In 2004, for example, 63 percent of heads of household in the two poorest income deciles had not completed elementary school, compared with only 12 percent of the heads of household in the two richest deciles who had not completed this level of education. Conversely, while only 18 percent of the household heads in the two poorest deciles had completed lower secondary school, 75 percent of the household heads in the two richest deciles had the same level of education. In recent years, in spite of the gradual increase in the levels of educational 4. Unless otherwise noted the figures provided in this chapter are authors’ calculations based on a random sample survey of sixth graders that was administered by the Instituto Nacional de Evaluaci on de la Educaci on in 2004.
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Table 10.3. Per-pupil Spending, by Level, as a Percentage of Per Capita GDP in OECD Countries (using Purchasing Parity Prices of 2002 in dollars) Country Australia Austria Belgium Canada Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungaryb Iceland Ireland Italyb Japan Korea Luxembourg Mexico Holland New Zealand Norway Poland Portugal Slovak Republic Spain Sweden Switzerlandb Turkeyb United Kingdom United States of America a b
Preschool
Primary
Secondary
High School
Collegea
n/d 19.92 14.95 n/d 15.60 14.59 12.31 15.63 18.72 n/d 22.52 n/d n/d 19.53 12.04 12.12 n/d 15.93 16.13 19.76 n/d 21.46 21.41 16.13 16.25 13.82 9.92 n/d 28.74 21.77
17.77 22.64 19.16 n/d 11.89 24.12 15.95 17.44 17.02 18.44 19.55 23.43 11.79 25.94 19.95 17.25 21.82 14.23 18.21 19.27 18.71 n/d 25.43 11.17 19.41 24.03 22.37 n/d 17.51 22.24
24.29 28.03 n/d n/d 20.62 24.82 25.69 27.09 21.25 n/d 18.38 24.62 16.08 28.96 21.55 24.45 n/d 14.33 23.77 19.29 21.28 n/d 34.63 13.71 n/d 23.80 26.46 n/d n/d 23.95
27.19 29.46 n/d n/d 20.94 25.14 20.23 32.19 36.58 n/d 23.16 20.21 16.25 25.90 23.72 32.76 n/d 23.06 20.49 31.14 28.69 n/d 36.83 20.44 n/d 25.81 42.26 n/d n/d 26.54
30.31 25.12 28.08 n/d 28.42 36.23 22.98 25.30 24.82 21.20 42.12 n/d 21.79 n/d n/d n/d n/d 51.38 26.13 n/d n/d 33.53 24.16 33.44 25.49 26.35 n/d 60.09 30.49 51.31
Does not include spending in research and development. Includes only public institutions.
Note: n/d, no data. Source: Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (2005).
attainment of the population, the gaps in educational attainment separating the richest and poorest groups have grown because the levels of education have increased more among upper-income families. Whereas in 1984 the percentage of household heads without elementary school in the two poorest deciles was three times greater than the same percentage in the two richest deciles (89 percent versus 30 percent), the gap between these two groups became five times greater in 2004 (63 percent versus
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12 percent) because the gains in educational attainment were greater for the groups with more income (Bracho 2000; INEGI 2004b). At the heart of these educational inequalities are the lower opportunities to enroll in schools with quality teachers and to access lower secondary, high school, and college education for children in the lowest income groups, for those who live in rural areas, for those who live in the southern states, and for indigenous groups. The evidence reveals that the stratification of the education system reproduces social stratification in Mexico. Among those older than fifteen years, almost half (47.3 percent) have not studied beyond sixth grade of elementary instruction. Most of these are low-income and indigenous people. In spite of the fact that since 1993 lower secondary education is compulsory in Mexico, the last census indicates that 58 percent of youth between twelve and fourteen years old have not completed any grade beyond sixth grade of elementary instruction. This is due to the high rates of repetition in elementary school, which cause some in this age group to be still enrolled in elementary school, and also because many students drop out of school before completing lower secondary education. At the elementary level, 9 percent of students drop out before completing this level; at the lower secondary level 20 percent of the students drop out; and 39 percent of the students drop out of high school. While most students attend school until the age of fourteen, there is a precipitous drop after that age, as seen in Table 10.4. While 94 percent of boys are enrolled in school at the age of fourteen, this figure drops to Table 10.4. Percentage of Boys and Girls Attending School in 2006 by Age Percentage Age (in years) 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24
Boys
Girls
98 94 94 86 87 76 62 53 42 46 46 20 24
98 97 82 85 72 78 64 52 33 34 24 25 13
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from Instituto Nacional de la Juventud, Encuesta Nacional de la Juventud 2005–2006.
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86 percent at the age of fifteen and to 76 percent at the age of seventeen. For girls, 97 percent of whom are enrolled in school at the age of thirteen, the figure drops to 82 percent at the age of fourteen and to 78 percent at the age of seventeen. Given that the official entry age of elementary school is six years, in theory at the age of fifteen students should have completed the ninth grade of compulsory basic education. Because of high rates of grade repetition in elementary school, in practice only 31 percent of the students aged fifteen have completed nine grades of schooling.5 Grade repetition is a common experience in Mexico; 23 percent of the sixth graders report that they have repeated at least one grade.6 Almost a million youth (930,000) twelve to fourteen years of age do not attend school, representing 14.5 percent of that age group. Exclusion from the last tranche of compulsory schooling is greater for women, for indigenous people, and for those in the south. In Chiapas, for instance, more than 25 percent of twelve- to fourteen-year-olds do not attend school. Among those who speak an indigenous language, 23.4 percent do not attend school, compared with 13.9 percent of those who do not speak an indigenous language. Timely completion rates for elementary instruction are 86.3 percent, but only 72 percent in indigenous schools. Among those who finish elementary school, only 93 percent begin lower secondary school. There are significant regional differences in educational opportunity. For example, in the southern state of Chiapas, the average level of educational attainment for those aged fifteen to sixty-four is 5.6 years, and the illiteracy rate is 21 percent, compared with Baja California, in the northwest, where average educational attainment is 8.6 years and the illiteracy rate is 3 percent. In the state of Zacatecas, the percentage of school-aged children not enrolled in school among those who do not speak an indigenous language is 10.9 percent, whereas among those who speak an indigenous language, 40 percent do not attend school. The levels of educational achievement reflected in curriculum-based tests and in international assessments of competencies in math and literacy are low. The results obtained by Mexican students who are fifteen years old in the OECD’s Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), a competency assessment administered in OECD countries in 2000 and 2003, are among the lowest of all countries participating in the study. For example, more than a third of students performed below the minimum level of mathematical competency measured by the assessment, and about a fourth of the students performed below the minimum level of literacy competency measured by the assessment in 2003 (Vidal and Dıaz 2004). 5. Figures from INEGI 2000b. 6. Authors’ calculations are based on data collected in a random sample survey of sixthgrade students administered in 2004 by the Instituto Nacional de Evaluaci on de la Educaci on.
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PLAY AND RECREATION As part of Mexico’s rich cultural traditions, children’s play is common and a widely shared value across most communities. A number of government-sponsored institutions celebrate and maintain traditional games and songs as a means to support the development of cultural identity. Economic demands on families place significant demands on children’s time, often limiting the opportunity to play or practice sports. About half of children practice sports, and three in five children play and watch television. Around 25 percent of children have a computer at home, 39 percent have a DVD player, and only 60 percent have ever used a computer. When asked how they spent their time, 26 percent of sixth graders surveyed in a 2004 study said they took care of siblings, 10 percent cooked meals for the family, 15 percent washed clothes for the family, 46 percent cleaned the house, 9 percent ironed clothes, and 14 percent farmed. In addition, 26 percent of students said that they have a job, and 20 percent received an income for that job. There is a gendered division of children’s work and use of free time, as shown in Table 10.5. Boys are more likely to practice sports than girls and as likely as girls to watch television. Girls are more likely to perform household chores, such as cooking for the family, doing laundry, cleaning the house or ironing, and boys are more likely to work in the fields or to hold jobs outside the house. Boys spend Table 10.5. How Do Sixth Graders Spend Their Time when Not in School Percentage
Practice sports Play and watch television Take care of siblings Cook for my family Laundry for family Clean house Iron clothes Work in fields Other job Get paid for work How many hours a day do you work outside the house Up to 2 3 4 5 or more
Boys
Girls
Total
56 60 24 7 8 33 5 17 36 39
37 65 28 14 21 59 12 10 18 20
47 62 26 10 15 46 9 14 27 30
39 16 14 31
54 15 11 19
45 16 13 27
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from a sample survey administered to sixth-grade students in 2004 by the Instituto Nacional de la Evaluaci on de la Educaci on.
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Table 10.6. Age at which Sixth Graders Indicate that They Began to Work Percentage Age of respondent Boys This year Last year Two years or more Girls This year Last year Two years or more
11
12
13
39 27 34
37 29 34
38 28 33
39 32 29
40 30 30
38 29 33
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from a sample survey administered to sixth-grade students in 2004 by the Instituto Nacional de la Evaluacion de la Educacion.
more time in work outside the home than girls, and they are also more likely to get paid for the job they perform outside the house. Children begin to work at an early age, with many beginning at the age of nine or earlier, as shown in Table 10.6. For instance, among boys aged eleven who are in the sixth grade, one third (34 percent) indicate that they began working when they were nine or younger, 27 percent say that they started to work at the age of ten, and 39 percent at the age of eleven. The ages at which children start to work are similar for girls. There is also a socioeconomic division in how children spend their time as shown by the differences in time use among children who receive the government oportunidades (opportunities) scholarships—targeted to extremely poor families—and those who do not receive such scholarships (Table 10.7). Table 10.7. How Children Use Their Time by Degree of Poverty—Recipients of Scholarships for Extremely Poor Families versus Nonrecipients Percentage
Practice sports Play and watch television Cook for family Laundry for family Clean house Iron clothes Work in the fields Have a job
Scholarship
No scholarship
Gap (scholarship/ no scholarship)
38 54 14 21 50 12 22 37
51 66 8 12 44 7 10 22
76 82 178 178 113 175 220 165
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from a sample survey administered to sixth-grade students in 2004 by the Instituto Nacional de la Evaluaci on de la Educaci on.
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While extremely poor children are less likely to practice sports than less poor children (38 percent versus 51 percent) and also less likely to watch TV (54 percent versus 66 percent), a significant percentage of all children participate in these activities. There is no difference in the likelihood that children participate in caring for younger siblings. Children from poorer families are more likely to engage in various forms of work at home and outside the home. CHILD LABOR7 According to Article 123 of the Mexican Constitution and the Labor Law, the work of individuals younger than fourteen years old is forbidden, and the work of individuals between fourteen and sixteen years should not exceed six hours per day. All additional rights for adult workers also apply to workers below the age of eighteen. Furthermore, persons under age eighteen cannot work in certain establishments, such as bars. In addition to enacting its own legislation, Mexico has acted as a catalyst for many international agreements and programs designed to combat child labor and has adopted international legislation, such as Convention 182 of the International Labor Organization. Despite this legislation, for many poor families in Mexico not only are working children an important source of additional income, they are also a substitute for hired help and a vehicle for permitting other family members to go to work, usually at the expense of the child’s education and development. Data from a recent survey of youth indicate that among those ten to fourteen years of age, 94 percent of boys only study, 0.4 percent work, 0.8 percent study and work, and 4.8 percent neither study nor work. Among girls of the same age group, 90.2 percent only study, 0.8 percent only work, 0.5 percent study and work, and 8.5 percent neither study nor work. For the fifteen- to nineteen-year age group among boys, 62.5 percent only study, 20 percent only work, 9.4 percent both study and work, and 8 percent neither study nor work; among girls, 63.7 percent only study, 7.2 percent only work, 6.2 percent study and work, and 22.9 percent neither study nor work. Poverty is one of the most important factors that drive children to work, particularly in cases where children do not go to school or work in especially hazardous and often illegal situations. The Instituto Nacional de Estadıstica, Geografıa e Informatica (INEGI—National Institute of Statistics, Geography, and Informatics) reports that 21.7 percent of children interviewed said their principal reason for working was because the home needed the extra 7. There is no standardized definition of child labor. This section draws on multiple studies, each of which uses slightly different definitions. For this reason, the proportions and absolute numbers are not necessarily comparable. The overall conclusion, highlighted here, are common to all of the studies.
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income. An additional 51 percent said that they worked because their family could not afford to hire salaried help (INEGI 2004a). Child labor is a very heterogeneous phenomenon and includes some forms of labor that are particularly hazardous. Another important and relatively unexplored issue is the gender differences in child work, with a particular focus on domestic labor both within and outside the home. Domestic labor is often a hidden form of work, as it is not counted in many labor force statistics. According to a recent publication by INEGI, in 2002 almost 2 million Mexican children aged six to fourteen worked in economic activities (all work undertaken in the labor market on either a paid or unpaid basis for at least one hour or one day per week, outside or inside the home). The associated participation rate is 5.3 percent for children aged six to eleven,8 and 12.2 percent for youth aged twelve and thirteen.9 The same study, in addition to other recent publications, undertakes a broader analysis of child labor that includes unpaid domestic work in the home (Knaul 1995; Levison, Moe, and Knaul 2001). In the INEGI study, this includes work undertaken for more than fifteen hours per week. Under this broader definition, there were 3.3 million working children in Mexico in 2002; thus one in every six children worked inside or outside of their homes. This dramatic increase in the figures corresponds to a labor force participation rate of 15.7 percent. These figures highlight the important gender bias that exists in definitions and analyses of child labor that focus only on economic work and thus miss a large portion of child workers, mostly girls, who undertake domestic work in their own homes. In the case of Mexico, the majority of boys (71.0 percent) work in economic activity, and the majority of girls (73.3 percent) work in domestic activities. Therefore, not including domestic labor, the participation rate for females between six and fourteen is only 5.9 percent and appears much lower than that of males of the same age, at 13.4 percent (INEGI 2000a). Including domestic labor, the female participation rate is similar to that of boys and suggests the need for a very different policy focus. It is also important to consider the situation of youth below the age of eighteen. Work for more than six hours per day is illegal for youth between the ages of fourteen and sixteen. Still, in 2001, an estimated 375,000 youth were in this category (INEGI 2002). Furthermore, the labor force participation rates for youth are substantially higher than those for younger children. Including domestic work, the participation rate for males aged twelve to seventeen was 35.8 percent, and the participation rate of females was 40.1 percent in 2001 (INEGI 2002). 8. This figure is from INEGI 2000a; for the rest of the years mentioned, there is no direct information available on work for children below age twelve, and the figures presented here are based on projections published by INEGI. 9. Estimation based on INEGI 2002.
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Child labor is associated with lower school attendance and educational attainment. One-quarter of working children aged six to fourteen do not go to school—a figure that is many times higher than for children in the same age group who do not work. As age increases, the effects of working on dropping out of school become more pronounced. While 8.7 percent of child workers between the ages of six and eleven do not attend school, by the ages of twelve to fourteen this rate rises to 33.7 percent of the working child population (INEGI 2000a). While domestic work is usually regarded as a less dangerous or damaging form of child labor, evidence has shown this not necessarily to be the case as a high proportion of children, mostly girls, who work in their own homes do not attend school (Levison, Moe, and Knaul 2001). Certain types of child labor are particularly incompatible with attending school. Among them is domestic labor outside the child’s home. Long hours and clandestine working conditions contribute to low rates of school attendance. More than 10 percent of working girls aged twelve to fourteen are domestic laborers outside of their home, and only 37.1 percent of these girls also attend school. Child labor is concentrated in rural and marginal urban areas. It is in the urban areas that some of the most dangerous forms of child labor are present. Urban children work as street vendors, beggars, or offer services such as car-washing on the streets. Mexico City’s central market alone employs approximately 14,000 minors between the ages of seven and eighteen, who work as cart-pushers, kitchen help, and vendors, often without pay and for tips only (Robles Berlanga 2000). A recent survey of the 100 largest cities (excluding Mexico City) identified another 114,500 child workers. In addition, this survey found more than 10,000 children under five who work on the street with family members (INEGI 2004a). Illegal activities associated with child labor, concentrated among children who live on the street, include drug use, robbery, and child sexual exploitation. A 2000 UNICEF report estimated that there were more than 16,000 children working in the sex industry in Mexico and concentrated mainly in popular tourist destinations and border cities that cater to North American sex tourists (UNICEF, DIF, and CIESAS 2000). In rural areas, child labor is a different phenomenon. Children play an important role in the home and in the fields, and many of these children also attend school. Almost half of working children below the age of fourteen are found in agriculture, and many begin at very early ages (Secretarıa de Desarrollo Social et al. 2002; Secretarıa de Desarrollo Social et al. 2005). One group that is particularly at risk is the indigenous child population in Mexico. In 1997, more than one-third undertook economic or domestic work—almost double the national rate of 18.7 percent. Not only do indigenous children take on more work and start working at a younger age, they also face more discrimination at work. The labor participation
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rate for indigenous children aged six to eleven is 24.2 percent, 1.6 times greater than the national rate of 9.4 percent. Furthermore, school attendance is a particularly important problem for these children, as 16.5 percent of children between the ages of six and eleven who work do not attend school. Gender differences are more pronounced, with a greater number of girls dropping out of school to fulfill their domestic and economic duties. By the age of twelve to fourteen, 40.3 percent of working indigenous girls do not attend school, compared with 28.4 percent of working indigenous boys (INEGI 2004a). One of the groups in the most severe conditions is day laborers (jornaleros agrıcolas), many of whom are of indigenous origin. The children of day laborers migrate with their parents in search of work and have little access to a stable school environment. These children have a labor force participation rate that significantly exceeds the national average—41 percent for children between the ages of six and eleven, and 80 percent for youth aged twelve to nineteen. On average, for every 100 day workers over the age of fifteen, there are 24 child day laborers between the ages of six and eleven. Of the total population of child day laborers, 42 percent show some level of malnutrition, 40 percent are illiterate, and 64 percent of children over twelve years of age have not finished primary education (INEGI 2004a). The government of Mexico operates a number of programs designed to prevent child labor and reduce poverty. One of the most successful is an innovative, integrated social development program called Oportunidades (originally PROGRESA) launched in 1997. One of the aims of the program is to prevent harmful child labor by improving family income and providing incentives for schooling. Oportunidades provides a cash transfer to the mother of the household if her child attends school regularly from grades three through twelve and participates in regular health check-up visits. Recent studies show that for children between the ages of eight and seventeen, the program reduced paid work among boys by 15 to 25 percent, and domestic work among girls by 10 percent (Parker and Skoufias 2000). There are also a wide range of civil society organizations, both national and international, that undertake direct service projects, advocacy, research, and information dissemination. Often in conjunction with or through government agencies such as the National Program for the Integral Development of the Family (DIF), a multiplicity of projects and programs exists that seek to attend to the needs of specific groups of working children, and in particular, those in especially difficult circumstances. FAMILY The responses of sixth-grade students to a questionnaire about their family and life at home provide a glimpse of the structure of the family.
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Students were asked how many people lived with them at home. Only 1 percent lived with only one other person, and 6 percent lived with two other persons. Most children lived in homes with three (18 percent), four (25 percent), or five (17 percent) other people, and 30 percent of children lived with six or more other people at home. In terms of the composition of families, 94 percent of children have a mother at home, but only 80 percent have a father at home; 90 percent have siblings at home, 23 percent have grandparents at home, and 20 percent have uncles or aunts at home. One percent of children do not live with either parent, 1 percent live with their fathers but not with their mothers, 12 percent live with their mothers but not with their fathers, and 85 percent live with both parents. This suggests that, when parents are separated, children are ten times more likely to remain with their mothers than with their fathers. There does not appear to be a relationship between family structure and extreme poverty. The percentage of children receiving the scholarships10 from oportunidades—which are targeted to extremely poor children and constitute a significant policy initiative to support extremely poor families with children—is similar for children in various types of families. Among those who do not live with a father and mother, 33 percent receive the scholarships; among those who live with their father but not with their mother, 30 percent receive the scholarships; among those who live with their mother but not with their father, 29 percent receive the scholarships; and among those who live with both parents, 33 percent receive the scholarships. HEALTH In Mexico, as a result of advances in public health (Omran 1971; Frenk 2006b), in the case of both children and adults, the causes of death and disease are no longer dominated by problems associated with low levels of development (infections, malnutrition, and reproductive health), but rather by noncommunicable disease, chronic illness, accidents, and associated risk factors such as smoking and obesity (Frenk 2006b; Frenk, Bobadilla, Sep ulveda, and L opez-Cervantes 1989). At the same time, there are significant inequalities associated with the transition. The poor have a double burden as they also face the challenges of the diseases of underdevelopment, which are heavily concentrated among these segments of the population (Frenk 2006a). Progress in child health and hence in meeting the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) has been significant. In child mortality, Mexico is one of seven among sixty countries that are on track to meet MDG4 and achieve a reduction from 44.9 deaths per 1,000 live births registered in 10. Because education is supposed to be free, what they receive is a monthly cash transfer that increases with the grade and an annual transfer for school supplies, such as notebooks, uniforms, etc.
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1990 to fifteen in 2015. As of 2005, the country had achieved a level of child mortality of twenty-three, as part of a continual and long-run reduction from 1980 when the level was 64.3. In infant mortality, the level was 51 in 1980, 36.2 in 1990, and 18.8 in 2005, and the neonatal mortality rates were 28.8, 21.9, and 12.9, respectively (Sep ulveda et al. 2006). In the population aged four to fifteen years, for example, the mortality rate has fallen by half in three decades. The causes of death and disease have changed dramatically, especially among young children. Diarrheal disease, for example, one of the leading causes of death in 1980, has declined dramatically from 1,163 deaths per 100,000 live births to 71 in 2006. Polio, diphtheria, and measles—the three other most common causes of death in 1990—have been eliminated (Sep ulveda et al. 2006). Another important area of improvement is undernutrition, which has improved in all forms. Between 1988 and 2006, the time span for which data are available, wasting dropped to one-third of its original prevalence, stunting to half, and underweight by two-thirds. Still, anemia and micronutrient deficiencies remain high. In 2006, anemia affected 24 percent, and iron, zinc, and vitamin A deficiency affected 52 percent, 33 percent, and 27 percent of one- to four-year-olds, respectively. There has been recent improvement in anemia, which fell by 15 percent between 1999 and 2006 (Sep ulveda et al. 2006). A series of public health interventions are at least partially responsible for these improvements. The most important strategies include the Universal Vaccination Program, the Clean Water Program, and the inclusion of oral rehydration salts, all of which have been provided through a proactive, supply-driven approach to the provision of public health services. As of 2006, Mexican children benefit from what has been described as one of the world’s most comprehensive immunization programs. In 2004, the coverage was 95.4 percent for one-year-olds (a 1 percent increase from 1990) and 98.2 percent among one- to four-year-olds (an increase of 0.2 percent from 1990). These healthcare interventions have been complemented and extended through significant poverty alleviation programs. As mentioned earlier, one of the most important is Oportunidades that currently covers about five million low-income households in rural and urban areas—the vast majority of the poor population in Mexico. This program includes an integrated health, nutrition, and education strategy that is tied to financial incentives to families to make decisions that favor the healthy development of their children (Sep ulveda et al. 2006). In maternal mortality, there has also been significant improvement from a level of eighty-nine deaths per 100,000 live births in 1990 to just over sixty in 2005, which represents a reduction of 29 percent. This has been accomplished through a national strategy for prenatal and postnatal attention, with special emphasis on remote areas of the country and
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high-risk births. One of the most important recent programs is Arranque Parejo en la Vida (Begin Life on an Equal Footing), which was introduced in Mexico during the 2000–2006 administration. In the uninsured population, the proportion of births attended by qualified personal has increased from a level of 69 percent in 2000 to more than 88 percent by the middle of the decade (Sep ulveda et al. 2006). Despite these improvements, reaching MDG6 (combat HIV/AIDS, malaria, and other diseases) implies achieving a level of 22.3 percent, a figure that will not be reached at the current level of decline (Secretarıa de Salud 2006). The successes that Mexico has achieved in many of the basic indicators of child health bring to the forefront the new and complex challenges that are currently being faced. These are associated with specific illnesses, as well as with risk factors and behavior. Mortality is now concentrated in accidents, chronic illness such as cancer, and congenital illnesses, as well as in disability, all of which are more complex and costly to treat (Secretarıa de Desarrollo Social et al. 2002; Secretarıa de Salud 2006). The principal behavior-related health risks facing adolescents in Mexico are associated with overweight and obesity, alcoholism, drug consumption, accidents, homicide and suicide, and sexually transmitted disease (Secretarıa de Desarrollo Social et al. 2002; Knaul and Santos-Burgoa 2006). An emergent and increasing problem among children and adults alike is overweight and obesity, which are major risk factors for chronic illnesses, particularly later in life. More than 4 million school-aged children are overweight or obese according to data from the National Survey of Health and Nutrition of 2005. Among five- to eleven-year-olds, the prevalence is 26 percent, while in 1999 it was just below 19 percent, suggesting an alarming increase in obesity that affects both boys and girls but has been most pronounced among boys. At the same time, one-third of adolescents also present with overweight or obesity—almost 5.8 million individuals—and there has been a recent increase in obesity in this age group. Another important area of action for children and adolescents is mental health and addictions. At least in part due to ongoing as well as new health and education programs, many of these risk factors are stable or declining. Between 2000 and 2005, for example, the proportion of adolescent smokers decreased from 9.2 percent to 7.6 percent, which represents a reduction of 25 percent among males and 20 percent among females. In contrast, the suicide rate, which doubled between 1990 and 2004 in the overall population, increased even more rapidly among adolescents and youth eleven to twenty years of age (Secretarıa de Salud 2006). Another set of emergent challenges that are being met with significant programmatic responses are health issues related to sexual activity. Adolescent pregnancy is one of the most important, although rates have been declining in response to reproductive health and education programs directed at this population. The fertility rate among adolescents aged fifteen
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to nineteen fell by approximately 21 percent between 2000 and 2005 from 60.4 per 1,000 women to 48.8. The rate of use of contraceptives also increased substantially, and data spanning 1976 to 2003 demonstrate an increase in use from 14 percent to 45 percent among sexually active adolescents twenty years old or younger (Secretarıa de Desarrollo Social 2006). Another key issue is HIV/AIDS. Between 2000 and 2004, the prevalence rate in fifteen- to twenty-year-olds fell by almost 25 percent, from 14.8 cases per 100,000 to 11.2 in response to significant national action programs. Furthermore, specific programs have been implemented to reduce transmission during pregnancy including universal, free access to antiretroviral drugs. In addition to prevention programs through education and effective contraception, national campaigns have been introduced to combat the stigma surrounding people both young and old living with the HIV/AIDS and associated with differences in sexual preferences. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The Mexican Constitution establishes that every child has the right to receive an education, to have necessary medical treatment, and to live in an adequate environment for his or her development and welfare. These rights to education, health, and healthcare are recognized as fundamental and protected in Mexico through a substantial series of laws and institutions. These laws and institutions are complemented by international agreements and treaties such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). In addition, this legal framework protects children from various forms of exploitation, supports adoption rights, and establishes the right of children to separate legal process and sanction when they commit crimes. The central pieces of legislation in Mexico establishing the rights of children are the CRC and the International Law for the Rights of the Child. Mexico is a signatory of the CRC. In the year 2000, a constitutional amendment of Article 4 of the Constitution explicitly included the recognition of the rights of children. The Constitution now states that children have the right to meet their needs of nourishment, health, education, and leisure for their development, and those caring for children have the obligation to meet these rights. The state will provide the necessary conditions to support respect for the dignity of children and their rights. In April 2000, Congress passed the Law for the Protection of Children’s Rights. Most Mexican states still have to pass local laws in accordance with this legislative framework in favor of the rights of children. Mexico also subscribed to the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of the Child, Resolution 1386 passed on November 20, 1959. This declaration, which does not have the force of law, includes rights for children such as special protection and services to support a healthy physical, mental, moral, spiritual, and social development, with freedom and dignity, the right to a name and a nationality, and the right to social
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security and education. These rights should be recognized for all children without exception or discrimination on the basis of race, color, gender, religion, political views, national or social origin, economic position, birth, or other conditions of the child or of their family. Mexico is also a signatory to the 1921 International Convention for the Suppression in the Traffic of Women and Children. In accordance with this covenant, the Federal Criminal Code covers the protection of minors, national laws increased the sanctions for child trafficking and sexual exploitation, and a federal law against organized crime increases the sanctions for crimes that use minors, including traffic of minors. The criminal codes of all states—with the exception of Baja California and Chihuahua—include the crimes of corruption and traffic of minors. In 2000, the Mexican state created an interinstitutional commission to eradicate the sexual exploitation of minors. Mexico subscribed also in 1985 to the UN minimum regulations concerning the administration of justice for minors known as the Beijing Rules. While as with other international covenants this does not have the force of law, national legislation is aligned with the spirit of this covenant. In spite of the existence of a favorable legal framework to support children’s rights, in practice many of these laws are not followed because of the corruption of the judicial and police systems or because of prevailing cultural practices. Because sentencing for crimes committed by minors is less severe than for adults (sentences for minors tend to end at the age of 18), criminal organizations are increasingly recruiting minors. RELIGIOUS LIFE While there is no official religion in Mexico, and the Constitution bans clerical involvement in politics, most Mexicans are Roman Catholic. Until 1992, the Mexican state had no formal diplomatic relations with the Vatican. In recent decades, there has been a significant expansion in membership in Evangelical churches. While, in 1950, 98.2 percent of the population older than five was Catholic, in 2000 only 88 percent declared themselves Catholic. The greatest increase in membership in Protestant churches has been in the southeastern states of Chiapas, Campeche, Tabasco, and Quintana Roo. There is a growing presence of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, with about one million members in the country, predominantly in the major border cities of northeastern Mexico. There is a small Jewish community of about 45,000 members in Mexico. Islam is practiced by a very small number of people, predominantly members of the Arab and Turkish communities, and also by a small number of the indigenous population in Chiapas. In a recent survey of youth aged twelve to twenty-nine, 45 percent of the respondents declared themselves practicing Catholics, 39 percent declared themselves nonpracticing Catholics, 2.4 percent declared
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themselves Christians, and 3.5 percent declared themselves indifferent to any religion.11 Young people differ with regard to the extent to which they perceive that religion addresses their needs. When asked whether they thought that their religion or church had an adequate response to the challenges of family life, 39 percent answered ‘‘yes,’’ and 30 percent answered ‘‘in part,’’ while 28 percent replied ‘‘no.’’ Regarding whether religion or church addressed the spiritual needs of people, the majority said ‘‘yes’’ (53 percent) or ‘‘in part’’ (27 percent), with 16 percent answering negatively. When asked whether they thought that religion had an adequate response to the problems facing youth, 39 percent answered ‘‘yes,’’ 30 percent said ‘‘in part,’’ and 28 percent replied ‘‘no.’’ When asked whether they thought that religion or the church had an answer for the current social problems facing the country, 29 percent replied ‘‘yes,’’ 26 percent said ‘‘in part,’’ and 41 percent replied ‘‘no.’’ The state has traditionally and constitutionally adhered strictly to separation from the church in particular with regard to education. Among private schools, some have a religious affiliation. Private associations identified with conservative religious groups have in recent decades become more active in challenging public policies, for example, with regard to the introduction of sex education in the national curriculum of instruction, or with regard to health policies supporting contraception and abortion. The growth of Protestant religions has on occasion led to public expressions of intolerance on the part of some members of the Catholic majority. In 1974, for example, a group of Evangelicals were violently expelled from Chiapas, a Pentecostal pastor was burned in 1997 in Santa Ana Niche in Estado de Mexico (the State of Mexico), and in 1998 a group of evangelicals were expelled from Morelos. There are other indications of religious intolerance. A survey administered to adults in the year 2002 revealed that one-third of those interviewed would not accept that a person from a different religion lived in their home (Cox, Jaramillo, and Reimers 2005). There is no evidence of religious intolerance in educational institutions. Only 3 percent of those aged twelve to twenty-nine indicate that they ever had problems in school because of their religion.11 CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT In general, young people feel supported by their families, and the majority report positive relations with their parents. According to the Survey of Youth conducted in 2005, only 16 percent of people aged twelve to twenty-nine reported bad relationships with their parents and an additional 13 percent reported occasional poor relationships with their parents, while 70 percent of them reported positive relations with their parents. 11. Authors’ calculations are from data of the Instituto Naci onal de Juventud, Encuesta Nacional de la Juventud 2005–2006.
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Young people reported high levels of violence in families and to a much smaller extent in schools. When asked whether there was violence within Mexican families, 77 percent answered ‘‘yes’’ and 15 percent said ‘‘in part,’’ while only 5 percent said there was no family violence. A smaller percentage answered that they had experienced violence within their own family; only 13 percent said ‘‘yes,’’ and 18 percent said ‘‘in part,’’ with 68 percent of the respondents stating that they had not experienced violence in their family. When asked to what extent they believed that parents physically hit their children to discipline them, 24 percent said to a great extent, 25 percent to some extent, 26 percent said little, and 20 percent said that not at all. When asked whether there was violence among classmates in the school they had attended, 6 percent reported much violence, 12 percent reported some violence, 30 percent little violence, and 52 percent no violence. When asked about violence from teachers towards students, 1 percent reported much violence, 6 percent some, 15 percent little violence, and 77 percent no violence.12 GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY A large proportion of the Mexican population is young, and as a result much of the future of Mexico will be shaped by the experiences of these youth as they grow up. Most children are growing up in families that support their development, with access to basic education and health services, and within a framework that guarantees and supports their fundamental rights. Young people today have unprecedented opportunities relative to those available to their parents and grandparents. As a result, they will be more educated and their knowledge and values will differ significantly from those of older generations. These changes will further support ongoing economic and political development of Mexico. The central challenges facing youth in the twenty-first century are the challenges of poverty, which place pressures on families that constrain the opportunities for their children. The challenges will be most acute for families in rural areas. Economic dislocations will impact families in numerous ways, in some cases pushing some members of the family to migrate to other parts of Mexico or to the United States. The ultimate effects of these displacements on youth are insufficiently understood at present. Some of the positive effects include the increase in financial and knowledge resources available to families resulting from their ties to migrants. Some of the negative effects include the emotional burdens of separation and the lack of day-to-day support in raising children for those who are separated from their parents. 12. Authors’ calculations are from data of the Instituto Nacional de la Juventud, Encuesta Nacional de la Juventud 2005–2006.
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To the extent that democratic politics further deepens the possibility that the poor and their interests can be represented in the political process and that as a result the poor and their children remain a central focus of concern of national policy, and to the extent that it is possible for Mexican industry to generate sufficiently large numbers of well-paid jobs in more productive areas, the future prospects for youth in the country will improve. Supporting children and their families so that all can develop their talent to high levels is central in making these improvements possible. At present, significant public efforts are aligned towards that goal. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Randall, Laura, ed. 2006. Changing Structure of Mexico: Political, Social, and Economic Prospects. New York: M.E. Sharpe. This edited volume contains thirty-five articles covering Mexico’s economic structures and policies, quality of life and environment, politics, and social and regional structures. Among the specific topics are social development, political participation, tax reform under the Salinas administration, the utilization and management of water resources, Indians and Afro-Mexicans, and approaches to sustainable development in Mexico City. Red por los Derechos de la Infancia en Mexico [Network for the Rights of Children in Mexico]. 2005. Infancias mexicanas: rostros de la desigualdad [Mexican Childhoods: Faces of Inequality]. This is a report prepared by the Red por los Derechos de la Infancia en Mexico, a coalition of fifty-eight non-governmental organizations. The report was presented to the UN Committee on the Rights of Children. The report focuses on the multiple dimensions of social and income inequality in Mexico and how those constrain the rights of children. The report combines the analysis of quantitative evidence with testimonials from children documenting the multiple dimensions of inequality among states and municipalities in Mexico. The report examines the lack of implementation mechanisms at the state level to enforce the legal framework supporting the rights of children. Reimers, Fernando, ed. 2000. Unequal Schools, Unequal Chances. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. This edited book contains four chapters focusing specifically on educational inequality in Mexico. These chapters examine the relationship between education and income inequality, the characteristics of extremely marginalized populations, the impact of policies to provide education to indigenous populations, and the impact of a compensatory program to provide education in highly marginalized communities. ———. ed. 2006. Aprender m a s y mejor. Politicas, programas y oportunidades de aprendizaje en educaci on b a sica en M e xico [Learning more and better. policies, programs and opportunities to learn in basic education in Mexico]. Mexico, D.F.: Fondo de Cultura Econ omica. This edited book presents the evaluations of four education programs implemented during the administration of President Vicente Fox Quesada: the program to expand access to three free years of preschool for all children, the program to improve early literacy instruction, the program to foster schoolbased management, and the program to introduce technology to improve the quality of basic education.
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Nonprint Resources Children of the Street [Ni~ nos de la calle]. Produced and directed by Eva Aridjis. This documentary film shot in 2001 features four street children who describe what life is in the streets: their struggles to survive, drugs, the nature of their encounters with the police, and their health challenges. The film also illuminates the tensions in the homes these children left, as some of them return to visit their parents for Christmas. Granito de arena [Grain of sand]. 2006. Produced by Jill Freidberg. Seattle: Corrugated Films. 60 minutes. http://www.corrugate.org/granito_de_arena/news. This documentary focuses on the teachers’ movement in the South of Mexico in favor of local control of education, and resisting the role of the national teachers’ union, as well as a number of policies advanced by the federal government that the teachers perceive as threats to their academic autonomy. The film includes interviews with teachers, and covers strikes and protests as well as the occupation of a teacher training college by government security forces. Los Olvidados. [The forgotten]. 1950. Produced by Luis Bu~ nuel. Ultramar Films. 80 minutes. http://cinemexicano.mty.itesm.mx/peliculas/olvidados.html. The film, considered one of the best movies of Mexican cinema, is about a group of street children in the 1950s. The film depicts how the crimes of these street children lead to problems with the law and to juvenile prison. El profe [The teacher]. 1971. Mario Moreno (Cantinflas). Directed by Miguel Delgado. Produced by Jacques Gelmar. 117 minutes. In this comedy, the great Mexican comedian Cantinflas represents a very devoted teacher (S ocrates) who decides to move to a rural community. The movie portrays the struggles of teachers in rural areas with local caciques and the alliances that are formed among different groups in the town in favor and against public education. Stolen Childhoods. 2004. Directed and produced by Len Morris and Robin Romano. Galen Films. Vineyard Haven Gala Films, Martha’s Vineyard, MA: Romano Productions. 86 minutes. http://www.stolenchildhoods.org. This documentary, narrated by Meryl Streep, about child labor around the world includes a section on child labor of indigenous children in Nayarit, Mexico. This section illuminates how male Huichole workers are paid wages that require labor from their entire families. The film covers in great detail how children working in poverty live in Mexico, India, Indonesia, Kenya, and the United States.
Web Sites Consejo Nacional de Poblaci on [National Population Council], http://www.conapo .gob.mx. Informe de Gobierno del Presidente Fox [Report of the Administration of President Vicente Fox], http://fox.presidencia.gob.mx. Instituto Nacional de Geografıa, Estadıstica e Informatica [Nacional Institute of Geography, Statistics and Informatics], http://www.inegi.gob.mx. Instituto Nacional para la Evaluaci on de la Educaci on [National Institute for Educational Evaluation], http://www.inee.edu.mx.
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Red por los Derechos de la Infancia en Mexico [Network for the Rights of Children in Mexico], http://www.derechosinfancia.org.mx. Secretarıa de Educaci on P ublica [Secretary of Public Education], http://www.sep .gob.mx. Secretarıa de Salud P ublica [Secretary of Public Health], http://www.salud.gob.mx.
Organizations and NGOs Child Rights Information Network c/o Save the Children 1 St. John’s Lane London EC1M 4AR United Kingdom Phone: (44 20) 7012-6865 Fax: (44 20) 7012-6952 Web site: http://www.crin.org Email: [email protected] Instituto Nacional de las Mujeres [National Institute of Women] Alfonso Esparza Oteo #119, Col. Guadalupe Inn Delegaci on Alvaro Obreg on Mexico, D.F., C.P. 01020 Phone: (52 55) 5322-4200 Web site: http://www.inmujeres.gob.mx Email: [email protected] Public autonomous institution in Mexico created in 2001 to advance the rights of women through a number of programs fostering nondiscrimination, a fund to finance specific development projects, a program to eliminate violence against women, and a program to institutionalize gender equitable approaches in government initiatives. Programa Infancia, Universidad Aut onoma Metropolitana [Childhood Program of the Universidad Aut onoma Metropolitana] Prol. Canal de Miramontes 3855 Col. Ex-Hacienda de San Juan de Di os Tlalpan Mexico, D.F., C.P. 14387 Phone: (52 55) 5673-6088 Web site: http://www.uam.mx/cdi Email: [email protected] A program at the Universidad Aut onoma Metropolitana to advance interdisciplinary research and education programs to advance the goals of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. This program has established a number of interinstitutional networks to follow-up programs aimed at advancing children’s rights in Mexico. Red por los Derechos de la Infancia en Mexico [Network for the Rights of Children in Mexico] Av. Mexico-Coyoacan 350 Col. General Anaya
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Mexico D.F., CP 03340 Phone: (52 55) 5604-2466 / (52 55) 5604-3239 / (52 55) 5604-2458 Web site: http://www.derechosinfancia.org.mx Email: [email protected] This is a coalition of sixty-two nongovernmental organizations developing programs in favor of children and adolescents at risk in thirteen Mexican states. This network was established in 2001, although several of the organizations in the coalition began to join efforts in 1995. Information site devoted to child rights with publications, news, and events. Supported by UNICEF, Save the Children. Save the Children Web site: http://www.savethechildren.net/alliance/where_we_work/MC/mapMX.html UNICEF Mexico Phone: (52 55) 5284-9530 Web site: http://www.unicef.org/mexico/spanish/index.html Email: [email protected] UNICEF has been active in Mexico since 1954; its expansive program in Mexico responds to five-year plans developed in coordination with the consultative council in the country.
Selected Bibliography Banco de Mexico. 2006. Directorio de Cuadros y Estructuras de Informaci on Directory of Tables and Information Structures]. http://www.banxico.org.mx/SieInternet/ consultarDirectorioInternetAction.do?accion¼consultarDirectorioCuadros §or¼4§orDescripcion¼Banco%20de%20M%C3%A9xico&locale¼es. Bracho, Teresa. 2000. ‘‘Poverty and Education in Mexico, 1984–1996.’’ pp. 248– 289 in Unequal Schools, Unequal Chances. The Challenges to Equal Opportunity in the Americas. Edited by Fernando Reimers. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Comisi on Nacional para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Indıgenas de Mexico. 2006. Informe sobre desarrollo humano de los pueblos indıgenas de M e xico 2006 [National Comission for the Development of Indigenous People in Mexico. 2006. Report on the human development of indigenous people in Mexico 2006.] Mexico D.F.: CDI-PNUD. http://cdi.gob.mx/index.php?id_seccion¼1916. Consejo Nacional de Poblaci on. 2005. Indices de marginaci on, 2005. Colecci on: Indices Sociodemogr a ficos [National Population Council. Indices of marginalization, 2005. Series: Sociodemographic Indices]. Mexico D.F.: CONAPO. ———. 2006. Proyecciones de la poblaci on en M e xico, 2000–2050 [Population Projections in Mexico, 2000–2050]. http://www.conapo.gob.mx/00cifras/5.htm. Accessed December 3, 2006. ———. 2006. Instituto Nacional de Estadıstica, Geografıa e Informatica, and COLMEX. Conciliaci on demografica 2000–2005 [National Institute of Statistics, Geography and Informatics and Colmex. Demographic Integration 2000– 2005]. Mexico: CONAPO, INEGI, COLMEX. Cox, C., R. Jaramillo, and F. Reimers. 2005. Education and Democratic Citizenship in Latin America and the Caribbean. Washington, DC: InterAmerican Development Bank.
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Del Razo Martınez, Lilia M. 2003. Estudio de la brecha salarial entre hombres y mujeres en M e xico (1994-2001). Serie: documentos de investigaci on. Mexico, D.F.: Secretarıa de Desarrollo Social. [Study of the wage gap between men and women in Mexico (1994–2001). Series: Research Documents.] Mexico, D.F.: Secretary of Social Development. DIF, PNUFID, and UNICEF (Desarrollo Integral de la Familia, Programa de las Naciones Unidas para la Fiscalizaci on de Drogras, and UNICEF) 2002. Estu~ ninos, ~ y adolescentes trabajadores en 100 ciudades. [Integral Dedio de ninas, velopment of the Family, United Nations Program for Drug Control. 2002. Study of working girls, boys and adolescents in 100 cities]. Mexico, D.F.: DIF, PNUFID and UNICEF. Frenk, Julio. 2006a. ‘‘Bridging the Divide: Global Lessons from Evidence-Based Gender Differences in Mexico.’’ In The Economics of Gender in Mexico: Work, Family, State and Market. Edited by E.G Katz and M.C. Correia. Washington, DC: World Bank. ———. 2006b. ‘‘Health Policy in Mexico.’’ The Lancet 368 (September 9): 954–961. Frenk, J., J. L. Bobadilla, J. Sep ulveda, and M. L opez-Cervantes. 1989. ‘‘Health Transition in Middle-Income Countries: New Challenges for Health Care.’’ Health Policy and Planning 4: 29–39. Gobierno del Distrito Federal, UNICEF, Desarrollo Integral de la Familia-DF. [Government of the Federal District, UNICEF, and Integral Development of the ~ ninas ~ y j Family-DF] 1999. Ninos, ovenes trabajadores en el Distrito Federal [Boys, girls, and working youth in Mexico City]. Mexico, D.F.: DIF. Instituto Nacional de Estadıstica, Geografıa e Informatica (INEGI). 2000a. M odulo de Empleo Infantil 1999. [National Institute of Statistics, Geography and Informatics. 2000a. Module on working children 1999] Aguascalientes: INEGI. ———. 2000b. XII Censo Nacional de Poblaci on y Vivienda. [XII Census of Population and Homes]. http://www.inegi.gob.mx/est/default.aspx?c¼701 ———. 2002. Encuesta Nacional de Empleo 2001 [National Survey of Work 2001]. Aguascalientes: INEGI. ———. 2004a. El trabajo infantil en M e xico 1995–2002 [Children’s work in Mexico 1995–2002]. Aguascalientes: INEGI. ———. 2004b. Encuesta Nacional de Ingresos y Gastos de los Hogares 2004 [National Survey of Family Income and Expenditures 2004]. http://www.inegi.gob.mx/inegi/ contenidos/espanol/prensa/Contenidos/estadisticas/2005/enighs.pdf ———. 2005a. Encuesta Nacional de Ocupaci on y Empleo [National Survey of Occupation and Employment]. Aguascalientes: INEGI. ———. 2005b. Principales resultados por localidad 2005 (ITER), [Main results by locality 2005]. Aguascalientes: INEGI, Mexico http://www.inegi.gob.mx/ est/contenidos/espanol/sistemas/conteo2005/localidad/iter/default.asp?c¼7328 ———. 2006a. M e xico de un vistazo. Edici on 2006 [Mexico at a glance. 2006 Edition]. Aguascalientes: INEGI. ———. 2006b. Conteo de Poblaci on y Vivienda, 2005. Resultados definitivos [Count of Population and Homes, 2005. Definitive Results]. Aguascalientes: INEGI. ———. 2006c. Mujeres y hombres en M e xico 2006 [Women and men in Mexico 2006]. 10th ed. Aguascalientes: INEGI. ———. 2006d. Estadısticas Econ omicas. Producto Interno Bruto Trimestral. Agosto, 2006 [Economic Statistics. Trimestral Gross National Product. August, 2006]. http://www.inegi.gob.mx/est/contenidos/espanol/temas/economicas/ intro_economicas.asp?c¼125.
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Instituto Nacional de la Juventud. Encuesta Nacional de la Juventud 2005–2006 [National Institute of Youth. National Survey of Youth 2005–2006]. http:// www.injuventud.gob.mx/main.asp. Accessed December 13, 2006. Instituto Nacional para la Evaluaci on de la Educaci on. [National Institute for the Evaluation of Education]. 2004. Pruebas de Est a ndares Nacionales. [Database of Tests of National Standards]. ———. 2006. Indicadores del Sistema Educativo Nacional 2006 [Indicators of the National Education System 2006]. http://www.inee.edu.mx/images/stories/ Panorama2006/01-panorama%202006%20web.pdf Knaul, Felicia M. 1995. Young Workers, Street Life and Gender: The Effect of Education and Work Experience on Earnings in Colombia. PhD Thesis, Harvard University. Knaul, Felicia, and Carlos Santos-Burgoa, Z. 2006. ‘‘Mas alla de la sobrevivencia: ni~ nas, ni~ nos y j ovenes que viven con enfermedad, grupo prioritario para la inclusi on educativa.’’ [Beyond Survival: Girls, Boys and Youth Living with Illness, Priority Group for Educational Inclusi on]. Ch. 2 in Inclusi on educativa ~ ninas ~ y j para ninos, ovenes hospitalizados: Un an alisis basado en el progama nacional de M e xico SIGAMOS Aprendiendo en el Hospital. [Educational inclusion for hospitalized boys, girls and youth: an analysis based in the national program of Mexico continue learning in the hospital]. Edited by Felicia Knaul, Celia Perez, Marıa Suarez, and Sonia Ortega. Mexico, D.F.: Fondo de Cultura Econ omica e Intersistemas. Levison, Deborah, Karine S. Moe, and Felicia M. Knaul. 2001. ‘‘Youth Education and Work in Mexico.’’ World Development 29, no. 1: 167–188. Omran, A.R. 1971. ‘‘The Epidemiologic Transition: A Theory of the Epidemiology of Population Change.’’ Milibank Memorial Fund Quarterly 49: 509–538. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). 2005. Education at a Glance. http://www.oecd.org/document/34/0,2340,en_2649_34515_ 35289570_1_1_1_1,00.html. Parker, Susan, and Emmanuel Skoufias. 2000. The Impact of PROGRESA on Work, Leisure and Time Allocation. Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute. Robles Berlanga, F. 2000. ‘‘El trabajo infantil urbano informal en la Ciudad de Mexico.’’ [Urban Informal Child Labor in Mexico City] Revista Mexicana del Trabajo no. 2, second semester: 116–118. Secretarıa de Desarrollo Social, 2006. Pasos firmes para un major paıs, Informe Anual 2005, Un M e xico Apropiado para la Infancia y la Adolescencia, Programa de on, 2002–2010 [Firm steps for a better country. Annual Report 2005. An Acci Appropriate Mexico for Children and Adolescents, Action Program, 2002– 2010]. Mexico, D.F.: Secretaria de Desarrollo Social. ———. 2002. Secretarıa de Educaci on P ublica, Secretarıa de Salud. Un M e xico apropiado para la infancia y la adolescencia, Programa de Acci on 2002–2010 [An Appropriate Mexico for Children and Adolescents. Action Program 2002–2010]. Mexico: SEDESOL. ———. 2005. Secretarıa de Educaci on P ublica, Secretarıa de Salud. Informe Anual 2004. Un M e xico apropiado para la infancia y la adolescencia, Programa de Acci on 2002–2010 [Firm steps for a better country. Annual Report 2004. An appropriate Mexico for children and adolescents. Action Program, 2002– 2010]. Mexico: SEDESOL. Secretarıa de Educaci on P ublica (SEP). 2006. Plan Nacional de Educaci on 2001–2006 [Secretary of Public Education. 2006. National Education Plan 2001–2006]. Mexico, D.F.: SEP.
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———. 2006. Direcci on General de Planeaci on y Programaci on. Sistema educativo de los Estados Unidos Mexicano, principales cifras ciclo escolar 2004–2005 [General Directorate of Planning and Budgeting. 2006. Education System of the United States of Mexico]. Mexico: SEP. Secretarıa de Gobernaci on. 2006. Constituci on Polıtica de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos [Secretary of the Interior. 2006. Political Constitution of the United States of Mexico], updated with the published reform in September 14, 2006. http://www.gobernacion.gob.mx. Accessed December 3, 2006. Secretarıa de Salud, 2006. Salud Mexico 2000–2005, Informaci on para la Rendici on de Cuentas [Secretary of Health. 2006. Health Mexico 2000–2005, Information for Accountability]. Mexico D.F.: Secretaria de Salud. Sep ulveda, Jaime, Flavio Bustreo, Roberto Tapia, Juan Rivera et al. 2006. ‘‘Improvement of Child Survival in Mexico: the Diagonal Approach.’’ The Lancet 368, December 2: 2017–2027. Tuiran Gutierrez, Alejandro. 2006. La desigualdad en la distribuci on del ingreso monetario en M e xico [Inequality in income distribution in Mexico]. Mexico, D.F.: CONAPO. UNICEF and DIF. 2000. Programa para la Prevenci on, Atenci on, Desaliento y Erradicaci on del Trabajo Infantil Urbano Marginal [Program for the Prevention, Attention, Discouragement and Elimination of Child Work in Urban Marginal Areas]. Mexico, D.F.: UNICEF, DIF. ~ y ninas ~ vıctimas de UNICEF, DIF, and CIESAS. 2000. Infancia robada. Ninos explotaci on sexual en M e xico [Stolen childhood. boys and girls, victims of sexual exploitation in Mexico]. Mexico, D.F.: UNICEF, DIF, CIESAS. Vidal, Rafael, and M.A. Dıaz. 2004. Resultados de las Pruebas PISA 2000 y 2003 en M e xico, Instituto Nacional para la Evaluaci on de la Educaci on, Mexico [Results of the PISA tests 2000 and 2003 in Mexico. National Institute for the Evaluation of Education, Mexico]. on de ingreso y protecci on social para los pobres [Income World Bank. 2005. Generaci generation and social protection for the poor]. Mexico: World Bank. ———. 2006. World Development Indicators Database. Washington, DC: World Bank.
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PUERTO RICO Ruth Nina Estrella NATIONAL PROFILE Childhood in Puerto Rico has many dimensions and is affected by quite diverse social realities. Children are one of the population groups that have experienced major transformations in recent decades. However, looking at the available literature on children in Puerto Rico, there seems to be a very small number of publications dedicated to the topic. This is odd because this population group has been identified as one that most requires attention and effort to satisfy its needs. Puerto Rico is the westernmost and smallest of the Major Antilles, with a surface area of 9,104 square kilometers. The country also includes the islands of Vieques, Culebra, and Mona, as well as various islets. Puerto Rico is located to the east of the Dominican Republic and to the west of The British Virgin Islands. As part of the decisions made at the close of the Spanish-American War in 1898, Puerto Rico became part of the territory of the United States, but with the status of a colony. In terms of the political relationship with the United States, Puerto Rico became the ‘‘Free Associated State of Puerto Rico.’’ This status means that the United States has jurisdiction over every political, social, or economic issue with regard to
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Puerto Rico. The Puerto Rican government is composed of legislative, executive, and judicial branches, and the official language is Spanish. In 2004, the population of Puerto Rico was over 3.9 million. The Puerto Rican population resident in the United States was more than 4.3 million persons. Puerto Rico is 94 percent urbanized and only 6 percent rural. The annual rate of population growth was 0.47 percent. Life expectancy is 81.77 years for women and 73.67 years for men, with an average of 77.62 years for both groups (Informe del Gobierno de Puerto Rico, 2006). According to the 2000 Census data, the median age is thirty-two years, which means that the Puerto Rico population is primarily an adult population. In terms of race, according to the census of 2000, 80.5 percent of the population self-identified as white, 8 percent as black or Afroamerican, and 2 percent claimed Asian descent. The 2000 census reports that foreign national residents in Puerto Rico are 3 percent of the total population. This figure reflects a 37 percent growth of the foreign population reported in the 1990 census. There was also a change in the percentage of the resident population of foreign nationals from Latin America. In 1990, 83 percent of foreign nationals residing in Puerto Rico were from Latin America, while in 2000 this figure had grown to 91 percent. The municipalities with the largest concentrations of foreign residents are San Juan, Guaynabo, Bayam on, and Carolina [Informe del Gobierno de Puerto Rico 2006]. Puerto Rico is a society with a variety of family structures, among which the nuclear family model of mother, father, and children predominates. The census estimate of 2000 is that 69 percent of Puerto Rican children live in families composed of married couples (U.S. Census Bureau 2000; Informe de la Oficina del Censo 2006). In addition to
Table 11.1. Demographic Summary, 2003 Category
Number
Total population Births Deaths Child deaths Neonatal deaths Postneonatal deaths Fetal deaths Maternal deaths Marriages Marriage rate Divorces Divorce rate
3,878,532 50,803 28,356 498 363 131 548 7 25,236 7 14,225 5
Source: Departamento de Salud (2003).
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married-couple families, there are other family structures in which minors live with a female head of household (no husband or male partner present), grandchildren live with grandparents, or children live with a relative or guardian. Children may also live in reconstituted families (divorced parents remarry and stepparents, stepsisters, or stepbrothers may be present) and homosexual (gay and lesbian) families. These new family structures demonstrate the multiplicity of socially constructed meanings of ‘‘family’’ and the break with the traditional views of family established by dominant ideologies (Nina 2001). The constructions of childhood and adolescence in Puerto Rico are also based on this changing set of assumptions. Puerto Rico is composed of seventy-eight municipalities, located geographically in both urban and rural zones. In 2003, 48.1 percent of the population was male and 51.9 percent female (Informe del Gobierno de Puerto Rico 2006). Puerto Rico is considered to be one of the most densely populated areas in the world, with over 1,100 persons per square mile. The average annual family income is US$16,543 per year. Statistics show that in the year 2000, 31.4 percent of Puerto Rican families had an annual income of less than US$10,000 (Col on 2006). There were 8,418 homeless people in Puerto Rico in 2003. Of these, 152 were minors eighteen years old or younger; the highest numbers are found in the municipalities of San Juan (the capital of Puerto Rico; 37), Ponce (24), Arecibo (25), and Humacao (20) (Departamento de la Familia 2003). The Administration of Family KEY FACTS – PUERTO RICO and Children (ADFAN) of the Population: 3,944,259 (July 2007 est.) Department of the Family is the Infant mortality rate: 7.81 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) principal government organizaLife expectancy at birth: 78 years (2007 est.) tion in charge of programs for Literacy rate: 94.1 percent (2002 est.) the care, development, and proInternet users: 1 million (2005 est.) tection of children and teenSources: CIA World Factbook: Puerto Rico. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ agers. It also intervenes in cases publications/factbook/geos/rq.html. April 17, 2007. of adoption, mistreatment, or abandonment of a minor (Departamento de la Familia 2002). ADFAN programs are directed toward the development of the selfsufficiency of individuals and families and promote their active integration in society. Among these programs are the Social Emergencies Program, Family Services for the Disabled, and educational and prevention programs that promote the comprehensive development of children. OVERVIEW In 2000, there were 1,092,101 children eighteen years old or younger in Puerto Rico. This represents 29 percent of the entire population (U.S.
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Table 11.2. Population of Children in Puerto Rico by Gender and Age, 2000 Age (in years) Under 5 5–9 10–14 15–17 Total
Total
%
Female
%
Male
%
295,406 305,162 305,800 185,733 1,092,101
27.1 27.9 28.0 17.0 100.0
144,119 305,162 149,816 90,678 533,522
13.2 13.6 13.7 8.3 48.9
151,287 156,253 155,984 95,055 558,579
13.2 14.3 14.3 8.7 51.1
Source: Consejo Nacional de la Raza (2004) and United States Census Bureau (2000).
Census Bureau 2000). In other words, approximately three of every ten Puerto Ricans are eighteen years old or younger. It is interesting to note that the entire population of children living in Puerto Rico has not increased during recent decades, as has been the case in other countries of the region. The breakdown of population by age groups is shown in Table 11.2. According to the National Council of La Raza (Consejo Nacional de la Raza 2004), among all municipalities of Puerto Rico, Hormigueros and Mayag€ uez have the smallest populations of children, while Barranquitas, Loiza, Morovis, and Pe~ nuelas have the largest populations of children. The possible reasons for the lack of growth in the number of children in Puerto Rico are several. These include the following: (1) the general sociodemographic changes in the population pyramid; (2) the transformation of society into a proportionally older one, in terms of age groups; (3) the decline of the fertility rate; and (4) Puerto Rican migration to United States. In 2003, the total number of live births was 50,803, reflecting a slight decrease compared with 52,871 children born in 2002. Most of these births were in public and private hospitals, and a few were home births. Of the 50,803 live births, 26,191 were male (51.6 percent) and 24,612 (48.4 percent) were female, demonstrating a small difference by sex. The municipalities with fewer births were Culebra (23), Maricao (74), and Las Marıas (114). Those with the most births were San Juan (6,467), Bayam on (4,460), and Ponce (2,985). In terms of anomalies at birth, only 443 children had birth defects. The principal problems included urogenital anomalies (3.6 percent), harelip (2.7 percent), muscular and skeletal problems (2.3 percent), and circulatory or respiratory anomalies (2.0 percent) (Departamento de Salud 2003). With regard to the method of childbirth, of the total number of live births, 53.9 percent (27,360) were born by means of vaginal childbirth and 46.1 percent (23,443) by cesarean section. Nearly 40 percent (39.9 percent) of infants were born with an average weight between six and seven pounds. Of women giving birth, only 182 (4 percent) were younger than fifteen years old, and 8,817 (17.4 percent) were between fifteen and nineteen years old, with the majority of their childbirths being of the vaginal type (Departamento de Salud 2003).
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Table 11.3. Ten Leading Causes of Child Deaths, 2003 Cause of death
Number of deaths
Percentage of deaths
194
39.0
70
14.1
29
5.8
26 22 22 15 12 11 10 10 10 67
5.2 4.4 4.4 3.0 2.4 2.2 2.0 2.0 2.0 13.5
Disorders related to short gestation and malnutrition Congenital malformations, deformities, and chromosomal anomalies Other respiratory problems originating in the perinatal period Bacterial sepsis in newborn Newborns affected by maternal factors Other perinatal conditions Other unspecified respiratory problems Influenza and pneumonia Circulatory illnesses Respiratory difficulty in newborn Illnesses of the digestive tract Endocrine, nutritional, and metabolic illnesses Other causes Source: Departamento de Salud (2003).
In Puerto Rico, as in other countries, the principal causes of mortality are cancer and cardiovascular illnesses. The total number of infant deaths in 2003 was 518 (1.02 percent) of the 50,803 live births, with a higher number of males (288) compared with females who died (210) (Departamento de Salud 2003). The main causes of infant mortality were short gestation and malnutrition (39 percent). Table 11.3 lists the ten principal causes of child deaths. Considering the stage of life, 363 were neonatal deaths caused by disorders related to short gestation and malnutrition (52.1 percent), while the 131 cases of postneonatal deaths were caused by congenital malformations (19.8 percent), respiratory problems (11.5 percent), and circulatory illness (8.4 percent). EDUCATION The Puerto Rican educational system is constituted by four levels of schooling: preschool, elementary, intermediate, and higher education. Over time there has been a consistent pattern of higher enrollments in the public school system than in private schools. In 2004–2005, 81 percent of students were registered in the public schools. The total number of registered students in that school year was 715,978, with 581,150 enrolled in the public school system and 134,828 enrolled in private schools. The largest number of registered students is seen at the elementary level, and the number of students enrolled decreases at each subsequent level of education (Table 11.4).
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Table 11.4. Students in Public and Private School Systems, 2004–2005 Number
Regular academic services Preschool Elementary Intermediate Superior
Percentage
Total
Public sector
Private sector
Public sector
Private sector
715,978
581,150
134,828
81
19
62,639 334,759 165,662 152,918
40,500 273,350 138,050 129,250
22,139 61,409 27,612 23,668
65 82 83 85
35 18 17 15
Source: Informe del Departamento de Educaci on (2005).
One of the causes for decreasing enrollments in higher levels of education is student dropout. In the 2001–2002 school year, a total of 2,013 students dropped out of the public school system (Consejo Nacional de la Raza 2004). A comparison of dropouts by gender shows quite similar proportions, with 1,419 males and 1,262 females leaving school. It is at the high school level where the largest number of dropouts is observed, with 1,272 students leaving school out of a total of 93,684 registered high school students. Of students who begin elementary school, 51 percent do not finish high school (Informe del Departamento de Educaci on 2005). The reasons for this high rate of desertion include the need to work, pregnancy, and the social environment at school (e.g., violence). Pregnant students present another problem in the school system. The number of student pregnancies has remained consistent in recent years, with the highest rates at the high school level. Table 11.5 shows the number of pregnancies among students in the 1999–2000 and 2001– 2002 school terms. In recent years, school violence, defined in terms of behaviors considered to be violent, has increased by 50 percent. For example, in 2002 1,320 violent situations were reported, and in 2005 reported violent situations numbered 3,038. The main behaviors observed in 2005 were simple aggression (1,563), physical aggression (324), and disturbing the Table 11.5. Pregnant Students
Total Elementary Intermediate Superior
2001–2002
2000–2001
1999–2000
1,356 5 244 1,037
1,028 4 203 774
1,400 12 265 1,112
Source: Departamento de Educaci on, Servicios Complementarios.
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Table 11.6. Violence in Schools by Educational Level, 2001–2002 School Year School level Incidents Total incidents Aggravated assault Simple aggression Drugs Weapons Threats Riots Disturbing the peace Explosives Lascivious acts, rape, exhibitionism
Elementary
Intermediate
High school
232 15 151 0 2 18 0 36 2 8
361 12 205 3 14 42 0 84 1 0
408 12 218 18 17 40 5 92 2 4
Source: Policıa de Puerto Rico, Programa de Calidad de Vida Escolar.
peace (341). When school violence is analyzed by level, the statistics show that 408 violent acts were committed in high schools, 361 in intermediate schools, and 232 in elementary schools (Table 11.6). As a response to school violence, conflict mediation programs have been created as a school-level prevention strategy. PLAY AND RECREATION In contemporary Puerto Rico, some thirty-five sports disciplines are practiced, among them basketball, baseball, volleyball, swimming, karate, soccer, chess, boxing, and cycling. The most popular are basketball and baseball. The Department of Sports and Recreation manages programs that are developed specifically for children, such as the Open Intramural School Sports League in which the student body at the intermediate level is offered a high-quality and well-organized sports experience as a preventive measure. The league follows the standards of competition endorsed by the organizations that oversee sports in Puerto Rico as part of the National Sports Plan. Its objectives are to provide a sports milieu that encourages healthy competition and prevents the consumption and abuse of drugs and alcohol. Students at the intermediate level participate in volleyball, softball, cross country, basketball, chess, table tennis, and track and field. With regard to recreational activities in the home, 97 percent of Puerto Rican homes have at least one television (Melendez 1989). With approximately six hours of viewing as a daily average, watching television is one of the activities preferred by family members. In terms of the activities
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and habits of Puerto Rico adolescents, 40 percent visit a fast-food restaurant two or three times a week, 27 percent eat fast food at least once a week, and 9 percent visit a fast-food restaurant every day. Adolescents spend a considerable amount of time watching television. Research shows that 44 percent watch television three or four hours a day, 32 percent watch four to five hours a day, and 24 percent watch six or more hours a day (Oficina del Gobernador para el Fortalecimiento de la Familia 1987). With regard to the Internet, 58 percent of adolescents have access to and use the Internet for entertainment and for school work that requires searching for information. The study of the aspirations and free-time preferences of youth by Arteaga and Arteaga (1999) reported that 93 percent of the youth interviewed hoped to continue with university studies, 62 percent preferred watching television, 38 percent listening to the radio, and 24 percent using the Internet. For 49 percent of the youth in the study, going to the movies was the preferred activity outside the home. CHILD LABOR The Constitution of Puerto Rico establishes the basic prohibition against child labor. Section 15 states, ‘‘The employment of children less than fourteen years of age in any occupation which is prejudicial to their health or morals or which places them in jeopardy of life or limb is prohibited’’ (Constituci on del Estado Libre Asociado de Puerto Rico 2003). In Puerto Rico, specific laws regarding child labor standards for those under eighteen who do work are similar to state laws in the United States. For example, as of January 1, 2007, the maximum hours of work in non-farm employment for children under sixteen in Puerto Rico is six on a school day—for a combined eight hours of work and school (eight daily and forty weekly); for minors under the age of sixteen nightwork is prohibited between the hours of 6:00 p.m. and 8:00 a.m. Youth aged sixteen and seventeen may work a maximum of eight hours a day and forty hours a week; nightwork is prohibited between 10:00 p.m. and 6:00 a.m. (U.S. Department of Labor 2007). According to a study of a representative sample of 4,591 youths between thirteen and twenty-six years old, issued in a government report entitled Profiles and Needs of Puerto Rican Youth, one of every three (1,582 or 34.5 percent) is working or on a salary (Consultores en Conducta Humana, Inc. 2003). It is important to note that seven of every ten youths interviewed were eighteen or older, which doubled the proportion of the participants that were working. Of the 1,582 youths who identified as working or salaried, 36.7 percent (580) were engaged in professional or administrative work. Another 668 (42.8 percent) worked in the area of services or sales, while 334 youth (21.1 percent) were employed as skilled, semi-skilled, or unskilled workers.
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The average (median) monthly income of the 3,362 youths that reported receiving some income was $504 (Consultores de Conducta Humana, Inc. 2003). This reported monthly income is 64.6 percent below the level of poverty established by the U.S. Census for 2002, which was $9,359 for a single person or a monthly income of $780. One of every four youths of the 4,591 in the study reported receiving $250 or less each month (1,190 or 25.9 percent), this being the modal category. One of every ten youths (486 or 10 percent) received between $251 and $500 each month, and one of every thirteen youths (350 or 7.6 percent) had a monthly income between $501 and $750. One of every ten youths (483 or 10.5 percent) in the study reported a monthly income between $751 and $1,000. Only 18.6 percent (853 youths) reported having a monthly income between $1,001 and $5,000. The rest of the youths in the study (1,229 or 26.8 percent) reported having no monthly income whatsoever (Consultores de Conducta Humana, Inc. 2003). FAMILY According to the 2000 census, the average size of the family in Puerto Rico is three people. The majority of children live in compound families (69 percent) composed of married couples, and 27 percent live in femaleheaded single-parent families, as shown in Table 11.7. More than 44 percent (44.6 percent) of the child population live in homes that are below the level of poverty (Col on 2006). At the same time, 61 percent of families headed by single females live below the poverty line. The municipalities with the highest rates of poverty were Orocovis, Maricao, Las Marıas, Lares, Adjuntas, Vieques, and Utuado. According to the distribution among municipalities, it appears that the tendencies of poverty in Puerto Rico are higher in the rural areas (mountains) and lower in the urban areas of the country.
Table 11.7. Children by Age and Family Type Age (in years)
Total
Married couple
Male, female absent
Female, male absent
Less than 3 3–4 5 6–11 12–13 14 15–17
136,211 99,789 51,371 325,693 110,125 54,899 157,304
105,394 71,470 36,490 225,032 74,506 36,947 106,142
5,127 3,384 1,717 10,684 3,701 1,929 5,697
25,690 24,935 13,164 89,977 31,918 16,023 45,465
Source: U.S. Census Bureau (2000).
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The need for child care in Puerto Rico—that is, care for children aged six and younger when parents are in the workforce—is much lower than in the United States. In Puerto Rican society, cultural practices make it common that a family member, in particular the grandparents, provides the needed childcare when the parents work, and in many homes the grandparents are the principal providers of care for small children. In 2001–2002, 353 adoptions were granted out of 1,084 applications. Of these, 805 (74 percent) were evaluated, and 279 (26 percent) were left pending. This last number is smaller but nevertheless significant compared with the 451 cases left pending in 1999–2000 and the 399 left pending in 2000–2001. The cities with the most adoptions were Bayam on (80), Arecibo (48), and Caguas (40). The cities with the fewest adoptions were Guayama (11), Humacao (24), and Aguadilla (25) (Departamento de la Familia 2002). HEALTH The prevention of infectious diseases in children is organized through the immunization program of the Puerto Rican Department of Health. Successful coverage is one of the major achievements of the Puerto Rican medical community. The immunization program has been so effective that it has reduced significantly many of the most common childhood diseases. Because Puerto Rico is a U.S. territory, its child health programs respond to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, to the American Academy of Pediatrics, and to the American Academy of Family Physicians. In Puerto Rico, the immunization program aims to prevent illnesses like polio, measles, diphtheria, whooping cough, rubella (German measles), mumps, tetanus, invasive pneumococcal disease, hepatitis B, chicken pox, and Haemphilus influenza type b. The program promotes parental awareness of child immunization schedules according to age. Each child has a record stating when each vaccine is administered, and there are national immunization campaigns. Children must have their appropriate vaccinations in order to enroll in the educational system. Puerto Rican children present specific health problems, such as obesity and asthma, with higher frequency than in other countries. According to the Department of Health, one-third of Puerto Rican children are overweight (Primera Hora 2006). The figures show that 32 percent of the child population between four and twenty-four months of age is in this situation, in contrast with the 10 to 20 percent of the similar child population in the United States. In adolescents between the ages of twelve and sixteen, the problem is seen in a 33.2 percent rate in obesity level I and 14.2 percent in level II. These represent slight to moderate levels of obesity. Among the identified causes of obesity are the absence of a balanced diet (and the related excessive consumption of junk food or fried food), exaggerated portions when eating a meal, and lack of physical activity or
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sedentary lifestyle. Gender differences have been identified with regard to the obesity problem; girls exceed the measure of body mass (30 percent) more than the boys (25 percent) and, from the age of eight, boys exceed the North American percentages. Currently, a national campaign against obesity is under way. The second most frequent health problem of children in Puerto Rico is asthma. The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) reports that Puerto Rico has the highest asthma-related mortality rate in the United States (Rivera 2006). Research has demonstrated that the estimated incidence of asthma in Puerto Rico is 20 percent of the entire population. Also, Puerto Ricans have the highest number of hospitalizations and visits to emergency rooms because of asthma attacks. The Department of Health reports that, in some parts of the island, the situation is worrisome because one in two children visits the emergency room with asthma-related problems annually. The towns with the most cases are Caguas and those in the center region of the country. It is believed that, among the causes or reasons for this high incidence of asthma, there may be a genetic disposition that could incapacitate those who suffer asthma attacks. Although the country does not have the serious problems of air contamination that plague other countries, factors that contribute to asthmatic conditions include high levels of humidity, fungi, mold, cockroaches, mites, the involuntary inhalation of cigarette smoke, pet dandruff, and the inhalation of chemical products used for cleaning that are spilled in large quantities, and other factors found inside children’s homes. Other conditions that are seen as health problems but to a lesser extent are ear infections and developmental disorders. In the latter category, problems of language and the motor system are prominent. Gastroenteritis or intestine and stomach inflammation is a frequent cause for illness, usually caused by a virus or a bacterium. Another worrisome problem for the medical profession is car accidents and daily life accidents. Car accidents are associated with the failure to use protective car seats or seat belts. According to studies, the majority of car accidents usually occur in a 10-mile radius from home. Other common accidents, excluding intentional habitual injuries, include falls and fractures while in play areas, drowning in swimming pools or wash buckets, and poisoning. In the 2000 census, thirty-three cases of HIV infections were reported in the birth to nine years age group, consisting of twenty-four males and nine females. These cases comprise 9 percent of the total number of cases of HIV. In the ten to nineteen years age group, 137 cases were reported (sixty males and seventy-seven females), which reflects a slight increase in female adolescents with HIV. Regarding pediatric cases of AIDS, 460 cases were reported in 2006, the principal causes being hemophilic disorder and coagulation (10), mothers infected with HIV (420), blood donation (18), and nonidentified risks (12).
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The prevalence rate in Puerto Rico of people with severe mental illness and children with severe emotional disturbances is estimated by the Federal Register using the standardized norms of the Center for Mental Health Services. The most recent epidemiological study of children and adolescents in Puerto Rico (Canino et al. 2003), conducted in 2000 with children between the ages of four and seventeen (a total of 856,877) (U.S. Census Bureau 2000), showed that around 16.4 percent or 140,528 children and adolescents fit the diagnostic criteria of mental disorders of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th Edition, Text Revision (DSM-IV-TR; American Psychiatric Association 2000) showing slight to moderate impediments. At the same time, 59,125 children and adolescents, or 6.9 percent, demonstrated the symptoms of severe emotional disturbance. In the fiscal year 2003, 32,521 children with mental health problems were attended by the government services of Administraci on de Servicios de Salud Mental y Contra la Adicci on (ASSMCA, Mental Health and Anti-Addiction Services Administration). The use of substances is the most alarming sociomedical problem in Puerto Rico, especially in adolescents and young adults. The government considers it to be a matter of public policy, and one with great urgency today. There has been a change in the patterns of substance consumption over the last three decades, including the increasing use of cocaine at the beginning of the 1980s and the use of crack in the 1990s. More recently, there has been an increase in the so-called designer drugs (for example, ecstasy). As part of one of the preventive measures the government has taken with regard to adolescent consumption patterns, it has created the poll program known as Consulta Juvenil 2002 (Moscoso, Col on, Parrilla, and Reyes 2003). Students from fifth grade to high school participate in the poll. Below is a summary of the findings of the most recent poll. Findings Summary (2002) Preadolescent–elementary school (fifth to sixth grade) .
.
. .
The substances most used on a one-time basis were alcohol (34.4 percent), cigarettes (6.1 percent), and inhalants (2.7 percent). Sixth-grade students reported more use of cigarettes and alcohol than fifth-grade students. Boys reported more use of cigarettes and alcohol than girls. Between 1997–1998 and 2000–2002, there was a decrease in the use of cigarettes.
Intermediate school (seventh to ninth grade) .
The substances most used on a one-time basis were alcohol (43.6 percent) and cigarettes (16.2 percent).
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.
.
.
A total of 6.9 percent report having used other illicit drugs, with marijuana (4.3 percent) and inhalants (3.2 percent) the most used. There was no significant difference between genders in the use of alcohol and other drugs. Males reported more use of cigarettes than females. The use of substances increased with school grade, cigarette use (10.8 percent seventh grade, 24.9 percent ninth grade), alcohol (32.2 percent seventh grade, 60.5 percent ninth grade), and other drugs (5.4 percent seventh grade, 10.1 percent ninth grade). Between 1997–1998 and 2000–2002, there was a reduction in the use of cigarettes, alcohol, and other drugs.
High school (tenth to twelfth grade) .
.
.
.
.
A total of 76.2 percent of high school students reported using alcohol once, and 40.8 percent reported cigarette use. A total of 20.7 percent reported having used another illicit drug, with marijuana (19.1 percent) and designer drugs (3.8 percent) the most used. The use of substances increased with the school grade, use of cigarettes (34.6 percent tenth grade, 49.7 percent twelfth grade), alcohol (71.6 percent tenth grade, 82.8 percent twelfth grade), and other drugs (16.3 percent tenth grade, 26.9 percent twelfth grade). Males reported more use of cigarettes, alcohol, and other drugs than females. Between 1997–1998 and 2000–2002, a reduction was observed in the use of cigarettes and alcohol, but not in the use of other drugs.
In Puerto Rico, suicide is the third cause of violent death in males aged fifteen to thirty-four. Between 1990 and 2002, a total of 4,117 cases of suicide were reported, with an average of 343 cases per year. The most recent suicide statistics report that in 2005 a total of 321 persons committed suicide (276 males and 45 females). In terms of the child population, in 2005 there were eleven suicides of youths eighteen years old or younger (nine males and two females). In contrast, during the first half of 2006 there were no reported cases of suicide among children. This can be attributed to the prevention campaigns. Nevertheless, when viewed comparatively, it seems clear that the annual rate of suicide is variable. There were twelve reported cases of suicide among youth in 2004, none in 2003, and eight in 2002. Among the more frequently used methods of committing suicide in this population group was the hanging method, especially in the sixteen- and seventeen-year-old age group, where there were four cases of hanging in 2005. Suicides usually happen in the home (62.9 percent) and in the front yard of the house (19 percent) (Departamento de Policıa 2005).
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LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The government of Puerto Rico has passed legislation creating an array of laws that protect minors. First, the constitution of the Estado Libre Asociado (ELA, which incorporated Puerto Rico as an Associated Free State) recognizes the civil rights of this population group. Among its most important provisions is one stating that every person may receive primary and secondary education free of charge, and another stating that every child has a right to be cared for by his/her responsible adult. Other laws include what is known as Bylaw Number 88 of July 9, 1986, which has been amended several times. Bylaw Number 88 is also known as the Minors Law of Puerto Rico, and it stipulates that minors are to receive care, protection, habilitation, and rehabilitation, and that their well-being in the community will be promoted. This law establishes that education will be free of charge, that minors younger than fourteen will not be employed in any occupation prejudicial to their health or morals, and that the incarceration of a minor younger than sixteen years of age is not permitted. A more recent bylaw is Law 177 of 2003 (Child Protection Law for the 21st Century), which derogates Law 342 of 1999. This law promotes the well-being and comprehensive protection of children. It establishes new policy regarding the protection of minors based on an understanding of the integral development of the child. It provides the state’s human and family services agency, Departamento de la Familia (ADFAN, Department of the Family), with the power to offer services in cases of child mistreatment and abuse, to remove children from their families, and to define and impose penalties. The Departamento de la Familia is responsible for the welfare, development, and protection of children and adolescents. ADFAN’s programs stress self-sufficiency and promote the active integration of individuals and families within Puerto Rican society. According to the Annual Report of the Department of the Family, 34,259 referrals were received for services in 2002; most of these were referrals for situations involving minors (Table 11.8). Of the total number of referrals to the Department of the Family, grounds were found for ADFAN intervention in 26 percent (9,785) of cases. This means that three of every ten families referred to the department included minors who were victims or at risk of being victims of mistreatment or neglect by their parents or guardians. Of the total referrals (9,785), 22,340 children were involved. The most common form of mistreatment was negligence (55 percent), followed by multiple forms of mistreatment (19 percent), physical (11 percent), and emotional (10 percent). Of the minors under the care of the Department of the Family, 997 showed problems of social adaptation, retardation, emotional difficulties, educational shortcomings, and special needs. According to the 2002 Annual Report, 9,555 children were removed from their homes.
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Table 11.8. Referrals Investigated with Cause by Category, Fiscal Years 2000–2001 and 2001–2002 Cause
Minors 2000–2001
Minors 2001–2002
8,916 3,129 1,932 1,565 1,028 6 16,576
12,376 4,181 2,214 2,360 1,151 58 22,340
Negligence Multiple Emotional Physical Sexual abuse Exploitation Total Source: Departamento de la Familia (2002).
RELIGIOUS LIFE According to the Constitution of the Free Associated State, freedom of religious expression is guaranteed in Puerto Rico. Although there has been a proliferation of religions, Catholicism predominates; two-thirds of the population is Catholic, and among the remaining population, onethird practice Protestantism, Judaism, and Islam (Roman, Silva 2006). The majority of Puerto Rico’s private schools are part of the major religious groups, Catholics and Protestants, and offer Christian education as part of the formal curriculum. There are forty-two Catholic schools in the country, offering classes in religion from the preschool level through high school. These classes serve to instruct students in religion and in moral values and are a requirement for all students enrolled in these schools. These schools also urge that all students comply with religious beliefs in terms of rites such as baptism, first communion, and confirmation, as well as attending mass. Protestant schools also offer religion classes as part of their academic programs. These classes are a requirement for all students enrolled in the school. The religions that predominate in Protestant schools in Puerto Rico are Disciples of Christ, Methodist, Baptist, and Seventh-Day Adventist. Students are required to attend religion classes from preschool through high school, as well as to be baptized in the church. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT According to data from the Department of the Family, in 1999–2000 the child maltreatment rate increased from 1.3 to 2.0 percent (2,000 cases) per month. This would translate to 24,000 cases per year, considering the assumption that for every reported case there are three that remain unreported. Of these 24,000 cases, 38 percent are children under the age of five years. In the last decade, the problem of violence has assumed increasing prominence in Puerto Rico, including its various manifestations within
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Table 11.9. Homicide by Gender and Age (Victims), 2005 Age (in years)
Male
Female
<10 10–11 12–13 14–15 16–17 18–19
3 0 1 4 13 46
2 1 0 0 1 2
Source: Policıa de Puerto Rico (2005).
society: homicide, vandalism in schools, domestic violence, and other sorts of violence. Puerto Rico is considered to hold fifth place in the world in terms of violence, according to Comisi on para la Prevenci on de la Violencia (COPREVI, Commission for the Prevention of Violence 2006). In 2005, there were 766 reported deaths from homicide. In terms of population groups, most victims of minor age were concentrated between the ages of eighteen and nineteen years old, totaling forty-eight victims, of which forty-six were male. This increase was also noticeable in the vital statistics report of 2002, where ninety-one deaths by homicide were reported among minors of eighteen years of age. The fifteen- to nineteen-year-old group presented a rate of 27.2 percent, with eighty-three deaths by homicide. In 1999, there were 115 deaths by homicide in the fifteen- to nineteen-year-old group. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY In reviewing the current status of children in Puerto Rico, it seems clear that there have been major transformations in their situation since the 1950s. An originally agrarian-based society transformed itself into an industrial society. Today’s children increasingly grow up in urban landscapes, enjoying the many benefits that cities offer, as well as the problems of city life. Nevertheless, too little is known about both urban and rural children in Puerto Rico, given the scant research and publishing devoted to the topic. This has important repercussions in the implementation of public policy and for educational and prevention programs that address children and the conditions of their present and future lives. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Briggs, Laura. 2002. Reproducing Empire: Race, Sex, Science, and U.S. Imperialism in Puerto Rico. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Briggs’ book uses a gender perspective to examine the history of colonial relations between
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Puerto Rico and the United States, focusing on motherhood, prostitution, and family and their ideological construction as part of the U.S. imperial project. Col on, Linda. 2006. Pobreza en Puerto Rico. Radiografıa del Proyecto Americano [Poverty in Puerto Rico: an x-ray of the American Project]. San Juan: Editorial Luna Nueva. This text presents a panorama of the political–economic situation in Puerto Rico and the very specific characteristics that mark it. The causes of poverty are analyzed, including the poverty generated beginning with the U.S. invasion of 1898 and the poverty that emerged after the 1950s, with the varied social changes associated with industrialization, urbanism, and modernity. ~ Consejo Nacional de la Raza [National Council of the People]. 2004. Nuestros ninos cuentan, datos de Puerto Rico [Our children count: Information from Puerto Rico]. San Juan: Fundaci on Annie Casey, NCLR. Using the details of the last census conducted in Puerto Rico (the census of 2000), the situation of Puerto Rican children is examined, considering such areas as childhood health, mortality rates, births, and general characteristics of the population (size and family structure, gender, and age). The information is analyzed at both the national and the municipal levels. Galanes, Luis. 2003. Los hijos de la infancia. Estudio sobre el embarazo y la maternidad en la adolescencia [Bearing children during childhood: a study of adolescent pregnancy and motherhood]. San Juan: Editorial Tal Cual. This study analyzes adolescent pregnancy and motherhood from cultural, human, and socio-political perspectives. Morris, Nancy. 1995. Puerto Rico: Culture, Politics, and Identity. Westport, CT: Praeger. Morris analyzes Puerto Rican national identity—its symbols, dynamics, and resilience—in the context of a fifty-year-long U.S. campaign of ‘‘Americanization’’ and the ongoing exercise of political sovereignty by the United States. Nina Estrella, Ruth. 1996. Nuestras familias ante un nuevo siglo [Our families facing a new century]. Rıo Piedras: Universidad de Puerto Rico. This book is organized as a compilation of works from a variety of disciplines, using such distinctive perspectives as social work, demography, economics, public health, and psychology to present a panorama of the nation’s families. The essays analyze the social transformations that have occurred in the family context, transformations that have been made invisible by the state. Ramirez, Rafael L. 1999. What It Means to Be a Man: Reflections on Puerto Rican Masculinity. Translated by Rosa E. Casper. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. This book examines the meaning of machismo and masculinity, analyzes manhood in Puerto Rico, and explores the island’s homosexual community. Rivas Nina, Myrna. 2002. Los adolescentes y j ovenes en Puerto Rico: En estadısticas; informe final [Adolescents and youth in Puerto Rico: in statistics; final report]. http://www.Enfasispr.com/evaluaci on.html. This report presents a general panorama of the situation of adolescents and youth in Puerto Rico, using information on demographics, public health, levels of violence, and education. Leisure time activities are also considered. Sanchez Korrol, Virginia E. 1994. From Colonia to Community: The History of Puerto Ricans in New York City. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Originally published in 1983, this edition updates the historical study of the development of the Puerto Rican community in the United States.
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Nonprint Resources Desigualdad y pobreza [Inequality and poverty]. 1998. Rıo Piedras: CEDME Productions. 60 min. VHS. A documentary on issues of inequality and poverty by Linda C olon. El puente sobre el Caribe: el desarrollo econ omico de Puerto Rico [A bridge over the Caribbean: economic development in Puerto Rico]. 1994. San Juan: Isla Films. 35 min. VHS. This documentary, by Sonia Fritz, examines economic history in contemporary Puerto Rico, including the effects of NAFTA. ~ [Puerto Rico, 500 years]. 2001. San Juan: Multimedia. 30 Puerto Rico, 500 anos min. VHS. With script and direction by Myrian Fuentes, this documentary reviews the general history of Puerto Rico.
Web Sites Comisi on para la Prevenci on de la Violencia (COPREVI) [Commission for the Prevention of Violence], http://www. [email protected]. Departamento de Deporte y Recreacıon [Department of Sports and Recreation], http://www.gobierno.pr/DRD/Inicio/Default. Departamento de Familia [Department of the Family], http://www.familia .gobierno.pr. Departamento de Salud [Department of Health], http://www.salud.gov.pr. Gobierno de Puerto Rico [Government of Puerto Rico], http://www.gobierno.pr/ gprportal/inicio. TendenciasPR.com, Datos y estadısticas sobre Puerto Rico y sus municipios [Facts and statistics on Puerto Rico and its municipalities], http://www.tendenciaspr.com.
Organizations and NGOs Fondos Unidos de Puerto Rico [United Funds of Puerto Rico] P.O. Box 191914 San Juan, PR 00919-1914 Phone: (787) 728-8500 Web site: http://www.fondosunidos.com Fundaci on Chana y Samuel Levis [The Chana and Samuel Levis Foundation] Ave. Ponce de Le on #776 2ndo Piso Edificio Principal Seminario Evangelico de Puerto Rico en Rıo Piedras (Postal Box: 776 Ponce De Le on Buz on #20, San Juan, PR 00925) Phone: (787) 764-4159 Web site: http://www.diaadia.org/english
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Fundaci on Comunitaria de Puerto Rico [The Communitarian Foundation of Puerto Rico] Edificio Torre de la Reina 450 Ponce De Le on Ave. Suite 203, Puerta de Tierra San Juan, PR 00907 Phone: (787) 721-1037 Web site: http://www.fcpr.org Fundaci on del Banco Popular [Popular Bank Foundation] Banco Popular de Puerto Rico P.O. Box 362708 San Juan, PR 00936-2708 Phone: (787) 724-3650 Web site: http://www.bancopopular.com/bancopopular/pages/prspa/bppr-prspa-map .jsp Fundaci on Puertorrique~ na de las Humanidades [Puerto Rican Foundation for the Humanities] P.O. Box 9023920 San Juan, PR 00902-3920 Direcci on Fısica: Calle San Jose #109, Tercer Piso, Viejo San Juan Phone: (787) 721-2087 Web site: http://www.fprh.org/index2.html Iniciativa Comunitaria, Inc. (ICI) [Communitarian Initiative, Inc.] P.O. Box 366535 San Juan, PR Phone: (787) 250-8629 Web site: http://www.wecaretoo.com/Organizations/PR/iniciativacomunitaria.html Proyecto de Ni~ nos de Nueva Esperanza [New Hope Children’s Project] Ni~ nos de Nueva Esperanza, Inc. Barrio Esperanza Sabana Seca, Toa Baja, Puerto Rico Apartado 89 Sabana Seca, PR 00952-89 Phone: (787) 261-4543 Web site: http://www.zonai.com/noticia_main.asp?ZONAI.62842&pos¼m& Salvation Army de Puerto Rico [Puerto Rican Salvation Army] Cuartel Divisional 306 Ave de la Constituci on Puerta de Tierra San Juan, PR 00901 Phone: (787) 999-7000 Fax: (787) 999-7072 Web site: http://www.salvationarmypr.org
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Selected Bibliography American Psychiatric Association. 2000. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders DSM IV-TR, 4th Edition. Washington, DC: APA. Arteaga and Arteaga (Publicity Agency). 1999. ‘‘Como es la Generaci on Y [What generation Y is like].’’ Revista Buena Vida (August): 78–79. Canino, G., et al. 2003. ‘‘DSM-IV Rates of Child and Adolescent Disorders in Puerto Rico: Prevalence, Correlates, Service Use and the Effects of Impairment.’’ Archives of General Psychiatry 61, no. 1: 85–93. Col on, L. 2006. Pobreza en Puerto Rico. Radiografıa del Proyecto Americano [Poverty in Puerto Rico: An X-Ray of the American Project]. San Juan: Editorial Luna Nueva. Comisi on para la Prevenci on de la Violencia [Commission for the Prevention of Violence]. 2006. http://www.coprevi.org. Accessed October 1, 2006. ~ Consejo Nacional de la Raza [National Council of La Raza]. 2004. Nuestros Ninos Cuentan, Datos de Puerto Rico [Our children count: statistics from Puerto Rico]. San Juan: Fundaci on Annie Casey, NCLR. Constituci on del Estado Libre Asociado de Puerto Rico [Constitution of the Free Associated State of Puerto Rico]. 2003. http://www.Lexjuris.com/ lexprcont.html. Consultores de Conducta Humana, Inc. 2003. Perfil y necesidades del joven Puer~ Informe preparado por la oficina de asuntos de la juventud [Profile torriqueno. and needs of Puerto Rican youth: report prepared by the office of youth affairs]. Oficina de la Gobernadora del Estado Libre Asociado de Puerto Rico. Departamento de Educaci on, Servicios Complementarios, Programa de Trabajo Social Escolar. Estudiantes Embarazadas, Por Nivel Escolar [Department of Education, Complementary Services, Program of Student Social Work]. Pregnant students, by level of education]. TendenciasPR.com. http://www .tendenciaspr.com/Educaci on/Tablas/04_embarazo_estudiantes.htm. Departamento de la Familia [Department of the Family]. 2002. Informe Annual ~ [Annual Report, 2001–2002, 2001–2002, Administracion de Familia y Ninos Family and Children Administration]. Gobierno de Puerto Rico. ———. 2003. Comisi on para la Implantaci on de la Polıtica P ublica para las Personas Reambulantes. Gobierno de Puerto Rico. Departamento de la Policia, Oficina de Estadısticas [Police Department, Office of Statistics]. 2005. Infome de Delitos en Puerto Rico (1940–2005) [Report on Crimes in Puerto Rico (1940–2005)]. http://www.gobierno.pr/PoliciaPR. Departamento de Salud [Department of Health]. 2002. Informe de Estadısticas Vitales 2002 [Report of Vital Statistics 2002]. Secretaria Auxiliar de Planificaci on, Evaluaci on Estadıstica y Sistemas de Informaci on. ———. 2003. Informe Anual de Estadısticas Vitales 2003 [Annual Report of Vital on y Desarrollo, DepartaStatistics 2003]. Secretarıa Auxiliar de Planificaci mento de Salud, Gobierno de Puerto Rico. Informe del Departamento de Educaci on [Digest of Education Statistics]. 2005. Estudiantes Matriculados en el Sistema Educativo de Puerto Rico (2004/05) [Students Enrolled in the Puerto Rican Education System]. TendenciasPR.com. http://www.tendenciaspr.com/Estudiantes_matriculados.htm. Informe del Gobierno de Puerto Rico [Report of the Goverment of Puerto Rico]. 2006. Tendencias Demograficas de Puerto Rico [Demographic Tendencies in Puerto Rico]. http://www.presupuesto.gobierno.pr/Tomo_I/Referencia/ Tendencias.pdf
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Informe de la Oficina del Censo [Report of the Census Office]. 2006. Perfil Sociodemografico de Puerto Rico, Censo 1990–2000 [Socio-demographic Profile of Puerto Rico, 1990–2000 Census]. http://www.gobierno.pr/NR/rdonlyres/ 442C7575-1184-428A-AD5D-F84953E8A5BE/0/Prensa_Muestra.pdf Leyes de Puerto Rico, Departamento de Estado, Estado Libre Asociado de Puerto Rico [Laws of Puerto Rico, Department of State, Free Associated State of Puerto Rico]. 2003. http://www. Estadogobierno.pr/leyespr.html. Melendez, N. 1989. Los comerciales de televisi on y las conductas de tiempo libre [Television commercials and free time behaviors]. San Juan: Centro de Estudios del Tiempo Libre. Moscoso, M., H. Col on, I. Parrilla, and J.C. Reyes. 2003. Consulta Juvenil V 2000–2002, El uso de substancias en los escolares Puertorrique~ nos [Youth Consultation V 2000– 2002: Substance use among Puerto Rican students]. Bayam on: Universidad Central del Caribe, Departamento de Medicina de Familia y Salud Comunal. Nina, Ruth. 2001. ‘‘La familia Puertorrique~ na: diez a~ nos de investigaci on psicol ogica [The Puerto Rican family: ten years of psychological research].’’ Cuaderno no1 de la Red de Estudios de Familia en el Caribe. San Juan: Proyecto Atlantea. Oficina del Gobernador para el Fortalecimiento de la Familia [Governor’s Office for the Strengthening of the Family]. 1987. La familia Puertorrique~ na hoy [The Puerto Rican family today]. Unpublished document. Policıa de Puerto Rico, divisi on de estadıstica [Puerto Rican police, statistics division]. 2005. http://www.tendenciaspr.com. ———, Programa de Calidad de Vida Escolar, Departamento de Educaci on; Violencia en las Escuelas, por Nivel Escolar (Escuelas P ublicas Diurnas) [Puerto Rican Police, Quality of School Life Program, Department of Education; violence in schools, by academic level (public daytime schools)]. TendenciasPR .com. http://tendenciaspr.com/Educacion/Tablas/04_Violencia_en_las_escuelas _por_nivel.htm. Primera Hora. 2006. ‘‘Obesidad en los ni~ nos, reporte especial [Obesity in children, special report].’’ October 18, 21–26. Rivera, E., N. Fernandez, A. Torres, and C. Parrilla. 2006. An alisis de la salud de Puerto Rico: salud mental [Analysis of health in Puerto Rico: mental health]. Departamento de Salud. Rivera, M. 2006. Grave incidencia de asma [Serious incidence rates of asthma]. http://www.rcm.upr.edu/Noticias/2006/Febrero/grave_incidencia_de_asma .htm. Roman Silva, A. A. 2006. El proceso de reclutamiento y selecci on de ministros en las iglesias evang e licas de Puerto Rico. Disertaci on doctoral sometida al Departamento de Psicologıa de la Universidad de Puerto Rico, Recinto de Rıo Piedras [The process of recruiting and selecting ministers in evangelical churches in Puerto Rico. Doctoral dissertation submitted to the Psychology Department of the University of Puerto Rico, Rio Piedras]. U.S. Census Bureau. 2000. Census; U.S. Census Bureau Data for Puerto Rico. http://www.Census.gov./census 2000/status/pr.html. U.S. Department of Labor, Employment Standards Administration, Wage and Hour Division. Selected state child labor standards affecting minors under 18 in non-farm employment as of January 1, 2007. Accessed at http://www.dol. gov/esa/programs/whd/state/nonfarm.
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ST. KITTS AND NEVIS Hope M. Jordan NATIONAL PROFILE Located in the Eastern Caribbean, St. Christopher (St. Kitts) and Nevis, or the Federation of St. Kitts and Nevis, was first explored by Christopher Columbus in 1493 (St. Kitts Tourism 2006). Carib Indians inhabited the islands at that time, and Columbus named the island St. Kitts after Saint Christopher. Prior to the Carib inhabitation, St. Kitts was inhabited by the more peaceful Arawak Indians (Sharman and Stone 1987). The English and French returned in 1623, and the sugar trade led to early development of the islands. Conflict between the French and the British resulted in British rule in 1783; these English-speaking islands gained independence 200 years later on September 19, 1983. This autonomy has resulted in islands with an excellent reputation with regard to human rights (U.S. Department of State 2006). The economy of St. Kitts and Nevis is based on tourism and light industry. The sugarcane industry closed down in 2005. Prime Minister Dr. Denzil Douglas
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explained in 2006 that the goal of socioeconomic change includes promoting small business, service-oriented tourism, financial services, information communication technology, agriculture, and manufacturing (Caribbean Net News 2006b). The two islands have a land territory of 104 square miles. Most of the population, counted at 39,129, lives on St. Kitts (Encarta 2006). The populations of both St. Kitts and Nevis are primarily of African descent. Eighty-six percent of the population is of mixed African descent, another 11 percent of the population is comprised of European descent, and 2 percent of the population is categorized as white. There is also a small Indo-Pakistani ethnic presence (Atlapedia 2006). Basseterre is the capital of St. Kitts and Nevis, and Charlestown is the largest city, with an average temperature of 80°F. The tropical climate contributes to the tourism industry in these generally mountainous islands, as do the beautiful beaches, rain forests, dormant volcanoes, and the famous Green Velvet monkeys. Mt. Liamuiga on St. Kitts is 3,792 feet high, and Nevis Peak on Nevis is 3,232 feet high (Atlapedia 2006; Encarta 2006). Tourism contributed $403.9 million to the 2004 Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and an overall growth rate of 4.9 percent in 2005. The per capita GDP in 2004 was estimated at $8,600. Though tourism from the United States was adversely impacted by the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the industry is recovering and experienced growth again in 2005. Recent investments to improve facilities and support tourism include the construction of the port at St. Kitts and a new convention center built in 2002. The government encourages foreign investment and the location of businesses in St. Kitts or Nevis with policies that provide liberal tax holidays, duty-free import of equipment and materials, and subsidies for the training of local personnel. These opportunities have resulted in a 5 percent unemployment rate. Good economic performance contributes to the well-being of children in St. Kitts and Nevis. The islands’ primary export market is the United States, with an annual average of $60.2 million. Other export markets include Europe, Netherlands Antilles, Canada, and Dominica. Machinery, food, electronics, beverages, and tobacco are the primary exports (Infoplease 2005). In 2005, imports from the United States totaled $192.3 million. Other major import markets include Trinidad and Tobago, Europe, Canada, and Japan. The inflation rate rose on average by 3.6 percent in 2005, compared with 2.3 percent in 2004, and 2.2 percent in 2003. As a member of the Eastern Caribbean Currency Union (ECCU), the Eastern Caribbean Central Bank (ECCB) manages and regulates banking (U.S. Department of State 2006). In 1999, the United Nations Human Rights Committee on St. Kitts and Nevis noted that the large number of single-parent families impacts children. The committee also expressed concern regarding the financial
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and psychological impact of KEY FACTS – ST. KITTS AND NEVIS ‘‘visiting relationships’’ in singleparent families (with mothers Population: 39,349 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 13.74 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) being the primary single parent) Life expectancy at birth: 72.66 years (2007 est.) and recommended more study be Literacy rate: 97.8 percent (2003 est.) done in an effort to protect chilNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 94 percent dren (University of Minnesota (2000–2005) 1999). The government promotes Internet users: 10,000 (2002) the well-being of women and Sources: UNICEF. At a Glance: St. Kitts and Nevis–Statistics. http:// children with such annual events www.unicef.org/infobycountry/stkittsnevis_statistics.html. April 24, 2007. as the Sixteen-Day Campaign for Violence against Women and Children. The United Nations Childrens Fund (UNICEF) reports a problem in the Eastern Caribbean with poverty in households headed by women at 8 percent to 45 percent, depending on the country. Specific information on St. Kitts and Nevis does not seem to be available (United Nations Children’s Fund 2006). The government of St. Kitts and Nevis is a constitutional monarchy with a Westminster-style parliament. This democratic style allows for leadership that is representative of the needs of all people on the islands, including children. Though St. Kitts and Nevis have a very low crime rate, there have been reports of occasional abuse by law enforcement (U.S. Department of State 2000). The legislative branch of government includes an eleven-member senate and an eleven-member popularly elected House of Representatives. The judicial branch (magistrate’s courts) consists of the Eastern Caribbean Supreme Court with a high court and court of appeals. There are fourteen parishes and four primary political parties. The St. Kitts and Nevis Labor Party is the current ruling party (U.S. Department of State 2006). The government provides free health care, which supports the health and well-being of residents, including children, and this care has improved in recent years. Protection from childhood diseases is provided via free vaccinations, and most common childhood diseases have been alleviated on the islands (Country Studies Caribbean Islands 1999). OVERVIEW A comprehensive look at St. Kitts and Nevis shows that all children have access to free education (Infoplease 2005). The current infant mortality rate is 14.12 per 1,000 live births (United Nations Children’s Fund 2006). Slavery was abolished in 1834 (Guide to St. Kitts 2006). History reveals a relatively peaceful island, free of war for over 125 years providing stability for modern children (History of St. Kitts and Nevis 2004). The United Nations reports that the Caribbean (including St. Kitts and Nevis) experiences significant migratory movement for economic reasons, as well
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as movement of those seeking protection. The United Nations Human Rights Commission works in this area through Honorary Liaisons and collaborations with the International Organization for Migration (United Nations High Commission for Refugees 2005). The United Nations criticized St. Kitts in 2001 for its lack of legal protection with respect to the rights of children born out of wedlock (Fagan 2001). The Employment of Children Act restricts employment of children under the age of sixteen (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner on Human Rights 1997). A more in-depth look at each of these areas reveals the changing nature of life for children in St. Kitts and Nevis. EDUCATION All children in St. Kitts and Nevis have access to a free education, and schooling is compulsory for twelve years, from preschool through grade eleven. At that point, higher education is offered in the form of college/ university or technical schools. The literacy levels are estimated at 98 percent (U.S. Department of State 2006). In 1991, a National Committee on Education was established to investigate issues such as economic trends, management of the system, and teachers’ work conditions (Nations Encyclopedia On-line 2006). In November 2006, the Premier and Minister of Education for Nevis, Joseph Parry, emphasized his government’s focus on education. The Minister noted that Nevis needs to focus on education based on test results and asked parents to support the education and behavior initiatives (Caribbean Net News 2006a). A more recent telephone interview with the Minister of Education Sam Condor and the Secretary of Education Osmond Petty provided the following information regarding the educational system in St. Kitts. The Minister and Secretary confirmed that St. Kitts offers compulsory, free, and public education for all children from kindergarten through grade eleven; the primary level of education includes kindergarten through grade six and the secondary consists of grades seven through eleven. By law, children must attend school, and this education is the responsibility of the state. Students wear uniforms in all schools. Students from lower socioeconomic circumstances are supported with various programs, which may cover a variety of expenses associated with schooling, including testing fees. Among these programs are the Uniform Program, which helps pay for school uniforms; the Text Book Program, which helps pay for books; and the School Feeding Program, which provides meals for students. Children with disabilities are supported by a special unit that attends to them according to their special needs (Condor and Petty, telephone interview 2007). The Ministry of Education has identified gender as an issue of concern, in that the boys are falling behind the girls in terms of academic
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performance. Special efforts are being made to identify the cause of this gender disparity in performance and address the needs of the boys in schools. Diversity is not an issue in St. Kitts. The government of St. Kitts works in collaboration with various organizations to support the needs of the students of St. Kitts. These organizations include the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS), the Caribbean Examination Council, and the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). All students at the primary level participate in testing to assess ability and achievement based on the standard curriculum achievement. In grades three through six, the students take the National Test of Standards (assessing basic skills in math, English, social studies, and science). At the secondary level, students participate in subject area testing and all aspire to take various exit exams, including the exit exams from the Caribbean Examination Council. Currently, an interim exam is under development that would also assess job skills and achievements in English and Math (Condor and Petty, telephone interview 2007). The education system serves the needs of students at all levels of ability, offering three special programs for underachievers. These programs are funded to provide individual academic and technical support to capture and support those not doing as well as expected in school. Many students leave these programs to participate in further technical and university-level studies. These three programs are the Advanced Vocational Education Center (AVED), Project Strong, and Practical Youth Skills (soon to be renamed National Skills) Program. Scholarships for those graduating secondary school include the State Scholar Scholarship (US$25,000 a year) and the Technical Scholarship (US$10,000 a year) (Condor and Petty, telephone interview 2007). Every school in St. Kitts (K–11) is equipped with computers. Parental involvement is encouraged, as the Ministry acknowledges that those students who do the best in school have family support. The Education Act created an advisory board consisting of parents, educators, teacher union representatives, Ministry of Education representatives, and the private sector. Parents also participate in the Parent Teacher Association (PTA). Many private firms support the school systems with scholarships (Condor and Petty, telephone interview 2007). PLAY AND RECREATION Sports are offered for youth on the islands, including cricket, football (soccer), and track. Weather conditions are generally conducive to yearround sports activities. Summer camps as well as art and music activities are also offered for children and youth (Sun On-line 2006). The Minister of Education explained that students on the island especially love outdoor sports (soccer, cricket, net ball, basketball, and volleyball) and, like other students around the world, enjoy video games. St. Kitts sponsors an
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Annual Youth Camp through the Ministry of Youth. This residential camp takes place after school is out, and children from the region attend for two weeks. This camp is very popular and meets its capacity every year (Condor and Petty, telephone interview 2007). Recently, the Cable & Wireless corporation created a new sports program called CONECT: Committed to Optimistic National Goals for Each Child Together (Smithen 2006). CHILD LABOR The government of St. Kitts and Nevis participated in the 1999 International Labor Organization Meeting, during which it was determined that statistics on the number of children in the labor force were not available. It was noted, however, that children do help their families by working in agriculture and domestic service. There is some concern that they may also be involved in distribution of drugs, pornography, and prostitution. There have been no reported cases of forced or bonded child labor (U.S. Department of Labor 2006). A minimum working age of sixteen was set by the Employment of Children Ordinance and the Employment of Women, Young Persons, and Children Act. The Employment of Children Ordinance also outlaws slavery, servitude, and forced labor. The national constitution similarly prohibits slavery, servitude, and forced labor (U.S. Department of Labor 2006). FAMILY Family life in St. Kitts and Nevis in many ways demonstrates regional patterns, though demography and changes in the gender division of labor are also distinctively local. According to Christine Barrow, children in the Caribbean are valued though often seen as property of their parents. Children are disciplined and taught the value of manners. Girls are often kept home doing cognitive activities, while boys are encouraged to be outside and active. Education is valued and adults are considered to be authorities. Punishment is often preferred over positive encouragement (Barrow 2001). In his report for the United Nations Division of Social Policy and Development, Department of Economic and Social Affairs Program on the Family, Godfrey St. Bernard points out that religion plays a major role in family life in the Caribbean with regard to spousal roles, marriage, child bearing, and socialization of children. Consensual unions persist along with formal marriages, and though common-law and visiting unions traditionally are more prevalent in lower socioeconomic groups, there seems to be a trend in their increase in middle and higher income groups. The 2001 Survey of Living Conditions in St. Kitts and Nevis, conducted with the support of the Caribbean Development Bank and Kairi Consultants Ltd. and reported in the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean’s Quality of Life: A Compendium of Selected
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Social Statistics of Five Caribbean Countries (1995–2001), offers useful information about families (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean 2001a). In terms of family size, the survey reported the findings that 10.4 percent of families had only one member and 3.0 percent had ten or more members; 15.7 percent had three, 16.9 percent had four, and 14.8 percent had five members (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean 2001a, 22). Of the 117 cases of elderly persons living alone in the 2001 survey, 15.4 percent were between the ages of sixty and sixty-five, 15.4 percent between the ages of sixty-five and seventy, 18.8 percent between seventy and seventy-four, and 32.5 percent aged eighty or above (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean 2001a, 22). The projections of population in the Caribbean show a continued increase of older citizens, attributed to increased longevity, declining fertility rates, and the return of older natives to the islands during retirement. An aging population often results in multi-generational households, which may give grandmothers important roles in the family (St. Bernard 2003). Although there appears to be a tendency toward the Western model of the nuclear family with male providers and more working women in the Caribbean, there continues to be a concern for the marginalization of single mothers (St. Bernard 2003). There are a large number of families with female heads of household. The 2001 survey reported that 48.3 percent of family households were headed by females and 51.7 percent by males. The distribution of female-headed households reveals greater proportions at lower income levels. In other words, 65.1 percent of households in the poorest twenty percent are headed by women, compared with 43.0 percent in the richest twenty percent of households. In terms of employment, the poorest twenty percent of households also shows more unemployment among female heads of families (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean 2001a, 23 and 24). There is an increase of women in the Caribbean seeking higher education and entering the work force. According to St. Bernard, the trend leads to a declining fertility rate that correlates with the higher levels of education among females. Higher levels of female education also increase the likelihood of women entering the workforce, which may increase the family income (but also decrease the supervision of children in the home). These factors contribute to smaller families and a decline in household size (St. Bernard 2003). Education levels achieved by heads of household in St. Kitts and Nevis also showed some gender differences and variations associated with family incomes and economic status. Of the 969 families surveyed in 2001, 43.3 percent of male heads of household and 42.5 percent of female heads of household had finished secondary education, 25.1 percent of male and 24.4 percent of female heads of household had achieved only a primary education, and 6.2 percent of male and 4.6 percent of female heads of households had completed
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university level education. Whereas 10.4 percent of women family heads in the wealthiest quintile had a university-level education (compared with 11.2 percent of male heads), none in the poorest three quintiles had achieved this level of education (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean 2001a, 26). Globalization and technology also impact families in the Caribbean. The increase of tourism and air travel may have positive economic effects, though recent terrorism threats had an initial negative impact on tourism. Television and internet technologies expose families to other cultures, providing information, socialization, and entertainment. Some studies indicate that growing juvenile delinquency might be linked to television viewing that brings elements foreign to the traditional Caribbean cultures directly into homes (St. Bernard 2003). St. Kitts and Nevis, as in the rest of the world, is seeing changes in families due to globalization and technology, demographic shifts, higher levels of education, and an increase of women in the work force. Such changes may have both positive and negative effects. HEALTH The Ministry of Health is responsible for mobilizing resources to promote the health of the population in St. Kitts and Nevis. The Ministry has specifically targeted infants and children as a priority, including prenatal care. Attention has been turned to the promotion of breast feeding and the reduction of low birth weight babies (Pan American Health Organization 2001). Women who are mothers have been identified as an atrisk group, so programs to support prenatal and postnatal care are increasing on the islands. Childhood malnutrition and infant mortality were issues in the 1980s, but great strides have been made to improve the situation and provide more adequate health care. Thus severe childhood malnutrition is not a problem and mild to moderate undernutrition is decreasing. Breastfeeding is promoted in an effort to improve infant nutrition. Hepatitis B immunizations have been given to children from birth to five years of age since 1995. With widespread immunizations, most childhood diseases have been alleviated (Pan American Health Organization 2001). Young children (under five years old) are primarily hospitalized due to gastroenteritis and acute respiratory infections, as well as internal and external trauma (Pan American Health Organization 2001). There are three hospitals on St. Kitts and one on Nevis, with additional health clinics and pharmacies throughout the island to provide free health care, prescriptions, and vaccinations to residents (United States Department of State, Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs 2006). The current infant mortality rate is 14.12 per 1,000 births and the life expectancy at birth is now seventy years for men and seventy-six years for women (Pan American Health Organization 2001).
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The government of St. Kitts and Nevis is committed to improving health services for the vulnerable groups in society by strengthening programs targeted at women and children, the urban and rural poor, the elderly, and the disabled; to pursue an aggressive health advocacy and health promotion program; to continue the organizational reform of the health sector; to implement programs aimed at reducing the incidence and prevalence of chronic diseases, based on morbidity and mortality patterns; and to actively seek international partnerships in health (Pan American Health Organization 2001). To this end the Prime Minister has committed to increasing the portion of the national budget for health care by 5 percent (Pan American Health Organization in Focus 2005). As in most parts of the world, HIV/AIDS is a health concern that impacts the lives of children. The Prime Minister addressed this issue in 2001 in a statement to a special session of the United Nations. Dr. Douglas stated that the Caribbean is second to Africa in rates of infection and emphasized the devastation this causes in families, along with the need for international support to alleviate the spread of AIDS. He also noted that his country was working with the Caribbean Epidemiological Center (CAREC), the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), local private-sector organizations, civil society, and persons infected with the disease, and others to implement initiatives in an effort to address the problem of aids (Douglas 2001). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The UNICEF Office for Barbados and the Eastern Caribbean has overall responsibility for Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, the British Virgin Islands, Dominica, Grenada, Montserrat, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, and Turks and Caicos Islands, with an aggregate population of approximately 715,400. Though similar in many respects, each area also has uniqueness with regard to law and legal status of children (United Nations Children’s Fund 2006). According to the St. Kitts and Nevis 1997 report to the United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child, the age of majority in St. Kitts and Nevis is eighteen years (until 1983 and the passage of the Age of Majority Act it had been twenty-one years). The Juvenile Act establishes expectations with regard to the protection of children; it defines ‘‘juvenile’’ as an individual less than eighteen years old and ‘‘young person’’ as an individual between ages of fourteen and eighteen. An individual may legally marry at the age of sixteen, and the age of sexual consent is over sixteen years. The Juvenile Act specifies eight as the age of criminal liability (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights 1997). A report from the U.S. Department of State on Human Rights noted that violence against women was a problem, though many women do not file reports. Though law does not restrict the role of women, culture and
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tradition may limit women’s roles. For example, women do not hold as many high level positions as men do. The Ministry of Health and Women’s Affairs is promoting change in this area, and training for public officials on issues of domestic violence, sex crimes, and abuse is on-going. The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child has prompted a commitment to the rights or women and children (Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights 1997). RELIGIOUS LIFE The constitution provides for freedom of religion in St. Kitts and Nevis (United States Department of State 2000). The local phone book records over fifty-seven churches on the island and local residents report their religion to be an important part of life on Nevis and St. Kitts. The primary religion is Christianity, with Anglican being predominant; Evangelical Protestants and Roman Catholics have a minority presence (United States Department of State, Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs 2006). There are also small Rastafarian and Orthodox communities. The citizens of St. Kitts and Nevis are tolerant of all faiths, but Christian values and attitudes predominate. The government requires all schools to conduct morning Christian prayers and hymns (United States Department of State 2005). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Domestic violence legislation has been passed in St. Kitts and Nevis, although it had still not been put into force as of November 2001 when the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean did an evaluative study. Despite the passing of legislation on domestic violence, violence, including child abuse, continues to spread in the Caribbean region. Policy-makers have an ongoing problem obtaining victim profiles, identifying groups at risk, developing intervention programs, and monitoring the effectiveness of violence prevention. The situation is complicated by the social barriers of guilt and shame that inhibit self-identification as well as by a cultural acceptance of domestic violence. Official reports of incest are miniscule, though a strong perception remains that this is indeed a problem in the Caribbean countries studied by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (2001b). There is a concern that officials cannot respond effectively because children are not allowed to give evidence, teachers and health professionals do not report all cases, and social systems cannot provide quality alternative care. From 1990 to 1994 the number of cases of reported child abuse remained fairly constant (ranging from thirty-two to thirty-seven per year) with a slight drop to 25 reported cases in 1995. The Ministry of Social Development provides counseling services to families who are victims of abuse. The St. Christopher’s Children Home offers care for
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neglected, abused, abandoned, or homeless children. It is estimated that as many as 48 percent of children live with single mothers (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean 2001b). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Conditions for children on St. Kitts and Nevis continue to improve with the current governmental focus on issues concerning women, children, and families as well as the overall improvement of education and the economy. The outlook for children in the twenty-first century is encouraging. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Hubbard, Vincent K. 2002. Swords, Ships, & Sugar: History of Nevis. Revised edition. Corvallis, OR: Premier Editions International. This short, easy-to-read book provides a basic history of Nevis. The book includes information on the geography, weather, religion, pirates, slavery, and the sugar industry. Hubbard, Vincent K. 2003. A History of St. Kitts: The Sweet Trade. Northampton, MA: Interlink Pub Group, Inc. This book provides a short history of St. Kitts, which was the first British Colony in the West Indies. Mcdonald Byron, Rupert. 2001. The Dawn of Statehood in St. Kitts–Nevis–Anguilla. Bloomington, IN: Authorhouse. This novel provides a history of the first two years of statehood in the British colonies of St. Kitts, Nevis, and Anguilla. Though the novel does use actual events, it also introduces fictitious events. Permenter, Paris, and John Bigley. 2001. Antigua, Barbuda, St. Kitts and Nevis Alive! Edison, NJ: Hunter Publishing, Inc. This book offers a history of St. Kitts and Nevis that takes the reader right to modern St. Kitts and Nevis. It also discusses everything from culture, language, and media to plants, animals, and people. Sharman, Frank, and Amalia Stone. 1987. Discover St. Kitts: Columbus’ Favorite Island. Basseterre: Creole Publishing. This colorful book provides insight into the history, geography, and basic lifestyle of the island and people of St. Kitts.
Nonprint Resources Video Visits—Martinique, St. Kitts & Antigua, and the US Virgin Islands. Questar, Inc. 2003, 81 minutes. DVD. This DVD explores St. Kitts, Martinique, Antigua, and the Virgin Islands. It is narrated by Shari Belafonte-Harper.
Web Sites Explore St. Kitts–St. Kitts Tourism, http://www.stkittstourism.kn. This site provides video and narrative about St. Kitts. It includes a video tour and discusses topics such as businesses, dining, where to stay, and contact information.
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Government of Saint Christopher (St. Kitts) and Nevis official website, http:// www.gov.kn. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–St. Kitts and Nevis, http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ data_sheets/cty_ds_KNA.html.
Organizations and NGOs Caribbean/Latin American Action 1818 N Street, NW, Suite 310 Washington, DC 20036 Phone: (202) 466-7464 Fax: (202) 822-0075 Nevis Teachers’ Union Wakely Daniel, President Bernella Caines Hamilton, General Secretary P.O. Box 559 Charlestown, Nevis Phone: (869) 469-1118/8465 Fax: (869) 469-5663 Email: [email protected] Nevis Tourism Authority Main Street Charlestown, Nevis Phone: (869) 469-7550 or 1-866-55-NEVIS Fax: (869) 469-7551 Email: [email protected] St. Christopher Heritage Society Bay Road Basseterre, St. Kitts and Nevis Phone: (869) 465-5584 St. Kitts and Nevis Information Service Government Headquarters Church Street Basseterre, St. Kitts Contact: Ms. Heather Herbert Phone: (869) 465-2521 x1039 Fax: (869) 466-4505 Email: [email protected] St. Kitts Evangelical Association Dr. Oldain Charles, President P.O. Box 70 Basseterre, St. Kitts Phone: (869) 465-2203 Fax: (869) 465-6057
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St. Kitts-Nevis Bar Association C/O Kelsick Wilkin & Ferdinand South Square Street Basseterre, St. Kitts St. Kitts Teachers’ Union P.O. Box 545 Basseterre, St. Kitts Phone: (869) 465-2004/2096 Fax: (869) 465-1921 Email: [email protected] St. Kitts Tourism Authority Pelican Mall, Bay Road P.O. Box 132 Basseterre, St. Kitts Phone: (869) 465-4040 Fax: (869) 465-8794
Selected Bibliography Atlapedia Online. 2006. Federation of St. Kitts and Nevis. http://www.atlapedia .com/online/countries/stkitts.htm. Accessed November 20, 2006. Barrow, Christine. 2001. Situation Analysis of Children and Women in Twelve Countries in the Caribbean. Barbados: UNICEF Caribbean Area Office. http:// www.unicef.org/barbados/SitAn_Final_Report.doc. Caribbean Net News. 2006a. Children to Receive Fair and Equal Opportunities in Education, says Nevis Premier. http://www.caribbeannetnews.com/cgiscript/ csArticles/articles/000041/004137.htm. Accessed December 15, 2006. ———. 2006b. St Kitts-Nevis PM calls on young people to tap into the Empowerment Development Fund. http://www.caribbeannetnews.com/cgiscript/ csArticles/articles/000033/003369.htm. Accessed November 9, 2006. Condor, Sam, Minister of Education, and Osmond Petty, Secretary of Education. 2007. Personal telephone interview, January 31. St. Kitts. Country Studies Caribbean Islands. 1999. St. Kitts and Nevis Health and Welfare. http:// countrystudies.us/caribbean-islands/104.htm. Accessed November 5, 2006. Douglas, Denzil L. 2001. Statement to the Special Session on the United Nations General Assembly on HIV/Aids, St. Kitts and Nevis. http://www.un.org/ga/ aids/statements/docs/sknE.html. Accessed November 12, 2006. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). 2001a. Quality of Life: A Compendium of Selected Social Statistics of Five Caribbean Countries (1995–2001). http://www.eclac.cl/publicaciones/xml/7/9877/ carg0680.pdf. Accessed March 31, 2007. ———. 2001b. Caribbean Development and Cooperation Committee. An Evaluative Study of the Implementation of Domestic Violence Legislation: Antigua and Barbuda, St. Kitts/Nevis, Saint Lucia and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. http://www. eclac.org/publicaciones/xml/0/9910/carg0659.pdf. Accessed January 18, 2007. Encarta On-line Encyclopedia. 2006. St. Kitts and Nevis. http://encarta.msn.com/ encyclopedia_761552904/Saint_Kitts_and_Nevis.html. Accessed November 9, 2006.
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Fagan, Patrick F. 2001. How UN Conventions on Women’s and Children’s Rights Undermine Family, Religion, and Sovereignty. http://www.heritage.org/ Research/International Organizations/BG1407.cfm. Accessed December 11, 2006. Guide to St. Kitts. 2006. http://stkitts-guide.info/past.and.present/history/. Accessed January 20, 2007. History of St. Kitts and Nevis, History of the Nations. 2004. http://www.historyof nations.net/northamerica/stkitts.html. Accessed January 24, 2007. Infoplease, St. Kitts and Nevis. 2005. http://www.infoplease.com/ipa/A0107930. html. Accessed January 20, 2007. Nations Encyclopedia On-line. 2006. Americas St. Kitts and Nevis. http://www .nationsencyclopedia.com/Americas/St-Kitts-and-Nevis-EDUCATION.html. Accessed December 15, 2006. Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. 1997. Committee on the Rights of the Child. Consideration of Reports Submitted by States Parties under Article 44 of the Convention: St. Kitts and Nevis. http://www.hri.ca/fortherecord1997/documentation/tbodies/crc-c-3-add51 .htm. Accessed December 11, 2006. Pan American Health Organization. 2001. St. Kitts and Nevis. http://www.paho .org/English/SHA/prflskn.htm. Accessed December 15, 2006. Pan American Health Organization in Focus. 2005. Caribbean Leaders Endorse Health Recommendations. http://www.paho.org/English/DD/PIN/ptoday 15_sep05.htm. Accessed January 25, 2007. Sharman, Frank, and Amalia Stone. 1987. Discover St. Kitts: Columbus’ Favourite Island. Basseterre, St. Kitts: Creole Publishing. Smithen, Corliss. 2006. ‘‘Cable & Wireless Launches CONECT.’’ Sun St. Kitts and Nevis, July 20. http://sunstkitts.com/paper/?asknw¼view&asknw¼view,view &sun¼494418078207132005&an¼384519088507202006&ac¼Local. Accessed December 20, 2006. St. Bernard, Godfrey. 2003. Major Trends Affecting Families in Central America and the Caribbean. Prepared for United Nations Division of Social Policy and Development, Department of Economic and Social Affairs Program on the Family. http:// www.un.org/esa/socdev/family/Publications/mtstbernard.pdf. Accessed March 31, 2007. St. Kitts Government. 2006. Contact Information. http://www.gov.kn/default.asp? PageIdentifier¼49. Accessed December 26, 2006. St. Kitts Tourism. 2006. Explore St. Kitts: An Experience Like No Other. http:// www.stkittstourism.kn/DiscoverStKitts/index.asp. Accessed November 9, 2006. Sun On-line St. Kitts and Nevis. 2006. Arts Competition. http://sunstkitts.com/ paper/?asknw¼view&asknw¼view,view,view,view,view,view,view,view,view&su n¼494418078207132005&an¼440129118408192003&ac¼Community%20 Calendar. Accessed December 26, 2006. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 2006. Country Issues. At a Glance: St. Kitts and Nevis. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/stkittsnevis.html. Accessed November 20, 2006 and January 28, 2007. United Nations High Commission for Refugees. 2005. North American and Caribbean Global Report. http://www.unhcr.org/publ/PUBL/41ab28d70.pdf. Accessed January 25, 2007. University of Minnesota Human Rights Library. 1999. United Nations Human Rights Committee on the Rights of the Child, Concluding Observations:
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Saint Kitts and Nevis. http://www.law.wits.ac.za/humanrts/crc/saintkitts1999 .html. Accessed December 5, 2006. U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of International Affairs. 2006. St. Kitts and Nevis Government Policies and Programs to Eliminate Worst Forms of Child Labor. http://www.dol.gov/ilab/media/reports/iclp/tda2003/saint-kitts-nevis.htm. Accessed December 5, 2006. U.S. Department of State. 2000. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, St. Kitts and Nevis. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2000/wha/ 829.htm. Accessed November 20, 2006. ———. 2005. International Religious Freedom Report, St. Kitts & Nevis. http:// www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2005/51651.htm. Accessed February 24, 2007. ———. 2006. Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs. Background Note: St. Kitts and Nevis Profile. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/2341.htm. Accessed November 9, 2006.
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SAINT LUCIA, SAINT VINCENT, AND THE GRENADINES Xenobia N. Barrow NATIONAL PROFILE Saint Lucia and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines (SVG) are both island nations within the eastern Caribbean region and are members of the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS). In the chain of islands, both Saint Lucia and SVG are north of Trinidad and Tobago and South America, and south of the island of Dominica. On the east, they are bordered by the Atlantic Ocean and on the west by the Caribbean Sea as part of the Lesser Antilles. The landmass of Saint Lucia is approximately twice the size of SVG, although SVG is more densely populated. While there is a strong history of resistance to slavery in both islands, when independence was attained, it was more realistically a political concession and negotiation made by Britain rather than a war of independence (Knight 1990, 301–302). The colonial history of both islands is similar in the sense that domination and ownership was largely a political and geographical battle between the British and French empires in the
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seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In the late eighteenth century, Britain eventually gained full control over SVG and then similarly in Saint Lucia some thirty years later in 1814 (Knight 1990, 78, 176; Central Intelligence Agency 2007a). Both islands are young in their independence as they were granted autonomy from Britain in 1979, less than thirty years ago. During the West Indian Independence movement, however, Saint Lucia and SVG practiced self-government as Associated States while still under political allegiance to Britain (Knight 1990, 301–302). The archeological and anthropological research based on cultural artifacts and other excavated materials indicate the presence in the islands of native Indians groups, such as the Ciboneys over 7,000 years ago and the Arawaks in approximately 200 B.C. (Sutty 1993, 6). Today, the majority of the islands’ populations are descended from continental Africans who were enslaved during the triangular slave trade, as well as from runaway African slaves during the seventeenth century (Sutty 1993, 10). There is also a European presence from the colonial settlers, and historical miscegenation has increased the population of mixed-race islanders. In Saint Lucia, the population is approximately 90 percent black, 6 percent mixed descent, 3 percent East Indian, and 1 percent Caucasian (Central Intelligence Agency 2007a). In SVG, the population statistics differ in that there is a much larger percentage of the population that is considered to be mixed race, as well as a small presence of Carib and indigenous populations. Blacks form approximately 66 percent of the population. Nineteen percent are mixed persons, 6 percent are East Indian, 2 percent are Amerindians, and 7 percent are various ethnic groups that have settled in the islands over the years (Central Intelligence Agency 2007b). While research indicates that the European presence in the islands may have occurred before the voyages of Christopher Columbus, the most documented history
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of Europeans in the islands began KEY FACTS – SAINT LUCIA, SAINT VINCENT, AND with Columbus (Knight 1990, THE GRENADINES 28). Europeans entered SVG in Saint Lucia: 1498 on the third voyage of Population: 168,458 (2007 est.) Christopher Columbus in search Infant mortality rate: 12.81 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) of gold. The evidence is uncerLife expectancy at birth: 74.08 years (2007 est.) tain, but historians generally tend Literacy rate: 90.1 percent (2001 est.) to believe that Columbus landed Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 98 percent (2000–2005) in Saint Lucia during his fourth Internet users: 55,000 (2005 est.) voyage in 1502. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines: The population of Saint Lucia Population: 117,848 (2007 est.) is approximately 168,458. Slightly Infant mortality rate: 14.01 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) less than 30 percent of this popuLife expectancy at birth: 74.09 years (2007 est.) lation is under fifteen years of age Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 94 percent (2000–05) (Reuters Foundation; Central Internet users: 8,000 (2005 est.) Intelligence Agency 2007a). While the island has natural Sources: CIA World Factbook: Saint Lucia. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/geos/st.html. April 17, 2007; CIA World resources and is rich in minerals, Factbook: Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. https:// only 6.25 percent of Saint Lucia’s www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/vc.html. April 17, land is arable. Much of the coun2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Saint Lucia–Statistics. http:// www.unicef.org/infobycountry/stlucia_statistics.html. April 24, try’s income is generated by tour2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Saint Vincent and the Grenadines– ism and the related industries. Statistics http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ The Gross Domestic Protect stvincentgrenadines_statistics.html. April 24, 2007. (GDP) is $4,800 per capita, and the island is ranked seventy-first on the United Nations Development Programme Human Development Index (United Nations Development Programme 2006). SVG has a smaller population of 117,848 people, and similar to Saint Lucia, just below 30 percent of the population is under the age of fifteen. Ten percent of SVG’s GDP comes from the agricultural economy, unlike Saint Lucia where only 5 percent of GDP originates from agro-industry, although Saint Lucia exports larger amounts of crops and produce than SVG. In SVG, over 17 percent of land is arable, and export income is based primarily on crops and natural produce. The GDP is approximately $3,500 per capita, and SVG maintains a Human Development Index rank of 88 (United Nations Development Programme 2006). In general, both islands have a good amount of infrastructure in place to care for children and provide food security, but with the new challenges of poverty, unemployment, and health concerns, investment in existing infrastructure is necessary to support their child populations. OVERVIEW SVG has placed a significant effort into developing government infrastructure for social welfare and development. Within the government
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there is a Ministry of Education, a Ministry of Health and Environment, a Ministry of Tourism, Youth, and Sports, a Ministry of National Mobilization, Social Development, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO) Relations, Family, Gender Affairs and Persons with Disabilities, as well as a Ministry of Urban Development, Labor, Culture, and Electoral Matters. Children are serviced in a number of capacities through these and other ministries, but the national legal provisions for children outside of the international Convention on the Rights of the Child 1989 (CRC), in both Saint Lucia and SVG, are not as well developed. Through governmentsponsored provisions, public assistance is available in SVG for foster children, orphans, and children with disabilities. However, public assistance is minimal, at approximately $60 per month (Eastern Caribbean dollars [ECD]), particularly when the number of female-headed households is high and the income of males in the household is often absent (SealyBurke 2006, 5). In addition, the Ministry of Social Development partially subsidizes facilities for rehabilitation and training for persons with disabilities (U.S. Department of State 2006b). Both islands have made education a priority, but gains generally are more notable at the primary level than at the secondary level. Health and welfare conditions are challenged by the growing HIV/AIDS epidemic in the region. They are also challenged by the onslaught of natural disasters as both islands are situated within the hurricane belt. Exploitative child labor is generally differentiated from work that children perform on both islands, and infringement of child labor standards is generally unheard of in SVG and Saint Lucia, while the abuse of women and children is increasingly being recognized as a social and legal problem. The family structure continues to be based on traditional forms of unions in the Caribbean region; the dynamics of the international economy in addition to the implementation of economic structural adjustment policies have impacted women and children, as well as the income-generating activities that are typically utilized in female-headed households. Religious activities provide a basis for community interactions as well as cultural education and recreation for children in both islands. EDUCATION Education has been a national priority in Saint Lucia, particularly at the primary school level. Because the national government seeks to increase its economic independence with less reliance on export-oriented and tourist industries, it has increased education expenditures to develop the national human capital. Before independence, education was largely a function of the dominant churches on the island, such as the Catholic Church (Sheldon). After independence, schools that were organized under the colonial churches were supported by the national government and developed into a system of subsidized education. Preschool education
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was not practiced in Saint Lucia until the 1970s and was more clearly defined under the authority of the Ministry of Education by the mid1980s. At least 80 percent of children between the ages of three and five years old now attend preschool in Saint Lucia. In 1998 it was estimated that there were at least 150 preschools and thirty-three childcare facilities on the island, although many women still chose to have family members care for their children (Sheldon). Primary-school education is mandatory for all boys and girls, and universal education at the elementary stage has been achieved. By 2005, net primary school enrollment of young males was estimated at 99 percent, whereas net enrollment of females was estimated at 96 percent (United Nations Children’s Fund, ‘‘At a Glance: Saint Vincent and the Grenadines’’). Even though there is a 3 percent differential between males and females, it has been noted that females are consistently outperforming males in educational settings across the board. The Common Entrance Exam (CXE) is a mandatory exam at the end of the seventh grade for those students wishing to attend secondary schools in the West Indian islands. The 2002 report on CXE results in Saint Lucia demonstrates that females consistently scored higher on all subject areas compared with males, which resulted in the placement of approximately 356 more female students into secondary schools than males (Office of the Registrar of Examinations 2002). In addition to lower scores on the CXE for males, net male enrollment in secondary schools in Saint Lucia is generally lower than females. Male enrollment averages around 68 percent, whereas the average female enrollment is 74 percent (United Nations Children’s Fund, ‘‘At a Glance: Saint Lucia’’). The social problems associated with young boys and girls that do not attend high school, such as early pregnancy and increased levels of crime, are thus a concern for government. In 2003, 60 percent of children that took the CXE were placed in various secondary schools across the island, leaving 40 percent of youth in need of alternative forms of education (Social Issues 2004). There is a concern that the common entrance system is in fact exclusive and places a large amount of pressure on children to perform at extremely high levels in order for them to be able to attend high school. The 1997 Saint Lucia Education Act deems it necessary for all students to participate in mandatory education until the age of sixteen years. If a student does poorly on the CXE and is not placed in a secondary school, he or she attends a senior-primary program, which is focused on job-training education for three years of additional schooling (Sheldon). The benefit of such a system is that students have an option of developing skills that allow them to become productive citizens, but there is a stigma associated with attending such programs for children who have not done well on the CXE. In SVG, the Ministry of Education seeks to provide a high standard of education across the island in all areas, including academic, vocational and technical, athletic, and ethical education. In cooperation with the
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private sector, the government has sponsored a nonformal skills program for vocational education. The Youth Empowerment Program creates apprenticeship opportunities for children to learn the trades. In 2005, 500 young people were enrolled in the program and earned an estimated $148 per month while in training. There are currently six vocational technology schools on the island (Government of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines). Community education efforts are also allotted support by the SVG government. For example, there is a specific Community Education Program, which is designed to deliver workshops, training, and lectures on subjects dealing with social welfare and available social services and legal provisions. In addition, the program works with the Ministry of Education to deliver adult and continuing education opportunities, particularly for socially vulnerable parents (Government of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines). There are approximately sixty-two primary schools in SVG, and one school partially subsidized by the government for special needs children (Government of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines). Under the National Education Act, the government mandates that every child must attend primary school. Primary school education tuition is subsidized by the government, but families must pay through personal funds for food, transportation, and books for their children. For families under the poverty line, at least 37 percent of families, personal funds for education of children are often unavailable (Sealy-Burke 2006, 5, 10). Consequently, universal primary education has not been achieved in SVG. While the net enrollment of males in primary school was 95 percent and the net enrollment of females in primary school was 92 percent between 2002 and 2005 (United Nations Children’s Fund, ‘‘At a Glance: Saint Vincent and the Grenadines’’), the student attrition rate for young boys from the age of five to fifteen years was approximately 39 percent and 26 percent for young girls (Sealy-Burke 2006, 10). Thus retention, rather than enrollment, of children at the primary level of education is a challenge for SVG. There are twenty-two secondary schools on the island (Government of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines). Net enrollment for boys at the secondary level is 62 percent and for girls it is 63 percent (United Nations Children’s Fund, ‘‘At a Glance: Saint Vincent and the Grenadines’’). The results from the CXE in SVG show a similar trend to that of Saint Lucia. In 2006, 1,376 boys wrote the examination, and 482 passed. On the other hand 1,302 girls wrote the examination and 619 passed. Comparatively, in 2005, 453 of 1,812 boys passed the exam and 723 of 1,572 girls passed (Government of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines). Young girls continue to outperform young boys on the CXE, which translates into more young boys not attending secondary schools. The government must work toward promoting the realization of universal education, and the efforts to expand vocational education must be supported to give
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those children not in secondary schools valid options for career and educational development. PLAY AND RECREATION In SVG and in Saint Lucia, as in the majority of the West Indian islands, cricket and football (soccer) are among the most popular sports and recreational activities for children. With over fourteen cricket leagues in SVG, children and youth can engage in government-sponsored recreational and competitive activities. Government organizations such as the National Sports Council, the National Olympic Association, and the Ministry of Sports all participate in providing recreational and competitive sports opportunities for children (English 2001). Cricket has also been used to capture children’s attention regarding national social welfare initiatives that are pertinent to children. For example, the International Cricket Council and international human development organizations have used the popularity of cricket and other sporting activities to promote programs related to children and HIV/AIDS awareness. Children are excited to meet famous cricketers and also gain information on the important social issues that they face (McClean-Trotman 2007). In Saint Lucia, government-sponsored recreation for children and families has also typically appeared under the form of alternative education, which in turn is often centered on HIV/AIDS prevention efforts. Saint Lucia Family Planning worked with the national government and media to expand the conceptualization of HIV/AIDS education by using a radio soap opera to promote awareness, education, and prevention. The Apwe Plezi program ran for approximately two years and followed the themes typical of any other type of soap opera, except that it focused on issues related to family planning, sexual health, and social development (Vaughan, Regis, and St. Catherine 2000, 148). A national survey conducted to test the benefits of Apwe Plezi found that listeners and fans of the show were more aware of contraceptives, family health, and family planning. Preshow statistics showed that approximately 27 percent of female respondents thought that it was generally acceptable for partners or husbands to conduct sexual relations outside of a monogamous relationship or marriage, regardless of the associated health risks, whereas after the two years that Apwe Plezi aired, that percentage had decreased to 14 percent. Listeners of the show were more likely to work with family planning counselors and had actually adopted family planning methods in their daily lives (Vaughan, Regis, and St. Catherine 2000, 148). Such innovative attempts at educating the national population through media and recreation for families are crucial to Saint Lucia’s attempt to develop their human resources and to stem the impact of HIV/AIDS and other health concerns in the future. Established in 1987, the Saint Lucia School of Music is a worldrenowned institution that develops musical and arts activities in the
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framework of education for children. With two large centers and over four hundred students, the school has afforded young children the opportunity to develop skills and abilities in the performing arts while also engaging in fun activity. The school teaches children from preschool age and engages them in the larger cultural events of the island to develop a sense of community involvement. For example, students from the school participate annually in the internationally known Saint Lucia Jazz Festival (Saint Lucia School of Music). CHILD LABOR There are legal prohibitions against the employment and labor of children and minors under the age of sixteen years. The law in Saint Lucia becomes more specific for industrial-related labor where minors under the age of eighteen are prohibited from employment. For infringement of labor laws with regard to children under sixteen, the fine is at least US$3.55 (ECD$9.50) and for children under eighteen in industrial work it is US$8.88 (ECD$24.00) (U.S. Department of State 2006a). At times, child labor laws present obstacles to the informal labor sector, as well as agricultural work and family farming. While there are no reported incidences of child labor law infringement, it is not unusual for children to perform unclassified forms of work, particularly in large families. Children often work as small vendors during market days or in public cultural celebrations. They also tend to work in harvesting crops particularly in the rural areas of Saint Lucia (U.S. Department of State 2006a). Family farmers generally tend to employ immediate family on the farms rather than outsiders. Parents may have many children hoping to provide the human resources necessary to work their land. However, because of increasing trends of urbanization, there is a significant incidence of children leaving rural farms to live overseas or in urban areas (Barrow 1992, 41–49). In SVG, there are laws that protect children from child labor and exploitation in employment. The child labor that occurs on small familyowned farms, in cottage-industries, and on family-owned banana plantations that produce for the export sector is legally recognized as acceptable forms of child work (English 2001). The government has attempted to provide other opportunities for youth employment to stem the tendency towards exploitative child labor conditions by offering a youth employment program, where youth are given training and job experience within government ministries through one-year internships (U.S. Department of State 2006b). FAMILY Over 40 percent of the households in SVG are female-headed households (English 2001). Common-law unions are common between
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partners, and ‘‘visiting unions’’ and ‘‘friending’’ are frequently found in both islands. Such relationships allow the male to live apart from the female and their children (English 2001). As a result, although men maintain relationships with their children, women tend to bear the majority of the responsibility for child-rearing (English 2001). Women do enjoy some level of equity, as 53.5 percent of women are economically active in the Saint Lucian public sphere (United Nations Development Programme 2006). The rate of female activity as a percentage of male economic activity was 67 percent in 2006 (United Nations Development Programme 2006). Saint Lucian women working in export industry-related activities in settings such as factories experience high levels of job dissatisfaction and generally report a lower quality of life than those in other sectors of employment. In a 1980s survey, women commented on low salaries that left them with inadequate amounts of money to buy food for their children (Kelly 1987, 37). Some of these female workers were aware of the government’s role in the determination of their salaries, particularly those that worked in factories owned by foreign corporations, and believed that the government should assert more stringent policies towards foreign companies operating in Saint Lucia (Kelly 1987, 38). The enabling economic environments of small-island states, which are created by the national government to seek higher levels of direct foreign investments, means that national salaries are set at low rates and taxes on foreign corporations are reduced. As a result, cracking down on corporations to improve women’s labor rights is unlikely (Kelly 1987, 89). Women of female-headed households often reported that they engaged in piecework. These workers are paid based on the amount of pieces they produce according to assigned quotas, which pressure women to work quickly with long hours and no breaks in unsafe conditions (Kelly 1987, 40–42). Because such labor is considered to be flexible, women can be laid off at any time with minimal job security. The flexibility of labor caused psychological stress for women in female-headed households (Kelly 1987, 47–48). In circumstances where the family exists on one income, women are responsible for providing food, housing, and clothing for their children. Women were generally concerned that because of their low incomes, the education of their children would be affected in the longterm even though only approximately one-fifth of women had their children enrolled in primary/nursery schools. Most often, women relied on other female family members to care for children while at work, in addition to neighbors and surrounding community members (Kelly 1987, 80–81). HEALTH Saint Lucia’s population growth rate is approximately 1.29 percent, with an estimated twenty births per 1,000 persons and just over five
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deaths per 1,000. The total fertility rate is 2.2 percent, and life expectancy is estimated at seventy-three years of age (United Nations Children’s Fund, ‘‘At a Glance: Saint Lucia’’). Female life expectancy averages approximately 73.9 years while male life expectancy is estimated at 69.3 years of age (United Nations 2006, 338). On a scale of 0 to 1, the probability of survival for children between birth and fifteen years of age has increased from 0.83 probability in the 1950s and 1960s to 0.98 probability in 2002 (United Nations 2006, 338). The crude death rate has also decreased from around 8 percent in the 1970s to 7 percent in 2005. Infants that are born with low birth weight averaged about 10 percent between 1998 and 2005. Generally, infant and child mortality rates have improved significantly through the latter half of the twentieth century (United Nations Children’s Fund, ‘‘At a Glance: Saint Lucia’’; United Nations 2006, 338). National data for Saint Lucia indicates that in the 1950s and 1960s, infant mortality for males was at least 110 deaths for every 1,000 live births and for females 104 deaths for every 1,000 births. By 2002, male infant mortality had decreased sharply to thirteen deaths per 1,000 births, and female infant mortality decreased to fifteen deaths for every 1,000 births (United Nations 2006, 338). Yet the United Nations estimates that the mortality rate for children under the age of five is at least twenty deaths for every 1,000 births. Consequently, international organizations are encouraging the Saint Lucian government to strengthen healthcare provisions in this area (United Nations 2006, 338). Almost all of the population of Saint Lucia has access to clean water and has been immunized against typically preventable illnesses, such as tuberculosis, diphtheria, polio, measles, and hepatitis. Averages for immunization in these areas fluctuate between 95 percent and 100 percent, and the provision of clean sanitation facilities in both urban and rural areas is just below 90 percent (United Nations Children’s Fund, ‘‘At a Glance: Saint Lucia’’). Malaria was a great concern in the 1980s and 1990s, but with widespread government efforts towards national infant immunization, malaria has been contained in the island in accordance with the International Millennium Development Goals (‘‘Millenium Development Goals’’ 2004). The first reported case of HIV/AIDS in Saint Lucia occurred in 1985. The numbers of reported incidences are steadily increasing. By 2003, there were 401 reported cases of HIV-infected victims, with at least 194 persons who had full-blown AIDS. Even though there have been attempts at early intervention and prevention through community-based programming, the rates of infection have continued to grow. By 2005, the Division of Gender Relations notes that there were over 546 reported cases of HIV infection (Division of Gender Relations 2006, 1). The national prevalence rate is approximately 0.12 percent, which is quite low for the region when compared with islands such as Haiti, Trinidad and Tobago, Jamaica, and the Dominican Republic. Under the Ministry of
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Health, the Saint Lucia Aids Action Foundation and the Aids Secretariat were created in order to deal with the growing number of AIDS patients (Division of Gender Relations 2006, 1). The most notable growth of prevalence is in young females between the ages of twenty-five and thirty-four, the segment of the population most likely to be of childbearing age. HIV/AIDS prevalence in this female cohort increases the possibility of mother-to-child-transmission (MTCT). Of all cases, 47 percent of HIV infections occur among females and, although more men than women have died from AIDS, the ratio of deaths among females in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries is increasing rapidly. Because of low levels of condom usage, power relations based on gender domination in sexual activity, rape, economic dependency on male partners, poor awareness on sexual education matters, and multiple partnering, women are increasingly affected by HIV/ AIDS (Division of Gender Relations 2006, 1). Saint Lucia has a national program for HIV/AIDS (Jack 2001, 32). With the assistance of the World Bank, the government was able to deliver the National HIV/AIDS Strategic Plan that was created to mitigate the impact of HIV/AIDS from 2005 to 2009. In addition to the strategic approach, a National AIDS Coordinating Council (NACC) was created to encourage and monitor the delivery of the HIV/AIDS plan (Division of Gender Relations 2006, 1). Although women from the age of twenty-five are most affected, the increasing risk to young girls around the age of fifteen is also of concern. Because of the young ages of first sexual intercourse experience in the island, teen girls generally are more at risk than young boys for new infections. There are children infected by HIV/AIDS, although prevalence rates and statistics are underreported. Children are also orphaned, which heightens their experience of alienation and poverty. There is a national program for the care of children infected by HIV by which children receive public assistance, including a monthly stipend in addition to provisions that allow them to gain care and free medication. The allowance has increased from ECD$60 to ECD$250 (Division of Gender Relations 2006, 4). The population growth rate in SVG is 0.26 percent. Approximately 26.7 percent of the population is under the age of fourteen. Total fertility rates are estimated at 1.83 births per woman. There are approximately 16.18 births for every 1,000 persons, and 5.98 deaths for every 1,000 persons. Infant mortality rates for children under the age of five are approximately 14.4 deaths for every 1,000 live births. For infant males, the mortality rates are higher than for females; in 2006, the male infant mortality rate was 15.67, while the female infant mortality was 13.08. In general, infant mortality rates have decreased since the millennium. In 1990, infant mortality for children under the age of five was twenty-five deaths for every 1,000 live births (Central Intelligence Agency 2007b).
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At 10 percent, the rate of infants born with a low birth weight is the same as in Saint Lucia (United Nations Children’s Fund, ‘‘At a Glance: Saint Vincent and the Grenadines’’). The government of SVG has subsidized a school-feeding program nationally. The school-feeding program seeks to ensure national food security and services to those children in preschool and primary school who are particularly socially vulnerable, whose families are in poverty, and who are at a higher risk for malnutrition and preventable illnesses than other segments of the population. The program subsidizes at least one-third of young children’s daily nutrition requirements (Government of SVG). As such, the government has made child nutrition a social welfare priority. Like Saint Lucia, the government of SVG has made considerable efforts toward ensuring national immunizations against tuberculosis, diphtheria, polio, measles, hepatitis, and other preventable and treatable illnesses. National immunization rates range from 93 percent to 100 percent. Life expectancy in the island is approximately seventy-one years of age, a ten-year increase from the 1970s expectancy rate of sixty-one years of age (United Nations Children’s Fund, ‘‘At a Glance: Saint Vincent and the Grenadines’’). Male life expectancy averages 71.99 years of age and female expectancy 75.77 years (Central Intelligence Agency 2007b). The prevalence of HIV/AIDS in SVG is actually higher than that of Saint Lucia, although SVG has a smaller landmass and population. The first AIDS case was reported in 1984, one year before the first case was reported in Saint Lucia. In 2002, the prevalence rate was estimated at 1.36 percent in SVG, while it was estimated at 0.83 percent in Saint Lucia (Caribbean Epidemiology Center 2004). In 2004, the number of reported cases of HIV infection was 796 (Sealy-Burke 2006, 2), 250 more cases than those reported in Saint Lucia in 2005. While MTCT seems to be a growing concern, the government has worked toward mitigating this problem through a program for MTCT. In the early 1990s, when the concern was greatest, approximately 0.5 percent of children were infected by this mode of transmission, and by the millennium, the rate of MTCT had decreased significantly and was 0.1 percent (United Nations Children’s Fund, ‘‘At a Glance: Saint Vincent and the Grenadines’’). SVG shares the concern for women and the HIV/AIDS pandemic. The trend in the island has followed the pattern of the majority of the Caribbean islands in that females have become the most affected population. Annually, females are infected at a higher rate than males in all age cohorts, twenty-five to thirty-five, fifteen to nineteen, and birth to five years of age. In addition, the high rate of teen pregnancies on the island heightens the risk for teen girls and increases the chance that newborn children will become orphaned at an early age. International researchers have termed this trend the ‘‘feminization’’ of HIV/AIDS (Sealy-Burke 2006, 2). Gains in social welfare and health were impacted by the recent Hurricane Ivan in 2004. Saint Lucia and SVG were affected to a lesser extent
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than islands such as Grenada. Natural disasters do have negative impacts in that they erode potential gains made by non-governmental and governmental organizations, as well as communities, to alleviate circumstances of poverty and poor health across the board (Sealy-Burke 2006, 3). The SVG Red Cross reported that approximately nineteen homes were lost and forty homes were in need of repairs after Hurricane Ivan. In addition, an estimated 1,000 persons sought accommodation in the twenty-eight shelters that were provided in the island (Red Cross Relief Web 2004). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS In Saint Lucia, the Ministry of Education and Culture, as well as a Ministry of Social Transformation, Human Services, Family Affairs, Youth and Sports, work in coordination with the Ministry of Housing and the Ministry of Health to provide for the social welfare of children. Under the Saint Lucia Civil Code (SLCC), children have significant social protections that are legally enshrined, although enforcement of legal protection is less successful than the delineation of legal measures. The Canadian International Development Agency and the government of Saint Lucia reformed the Saint Lucia Civil Code in accordance with the CRC in 2004. Since 1879 when the code was created, children’s rights have increased dramatically as they are considered persons under the law (Family Law Committee 2006, 4–5). One concern in the SLCC is that the rights accorded to children in relation to their legal status as legitimate—children born into a marriage—are denied to illegitimate children who are not legally under the submission of a parental authority. This may work in favor of or against children, depending on the circumstances; for example, in the case of inheritance laws. Illegitimate children are often denied rights to inheritance, but in terms of support, illegitimate and legitimate children are accorded the same rights (Family Law Committee 2006, 28–31). Illegitimacy is particularly significant in Saint Lucia, according to the research findings from international family-planning perspectives. Traditional Caribbean unions are still prevalent in Saint Lucia, as many couples do not engage in official marriages but opt to cohabit in common-law type unions. Consequently, legal protections are difficult to provide in a context where an average of 85 percent of children, for example, were born outside of legal marriages in 1990s (Vaughan, Regis, and St. Catherine 2000, 148). In 2005, SVG recognized the problem of social violence against women when it was addressed at the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women. The government of SVG has ratified this convention. In addition, under the Domestic Violence and Matrimonial Proceedings Act of 1984 and the Domestic Violence Act of 1995, women are entitled to protections under
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the law from domestic abuse (International Women’s Rights Action Watch). The provision of child support for single mothers in SVG is supported by the CRC under Article 27. In terms of national law, the Status of the Children Act created in 1971 also provides for child support and eliminates the previous legal differentiation between legitimate and illegitimate children, which caused both legal and social inequity (Sealy-Burke 2006, 5–6). In reality, illegitimate children are still victims of social inequalities. Mothers of illegitimate children are required to follow different legal procedures to gain support for their children under the Maintenance Act than married mothers who file for support under the Matrimonial Causes Act. Support allocated for illegitimate children is often granted in lower amounts and comes attached with more stringent conditions (Sealy-Burke 2006, 5–6). RELIGIOUS LIFE According to a 2001 census, the Central Intelligence Agency reports that 67.5 percent of the population in Saint Lucia are Roman Catholic, 8.5 percent are Seventh-Day Adventist, 5.7 percent are Pentecostal, 2.1 percent are Rastafarian, 2 percent are Anglican, 2 percent are Evangelical, 5.1 percent consider themselves as part of another Christian denomination, and 2.6 percent are other or unspecified. Just over 4 percent report that they have no religious affiliation (Central Intelligence Agency 2007a). The religious practices vary across Christian spiritualism for the most part, but the retention of African cultural traditions as well as indigenous Amerindian spiritualism have historically played a part in the cultural and religious life of Saint Lucia as well as SVG (English 2001). In SVG, the majority of the religious population are Anglican. Approximately 47 percent of the population reports their affiliation to the Anglican Church, while 28 percent are Methodist, 13 percent are Catholic, and 12 percent are Hindu, Seventh-Day Adventist, or practice another form of Protestantism (Central Intelligence Agency 2007b). In general, children are typically well versed in Biblical scriptures, which they learn through attending church services and other activities centered in the church community (English 2001). The syncretism that has occurred in Saint Lucia and SVG, where there has been a blending and mixture of West African traditions, East Indian cultural practices from the indentured Indians that arrived in the islands during the nineteenth century (English 2001), and European forms of Catholic worship, has resulted in a cultural context where religious and artistic practices have served as educational tools for children. Historically, there have been monthly religious celebrations in Saint Lucia that involve festivals, music, dancing, church services and processions, and so on. Children’s play activities as well as the passing down of oral histories and storytelling are often involved in these activities (Crowley 1957, 4–5).
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On the weekends and during the evening times, adults traditionally sang folk songs called ‘‘ti shaso’’—meaning ‘‘little songs’’—and told traditional stories to school children. Singing activities, music to accompany children’s games, and rhyming activities were also typically conducted in English rather than Creole/patois (Crowley 1957, 13–14). Cultural education and community history were taught through songs and drumming. Through such artistic methods, religious and cultural information about the origins of the African Caplawu nation, the Angol, and the Awandu nations, which were African tribes from which certain segments of the Saint Lucian population claimed their ancestry, were passed down to children. In order to keep cultural traditions alive, dances and rituals such as the Kele and the Kutumba were performed. This type of education was particularly important during the masquerades of Saint Lucia during the Christmas and New Years seasons (Crowley 1957, 8). Today, children participate in masquerades, and young children are often the most skilled dancers and artists that participate in such celebrations. The community participates in cultural activities by making musical instruments on which children perform, or costumes. Children participate with adults in singing the traditional songs of Saint Lucia and other islands, which are often combined with religious hymns that have been passed down from European religions. While the extent to which community members still integrate indigenous forms of worship and culture into the everyday lives of children is obscure, there is evidence to suggest that tradition continues through the noted importance of dreams and supernatural beings, Moco Jumbies or spirits, which are often depicted with vibrant costumes in festivals and carnivals (English 2001). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The incidence of child abuse is underreported, and the abuse of women goes almost unreported. For example, although violence against women is a recognized social dilemma in Saint Lucia, the family court only tried 34 cases in 2004, and documentation of reported cases in other years is not readily available. The legal system tends to have a hands-off policy toward domestic affairs and generally does not pursue cases of domestic or social violence unless the victim reports them. The victim must file a complaint and must press charges against the perpetrator (U.S. Department of State 2006a). Protection orders can be issued by the court, and the penalty for rape can range from fourteen years imprisonment to life in jail. Under such legal provisions, sexual harassment is illegal but often goes unnoticed, particularly in cases against prostitutes since prostitution is itself illegal and sex workers are typically stigmatized and marginalized from the larger society (U.S. Department of State 2006a). More knowledge of the abuses against women and children is generally found in the non-governmental sector. In Saint Lucia’s capital city,
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Castries, an organization named the Saint Lucia Crisis Center began to keep track of reported cases of social violence against women and children. In 2004, nine cases were tracked. Cases involved sexual violence, incest, poverty, homelessness, delinquency in child support payments, alcoholism, drug use, and other social welfare concerns. The organization works with a government-provided shelter, the Women’s Support Center, for crisis management, and women’s help hotlines (U.S. Department of State 2006a). In 2005, the U.S. State Department’s Country Report on Human Rights Practices documented reported abuses against children in Saint Lucia. There were seventy-five reported cases of sexual abuse, ninety-five cases of non-sexual physical abuse, twenty-nine incidents of psychological abuse, and at least 107 incidents of neglect and abandonment (U.S. Department of State 2006b). It is important to note that the statistics document only reported cases, and real numbers in small-island societies are often difficult to determine, particularly when urban–rural differentials and underreporting are taken into consideration. While children’s legal protections are officially in place under the SLCC, instituting social acceptance of the concept of children’s rights is often a more challenging task. The responsible government ministry for such child abuses is the St. Lucian Division of Human services under the Ministry of Health, Human Service, Family Affairs and Gender Relations. Although reporting of sexual abuse has gradually increased from forty-nine reports in 2003 to sixty-five cases in 2004, the division has come under criticism from children’s advocates who claim that there are few mechanisms in the welfare system that encourage children and parents to report abuse. In addition, the Country Report indicated that parents in financial difficulty would sometimes accept monetary compensation for agreeing not to report circumstances of abuse to appropriate authorities. Public court cases and statements by legal officials in Saint Lucia are beginning to bring national recognition to the growing problems of sexual assault and of adults engaging in sexual activities with minors; almost half of criminal cases heard in the court are related to sexual violence (U.S. Department of State 2006a). In SVG, a non-governmental organization the St. Vincent and the Grenadines Human Rights Association (SVGHRA), takes responsibility for ensuring that human rights violations for children and adults are minimal, particularly in the areas of police brutality and other forms of social violence (U.S. Department of State 2006b). The SVGHR has reported to the U.S. Department of State that the conditions of juvenile offenders in prison are unacceptable. Furthermore, there are no juvenile detention centers on the island, and child offenders are imprisoned with adult offenders (Sealy-Burke 2006, 9). There are concerns for health and hygiene, the spread of HIV/AIDS in the facility, and lack of training development while in detention (U.S. Department of State 2006b).
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There were sixty-three instances of child abuse handled by the Family Services Department in 2005. These cases were tried in family court, however, as in Saint Lucia, underreporting is still a concern for children who remain in abusive circumstances with limited social advocacy or support mechanisms. While it is socially acknowledged that child abuse, particularly sexual molestation of young girls and boys, is a significant social problem, there are insufficient legal mechanisms in place to deliver justice in such circumstances. While the Juvenile Act of SVG does address child protection issues, as of July 2006 there were no specific provisions in the law that dealt with legalities and due process in sexual or domestic abuse cases (Sealy-Burke 2006). In addition, because the age of consent is as young as fifteen years old, teens above the age of fifteen remain vulnerable to sexual abuse. Furthermore, punishments for abuses of children under that age of fifteen are lenient at best (Sealy-Burke 2006, 8). The Caribbean Association of Family Research and Action has been active in SVG, facilitating programs and workshops for women and police officers on domestic violence against women and legal interventions. In 2005, seventy-eight instances of rape were reported. Under half of these cases were prosecuted, and forty-seven were assigned for further investigation (U.S. Department of State 2006b). Between 1986 and 1989, researchers noted that at least 75 percent of abusers were a significant other, while 15 percent of abusers were husbands and 10 percent were another male member of the extended family (International Women’s Rights Action Watch). Female victims typically ranged from age thirteen to thirty-four. In combination with the non-governmental organizations, the National Committee against Violence under the Ministry of Education, Women’s Affairs, and Culture has conducted workshops on social equity and empowerment for women in the island (International Women’s Rights Action Watch). It was noted that, in 2005, 443 cases were brought to the attention of the family courts, but many cases have not been prosecuted (U.S. Department of State 2006b). Non-governmental organizations, such as SVGHRA and Marion House, work with women to encourage reporting of cases and the social empowerment of women and their families. While Marion House provides other social support services for women and children, such as counseling and therapy, there are no official battered women’s shelters on the island (International Women’s Rights Action Watch). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY In the twenty-first century, both SVG and Saint Lucia face issues of economic competitiveness as small islands in an international economic system. The welfare of the islands’ children depends on the ability of national governments and regional organizations, such as OCES and the
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Caribbean Economic community, to navigate the waters of social change and development. Both islands must focus on equipping their populations with skills, abilities, various forms of education, and awareness of social welfare challenges. The current competitiveness and exclusivity of the education system has led to high standards of achievement among a minority of excellent students, but the larger goals of national education must focus on inclusion and achievement across the islands in order to adequately address social, health, and economic concerns. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Correia, Maria, and Wendy Cunningham. 2003. Caribbean Youth Development: Issues and Policy Directions. World Bank Country Study. World Bank Publications. This World Bank publication focuses on child and youth development as it relates to health, social productivity, and well-being of the surrounding community. Mohammed, Patricia. 1999. Caribbean Women at the Crossroads: The Paradox of Motherhood among Women of Barbados, St. Lucia and Dominica. Mona, Jamaica: Canoe Press, University of the West Indies. Mohammed provides a psycho-social analysis of the experience of family and mothering in St. Lucia. Her book describes the social conditions under which women live and how social circumstances impact their ability to rear children. Orr, Tamra. 2003. The Windward Islands: St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Grenada, Martinique, & Dominica. Mason Crest Publishers. This is a text intended for children to read about the culture, history, and society of the islands. Parry, Odette. 2001. Male Underachievement in High School Education: In Jamaica, Barbados, and St. Vincent and the Grenadines. Mona, Jamaica: University Press of the West Indies. Parry discusses male performance in the education systems of the West Indies in the context of gender issues, as well as the topic of homophobia in Caribbean society. Reynolds, Anderson. 2003. The Struggle for Survival: An Historical, Political, and Socioeconomic Perspective of St. Lucia. Vieux-Fort, St. Lucia: Jako Books. This text examines the precolonial and colonial history of St. Lucia, as well as the development of the primary commodity export industry and the impact of tourism on the socioeconomic, political, and environmental climate of St. Lucia. Rubenstein, Hymie. 1987. Coping with Poverty: Adaptive Strategies in a Caribbean Village. London: Westview Press. Case studies of St. Vincent and the Grenadines that provide specific examples of how everyday people within the African community of the island employ various mechanisms to cope with conditions of poverty.
Nonprint Resources Derek Walcott. 1989. By Bill Moyers. New York: WNET. PBS Television Series. In this interview, the Nobel Prize-winning author, poet, and teacher talks about his homeland, St. Lucia, and the importance of language in a formerly colonized society. Parker, Phillip, and Eli Lilly. 2006. The Economic Competitiveness of St. Vincent & the Grenadines: Financials Returns, Labor Productivity and international Gap.
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Digital–PDF. Fountainebleau, France: Icon Group International. Parker and Lilly explore issues of international finance and productivity in St. Vincent and the Grenadines that affect the state of the island.
Web Sites Organization of Eastern Caribbean States, http://www.oecs.org/. Web site for the regional organization that includes information on economic, social, and political developments in the region. Also has information and literature regarding development programs and projects.
Organizations and NGOs CARE–Centre for Adolescent Rehabilitation and Education Executive Director, Dr. Karleen Mason Parish Centre, Micoud Street Castries, St. Lucia Phone: (758) 452-7689 Skills Centre in Vigie Phone: (758) 451-8211 Gros Islet Center Phone: (758) 450-8179 Anse-La-Raye Center Phone: (758) 451-4889 Canaries Center Phone: (758) 452-4144 Type of vocational education setting that accommodates many students who did not pass the Common Entrance Examinations and seek alternative educational settings outside of secondary schools. Saint Lucia Folk Research Center Plas Wiches Foklo Executive Director, Kennedy Samuel Mount Pleasant P.O. Box 514 Castries, St. Lucia Phone: (758) 452-2279/31477 Fax: (758) 451-9365 Mobile: (758) 285-0340 Email: [email protected] This organization works with educational, social, and cultural institutions to promote cultural education and economic development in the island of St. Lucia. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines Red Cross Mr. Jonathan Pitt, President Mrs. Dora James, Vice President Halifax Street Ministry of Education Compound P.O. Box 431 Kingstown, St. Vincent
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Phone: (748) 456-1888 Fax: (784) 485-6210 Email: [email protected] International organization with national base in St. Vincent and the Grenadines. Works in the area of general health and social welfare development, as well as disaster and crisis management.
Selected Bibliography Barrow, Christine. 1992. Family Land and Development in St. Lucia. Monograph Series No. 1. Institute of Social and Economic Research: University of the West Indies. Caribbean Epidemiology Center. 2004. Status and Trends: Analysis of the Caribbean HIV/AIDS Epidemic, 1982–2002. CAREC/PAHO/WHO. Central Intelligence Agency. 2007a. The World Factbook: Saint Lucia. https:// www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/st.html. Accessed March 29, 2007. ———. 2007b. The World Factbook: Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. https:// www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/vc.html. Accessed March 29, 2007. Crowley, Daniel. 1957. ‘‘Song and Dance in St. Lucia.’’ Ethnomusicology 1, no. 9: 4–14. Division of Gender Relations. 2006. Gender Aspects of HIV/AIDS: Best Practices in Saint Lucia. 2006. http://www.oas.org/cim/XXXIII%20Asamblea%20de%20 Delegadas/Best%20practices%20HIVAIDS/SAINT%20LUCIA%20%20Best%20 Practices%20Gender%20and%20HIVAIDS.doc. Accessed April 2, 2007. English, Sharon. 2001. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines: A Cultural Profile. Toronto: Anti-Racism, Multiculturalism and Native Issues Centre, Faculty of Social Work, University of Toronto. http://www.cp-pc.ca/english/stvincent/ stvincent.eng.pdf. Accessed April 3, 2007 Family Law Committee. 2006. Saint Lucia Civil Code Reform Project: Report of the Family Law Committee, July 26, 2006. Canadian International Development Agency and the Government of Saint Lucia. http://www.stlucia.gov.lc/docs/ Report_of_the_Family_Law_Committe.pdf. Accessed March 30, 2007. Government of Saint Lucia. http://www.stlucia.gov.lc. Accessed April 1, 2007. Government of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. http://www.gov.vc. Accessed April 1, 2007. International Women’s Rights Action Watch. Country Reports: Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. http://iwraw.igc.org/publications/countries/st_vincent_ and_grenadines.htm. Accessed April 6 2007. Jack, Noreen. 2001. ‘‘HIV/AIDS in Caribbean Children and Adolescents.’’ pp. 23– 40. In HIV/AIDS and Children in the English Speaking Caribbean. Edited by Barbara A. Dicks. Binghamton, NY: Haworth Press, Inc. Kelly, Deirdre. 1987. Hard Work, Hard Choices: A Survey of Women in St. Lucia’s Export-Oriented Electronics Factories. Occasional Paper No. 20. Institution of Social and Economic Research: University of the West Indies. Knight, Franklin W. 1990. The Caribbean: The Genesis of a Fragmented Nationalism. New York: Oxford University Press. McClean-Trotman, Lisa. 2007. ‘‘England Cricketers Inspire Youths and Support AIDS Campaign in St. Lucia.’’ UNICEF. http://www.unicef.org/infoby country/stlucia_39155.html. Accessed April 6, 2007.
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‘‘Millennium Development Goals: A Global Assault on Hunger and Poverty.’’ 2004. Social Issues 4, no. 3 (May). http://www.stlucia.gov.lc/docs/socialbulletin/ SocialIssuesBulletinMDG.pdf. Accessed March 25, 2007. Office of the Registrar of Examinations. July 2002. Synopsis of the 2002 Common Entrance Examination Results. Ministry of Education, Human Resource Development, Youth and Sports: Educational Evaluation and Examinations Unit. http://www.stlucia.gov.lc/docs/commonentrance2002.pdf. Accessed March 28, 2007. Red Cross Relief Web. 2004. Caribbean: Hurricane Ivan Information Bulletin No. 3. International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC). September 2004. http://72.14.209.104/search?q¼cache:6XXnRAmIQ6EJ: www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/HMYT-64MRU9%3FOpenDo cumentþHurricaneþIvanþ-þSaintþVincent&hl¼en&ct¼clnk&cd¼8&gl¼us. Accessed March 30, 2007. Reuters Foundation. Alertnet: Alerting Humanitarians to Emergencies. http:// www.alertnet.org/db/cp/vincentgrenadines.htm. Accessed March 30, 2007. Saint Lucia School of Music. http://lcmusicschool.com. Accessed on March 30, 2007. Sealy-Burke, J. 2006. Protecting Children Affected by AIDS in the Caribbean: Recommendations for Legal Reform in SVG. World Bank-Netherlands Partnership Program. Sheldon, A. St. Lucia Basic Data. http://www.education.statuniversity.com/pages/ 1294/Saint-Lucia.html. Accessed March 29, 2007. Sutty, Lesley. 1993. St. Vincent and the Grenadines. London: Macmillan Press Ltd. United Nations Children’s Fund [UNICEF]. At A Glance: Saint Lucia. http:// www.unicef.org/infobycountry/stlucia.html. Accessed March 27, 2007. ———. At a Glance: Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/stvincentgrenadines.html. Accessed March 27, 2007. United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division. 2006. United Nations World Mortality Report 2005. http://www.un.org/ esa/population/publications/worldmortality/WMR 2005.pdf. Accessed March 22, 2007. United Nations Development Programme. 2006. Human Development Report 2006. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/. Accessed March 29, 2007. U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. 2006a. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2005: Saint Lucia. http:// www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2005/61740.htm. Accessed April 4, 2007. ———. 2006b. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, 2005: Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2005/61741. htm. Accessed April 4, 2007. Vaughan, P., A. Regis, and E. St. Catherine. 2000. ‘‘Effects of an EntertainmentEducation Radio Soap Opera on Family Planning and HIV/Prevention in St. Lucia.’’ International Family Planning Perspectives 26, no. 4: 148–157.
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TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO Carolyne J. White and Yanique Taylor NATIONAL PROFILE What are the possibilities for children who live in the cosmopolitan, multiracial, multicultural, and multireligious twin-island nation of Trinidad and Tobago? Children below the age of fourteen comprise 20.1 percent of the total population of just over one million people, and 28 percent of the population is between the ages of ten and twenty-four. The population is approximately 40 percent Indian (South Asian), 37.5 percent African, 20.5 percent mixed, 1.2 percent other, and 0.8 percent unspecified. English is the official language, but Hindi, French, Spanish, and Chinese are also spoken (U.S. Central Intelligence Agency 2006). Located at the southern end of the Caribbean islands, just off the coast of Venezuela, Trinidad and Tobago includes a total landmass of 1,980 square miles, divided into eight counties. Approximately 96 percent of the country’s population resides in Trinidad, and 74 percent lives in urban areas (Pan American Health Organization 2006). The nation is
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recognized internationally for its central cultural symbols: Carnival, calypso, and steelband. In 2001, Trinidad and Tobago ranked 49 of 162 countries on the Human Development Index. Nevertheless, continuing inequities include a 12 percent unemployment rate in 2000, 10.2 percent for males and 15.2 percent for females. The government has been committed to addressing inequities through the implementation of universal education and numerous programs to assist children and families. The government has offered HIV/AIDS treatment to all citizens, free of charge, since 2002. Counseling and testing for HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases are also offered free of charge. Facilities such as the Eric Williams Science Complex, Cyril Ross Nursery, and the Scarborough Regional Hospital are geared specifically toward pediatric care. The Tobago Youthbuild Programme is a six-month training program that helps young, unemployed people develop useful skills to aid in their development and life-long productivity. Participants are provided with a daily stipend of TT$50 and are offered classes such as customer service, sexual and reproductive health, literacy, food preparation, first aid, and floral arrangement among others. These classes are held at schools and community centers throughout Tobago, as well as the Youthbuild Programme Center, which includes a lecture hall, library and computer room, beauty culture workshop, craft workshop, and kitchen. The program promotes positive social behavior among youth and contributes to crime prevention. Youth Development and Apprenticeship Centres (YDACs) offer youth between the ages of fifteen and seventeen a two-year residential training program where they learn occupational skills such as plumbing, welding, construction carpentry, garment construction, auto mechanics, and computer literacy among others. Participants are paid a monthly stipend of TT$45. The Defining Masculine Excellence Program, offered to males age fourteen and older, uses the examination of the socialization and negative perceptions of males to provide participants with the skills to facilitate personal and group transformation and to help them develop self-esteem and positive attitudes to life. The program is free of charge and offered once a week over an eight-week period. The Adolescent Mothers Programme, located throughout Trinidad and Tobago, aims to service pregnant teenagers, teenage mothers, their children, and partners through support programs such as counseling, daycare services, parenting courses, skills training, health and nutrition education, and teenage pregnancy prevention. Young women between the ages of thirteen and nineteen can take advantage of this service. Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) is a noncompulsory program throughout the country that is geared toward the physical, cognitive, and social development of children before they enter primary school. Children between the ages of three and five are eligible. Over 160 ECCE centers have been approved by the Ministry of Education, and educators and parents alike increasingly recognize their value. Parents of children under the age of
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eighteen who are physically or mentally disabled qualify for the Special Child Grant offered through the Social Welfare Division of the Office of the Prime Minister. This grant is reviewed annually by the Local Social Welfare Board, and provides TT$300 monthly for up to four children per family. Only children who do not receive public assistance are eligible. OVERVIEW
KEY FACTS – TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO Population: 1,056,608 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 24.33 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 66.85 years (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 98.6 percent (2003 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 92 percent (2000–2005) Internet users: 160,000 (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 27,000 (2005 est.) Children living with HIV/AIDS: <1000 (2005 est.) Human Poverty Index (HPI-1) Rank: 17 Sources: CIA World Factbook: Trinidad and Tobago. https:// www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/td.html. April 17, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Trinidad and Tobago–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/trinidad_tobago_ statistics.html. April 24, 2007; World Health Organization (WHO): UNAIDS/WHO Global HIV/AIDS Online Database. ‘‘Epidemiological Fact Sheets on HIV/AIDS and Sexuality Transmitted Diseases: Trinidad and Tobago.’’ http:// www.who.int/GlobalAtlas/predefinedReports/EFS2006/ index.asp?strSelectedCountry¼TT. December 2006; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Trinidad and Tobago. http://hdr.undp.org/ hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_TTO.html. April 26, 2007.
Many refer to Trinidad and Tobago as a nation in transition from colonialism to postcolonialism with the attendant tensions of social stratification based on race/ethnicity, color, class, nationality, and gender. Eric Williams, the powerful political and intellectual leader of Trinidad and Tobago for twenty-five years, proclaimed in 1944 that ‘‘the history of our West Indies can be expressed in two simple words: Columbus and Sugar’’ (Palmer 2006). Known by the Amerindians as ‘‘Iere,’’ or the land of the hummingbird, the island was renamed ‘‘La Trinidad or ‘‘Trinity’’ by Christopher Columbus in 1498. The nation has been shaped by many historic developments: the virtual extermination of the indigenous Arawak and Carib population by the Spanish colonizers; British control in 1797 and more than 150 years of domination by French and British planters who embraced slavery; the French, Dutch, and British fights over possession of Tobago and the island changing hands twenty-two times; the emancipation of the African slaves in 1833; plantation owners turning to Chinese, Portuguese, and Syrian/Lebanese indentured servants and then realizing that these workers did not perform in plantation work as their former black slaves had, and looking to recruitment in India that resulted in an influx of over 100,000 Indian indentured servants in 1845; the incorporation of the two islands into the single colony of Trinidad and Tobago in 1888; full independence in 1962 when the nation joined the British Commonwealth; and the continuing effects of globalization (Yelvington 1993; Nurse 1999). Trinidad and Tobago is one of the most economically prosperous countries in the Caribbean, largely due to rich natural resources of
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petroleum and natural gas. While other Caribbean countries have relied more on tourism, an interest in tourism is only recently being pursued in this nation. The 2005 estimate of the labor force is 620,000 (U.S. Central Intelligence Agency 2006), and it consists of agriculture, manufacturing, mining and quarrying, construction, and utilities and services. Central and south Trinidad are largely agricultural, while much of northern Trinidad appears more modernized with fast cars, satellite dishes, finance houses, offshore drilling, four daily newspapers, email and Internet, shopping malls, and fast-food courts. Home to 4 percent of the nation’s citizens, the smaller and more serene island, Tobago, is home to the oldest protected rainforest in the Western Hemisphere. Its south coast is lined with vibrant fishing villages, and the north coast has some of its finest beaches. When the country declared independence in August 1962, it formed a democratic government consisting of executive, legislative, and judicial branches. In 1980, the Tobago House of Assembly was established to administer that island. In politics, the two prevailing parties replicate specific cultural distinctions. The People’s National Movement (PNM) is primarily black, and the United National Congress (UNC) is primarily East Indian. The Chief of State, President George Maxwell Richards, appoints the Prime Minister, currently Patrick Manning of the PNM. This appointment is awarded to the leader of the party with majority seats in the House of Representatives. Prime Minister Manning will be up for reelection in 2008. Those of East Indian descent are represented more in the business environment primarily as entrepreneurs, an outgrowth of the difference in the way they were treated as indentured servants compared to the treatment blacks received as slaves. As Nurse explains, ‘‘The attendant processes of colonization and imperialism created in its wake a new society, a modern culture, one grounded in the logic of capitalist accumulation, social stratification and cultural hybridization—all informed by racial, gender, ethnic and statusbased oppression’’ (1999, 681). The intriguing cultural dynamics of this diverse and fascinating postcolonial nation can be traced in the daily lives of its children. We look to books, published reports, and personal interviews, and at each juncture we encounter differing versions of reality. It is important to note here that many of the statistics that we reference are contested figures. We have selected the figures we find most credible and provide careful documentation of our sources. In many respects, our efforts to write of this nation are analogous to the efforts of numerous scholars to capture Carnival. Some claim the seeds of Carnival are located in carnival-like celebrations held by the Amerindians who arrived in ‘‘Iere’’ around 5400 BC, and that these early celebrations were augmented by the practices of invading Europeans. Others argue that it was not until the arrival of the
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French Catholic planters in 1783 that Carnival began to take root, while others recognize that most societies have some form of celebration that can be seen as similar to Carnival, a selected time of excess when the normalized rules of public conduct are relaxed. In Trinidad, slaves were forbidden to participate in Carnival until after the 1834–1838 emancipation. From the perspective of the ‘‘white elite,’’ this is when Carnival grew ‘‘out of control,’’ seemingly contaminated by the ‘‘Africanizing’’ of the festivities by the masses of newly freed slaves (Liverpool 2001). For others (Bakhtin 1984), Carnival is viewed as revolutionary activity that grows out of social conflict. Liverpool writes of Carnival’s adaptation and survival as an expression of the cultural identity of Trinidadians, as enactment and navigation of ‘‘violent struggle, racism, festivity, oppressive legislation, ethnicity, religious differences, discrimination in education and employment, cultural resilience and creativity, communal work habits and ritualization’’ (2001, xvi). These processes of active cultural negotiation are seen in the substantial increase of female participation in Carnival and in the creation of what is known today as ‘‘Indian Carnival.’’ There is a similar trajectory within Calypso music. Long embraced as a cultural medium of political critique, pique, and satire, calypso music changes with changes in the lived experiences of residents of Trinidad and Tobago. Today there is an infusion of East Indian presence that creates a blending of jazz, calypso, and parang—a form of Venezuelan-derived Christmas music traditional to Trinidad. There is also a shift to women asserting their right to sing and not just to be sung about. There has also been movement within steelband, or pan as it is called locally, from an African-derived musical form developed among lower-class, urban, dispossessed males, to the increasing involvement of East Indians and their tassa drums, and again an increased entry of women (Stuempfle 1995). Nurse views Trinidad’s Carnival as influenced greatly by the forces of globalization and argues that the exportation of Carnival can be understood as a form of ‘‘globalization in reverse’’ as the overseas carnivals become a basis for ‘‘pan-Caribbean identity, a mechanism for social integration into metropolitan society and a ritual act of transnational, transcultural, transgressive politics’’ (1999, 683). However one interprets Carnival, there is general agreement that, today Trinidad Carnival is unlike carnival in any other place in the world. EDUCATION In the 1950s, universal primary schooling was achieved in Trinidad and Tobago, and in 2000 universal secondary schooling was achieved when—for the first time in the country’s history—100 percent of primary school students who sat for the Common Entrance Examination (CXC) were placed in secondary schools. The Ministry of Education’s stated
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hope is to solidify the country’s status as a developed and progressive nation within the Caribbean and the larger global network (Ministry of Education 2003). Trinidad and Tobago has a reported adult literacy rate of 98.6 percent (99.1 percent for males and 98 percent for females), and 75 percent of the country’s adult population has completed secondary school. Girls’ share of enrollment in 2000 was 49 percent at the primary level, 50 percent at secondary, and 54 percent at the university—up from 49 percent in the 1980s. Since its independence in 1962, Trinidad and Tobago has been attempting various reforms through the restructuring of its Ministry of Education to improve the quality and availability of schooling to all citizens. The primary roles of the Ministry of Education are as follows: . . .
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Setting educational policies and strategies; Defining curriculum and other norms; Overseeing the quality of educational services provided by public- and private-sector institutions; and Planning, programming, budgeting, implementing, and monitoring the education system.
The government’s commitment to the ministry’s fulfillment of these roles is evident in the increase in the proportion of the national budget allocated to the education sector in 2004 to 13.5 percent (Ministry of Education 2004). Even so, total school enrollment has dropped over the past decade, and the dropout rate is estimated at over 18 percent. These figures suggest something is not working well for these students and that other options should be considered. Some assign the decline to socioeconomic factors such as unemployment (Pan American Health Organization 2006). The current Minister of Education, Hazel Manning, has emphasized her commitment to develop a better education system, arguing that the growth of the country’s economy depends on it. The pressing concerns she outlined in 2004 include the lack of provisions for students with special needs, hindrances to the education agenda due to a lack of sufficiently active and positive parental involvement, the need to improve functional literacy rates among adults, and the lower achievement levels of male compared with female students. She also acknowledged the necessity of incorporating technology into the existing curriculum, providing more and better student support services, better teacher education programs, and universal access to early childhood education. A study that surveyed 14,000 primary school students at sixty primary schools identified the following additional problems: sexual abuse, exposure to drugs and drug trafficking, single parenting, and issues relating to HIV and AIDS. To respond, the Ministry has applied Student Support Services including guidance and counseling, special education, and social work for students who have learning and behavioral problems (Ministry of Education 2004).
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The educational system demonstrates how Trinidad and Tobago has maintained ties to its British colonial past. To transition between the primary and secondary levels, and from the secondary and postsecondary levels, students must sit for national exams—the CXC and the Ordinary Level Examinations (O’Levels), respectively. Those students not fully ready to enter the university have the option to complete a two-year precollege program at the end of which they take their Advanced Level Examinations (A’Levels). All of these components are managed by the Ministry of Education under the guidance of the Education Act of 1966. It appears that the Ministry of Education has given less attention to significant constraints within the educational system that are related to the colonial legacy. For example, the continuing heavy reliance upon national exams fosters a mechanistic and dehumanizing learning environment that minimizes the likelihood that schools will effectively focus upon more meaningful educational goals, such as the cultivation of more culturally responsive and culturally honoring school curriculum, democratic citizenship development, and the cultivation of forms of critical literacy that move beyond mere critical thinking skills to empowering students to critically read and change their worlds (Freire and Macedo 1987; Ellis 2002). Of course, successful implementation of curricular change requires reform in how teachers are prepared (George, Mohammed, and Quamina-Aiyejina 2003). PLAY AND RECREATION At the heart of every child’s existence is play and recreation. From Carnival to sports and steelband, Trinidad and Tobago provides a rich recreational environment. Home for many of these activities is the largest available open space in the country, called The Queen’s Park Savannah and located in Port-of-Spain. The young and old alike can be found at the Savannah, as it is commonly called by locals, exercising, training for a sporting event or marathon, flying kites, playing football or cricket, or just having a nice picnic (http://www.nalis.gov.tt/Places/Places_ Queen’sParkSav2.html). Formerly a sugar estate that was purchased and then donated to the city for public use, the Savannah has served many roles in its past life, but now is best known for hosting Carnival events and Independence Day marches. With the Soca Warriors, Trinidad and Tobago’s national football team, qualifying for the 2006 World Cup Final, the importance of sports, particularly football, is evident. The country hosted the 2006 Caribbean Football Union Under-16 Youth Cup, a ten-day tournament where young talent from twenty-eight nations showcased their skills. Similarly, the Queen’s Park Cricket Club has organized a youth development program to coach young boys from the age of seven. The club has many notable club members for young boys to look up to, such as cricket great
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Brian Lara, who plays on the West Indian Cricket team (http://www. qpcc.com). Through sports, exercise and good health are encouraged in young people. The annual Junior Aerobics Marathon competition was introduced primarily for this purpose. Now in its sixth year, the competition is sponsored by the HCL Group of Companies and is attended by thirty schools and over 100 students. The competition consists of categories in flexibility, choreography, originality, synchronization, and musical interpretation (http://www.triniview.com). In the spirit of Carnival and steelband, music is also encouraged among youth. Not only do children participate in the revelry of Carnival, but events such as Panorama also allow them to make music. The Panorama Steelband Competition began in 1963 and attracts practically all of the steelbands in the twin islands. Always held on the Saturday night before Carnival Monday in Queen’s Park Savannah, the competition introduced a junior category in 1998 to include and encourage young talent under the age of twenty and to allow them the opportunity to partake in this long-valued musical tradition. In addition, the country’s Ministry of Sport and Youth Affairs works with young people between the ages of fifteen and twenty-five and sponsors several annual events that include National Youth Day, Youth Development Awards, Recreational Vocational Camps, Leadership Training Programme, Model United Nations Programme, and a Public Speaking Competition (http://www.nalis.gov.tt/Sport/Sport_YouthDevProg.html). CHILD LABOR The country’s commitment to develop and provide better education for all its citizens is linked to national child labor initiatives. According to the International Labor Organization’s (ILO) 2002 report on their member countries’ struggles to eliminate child labor by implementing better policies and enforcing them, Trinidad and Tobago’s current Children Act serves to protect children and young people through the age of eighteen. Despite these efforts, the country has many inconsistencies regarding the actual age at which someone is considered a child under national laws. According to the Children Act, a child is anyone under the age of twelve and thus unemployable. Consequently, the Education Act stipulates compulsory schooling up to the age of twelve. However, under the Factories Ordinance, which governs the use of machinery, a child is recognized as being below the age of fourteen and thus not fit to work around or with factory machinery, while a young person is defined as being between the ages of fourteen and eighteen and must be proven medically fit to work (International Labor Organization 2002). Under the legally binding guidance of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and the four primary principles of nondiscrimination, devotion to the best interests of the child, the right to life,
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survival, and development, and respect for the views of the child, Trinidad and Tobago is taking proactive steps toward establishing a central governing body to oversee issues related to child labor and normalize existing discrepancies in child labor laws. A draft bill by the Ministry of the Attorney General proposed to have a child recognized as anyone under the age of eighteen under the guidelines of the CRC, and the Ministry of Labor and Co-operatives proposed to have the minimum age of employment raised to sixteen. These recommendations have raised concerns regarding delaying employment opportunities for those who may need it (United Nations Children’s Fund 2006). In addition to tackling child labor as one of the top national priorities, the increase in street children and violence toward children—inclusive of physical and sexual violence, sometimes as a result of prostitution—are also issues needing serious attention. These issues all clearly impact child labor in various ways as economic needs push children to engage in particular activities that may be under the radar, making it that much more difficult for the country to accurately assess child labor. Nevertheless, Trinidad and Tobago is forging ahead with a proposed National Plan of Action that seeks to address these problems by identifying government officials and implementing committees to monitor and provide the services needed by this segment of the population. The United Nations Committee on the Rights of Child (2006) strongly recommended that the nation give more attention to improving data collection and increasing resource allocation for children. FAMILY Historically, perceptions of family dynamics in Trinidad and Tobago have been distorted by social science research that pathologized these dynamics because they were different from the idealized family structures portrayed by Eurocentric ideology. Since the 1970s, more indigenous perspectives have been honored, and practices that were previously viewed as ‘‘dysfunctional’’ or ‘‘promiscuous’’ have come to be understood contextually; ‘‘family instability’’ is now viewed as ‘‘family flexibility’’ and ‘‘adaptability,’’ and widespread family networks are now viewed as importantly related to the poverty and economic marginality that many families face. Today there is evidence of a significant societal shift toward redefining family roles and relationships, a process tied in important ways to the changes in the position of women in the society. Widespread use of birth control has enabled women greater decision-making power about when and how they will mother. Today, women are better able to make choices to balance motherhood, education, and career opportunities. There is also some evidence that young men are redefining fatherhood, assigning it greater importance in their lives, and that couples are moving from patriarchy towards greater equality and togetherness (Barrow 1996). There remains
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evidence that some people are still blaming families for the increase in gang activity: ‘‘Many young people find better comfort in gangs because their families are so disorganized’’ (Baboolal 2006, 1). Trinidad and Tobago was among the first of the English-speaking Caribbean nations to adopt domestic violence legislation with the passage of the Domestic Violence Act in 1991. This legislation gave the people the right to go to court to ask for a protection order against a violent or abusive family member (Lazarus-Black 2001). While women in Trinidad and Tobago have a long legacy of working outside of the home, recently there has been a significant increase. For example, from 1990–1995, the number of women in the labor force increased by 21.9 percent compared with a 6 percent increase for men (Ellis 2003). The National Family Services Division of the Ministry of Social and Community Development is charged with incorporating family programs into the development strategies of Trinidad and Tobago. Their overall goal is to promote, empower, and sustain a community of socially healthy families. The following are among their responsibilities: maintain effective communication with national, regional, and international bodies and organizations concerned with family-related issues; conduct research and collect data about the present situation of families; identify family-related issues and problems; provide guidance for policy formation and program planning; organize counseling and referral for vulnerable persons such as those experiencing family abuse, domestic violence, children at risk, and people housed in institutions or homes managed by the government or nongovernmental organizations (NGOs); and conduct preventative public education programs, such as ongoing sensitization sessions through lectures, workshops, and media programs utilizing popular theatre, role play, group discussions, and distribution of posters, pamphlets, and books. In addition, the government organizes the annual celebration of the International Day of Families, the annual Child Rights Week, and the International Year of Older Persons. HEALTH Citizens in Trinidad and Tobago have access to free medical care through public sector healthcare facilities where they can consult with specialist physicians, undergo recommended procedures, and receive free medications. However, they can often incur long wait times and find that drugs are available erratically or not at all. Of course, private health care is also available for those who can afford it. Life expectancy has been increasing in the nation. The most recent data estimate life expectancy at seventy years. Improvement is also seen in the infant mortality rate, which declined from 110 per 1,000 live births in the 1940s to eighteen per 1,000 live births in 2004. Trinidad and Tobago has well-organized immunization programs with high rates of coverage. According to United Nations Children’s Fund data for 2006, 95 percent of
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children in Trinidad and Tobago are inoculated for measles between birth and the age of one year and 94 percent for diphtheria, pertussis, and tetanus. Polio and DPT immunizations begin at three months of age and yellow fever by two years of age. Improvements in the health of children in Trinidad and Tobago are related to improvements in socioeconomic conditions, environmental conditions, and increased access to child health services. The unemployment rate among young people under the age of twentyfive is estimated at 38 percent. In most of the Caribbean, this rate is higher among girls than boys. However, in Trinidad and Tobago this trend is reversed. This level of unemployment for young people can cultivate a sense of hopelessness and increase vulnerability to such self-destructive behaviors as increased drug use, spiraling crime, and the high incidence of HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases. Government initiatives, such as COSTATT (the College of Science, Technology and Applied Arts of Trinidad and Tobago) and YTEPP (the Youth Training and Employment Partnership Programme) are working to intervene in this situation, working to engage and assist young people in comprehensive training aimed at increasing their chances of returning to school (if they have dropped out) and becoming wage earners or self-employed (John 2004). The five leading causes of death among young people from fifteen to thirty-four years of age are, in order of frequency, HIV/AIDS, transport accidents, assault, intentional self-harm, and heart disease. The occurrence of HIV/AIDS is predominately among heterosexual couples. Teenage girls outnumbered boys five to one for new HIV infections in 1996. In 1997, the fifteen-to-nineteen age group accounted for 14 percent of all pregnancies. Oral healthcare services are targeted to those younger than fifteen years of age. In the 1970s, the government trained a cadre of dental nurses to educate this group about dental care in schools and clinics (Pan American Health Organization 2006). Like many developing countries, Trinidad and Tobago has unregulated antibiotic use, misuse, and overuse. There is concern about growing resistance to antibiotics, based in part on the indiscriminate and widespread use of antimicrobials for treating infections, self-medication, incomplete treatment courses, and unregulated use of antibacterial drugs. Recommendations have been made for more stringent regulations, the establishment of a surveillance system to provide information on trends in bacterial resistance, and for continuous education for pharmacists, doctors, and the general public on the consequences of inappropriate antibiotic use (Parimi, Pinto Pereira, and Prabhakar 2002). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Seeking to bring their national legislation into closer conformity with the provisions of the CRC, in 1998 the government of Trinidad and Tobago appointed a committee of representatives from the Ministry of
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the Attorney General and the Ministry of Social Development to review all existing laws relating to children. The following five pieces of legislation emerged from the work of this committee. The Children’s Authority Act, No. 64 of 2000 This legislation establishes the Children’s Authority of Trinidad and Tobago, which is responsible for investigating complaints of staff, children, and parents of children with respect to any child who is in the care of a community residence, foster home, or nursery. The Children’s Community Residences, Foster Homes and Nurseries Act, No. 65 of 2000 This legislation addresses licensing of children’s homes, rehabilitation centers, industrial schools, and orphanages. The Miscellaneous Provisions (Children) Act, No. 66 of 2000 This legislation amended domestic statutes in a number of areas, including: adoption and citizenship; extending from fourteen to eighteen the age at which a magistrate could impose a custodial sentence on a person found guilty of committing an assault or battery; removing the power of the court to impose corporal punishment against children under eighteen years of age; repealing the act that permitted the minister to commute to a term of imprisonment any unexpired residue of the term of detention of an inmate of the Youth Training Centre who was reported to be incorrigible or exercising a bad influence on the other inmates; requiring parental consent for a child below eighteen years of age to be enlisted into the Defense Force; modified the power of the court to require either parent of a ward of court to pay sums toward the maintenance and education of the ward; and changing the age of offense for selling liquor to a child from under sixteen to under eighteen. The Adoption of Children Act, No. 67 of 2000 This legislation established an Adoption Board to promote the welfare and protection of children with regard to adoptions. The Children (Amendment) Act, No. 68 of 2000 This legislation amended a number of sections of the act: changing the definition of a child from under fourteen to under eighteen; providing guiding principles for the rights and responsibilities of children and parents in relation to their children; and empowering the court to commit a child to the care of a relative through age eighteen if the person having custody has been convicted of an offense (Trinidad and Tobago 2003).
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RELIGIOUS LIFE The Constitution of this multicultural and multireligious nation provides for freedom of religion, and the government respects this right in practice. In 2002–2003, the government gave $420,750 to religious organizations through ecclesiastical grants. In addition, public holidays and festivals, supported by the government with financial and technical assistance, celebrate the religion, heritage, and, culture of each group, such as Indian Arrival Day, Emancipation Day, Shouter Baptist Day, Easter, Divali, and, the most well known, Carnival. Examples of the support provided by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism for these festivals in 2002–2003 included $67,000 for Indian Arrival Day, $131,500 for Phagwa (Indian Carnival), $25,000 for Divali, and $213,000 for Baptist Liberation Day. In addition, under a Community Action for Revival and Empowerment Programme of the Ministry of Community Development and Gender Affairs, various Hindu organizations were given $7,665 to support Divali; $7,500 was given to the Orisha Spiritual Community to support the Annual Rain Festival and $10,000 to support the Annual Shango Festival; and $1,500 was given to the Pentacostal Assembly for Christmas celebrations (http://www.ttparliament.org/hansard/house .2003/hh20030509.pdf 2006). According to official U.S. statistics from 2000, religious affiliation is distributed as follows: 26 percent Roman Catholic; 24.6 Protestant (7.8 percent Anglican, 6.8 percent Pentecostal, 4 percent Seventh-Day Adventist, 3.3 percent Presbyterian or Congregational, 1.8 percent Baptist, 0.9 percent Methodist, 1.6 percent Jehovah’s Witnesses); 22.5 Hindu; 10.7 percent other (Baha’is, Rastafarians, Buddhists, Jews); 5.8 percent Muslim; 5.4 percent Spiritual Baptist (sometimes called Shouter Baptists); 0.1 percent Orisha; 1.9 percent Atheists; and 1.4 percent undeclared (U.S. Department of State 2003). The Jamaat al Muslimeen is the only religious group known to be closely monitored by the government. This is because some members of the group attempted a coup in 1990. The fastest-growing religious groups include the Spiritual Baptists and the Orisha faith, as well as the American-style fundamentalist Pentecostal and Mormon religions. The Mormons maintain about thirty foreign missionaries in the country (thirty-five is the maximum allowed by the government), while the Baptists, Mennonites, and Muslims maintain five to ten foreign missionaries. Generally, these different religions coexist peacefully and respect each other’s beliefs and practices. This is facilitated by the government’s support of the Inter-Religious Organization (IRO), composed of leaders from most of the religions. IRO promotes interfaith dialogue and tolerance through activities such as cultural and religious exhibitions, study groups, and publications. IRO also provides a prayer leader for government events, such as the opening of Parliament.
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The government subsidizes religious schools and permits voluntary attendance at religious instruction in public schools. This instruction is provided during a special time set aside each week and is taught by representatives from any of the religious organizations. In considering the relevance of religion for the lives of children in Trinidad and Tobago, it is important to recognize the differences between religions that were brought to the islands by European colonizers, Indian and Chinese indentured laborers, and the Orisha religion that comes from Africa. Although African spirituality was viewed as uncivilized and ‘‘primitive’’ by European colonizing forces and was suppressed and outlawed during slavery, a careful review of the philosophy reveals that it is not dualistic (good versus evil, God versus a Devil) as is Christianity. Rather, the Orisha view the universe as benevolent and as containing forces of expansion and contraction that interact in complex ways. Rather than a belief in original sin, there is a focus upon each individual striving to develop a good character through doing good works, and doing the right thing simply because it is right, rather than from a fear of retribution or some future reward. The growth of the Orisha religion is another sign of the transition in the country from colonialism to postcolonialism (Henry 2003). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Definitions of what constitutes child abuse and neglect vary across cultures and over time. According to the Global Initiative to End All Corporal Punishment of Children (http://www.endcorporalpunishment.org), corporal punishment of children has not been legally prohibited in the home, although it has been prohibited in schools as of the 2000 Children Amendment Act (not yet in force). Corporal punishment has been prohibited in the penal system as a sentence but not as a disciplinary measure, and while it is not legally prohibited in alternative care settings, it is prohibited in healthcare and psychiatric institutions as a matter of policy. There are no reliable data on the extent of child sexual abuse in Trinidad and Tobago. Statistics are collected on convictions for sexual offenses involving children (Table 14.1); however, these figures do not include the numbers of reported cases, nor do they address the problem of underreporting (Jones 2006). A survey in 1995 into the nature and extent of child prostitution, child pornography, and the trafficking of children in Trinidad and Tobago did not lead to any definitive findings on the extent of child prostitution. It did, however, reveal the following: .
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Children and adolescents are involved in prostitution and pornography Prostitution is more prevalent among females than males
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Table 14.1. Number of Convictions for Sexual Offenses Population
2000
2001
2002
Females under 14 years Females 14–16 years Males under 16 years Adopted minor Total
67 79 — 20 166
109 82 5 1 197
103 129 6 20 258
Source: Office of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (2003), 458.
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There is a market of business and tourist visitors for teenage prostitution The commercial sexual exploitation of children and adolescents in Tobago appears to be mainly associated with the tourist industry While there was no evidence of a connection to the drug trade, drug use is one of the factors involved in child prostitution Economic hardship and adverse social and domestic conditions are cited as the main reasons children became involved in prostitution (Office of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights 2003, 458–459).
Like other forms of domestic violence, sexual offenses against children are underreported. Children do not disclose sexual abuse for a number of reasons. These reasons include powerlessness and low status of children within families and society generally, fear that they will not be believed, concern that they will be blamed, shame, uncertainty, and anxiety about the consequences of disclosure, threat of violence, or concern about the effects on the wider family. Trinidad and Tobago is battling increasing levels of violence (domestic violence, gender-based violence, community violence, school violence, child-on-child violence, gang-violence, interpersonal violence, institutional violence, and violence arising out of poverty, desperation, and destitution). The sexual abuse of children is not simply a ‘‘domestic’’ issue; it must be understood within the wider societal context in which it occurs, and strategies to prevent abuse and deal with its effects must target not only the victim, but also the perpetrator, the family, and the wider society. While professionals are able to recognize the signs, risk factors, and effects of abuse, the services to treat the problem are not widely available, and the infrastructure for the assessment and prevention of risk is as yet underdeveloped in Trinidad and Tobago. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY As it looks to the future, issues of globalization, technological change, and the emergence of new-work organization based on the development
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of a knowledge- and skills-based society are high on the national agenda in Trinidad and Tobago. Emphasis is being placed upon using NGOs, CBOs (community-based organizations), FBOs (faith-based organizations), and other youth organizations such as uniformed groups (cadets and girl guides) and councils in schools and communities to focus upon leadership development among youth. These groups work to empower young people by equipping them with positive values and experience using their knowledge and skills to solve problems, make decisions, develop negotiation and conflict management skills, and enhance their communication skills. Attention is also being given to ensuring that the legal framework is sensitive to the needs of young people, enforcing laws designed to protect young people, remove inequalities within the socioeconomic system, improve health care for young people, and increase the level of employment among young people, and promoting culture and sports as mechanisms for employment and income generation for young people. The religious institutions are being asked to play an active role in developing the moral fiber of young people and to highlight the efforts made to support the family, the schools, and the community as they promote youth development (George 2006). Trinidad and Tobago’s development, including the country’s growing interest in tourism, will also determine the future for the nation’s children. Ecotourism may prove to have great potential, given the natural splendor of the islands. There are more than 430 species of birds, some 600 species of butterflies, and thousands of flowering plants, including 700 different types of orchids. There are over ninety varieties of mammals and fifty-five species of reptiles, including endangered leatherback turtles that return to the islands’ beaches from March through August each year to lay their eggs. Speyside, on Tobago’s north end, is one of only a few locations in the world where divers can swim with wild manta rays. However, in order to maximize the future of tourism, the country must resolve growing problems with violent crime and transportation. The road system is not well suited for the volume of cars, so traffic is a worsening problem and traffic fatalities a significant issue. There is no mass transportation system, although a plan for light rail transport has been announced. Development may not be simply an economic equation as the early name of Iere, ‘‘land of the hummingbird,’’ suggests. For the indigenous Taino people who met Christopher Columbus in 1492, the hummingbird was a symbol of the spreading of life on the earth. How different this nation may have been had Columbus and others been able to listen to and learn from indigenous peoples how to sustain life instead of seeking to control and/or destroy. An approach to public planning with more focus upon how we define and sustain life, more focus upon bringing people together as happens during Carnival and through calypso and steelband, may better serve the needs of children.
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One example of potential change may be found in the reforms implemented in Bogota, the capital city of Colombia, under the leadership of former-Mayor Enrique Pe~ nalosa. Pe~ nalosa subverted the common paradigm of building cities primarily for businesses and automobiles and put children first. He promoted a vision that gave priority to public spaces by restricting private car use, building many hundreds of kilometers of sidewalks, bicycle paths, and pedestrian streets, as well as greenways, more than 1,200 parks, and a new, highly successful, bus-based transit system. These changes have clear environmental benefits, and, more importantly, they mediate feelings of hopelessness among the people by actively promoting social equity and happiness. In addition, with more people interacting in public space, crime has significantly decreased, and economic development has been enhanced. In Pe~ nalosa’s words, ‘‘our goal was to make a city for all the children. The measure of a good city is one where a child on a tricycle or bicycle can safely go anywhere. If a city is good for children, it will be good for everybody else’’ (Walljasper 2004). These sentiments are echoed by Ken Ramchand, who spoke the following words to the Trinidad Senate in 2005: ‘‘We are whoring after a shiny El Dorado made up of the crumbs from the plates of the conquistadors, but the gold we seek is all around us. The gold is our environment; ours to cherish and to nurture for ourselves, our children, and our children’s children’’ (Bratt 2006). RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Ellis, Patricia. 2002. Citizenship Education in Small States: Trinidad and Tobago. London: Commonwealth Secretariat Publications. This booklet highlights challenges of citizenship in the multiethnic, multicultural, and multireligious nation of Trinidad and Tobago and outlines programs directed at promoting citizenship education. Harney, Stefano. 1996. Nationalism and Identity: Culture and the Imagination in a Caribbean Diaspora. Kingston: University of the West Indies. Drawing upon novels by Trinidadians and European-based scholarship on theories of nationalism, this book provides a significant contribution to the field of Caribbean cultural studies and postcolonial theory. Klass, Morton. 1991. Singing with Sai Baba. Boulder: Westview Press. This book offers commentary on the emergence of a religious movement in Trinidad and Tobago centered on the adoration of Sathya Sai Baba, a South Indian holy man, recognized as God. This movement primarily involves Trinidadians of South Asian descent. Liverpool, Hollis. ‘‘Chalkdust.’’ 2001. Rituals of Power & Rebellion: The Carnival Tradition in Trinidad & Tobago 1763–1962. Chicago, IL: Research Associates School Times Publications/Frontline Distribution Int’l Inc. This book provides a well-researched, critical study of the African roots of Trinidad Carnival. Data sources include ethnographic and archival materials. Mason, Peter. 1998. Bacchanal! The Carnival Culture of Trinidad. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. This book is a reflection upon Carnival as far more
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than simply an event; rather the author argues that Carnival is a powerful cultural phenomenon that defines the country and its people. Meeks, Brian. 2000. Narratives of Resistance: Jamaica, Trinidad, the Caribbean. Kingston: The University of the West Indies Press. This book offers hardhitting analysis of contemporary social, political, and intellectual resistance to domination in Caribbean societies. Ministry of Education. 2004. National Report on the Development of Education in Trinidad and Tobago. http://www.ibe.unesco.org/international/ICE47/ English/Natreps/reports/tobago_scan.pdf. Accessed October 27, 2006. The most recent report from the Trinidadian Ministry of Education, this document provides a detailed accounting of new initiatives, as well as progress that is being made toward realizing national educational objectives. Moodie-Kublalsingh, Sylvia. 1994. The Coca Panyols of Trinidad. New York: St. Martin’s Press. This book provides an engaging and intimate oral history of Spanish-speaking Trinidadian peasants known as Panyols. Palmer, Colin A. 2006. Eric Willams & the Making of the Modern Caribbean. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. This book offers a hybrid between biography and political/intellectual history. It begins with an analysis of Williams’s ideas on colonialism and ends in 1970 with the Black Power– inspired February Revolution. Scher, Philip W. 2003. Carnival and the Formation of a Caribbean Transnation. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. This book explores the significance of Carnival for identity formation for Trinidadians both at home and abroad through the movement of this cultural celebration into new spaces, including Brooklyn, New York City, London, and Toronto. Stuempfle, Stephen. 1995. The Steelband Movement: The Forging of a National Art in Trinidad and Tobago. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. This book illuminates parallel negotiations between different ethnic groups, socioeconomic classes, and social organizations within the steelband movement and the building of Trinidad and Tobago. Yelvington, Kevin A. 1993. Trinidad Ethnicity. Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press. This edited volume traces the ethnic and cultural history of Trinidad and suggests the nation’s important contribution to broader understandings of the relationship between race and class and how ethnicity becomes politicized.
Nonprint Resources Further information can be found at http://www.search.co.tt/trinidad/movies/ index.html The A Word. 2005. An independent video documentary by Lisle Waldron and Brianne LaBauve. While women’s health rights improved over the years in Trinidad and Tobago, abortion remains a taboo and controversial subject socially, politically, and religiously. This documentary explores this sensitive subject, not simply to determine whether it is right or wrong but to determine whether the legal sphere of the country serves or disserves women’s rights on this issue. At Sea. 2006. Director Neisha Agostini. 25 min. Set in the small fishing village of Parlatuvier in Tobago, At Sea pulls viewers into the simple lives of fishermen and their families. The intricacies of the fishing lifestyle are explored offering interesting parallels to our everyday lives.
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Barrel Children. 2006. Cara E. Weir. 24 min. This documentary offers a firsthand look at the impact of immigration on children left behind by a mother seeking a better life for her family. But soon both she and her children realize that the costs far outweigh the benefits for them all. Calypso Dreams. 2003. Geoffrey Dunne and Michael Horne. 90 min. At the heart of Trinidad and Tobago’s culture is the legacy of Calypso, which is explored in this film through the more famous Calypsonian performers of the country, including Lord Pretender, Lord Kitchener, and The Mighty Sparrow, among others. Hosay Trinidad. 1999. John Bishop and Frank J. Korom. 45 min. A multicultural and multiethnic film, Hosay Trinidad examines the cultural and religious celebration of Shi’ite Muharram rites on the island of Trinidad. A Loss of Innocence. 2006. Director Jenine Mendes-Franco. 21 min. An examination of child labor and other abuses against exploited children within the Caribbean using interviews with political and social workers as well as the children involved.
Web Sites Trinidad & Tobago Express, http://www.trinidadexpress.com. Trinidad and Tobago News, http://www.TrinidadandTobagonews.com. Trinidad Guardian newspaper, http://www.guardian.co.tt/news9.html. ‘‘What’s Going On?’’ Episode on HIV/AIDS in Trinidad and Tobago (for children), http://www.un.org/works/goingon/whatsgoingon.html.
Organizations and NGOs The Empowerment Society of Trinidad and Tobago Web site: http://www.estt.org/INDEX.HTM Formed in 2001, this nonprofit, nongovernmental organization (NGO) serves to promote the improvement of human welfare and the environment by addressing current problems on its own or by collaborating with other established organizations that share a similar goal. Friends of Tobago AIDS Society (FOTAS) Web site: http://www.fotasonline.org The organization is a registered nonprofit whose purpose is exclusively charitable and educational. The mission of the organization is to provide financial, medical, professional, and other resources for persons infected with and affected by HIV/AIDS through already established local organizations geared toward serving this population. SERVOL Web site: http://www.estt.org/FRIENDS.htm SERVOL is labeled as one of the most successful NGOs in Trinidad and Tobago. This organization serves to empower underprivileged communities by targeting its programs to the development of children ranging from newborns to the age of nineteen. SERVOL recognizes that, to develop successful programs, one must
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address self-esteem issues and ‘‘work with’’ rather than ‘‘teach’’ persons within the community. This group has established projects such as the Special School that serves mentally challenged children between the ages of six and seventeen. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Web site: http://www.undp.org.tt The UNDP has been a presence in Trinidad and Tobago since 1961, helping the country foster its own resolutions for national and global development challenges. During its early development between 1961 and 1970, UNDP aided the country in its discovery of oil and gas, two of its greatest resources to date. At the core of the UNDP’s support, which includes policy advice on issues like human security, economic and regional integration, and development of the nonenergy sector, is their work to ensure that knowledge and skills are passed along to nationals so that progress achieved through collaborative programs will not be impeded or eradicated in the future. Women Working for Social Progress Web site: http://www.peacewomen.org/contacts/americas/trinidad/tri_index.html An affiliate of Peace Women, the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, this organization’s goals include campaigning and raising consciousness on the situation of women and man–woman relations through a number of activities, which include public education programs, advocacy, and public awareness campaigns. Such campaigns include workshops and training sessions on issues such as domestic violence, antiracism, and sexual harassment. W. R. Torres Foundation for the Blind Web site: http://www.torresfoundation.org This organization’s mission is to promote the educational, cultural, and social development of blind people in Trinidad and Tobago in an effort to bring about independence, career opportunities, and overall life enhancement. Since its inception in 1998 in honor of Wilfred Robert Torres, a blind and well-respected citizen of Trinidad and Tobago, the foundation has amassed several impressive achievements, such as introducing the first reading and shopping service for the blind through their Community Volunteer Network (CVN) program and establishing the first scholarship fund for blind citizens of Trinidad and Tobago. YMCA (Young Men’s Christian Association) Web site: http://www.ymcatt.org/ Geared toward building strong children, families, and communities, the Trinidad and Tobago YMCA offers programs and services that help in achieving this goal such as vocational classes, after-school care, and day camp services. The organization’s Youth Outreach Department focuses on community outreach, addressing issues such as rights of the child, violence, and of course HIV/AIDS.
Selected Bibliography Baboolal, Yvonne. 2006. ‘‘Increased Gang Activity Likely, Warns Criminologist Deosaran.’’ The Trinidad Guardian, November 30. http://www.guardian.co.tt/ news9.html. Accessed November 30, 2006.
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Bakhtin, Mikhail. 1984. Rabelais and His World. Translated by Helene Iswolsky. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Barrow, Christine. 1996. Family in the Caribbean: Themes and Perspectives. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers. Bratt, David E. 2006. ‘‘Paradigm Shift.’’ The Trinidad Guardian. November 28. http://www.guardian.co.tt/news9.html. Accessed November 30, 2006. Ellis, Patricia. 2002. Citizenship Education in Small States: Trinidad and Tobago. London: Commonwealth Secretariat Publications. ———. 2003. Women, Gender and Development in the Caribbean: Reflections and Projections. New York: Zed Books. Freire, Paulo, and Donald Macedo. 1987. Literacy: Reading the Word and the World. South Hadley, MA: Bergin and Garvey. George, June, Jeniffer Mohammed, and Lynda Quamina-Aiyejina. 2003. ‘‘Teacher Identity in an Era of Educational Reform.’’ Compare 33, no. 2: 191–206. George, Wesley. 2006. ‘‘Empowering Youth.’’ The Trinidad Guardian. November 24. http://www.guardian.co.tt/news9.html. Accessed November 30, 2006. Henry, Frances. 2003. Reclaiming African Religions in Trinidad: The Socio-Political Legitimation of the Orisha and Spiritual Baptist Faiths. Jamaica: The University of the West Indies Press. International Institute for Vital Registration and Statistics (IIVRS). 2001. ‘‘Organization and Status of Civil Registration and Vital Statistics in English-speaking Countries in the Caribbean.’’ Report prepared for the Pan American Health Organization and condensed into an article in Epidemiological Bulletin, 24, no. 3, September 2003. http://www.paho.org/English/DD/AIS/be_v24n3 Civ_reg_vit_stats.htm. Accessed November 2, 2006. International Labor Organization. 2002. The Effective Abolition of Child Labor. Cornell University. http://digitalcommons.ilr.cornell.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi ?article¼1002&context¼child. John, Sandra. 2004. Youth, Unemployment and the Caribbean Information Society: A Challenge and an Opportunity. Report prepared for the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean Subregional Headquarters for the Caribbean, Caribbean Development and Cooperation Committee. Jones, Adele. 2006. Tackling Child Sexual Abuse. St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago: The University of the West Indies. http://www.sta.uwi.edu/uwiTo day/2006/chldabs.asp. Accessed November 5, 2006. Lazarus-Black, Mindie. 2001. ‘‘Law and the Pragmatics of Inclusion: Governing Domestic Violence in Trinidad and Tobago.’’ American Ethnologist 29: 388–416. Liverpool, Hollis ‘‘Chalkdust.’’ 2001. Rituals of Power & Rebellion: The Carnival Tradition in Trinidad & Tobago, 1763–1962. Chicago: Research Associates School Times Publications/Frontline Distribution Int’l Inc. Mason, Peter. 1998. Bacchanal! The Carnival Culture of Trinidad. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Ministry of Education. 2003. Education Policy Paper (1993–2003). National Task Force of Education (White Paper), Executive Summary. http://www.nalis .gov.tt/Education/EducPolicy_Sum.html. Accessed October 27, 2006. ———. 2004. National Report on the Development of Education in Trinidad and Tobago. http://www.ibe.unesco.org/international/ICE47/English/Natreps/ reports/tobago_scan.pdf. Accessed October 27, 2006. Nurse, Keith. 1999. ‘‘Globalization and Trinidad Carnival: Diaspora, Hybridity and Identity in Global Culture.’’ Cultural Studies 13: 661–690.
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Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child. 2003. Second Periodic Report of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago: Convention on the Rights of the Child, June 2003. http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu2/6/crc/doc/report/srftrinidad&tobago-2.pdf. Palmer, Colin A. 2006. Eric Williams: The Making of the Modern Caribbean. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Pan American Health Organization. 2006. PAHO Basic Health Indicator Data Base Regional Core Health Data System: Trinidad and Tobago. http://www.paho .org/English/DD/AIS/cp_780.htm. Accessed November 10, 2006. Parimi, Neeta, Lexley M. Pinto Pereira, and Parimi Prabhakar. 2002. ‘‘The General Public’s Perceptions and Use of Antimicrobials in Trinidad and Tobago.’’ Revista Panamamericana de Salud Public 12, no. 1. http://www.scielosp .org/scielo.php?script¼sci_arttext&pid¼S1020-49892002000700003. Accessed November 13, 2006. Stuempfle, Stephen. 1995. The Steelband Movement: The Forging of a National Art in Trinidad and Tobago. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Trinidad and Tobago. Ministry of the Attorney General, Human Rights Unit. 2003. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 2006. At a Glance: Trinidad and Tobago. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/trinidad_tobago_statistics. html. Accessed November 10, 2006. United Nations Committee on the Rights of Child. 2006. CRC 44th Session: Trinidad and Tobago. http://www.hrea.org/lists/child-rights/markup/msg00392.html. Accessed June 7, 2006. U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. 2006. The World Factbook 2006. http://www.cia .gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/td.html. Accessed January 4, 2007. U.S. Department of State. 2003. International Religious Freedom Report 2003. http://www.state.gv/g/drl/rls/irf/2003/24523.htm. Accessed November 12, 2006. Walljasper, Jay. 2004. ‘‘Cities of Joy.’’ Making Places Newsletter. http://www.pps. org/info/newsletter/november2004/november2004_joy. Accessed January 4, 2007. Yelvington, Kevin A. 1993. Trinidad Ethnicity. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press.
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THE UNITED STATES Angela A. A. Willeto, Doreen E. Martinez, and Mary Ann E. Steger NATIONAL PROFILE In the United States, children under the age of eighteen years are approximately 25 percent of the nation’s 300 million citizens. This percentage represents a decrease when compared with the ‘‘baby boom’’ era of the 1950s and 1960s. At present, slightly under half of children are girls, and just over half are boys. The child population includes white Americans (59 percent), Latinos (19 percent), black or African Americans (15 percent), Asians (4 percent), and American Indians and Alaskan Natives (1 percent) (Kids Count 2006b). Although the United States was founded on principles of justice and equality, the benefits of being a child are not enjoyed by all. More children are living in poverty (17.6 percent) than any other age group, and children are approximately 39 percent of the country’s homeless population. Forty-two percent of homeless children are under the age of five, and it is estimated that the homeless youth population (minors living on the streets) is between 500,000 and 1.3 million (National Coalition for the Homeless 2005). In a country with a very high standard of living, poor families with children, especially those that are homeless, may not be able to provide adequate food and shelter for their children, much less provide for their
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overall well-being. The only recourse for many of these families is to turn to the thousands of food pantries, soup kitchens, and emergency shelters that are found in U.S. communities across the nation. There are significant income differences between married families with two parents and those with a single parent. Married couples with children have median incomes more than twice the amount of male- or femaleheaded households with children; this pattern is consistent among white, black, and Latino families, although black and Latino families have significantly lower median incomes than all types of white families (U.S. Bureau of the Census). Because of high divorce and out-of-marriage birth rates and increasing cohabitation trends, almost a third of children live in single-parent families. Moreover, these numbers vary along racial/ethnic lines. Only 15 percent of Asian and 23 percent of white children have single parents compared with 35 percent of Latino, 47 percent of American Indian/Alaskan Native, and 64 percent of black children (Kids Count 2006a). In cases of divorce, the rights of a mother to her children have varied over time, as have the rights of children. Historically, men had control over their wives and children, but this changed in the nineteenth century when the doctrine of tender years was established. Under this doctrine, the belief was that the interests of young children and girls were best served by being with their mother, as long as her fitness was established. As a result, mothers were usually awarded custody of the children, especially if they were girls. Currently, custody decisions are based on what is seen to be in the best interests of the child, and mothers are not automatically awarded sole custody as they were in the past, even though mothers still receive sole physical custody in a majority of cases (Walker, Brooks, and Wrightsman 1999, 79–86). The government response to children’s issues is affected by the fact that both the national government and the fifty state governments have the power to make policy that impacts children. Moreover, the power of the national and state governments is divided among legislative, executive, and judicial branches. The result is that policy makers located in various parts of government may be in serious disagreement over what is best for the nation’s children. American Indian and Alaskan Native children are in a unique situation in relation to the federal government because of sovereignty rights, treaty obligations, and congressional legislation. As of 2005, the federal government officially recognizes 562 American Indian and Alaskan Native nations, tribes, bands, and organized communities, and this recognition carries with it an obligation to protect tribal lands and resources and to provide programs and services to Native American communities (Wilkins 2007, 21). It is important to note that each group of Indigenous Peoples, both recognized by the federal and state governments and not recognized, has its own culture and traditions to pass on to their children. Another layer of government is found at the local level and includes city, county, and school district governments. In
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addition, there are thousands of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) located in all parts of the country that are concerned with children’s issues, and these groups, along with religious organizations and churches, support families in a variety of ways by providing basic needs and a range of social services. The numerous organizations that advocate for children’s interests do not necessarily agree on what these interests are, and this difference is reflected in their positions on policies and programs. Some advocacy organizations work to nurture children by improving the inadequate state of their lives; others work to give children the right to decide what is good for themselves (Walker, Brooks, and Wrightsman 1999, 46–51). Government concern for families with children was evident in the early 1900s when the first mothers’ pension laws were passed by a few states. These laws provided cash payments for mothers so that children could remain in the family home in the case of a father’s death, desertion, or imprisonment. The federal government started supporting families in a major way with the passage of the Social Security Act of 1935, which provides guaranteed benefits to various groups of qualified citizens, including the elderly, the unemployed (Unemployment Compensation), and their dependents. In addition, the legislation created a small entitlement program called Aid to Dependent Children, which targeted benefits to poor families with children and grew into a much larger program called Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC). In the 1950s and 1960s, the number and type of social programs were increased to include the Disability Insurance Program, which provides cash to disabled workers who are no longer able to engage in gainful employment and the spouses and children of these disabled workers; Medicare, which provides health benefits to the qualified elderly and disabled; Medicaid, which provides health benefits to low-income families and the elderly poor; the Food Stamp program, which provides assistance in purchasing food items to low-income families and the elderly poor; and the Supplemental Security Income (SSI) program, which is a guaranteed income program for the aged, disabled, and blind (Haskins 2001, 10–11). In 1996, the major entitlement program for poor families with children, AFDC, was abolished and replaced by a nonentitlement block grant program called Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), which is a part of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA). Under TANF, states use federal block grant money to implement a welfare reform program that is created by state welfare agency personnel, which produces considerable variation in eligibility requirements and cash assistance amounts across the states. All state TANF programs impose a 60-month lifetime limit on the receipt of benefits funded by block grant money, and these programs are structured to move mothers off of welfare assistance and into a job as quickly as
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possible, without much consideration given to the quality or the salary of the job. The federal Population: 301,139,947 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 6.37 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) legislation gives Native American Life expectancy at birth: 78 years (2007 est.) nations and tribes the flexibility Literacy rate: 99 percent (2003 est.) to tailor tribal TANF programs Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 92 percent to their communities by defining (2000–2005) their own work activities and Internet users: 205.327 million (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 1,200,000 (2005 est.) work participation requirements, Human Poverty Index (HPI-2) Rank: 16 time limits, and eligibility requirements. For example, Sources: CIA World Factbook: United States. https://www.cia.gov/ cia/publications/factbook/geos/us.html. April 17, 2007; UNICEF. some tribal TANF programs At a Glance: United States–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ allow recipients to participate infobycountry/usa_statistics.html. April 24, 2007; World Health in work activities that help Organization (WHO): UNAIDS/WHO Global HIV/AIDS Online Database. ‘‘Epidemiological Fact Sheets on HIV/AIDS and strengthen community ties and Sexuality Transmitted Diseases: United States.’’ http://www.who preserve cultural traditions; .int/GlobalAtlas/predefinedReports/EFS2006/index.asp?strSelected others encourage recipients to Country¼US. December 2006; United Nations Development pursue an education and count Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–United States. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/ this as a work activity. These aldata_sheets/cty_ds_USA.html. April 26, 2007. ternative types of work activities would not count as work in most state-run programs. Actually, the administrators of tribal TANF programs have to exercise considerable flexibility in their program designs so that they can begin to address the very high rates of poverty and unemployment found on most American Indian reservations. KEY FACTS – UNITED STATES
OVERVIEW In these times, U.S. children have lower infant and child mortality rates than in the recent past, but racial and ethnic disparities exist, with American Indian/Alaskan Native and African American children having higher mortality rates than others. For a variety of reasons related primarily to family income levels, childhood experiences vary significantly. Many children are well cared for and have many opportunities open to them, but some grow up in poverty, are victims of neglect and abuse, have no access to health care, do not have a decent place to live, and go to bed hungry. All children, however, have the opportunity to attend public schools at the primary and secondary levels, and many children are exposed to a structured curriculum from preschool (ages three or four) through high school. While war may affect U.S. children in various ways, they must be eighteen (legal adults) to join the military. Some children come to the United States as refugees and immigrants, either with family members or alone, and face a number of obstacles, especially if they lack the necessary documents for legal residence. Currently, there are an estimated 1.8 to 5 million children living in
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unauthorized migrant families, and their ability to remain in the country with their families is a contentious public policy issue. It is estimated that the children of immigrants, both documented and undocumented, will represent a quarter of all children by 2010 (Urban Institute 2006; Passel 2006). Another serious issue is the trafficking of children within or into the country for use as sex slaves. Recent legislation makes it illegal to force a person to engage in commercial sex acts and provides some protection for immigrant victims of sex trafficking, such as special visas, medical care, and shelter services. In addition, law enforcement officials have the ability to prosecute violent sex crimes committed against children by citizens and legal permanent residents of the United States, and these officials cooperate with the United States Attorney’s Offices, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children, and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to find victims and punish traffickers. EDUCATION In the United States, education is primarily a state and local government matter, and there is substantial policy and funding variation across the school districts found in the fifty states. All states, however, have compulsory education laws, which in most states require school attendance for children between the ages of five and sixteen. As an alternative to the public schools, parents may send their children to private schools, which charge tuition, or provide home schooling, and some states allow parents to use charter schools, which are publicly funded yet separate from public schools. Funding for the public schools comes from state and federal government sources, but local property taxes are, by far, the largest source of funding. Because of this, schools in districts with high property tax bases have more resources available per student than schools in districts with low property tax bases. So, while there is universal access to public education at the primary and secondary levels, the quality of the educational experience can vary significantly. The education of Native American children has been an issue since the 1800s, and government-run day and boarding schools and federal funds to encourage public school attendance did little to provide a quality, culturally relevant education for these children. In the 1960s and 1970s, Native Americans were given more control over their children’s education than they had in the past through congressional legislation, especially the Indian Self-Determination and Educational Assistance Act of 1975, which enabled tribes to operate their own schools and provided funds for bilingual and bicultural programs, culturally relevant teaching materials, and other resources. Although improvements were made, much remains to be done (O’Brien 1989, 241). Another problem affecting the quality of the education experience of Native American children is the low level of
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public funding many tribal schools receive. This problem is most serious for schools located on reservation lands that are a part of the millions of acres held in trust by the federal government. Schools located on trust lands lose property tax revenues because local property taxes are not paid on trust land property. Reading test scores are considered a good measure of literacy and overall academic achievement by educators, and these scores are regularly reported for fourth and eighth graders in the nation’s public schools. Although the test scores for all students have increased over the last fifteen years, differences emerge when the results are broken down by gender and race or ethnicity. Girls have higher scores than boys, and white and Asian/Pacific Islander children significantly outperform American Indian/Alaskan Native, Latino, and African American children in that order (Forum on Child and Family Statistics 2006b). Another marker of academic achievement is the high school diploma. While the vast majority of U.S. youths earn high school diplomas, high school dropout figures (8 percent) show that secondary school completion is not universal. These dropout rates vary by race or ethnicity, with Latinos having the highest rate (15 percent) and Asian/Pacific Islander youths having the lowest rate (3 percent) (Kids Count 2006a). Disabled children have universal access to a free public education through high school, and federal law mandates that the educational experience of these children must take place in the least restrictive environment. Even with this legislative mandate in place, more than 40 percent of students with disabilities do not receive high school diplomas (National Council on Disability 2004). Teens in the United States do not have access to a free and universal higher education system, but they do have a number of choices, some of which are more accessible and affordable than others. The choices include two-year public community colleges, public and private four-year colleges and universities, tribal colleges, professional schools, and technical institutes. Some institutions are highly selective in admissions policies while others are not, and some private schools are much more expensive than public schools. Financial aid, although limited, is available in the form of guaranteed loans, scholarships, work study, and PELL grants for low-income students. Consequently, access to quality higher education is affected by a number of factors, one of which is the income level of the student’s family. PLAY AND RECREATION The number and array of play and recreational activities available to U.S. children is astounding and includes physical education classes in primary and secondary schools, organized intramural and extramural school sports, informal recreational activities with family members and friends, activities sponsored by local governments and recreational organizations,
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such as Young Men’s Christian Associations (YMCAs), and the activities focused on children at private athletic clubs. Local communities have parks, sports fields of numerous types, tennis courts, and swimming pools; additionally, school and community recreational facilities provide opportunities for indoor/outdoor sports and play activities. Many but not all play and recreational activities sponsored by school districts, local governments, and community organizations are open to both girls and boys, but this was not the case until a national policy, referred to as Title IX, opened up opportunities for girls to participate in athletic activities in 1972. Title IX made it illegal to exclude girls from participating in any educational program or activity that received federal funds. Since that time, there has been a significant increase in the amount of funding and support given to girls’ athletics in the nation’s public schools. It is estimated that 2.4 million high school girls now participate in interscholastic sports (U.S. Department of Education 1997). Native American children have access to the same play and recreational activities as other children do, and some Indigenous children are taught the games of their ancestors. One example is the game of stickball, which is popular today among the Choctaws and other Indigenous Peoples living in the eastern part of the United States. Several centuries ago, stickball games were treated as ceremonies or rituals and were played to settle disputes and to reinforce clan and tribal solidarity (O’Brien 1989, 8). To encourage the physical fitness of disabled children, the national government’s Office on Disability collaborates with disability-based organizations across the country to link disabled children with mentors who offer training and guidance on how to become physically fit. Children with intellectual disabilities have the opportunity to participate in the sports training and competition that is offered in local communities by the Special Olympics, a nonprofit organization that works with over half a million special athletes in the United States. In spite of the many opportunities for play and recreation open to children, increasing numbers of children and teens are engaging in sedentary activities, such as watching television and playing computer games, rather than physical activities. Multiple television sets in a home are common, and some children and teens have access to a large number of television channels through basic cable, digital cable, or satellite programming. In addition, many children have video game consoles, DVD players, and handheld gaming devices. Even with parental control over what children watch and the games they play, many children are exposed to content that is inappropriate for their age because of the abundance of media outlets. If children are not supervised in their use of the Internet, they run the risk of being the victims of those who use the Internet for illegal activities. The studies on television viewing report that, on average, children spend about 20 hours or more each week watching television, which is more time than is spent in any other activity besides sleeping. During this
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time they see tens of thousands of commercials, including 1,000 to 2,000 ads for alcohol each year (Health Systems 2004). Economic competition for children’s attention in the commercials is pervasive and permeates television viewing. Children are targeted by the toy and fast-food industries, which spend billions of dollars each year on advertising specifically directed at young people. Fast-food chain restaurants offer incentives, such as playgrounds, contests, clubs, games, and free toys. These incentives are often tied to popular music, movies, television shows, and professional sports leagues and reinforce the focus on children as consumers. Some marketing involves products linked to movies and video games considered inappropriate for both young children and teens because of the extensive violence in the content of the movies and games (Media Awareness Network 2006). The health impact of the sedentary child’s lifestyle is a concern for public health officials and the U.S. public, especially since growing numbers of the nation’s children are overweight. For many decades, the President’s Council on Physical Fitness and Sports has encouraged and promoted the development of physical fitness and sports participation for children of all ages. Council members advise the president through the Secretary of Health and Human Services and act as the catalyst for fitness and sports activities in partnership with interested parties in the public, private, and nonprofit sectors. Children, including disabled children, who engage in a sixty-minute physical activity program five days a week for six weeks are eligible for a Presidential Active Lifestyle Award, and, once that is achieved, they can strive to earn the President’s Challenge Award by engaging in extra physical activities for longer periods of time. In contrast, cuts in federal and state funding have significantly reduced sports and physical activities in many public schools. Historically, children and teens had some kind of physical activity, such as recess or gym class, every day. Today, these classes may be limited to a few times a week. Reducing the amount of time each week that young people engage in physical activities may impact the health of these children, especially if they do not have access to extracurricular physical or sports activities. CHILD LABOR Beginning in the mid-1800s, reformers argued that child labor harmed the health and welfare of the nation’s children. The first child labor laws were passed in states in the early 1900s, and the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) became law in 1938. Initially, the emphasis was on educating young laborers. These efforts were then reinforced by state compulsory school attendance laws. The FLSA sets age limits for specific types of work, especially work considered too hazardous for young workers, and specifies occupational and hour restrictions for workers less than sixteen years old. The minimum age for nonagricultural workers is sixteen; those
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who are fourteen and fifteen may be employed less than full-time if working does not interfere with their schooling, and children under fourteen may be paid for tasks on a part-time, irregular basis. In agricultural work, children under sixteen working on farms owned or operated by a parent are exempted from FLSA rules, as are youths who have reached the age of sixteen. Federal and state governments promote compliance with child labor regulations through investigations and enforcement, but violations exist. Violators are fined up to $10,000 for each violation leading to death or serious injury, and criminal sanctions may occur after a second conviction (U.S. Department of Labor 2000). Young workers are protected against discrimination in the workplace on the bases of race and color, national origin, sex, and religion under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Title VII applies to employers with fifteen or more employees and covers federal, state, and local governments. It also applies to employment agencies and labor organizations. Compliance with FLSA regulations is particularly important in hazardous occupations, and these include agriculture, construction, landscaping, operating heavy equipment, and door-to-door and street selling. Young people working in these areas run the risk of serious injury (or death) from equipment rollovers, falls, exposure to dangerous pesticides, sexual assaults, and the like. At times, national labor advocacy groups and labor unions join forces to protect youth workers in hazardous jobs. In 2005, the Department of Labor (DOL) was criticized for issuing new child labor regulations that allow youths at ages fourteen and fifteen to operate and clean deep fryers and grills and youths at ages sixteen and seventeen to load paper balers and compacters. Under the old regulations, such jobs were prohibited for young people in these age groups. A DOL settlement with Wal-Mart also was criticized, and, again, the criticism was aimed at the failure to protect young workers from hazardous jobs. Besides a fine, the retailer was assured that future inspections would be announced, but critics wanted the government to conduct unannounced inspections and to force Wal-Mart to provide distinct employee badges to young workers, so they would not be called upon to operate hazardous equipment (Child Labor Coalition 2005). Children and youths are employed by many types of industries, both agricultural and nonagricultural. In rural areas, young people who do farm work are usually teens on their own or dependents of farm workers, but some children as young as four or five work alongside their parents in the fields. The lack of enforcement of FLSA standards results in some children and teens working very long hours for six or seven days a week in peak harvesting seasons (Human Rights Watch 2000). In cities and towns, young people sixteen and older can work in all industries, as long as the job is not classified as a hazardous one. Children under the age of sixteen can work less than full-time in offices, grocery stores, retail stores, restaurants, movie theaters, amusement and baseball parks, or gas stations.
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Those who are age thirteen or younger can baby-sit, deliver newspapers, or work as actors or performers (U.S. Department of Labor 2006). Besides legal employment, some children are forced into illegal work in the sex industry and trafficked as sex slaves. Children and teens living on the streets in the United States run a substantial risk of becoming victims of this commercial sex exploitation, and the risk extends to girls, boys, and transgender youths. A research study in 2001 estimated that 200,000 to 300,000 children each year are at high risk of being forced into illegal sexual activities (Child Labor Coalition 2003). Additionally, low-wage or sweatshop factories owned by U.S. companies but located outside the nation’s borders may benefit from the forced labor of children. Anti-sweatshop organizations, especially those operating on university campuses in the United States, have been actively engaged in efforts to ban products from companies using sweatshop labor, which often includes children. FAMILY In recent decades, a number of factors have affected the roles of male and female children in the family, and these include changing family structures, working parents, and the rise of the feminist movement. These changes are reflected in the media, which now show girls as well as boys engaging in a broad range of physical, intellectual, and group endeavors. Since half of all current marriages now end in divorce, there is concern over the impact divorce has on children. The ideal situation is to have children grow up in a home with parents who have a healthy, loving relationship. When this is not the case and divorce occurs, children may suffer material losses and psychological distress. For example, when divorced mothers retain custody of their children, they often have less income than they had when married, and this may affect their children’s material wellbeing. However, it is also true that many married couples, especially those of color, are already struggling financially because of the differences in income across racial lines. The psychological impact of divorce on children is less straightforward. Some argue that children are resilient and recover in a matter of years, while others argue that the devastating effects of divorce affect children into their adulthood. Inheritance customs and laws also affect the material well-being of children. Under state laws, when a parent dies, the surviving spouse and dependents receive equal parts of the estate. In cases of divorce, children are acknowledged as the legitimate children of each parent for purposes of inheritance. State laws favor children born to married parents, but children born to unmarried parents are eligible to receive the inheritance from a deceased parent as long as the person acknowledged the children as his or hers, either in writing or by their conduct, and contributed to the children’s maintenance for a reasonable period of time prior to the parent’s death (Social Security Administration).
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Because the U.S. population lives longer lives now than they did in the past, children have ample opportunities to form relationships with grandparents and, possibly, great-grandparents. On the other hand, the obsession with youth that is prevalent in mainstream U.S. culture may prevent the formation of intergenerational relationships and lead to an increase in the age segregation that already exists (Riley and Bowen 2005). Yet the numbers of intergenerational households are growing, and millions of grandparents are the primary caregivers for their grandchildren, especially in households where parents work or are not living with their children (U.S. Bureau of the Census 2003a). There is a severe income gap between the rich and the poor in the United States, and this gap has implications for the nation’s children. Since 1980, increases occurred in the percentages of children living in families categorized as extremely poor (up to 7.2 percent in 2004) and those living in high income and very high income families (up to 29 percent and 12.9 percent, respectively, in 2004), and decreases occurred in the percentages of children living in families in the below poverty, low income, and median income categories. Families of all racial and ethnic backgrounds are represented in these economic categories, but many more white and Asian families are in the privileged economic categories than are Latino, African American, American Indian and Alaskan Native children (Forum on Child and Family Statistics 2006c). In general, the children in privileged families have many opportunities open to them and promising futures, while the children of families living in poverty face obstacles rather than opportunities and futures that are filled with risks. A number of government programs exist to offer some help to children living in poor and low-income families, and the major programs include TANF cash assistance, childcare support for TANF recipients and working poor families, medical coverage under Medicaid and State Child Health Insurance programs, housing assistance through public housing and rent assistance programs, Supplemental Security Income benefits for disabled children, and the Food Stamp program. Parents who are poor, yet work and pay federal income taxes, can benefit from two tax credit programs. The first is the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), which is a refundable personal income tax credit that pays benefits to workers based on family size and the amount of income that they earn. Working poor taxpayers who qualify may use the credit to offset their tax liability or receive it as a lump sum payment as a tax refund. The second is the Child Tax Credit (CTC), which is a conditionally refundable tax credit available to lowand middle-income families with incomes below specific thresholds. What is amazing is that the subsidies provided to families by the CTC and the EITC are considerably larger than the entire federal budget for children and family services programs (excluding health care) administered by the Department of Health and Human Services (Burman and Wheaton 2005).
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The high school or secondary school years mark the transition from childhood to young adulthood for many U.S. teens. These years include various events, such as homecoming activities and junior and senior proms, and culminate in the graduation ceremony, which is a significant rite of passage in young people’s lives. Other activities may occur during these years that are not viewed favorably by parents, school officials, and the broader community, and these include illicit drinking, experimenting with drugs, and sexual behavior. A socially accepted marker of independence from parental control for many teens is learning to drive and getting a driver’s license, and those who have the resources may have their own cars (Hoffman 2002). Rites of passage also include cultural and religious ceremonies and events that mark the passage from childhood to young adulthood, and some examples of these are Jewish bar or bat mitzvahs, ~ Latin American girls’ fifteenth birthday celebrations (quinceaneras), and Native American puberty ceremonies. HEALTH Racial and ethnic differences persist in infant and child mortality rates. Although the overall infant mortality rate was 6.9 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2003, the rate for black children was twice that number, and the rate for Asian/Pacific Islander children was only a bit over half the rate for all infants. The national death rate for children ages one to fourteen was twenty-one deaths per 1,000 children, and, again, Asian/Pacific Islander children had the lowest rates, while American Indian/Alaskan Native children had the highest rates at thirty deaths per 1,000 children (Kids Count 2006a). According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the leading causes of death among children and teens include accidental deaths, malignant tumors, suicide, homicide, heart disease, birth defects, influenza and pneumonia, respiratory distress or disease, and cerebral hemorrhages. Many children receive a range of vaccinations in infancy and childhood, and the immunization rates, while not universal, range from 73 percent to 94 percent across the nine vaccines commonly given to children (Forum on Child and Family Statistics 2006a). These vaccines include protections against the following bacterial or viral diseases and conditions: diphtheria, hepatitis A and B, meningitis, pneumonia, arthritis, influenza, measles, hearing loss, neurological disability or loss of a limb, mumps, seizures, brain disorders, ear infections, blood infections, polio, diarrhea and dehydration, excessive bleeding, breathing difficulty, and chickenpox (Children’s National Medical Center). It is important to note that children are considered more susceptible to toxins in the environment than adults. This may be due to the fact that children eat more food, drink more water, and breathe more air in proportion to their body size when compared with adults, which increases their exposure to toxins. In the United States, an estimated 3 to 4 million
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children, primarily children of color, live within a mile of a hazardous waste site and, consequently, may be exposed to toxic substances and be in high-risk categories for health problems. In addition, children who live in the older and poorer residential areas of cities may be exposed to toxic levels of lead leeching from pipes and plumbing fixtures. Another health danger facing children is chronic disease, and, currently, asthma is one of the most common and serious chronic diseases affecting the nation’s children. The American Lung Association reports that 6 million children have been diagnosed with asthma, and this number represents a significant increase over the last decade (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 2006). A more positive sign for children’s health is that drinking water across the nation has improved over the years due to national, state, and municipal regulations and regular testing. Health care in the United States is very expensive, and access to health care is a major problem for children in low-income and poor families. Moreover, health insurance coverage varies among families with different racial or ethnic backgrounds. Employer-sponsored or private-sector insurance covers only 56 percent of white children, and less than a fourth of American Indian/Alaskan Native children have this coverage. Two federal government programs target low-income families, Medicaid and the State Children’s Health Insurance Program (SCHIP), but the coverage provided varies by state and leaves large numbers of children uninsured. In 2002, the proportion of uninsured children in the total child population was 11.6 percent or 8.5 million children. Latino children were more likely to be uninsured (22.7 percent) compared with white (11.1 percent), black (13.9 percent), and Asian children (11.5 percent). In addition to Medicaid and SCHIP medical coverage, some Native American children are covered by the national government’s Indian Health Service (IHS), but even with this extra coverage 25 percent of these children remain uninsured. Families who do not have private or government health coverage for their children may be forced to take their children to hospital emergency rooms, and a few of these families may be able to use the medical services provided by the relatively small number of free health clinics operating in some communities (U.S. Bureau of the Census 2003b; Garrett and Yemane 2006). Disabled children, including those who suffer from serious mental disorders, had better chances of being covered by the disability benefits offered through the Social Security Act in the past than they do at the present time. In 1996, a very restrictive definition of a disabled child was written into the PRWORA, and, as a result, this landmark piece of social legislation dramatically reduced the number of children who qualified for SSI disability benefits. Under PRWORA, a child is disabled only if there is a medically proven physical or mental disability that results in marked and severe functional limitations and is expected to cause the death of the child or last more than twelve months. Although deprived of the income
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assistance, disabled children who lost SSI benefits because of this law do continue to receive medical coverage under the Medicaid program (Rodgers Jr. 2006). In addition, many children with mental health disorders do not receive adequate care. Public and private insurance plans may not cover mental illnesses, and there may be a lack of affordable service providers in the child’s community. Moreover, some families fear losing custody if they seek help from government agencies in caring for children with mental health disorders. A 2003 government report concluded that desperate parents were placing their children into state child welfare or juvenile justice systems with the hope that these children would receive the mental health treatment that they needed. The report, however, also documented the inadequate and inappropriate care found in the juvenile justice system and the fact that less than one-third of the children in out-of-home care provided through the child welfare system received the mental health care that they needed (Children’s Defense Fund). A problem facing the nation’s young people is teen pregnancy, which is viewed by many as a serious social issue. In 1998, the nation’s teen birth rate, at 52.1 births per 1,000 teens, was the highest rate among the world’s twenty-seven richest nations. The rates have fallen in recent years, and the decreases are thought to be the result of lower rates of teen intercourse, the increasing use of contraceptives, and steady rates of abortions. Yet racial and ethnic differences exist. In 2003, Latina teens had the highest rate of teen births and Asian/Pacific Islander teens had the lowest rate, and the birth rates for African American teens showed the most significant decrease from the rates of the early 1990s (Martin et al. 2005). An issue facing some girls is female genital mutilation (FGM), a term that refers to a number of traditional practices that involve the cutting of female genitals. The procedure is usually performed upon girls who are between the ages of four and twelve as a rite of passage. The extent to which FGM is currently practiced in the United States is unknown, but the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimated that there were 168,000 girls and women with or at risk for FGM in 1990. In 1996, Congress defined the practice of FGM as a federal criminal offense unless it was necessary to protect the girl’s life, and, as of 2004, sixteen states had legislation instituting criminal sanctions for the practice (Center for Reproductive Rights 2004). There is support for school-based sexuality education that teaches young people about ways to protect themselves from sexually transmitted diseases, HIV/AIDS, and unintended pregnancy, and it is found among the medical, scientific, public health, religious, and educational communities and in public opinion polls of parents and voters. In spite of this support, government funding primarily supports the teaching of abstinence-only-until-marriage in public schools. Gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender (GLBT) youth, although a smaller population in schools
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across the county, suffer discrimination and harassment because of their sexuality and are considered more at risk of being harmed by their classmates than heterosexual students, according to the Sexuality Information and Education Council of the United States (SIECUS). This organization reports that over 75 percent of the country’s students reside in states where ‘‘sexual orientation and identity are not protected classes under the law,’’ so these students lack legal protection from discrimination and harassment (Sexuality Information and Education Council of the United States). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The definition of childhood in the United States has changed over time. During the nineteenth century, fourteen was generally accepted as the age limit of childhood. The limit was raised to sixteen and, then, to eighteen in the twentieth century. This age standard is vital in determining juvenile court jurisdiction and the legal age for such things as marriage, working, voting, and joining the military. In some areas, uniformity is provided by national legislation, but in other areas, the legal status of children varies from state to state. In 2005, the Supreme Court abolished the execution of children convicted of murder and argued that executing offenders under the age of eighteen violated the prohibition of cruel and unusual punishment that was provided by the Eighth Amendment to the Constitution. Also, recent lower federal court decisions have helped ensure the safety and well-being of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgendered youth in school environments. In contrast, custody decisions for children whose parents divorce are decided in state courts. Generally, custody is awarded to one parent, with whom the child lives most of the time, but divorced parents may share custody of their child in a joint custody arrangement in which the child spends an approximately equal amount of time with both parents. Segments within U.S. society hold very different views on the nature and breadth of children’s rights. Moreover, Supreme Court decisions have not clearly specified these rights. A document that does clearly define children’s rights is the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which was adopted by the United Nations in 1989 and set minimum standards for rights that protect the well-being of children. These standards are contained in the forty-one substantive articles of the convention that extend ‘‘civil, political, economic, social, cultural, and humanitarian rights to children’’ (Walker, Brooks, and Wrightsman 1999, 30). While the United States Ambassador to the United Nations, Madeleine Albright, signed the document in 1995, the treaty has not been ratified by the U.S. Senate. The United States joins Somalia as the only two members of the United Nations who have not ratified the convention. There is no simple explanation as to why the treaty has not been ratified
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by the Senate, but one reason may be that some policy-makers and advocacy organizations see the convention as a threat to national sovereignty and the parent–child relationship (Walker, Brooks, and Wrightsman 1999, 30–38). In order for ratification to occur, the provisions of the Convention on the Rights of the Child must be evaluated as to their compatibility with existing law and practice at both the state and federal levels of government. This evaluation, however, is open to interpretation by government officials who may or may not view the convention as appropriate for the United States. When young people are arrested for violating the law, the arrests are usually for arson, vandalism, and motor vehicle theft. In most cases, young violators come under the jurisdiction of the juvenile justice system, which was established in 1899. The system is based on the assumption that young people are different from adults in their ability to make sound judgments, to understand the impact of their actions, and to realize the ramifications of engaging in criminal behavior and committing criminal acts. Consequently, juvenile courts operate somewhat differently than courts handling adult cases. For example, the juvenile’s identity is maintained in files that are highly confidential and kept from the public. Under federal law, seventeen is the legal limit for juvenile status in the criminal justice system, but states have the authority to impose different limits. Within the juvenile justice system, disagreement exists over whether the emphasis should be on rehabilitating juvenile offenders or on protecting the community from these offenders. This disagreement leads state officials to question whether to use resources to build additional detention facilities so that more juvenile offenders are off the streets or to focus on teaching skills to these offenders so that they will not return to criminal behavior in the future. If officials choose the latter, the results of prevention and rehabilitation programs may not be realized for years after the programs are started, which makes this choice difficult to pursue (Juvenile Justice FYI). Another behavior that causes concern among parents, law enforcement officials, and society in general is participation in youth gangs. The popular belief seems to be that all gangs promote and engage in violent behavior, but research exists that shows this belief is an exaggeration. The research also shows that gang members come from a variety of social class and ethnic group backgrounds and are found in both urban and rural areas. Youth gangs are not a new phenomenon and emerged around the time that the United States was experiencing an influx of European immigrants at the beginning of the twentieth century. Today, there is no consensus on what constitutes a gang or why young people join gangs, but some explanations emphasize the need to have a peer group and a sense of belonging and empowerment (Shelden, Tracy, and Brown 2001). Currently, the United States has a considerable amount of gang activity, especially in large cities. According to the results from the National Youth
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Gang Survey, an estimated 731,500 gang members and more than 21,500 gangs were active in the United States in 2002, and every city with a population of 250,000 or more reported the presence of youth gangs (U.S. Department of Justice). RELIGIOUS LIFE The separation of church and state is a long-recognized constitutional principle in the United States, but defining the boundary between the two has never been easy. While religious education is not allowed in public schools, except when it is presented from a neutral, academic perspective, the boundary between church and state in the public schools is frequently tested in court cases that challenge the treatment of religious holidays, religious displays, and prayer in school. Private religious elementary and secondary schools, which include religious instruction in the school day, are an alternative to the public system, but these schools charge tuition and are unaffordable for many families. Children who do not receive religious instruction in their schools can attend instructional sessions held at their places of worship, either in conjunction with religious services or at a regularly scheduled time. While Native American children may learn the doctrines and dogmas of mainstream religions, they also may be taught to respect the traditions and ceremonies of their ancestors. Although traditional practices vary among the many groups of Native Americans, Indigenous belief systems are based, in part, on the perception that the land itself is sacred. Consequently, many ceremonial practices of Native Americans are site-specific and follow instructions passed from one generation to another. The sites where ceremonies are held are considered sacred ground. Yet, conflict occurs when sacred sites are located in national parks, monument areas, or places used by the general public for recreational purposes (rock climbing and skiing, for example). These conflicts between tribal, federal, and state governments may need to be settled in the federal court system (Wilkins 2007, 9). Religious rites of passage that children experience include baptisms, confirmations, bar or bat mitzvahs, puberty ceremonies, and initiation rites. Two examples of puberty or female coming-of-age ceremonies are the Navajo Kinaalda and the Apache Sunrise ceremony in which a fourday set of rituals is used to ascribe an identity to the girl that transforms her into a woman. All types of religious ceremonies are considered important events in children’s lives and involve the young person’s parents or guardians, relatives, and, oftentimes, extended family members. In addition, there are numerous organizations with religious roots that have an influence on the lives of children. One nationwide organization is the YMCA (Young Men’s Christian Association), which was created more than 150 years ago to serve as a place for bible study and prayer to counter the influence of life in the streets. In recent decades, local YMCAs
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offer a range of activities, including sports activities, to foster the development of the whole child or young adult. Another nationwide organization is the YWCA (Young Women’s Christian Association), which had its start in the United States in 1858. The YWCA has its roots in the Christian faith but is ‘‘sustained by the richness of many beliefs and values’’ (YWCA USA). Currently, local YWCAs engage in two hallmark programs—racial justice and the economic empowerment of women—and provide a range of social services that meet women’s needs (child care, rape crisis intervention, domestic violence assistance, and job training, for example). Some local YWCAs also provide health and fitness programs for women (YWCA USA). Other examples of organizations with religious foundations include the Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts of America and the Salvation Army, and numerous other organizations with religious affiliations exist to promote the spiritual and moral development of children and teens. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The Children’s Bureau of the Department of Health and Human Services tracks and reports on cases of child abuse and neglect through the National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System (NCANDS), which is based on information from cases of children who were investigated or assessed by state child protective service agencies. The 2004 report estimates that 872,000 children were victims of various types of abuse in that year, and an estimated 1,490 children died due to abuse or neglect. More than 80 percent of these fatalities were children younger than four years old. As in many other areas of children’s lives, differences based on racial or ethnic background exist. Among all victims, children who were African American, Pacific Islanders, and American Indians or Alaskan Natives had the highest rates of victimization at 19.9, 17.6, and 15.5 per 1,000 children of the same race or ethnicity, respectively, compared with white, Latino, and Asian children, who had rates of victimization at 10.7, 10.4, and 2.9 per 1,000 children of the same race or ethnicity, respectively (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services 2004). The care of abused or neglected children is the responsibility of government at all levels, especially state child protective service agencies, and children’s advocacy groups play an important role. Adequate funding is always a problem. National legislation provides some funding for victims of family violence, and this funding usually supplements existing community efforts to provide temporary shelter, counseling, transportation, emergency childcare assistance, and health care referrals for victims. Some maltreated children are placed in state-run foster care, where they live with adults who serve as substitute parents. Foster-care children tend to be from poor families, and nonwhite children are overrepresented in this population. For example, in 2003, African American children were less than 15 percent of the
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total child population, but they comprised 35 percent of the foster care population (Congressional Research Service 2005). The maltreatment of Native American children has a long history and came to the government’s attention when a 1930 congressional investigation into abuse in boarding schools reported the deaths of students from abuse and lack of care. Currently, tribal nations have programs that provide information, support, and assistance to victims of child sexual abuse, and federal laws also address the problem. The Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA) works to reduce the number of victims of abuse or neglect placed in non-Indian adoptive and foster homes and to provide placements in homes that reflect American Indian traditions and culture. The Indian Child Protection and Family Violence Prevention Act mandates the reporting of suspected abuse to the appropriate authorities so that further abuse can be prevented. The effectiveness of these efforts is compromised by inadequate funding and the ongoing tension between the power of government agencies and the sovereign status of tribal nations (Center on Child Abuse and Neglect 2000). Those who are convicted of murdering children face the death penalty, and a small number of states allow the death penalty for certain sex crimes (rape or sodomy) involving young children, even though legal scholars question the constitutionality of such laws. In recent decades, steps were taken to remove child sex offenders from their communities permanently or for long periods of time and to subject them to surveillance when living in communities. Parents who mistreat their children risk losing custody, but some rulings terminating parental rights are overturned if a court decides that the due process rights of parents were violated. Children are not forced into the military in the United States, and only men living in the country, ages eighteen through twenty-five, must register for selective service. Although joining the military is voluntary and only for men and women eighteen and older, public high school students are targeted by military recruiters. Moreover, recruiters have the legal right to get student at-home contact information from high school administrators. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The future of children growing up in the twenty-first century in the United States will definitely be affected by issues associated with family income level and the child’s racial or ethnic background. Currently, many more white and Asian children are living in families with high or very high incomes than are Latino, black, or Native American children. Moreover, the percentages of families categorized as extremely poor and those categorized as high or very high income have increased in the last several decades, creating a significant income gap between rich and poor families. In general, black and Latino families have significantly lower median incomes than white families. Also, the fact that more Latino, Native
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American, and black children are growing up in single-parent families than are Asian and white children is significant because two-parent married families have much higher median incomes than single-parent families. Similar racial disparities are found in other areas of children’s lives. American Indian, Alaskan Native, and African American children have higher mortality rates than children with other racial or ethnic backgrounds. White and Asian children outperform Native American, Latino, and African American children in reading tests, and Latino children have higher school dropout rates than other children. Many of these patterns have existed for decades and are likely to continue well into the twenty-first century. Although a plethora of government programs have been created to deal with problems that affect the lives of children, the programs that currently exist do not adequately cover the pressing needs of children growing up in families that are low-income or poor. For example, the TANF program has pushed a large number of single mothers with children off of the welfare rolls and into the low-wage and part-time labor force. This has the effect of reducing the ranks of the welfare poor and increasing the ranks of the working poor, but does not necessarily improve the lives of the children living in these families. Another example is Medicaid and the SCHIP, which were both designed to meet the health needs of lowincome families. Even with these programs, there are significant numbers of children growing up without health insurance coverage, and these children are found in poor, low-income, and even middle-income families. Not all families are covered by government programs, and many low- or middle-income working parents cannot afford the health coverage that may be available to them at their place of work. Since the 1980s, the thinking behind government’s response to the economic and social welfare needs of poor and low-income families has shifted ideologically. Policy makers no longer consider the so-called social services safety net an entitlement for families who are in need. Instead, those who seek help from government programs are expected to pull themselves out of poverty on their own with a small amount of temporary assistance and without the benefits provided by a broad and permanent system of social and economic supports. If this ideology persists well into the twenty-first century, the well-being of children living in poor and low-income families will remain in danger. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Corsaro, William A. 2004. The Sociology of Childhood. 2nd ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press. This academic text explores children’s rights and changing demographics and contains many examples of children’s behaviors and play activities that are illustrated in charts and photographs that capture the complexity and diversity of children’s lives.
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Duncan, Greg J., and P. Lindsay Chase-Lansdale, eds. 2001. For Better and for Worse: Welfare Reform and the Well-Being of Children and Families. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. This edited volume examines the changes brought about by the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996, and looks at the impact welfare reform is having on the wellbeing of children in low-income families. The chapters include academic perspectives and empirical studies on the links among employment, family dynamics, and child development. Lareau, Annette. 2003. Unequal Childhoods: Class, Race, and Family Life. 2nd ed. Berkeley: University of California Press. This book explores the argument that class makes a difference in the lives and futures of children in the United States. It draws upon the in-depth observations of black and white middleclass, working-class, and poor families to demonstrate differences in the childrearing approaches of parents from these income classes. Pardeck, John T. 2006. Children’s Rights: Policy and Practice. 2nd ed. Binghamton, NY: Haworth Press. This book describes the most significant laws and policies in the United States that protect the rights of children. It is written as an information source and advocacy tool for families and professionals who are fighting for the fair treatment of children. Walker, Nancy E., Catherine M. Brooks, and Lawrence S. Wrightsman. 1999. Children’s Rights in the United States: In Search of a National Policy. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. The authors of the book argue that the lack of a national policy on children’s rights is a major obstacle to ensuring that the best interests of children prevail. They believe the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child should be the foundation for such a national policy and analyze the rights of children in six policy areas from this perspective. Wilkins, David E. 2007. American Indian Politics and the American Political System. 2nd ed. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. The author starts with the fact that American Indians are separate and sovereign peoples with histories that predate the American republic and recognizes the unique political, economic, cultural, and moral rights and powers exercised by tribal nations. He analyzes the internal dynamics of American Indian governments and politics and examines the relationships of these governments with the states, the federal government, and other relevant actors.
Nonprint Resources Barbie Nation. 1998. New York: New Day Films. 53 min. VHS. The 53-minute video tells the story of the cult of the Barbie doll, telling the Barbie stories of diverse men, women, and children. Born to Buy: Advertising and the New Consumer. 2005. Dallas: LeCroy Center for Educational Telecommunications. 60 min. Videodisc. The videodisc explores the changing world of children’s consumer culture, with special emphasis on the role of marketing and its connection to popular culture. Dying to Be Thin. 2004. Boston: WGBH Video. 60 min. Videodisc. The videodisc goes behind the statistics of eating disorders to examine the deadly battle girls wage as they strive for impossible beauty. Girlhood. 2003. Brooklyn: Moxie Firecracker Films. 82 min. Videodisc. This documentary tells the story of the dramatic journey of two teenagers through the juvenile justice system and back out to the streets of East Baltimore.
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Girls Like Us. 1997. New York: Women Make Movies. 60 min. VHS. The documentary explores female teenage experiences of sexuality and pregnancy and exposes the impact of class, sexism, and violence on the girls’ dreams and expectations. Juvenile Justice. 2001. Alexandria, VA: PBS Video. 90 min. VHS. The video explores whether children who commit serious crimes should be tried as juveniles or adults. Juvies. 2004. Pacific Palisades, CA: Chance Films. 90 min. Videodisc. The videodisc focuses on twelve young lawbreakers and delivers an unblinking look at the juvenile justice system. Kinaald a : A Navajo Rite of Passage. 2000. New York: Women Make Movies. 57 min. VHS. The video explores Kinaalda, a four-day coming-of-age ceremony for Navajo girls ages eleven to fourteen. M e ndez vs. Westminster: For All the Children. 2002. Huntington Beach, CA: KOCETV Foundation. 27 min. Videodisc. The videodisc presents information on a 1943 court case that set an important legal precedent for ending segregation in the public schools. Merchants of Cool. 2001. Alexandria, VA: PBS Video. 60 min. Videodisc. The videodisc investigates the ways in which marketing firms assess the tastes, attitudes, and aspirations of teens in the United States so that Hollywood and Madison Avenue can craft tailored versions of teenage life in movies, television, music, and advertising. Our House: A Very Real Documentary about Kids of Gay and Lesbian Parents. 1999. New York: Cinema Guild. 57 min. VHS. The video presents interviews with five families from New York, Arkansas, Arizona, and New Jersey describing their experiences of living in households led by gay and lesbian parents. The Return of Navajo Boy. 2000. Chicago: Jeff Spitz Productions. 52 min. VHS. The video documents the family reunion of a Navajo man who was taken from his family as a child by missionaries forty years before. Song of Our Children. 2005. Boulder, CO: Landlocked Films LLC. 58 min. Videodisc. The videodisc is a documentary about the inclusive education of kids with special needs. Stolen Childhoods. 2003. Vineyard Haven, MA: Galen Films. 86 min. Videodisc. The videodisc is a documentary on child labor, in which the story is told in the words of laboring children, their parents, and the people working daily to help them. When the Bough Breaks. 2001. New York: Filmakers Library. 58 min. VHS. The video looks at children coping with their mothers’ incarcerations and illustrates the policy gaps between the judicial and social service systems that are supposed to serve these children.
Web Sites Center for Law and Social Policy, http://www.clasp.org. Center for the Advancement of Responsible Youth Sports, http://hdcs.fullerton .edu/knes/carys/resources.htm. Child Abuse Prevention, http://child-abuse.com. Child Development Research, http://www.cdwire.net.
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Child Labor Coalition, http://www.stoplabor.org. Child Stats, http://www.childstats.gov. Child Trends, Inc., http://www.childtrends.org. Family Support America, http://www.familysupportamerica.org. Generations United, http://www.gu.org. Human Rights Watch, http://www.hrw.org. Institute for Women’s Policy Research, http://www.iwpr.org. Kids Count, Annie E. Casey Foundation, http://www.aecf.org/kidscount. National Center for Health Statistics, http://www.cdc.gov/nchs. National Child Welfare Resource Center on Legal and Judicial Issues, http://nccan ch.acf.hhs.gov/pubs/reslist/cbttan/rclji.cfm. National Committee to Prevent Child Abuse, http://www.childabuse.org. National Fatherhood Initiative, http://www.fatherhood.org. National Institute on the Media and the Family, http://www.mediafamily.org. National Resource Center for Family Centered Practice, http://www.uiowa.edu/ nrcfcp. Pew Research Center, http://people-press.org. Resource Center for Adolescent Pregnancy Prevention, http://www.etr.org/recapp. Safe Kids Worldwide, http://www.safekids.org. Sweatshop Watch, http://www.sweatshopwatch.org. United States Bureau of the Census, http://www.census.gov. Urban Institute, http://www.urban.org. Welfare Information Network: Teen Parents, http://www.ssc.wisc.edu/irp.wrr/ teenparents.htm. Welfare Reform Network, http://www.welfareinfo.org.
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Organizations and NGOs Administration for Children and Families, United States Department of Health and Human Services 370 L’Enfant Promenade SW Washington, DC 20201 Web site: http://www.acf.dhhs.gov American Civil Liberties Union 125 Broad Street, 18th Floor New York, NY 10004 Web site: http://www.aclu.org American Humane Association 63 Inverness Drive East Englewood, CO 80112 Phone: (303) 792-9900 Fax: (303) 792-5333 Web site: http://www.americanhumane.org Child Welfare Institute 111 E. Wacker Drive, Suite 325 Chicago, IL 60601 Phone: (312) 949-5640 Fax: (312) 922-6736 Web site: http://www.gocwi.org Child Welfare League of America 440 First Street, NW, Third Floor Washington, DC 20001 Phone: (202) 638-2952 Fax: (202) 638-4004 Web site: http://www.cwla.org Children’s Defense Fund 25 E Street NW Washington, DC 20001 Phone: (202) 628-8787 Web site: http://www.childrensdefense.org Email: [email protected] Children’s Rights, Inc. 330 7th Avenue, 4th Floor New York, NY 10001 Phone: (212) 683-2210 Fax: (212) 683-2240 Web site: http://www.childrensrights.org National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy 1776 Massachusetts Avenue NW, Suite 200
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Washington, DC 20036 Phone: (202) 478-8500 Web site: http://www.teenpregnancy.org National Center for Children in Poverty 215 W. 125th Street, 3rd Floor New York, NY 10027 Phone: (646) 284-9600 Fax: (646) 284-9623 Web site: http://www.nccp.org National Center for Mental Health and Juvenile Justice Policy Research Associates 345 Delaware Avenue Delmar, NY 12054 Phone: 1-866-9NCMHJJ (toll-free) Fax: (518) 439-7612 Web site: http://www.ncmhjj.com Email: [email protected] National Child Welfare Resource Center for Family-Centered Practice Hunter College School of Social Work 129 East 79th Street New York, NY 10021 Phone: (212) 452-7053 Fax: (212) 452-7475 Web site: http://www.cwresource.org National Clearinghouse on Child Abuse and Neglect Information at Child Welfare Information Gateway Children’s Bureau/ACYF 1250 Maryland Avenue SW, Eighth Floor Washington, DC 20024 Phone: (703) 385-7565 or (800) 394-3366 Web site: http://childwelfare.gov National Indian Child Welfare Association 5100 SW Macadam Avenue, Suite 300 Portland, OR 97239 Phone: (503) 222-4044 Fax: (503) 222-4007 Web site: http://www.nicwa.org Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention United States Department of Justice 810 Seventh Street NW Washington, DC 20531 Phone: (202) 307-5911 Web site: http://ojjdp.ncjrs.org
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Prevent Child Abuse America 500 N. Michigan Avenue, Suite 200 Chicago, IL 60611 Phone: (312) 663-3520 Fax: (312) 939-8962 Web site: http://www.preventchildabuse.org Email: [email protected]
Selected Bibliography Birdseye, Debbie Holscla, and Tom Birdseye. 1996. What I Believe: Kids Talk about Faith. New York: Holiday House. Burman, Leonard E., and Laura Wheaton. 2005. ‘‘Who Gets the Child Tax Credit?’’ Tax Notes, October 17. http://www.urban.org/UploadedPDF/411232_ child_tax_credit.pdf. Accessed May 1, 2006. Center for Reproductive Rights. 2004. Legislation on Female Genital Mutilation in the United States, November 2004. http://www.crlp.org/pdf/pub-bp/fgm/ dwsusa.pdf. Accessed May 22, 2006. Center on Child Abuse and Neglect. 2000. History of Victimization in Native Communities, March 2000. http://devbehavpeds.ruhsc.edu/assets/pdf/pmm. Accessed May 22, 2006. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. 2006. Asthma’s Impact on Children and Adolescents, May 2006. http://www.cdc.gov/asthma/children.htm. Accessed July 12, 2006. Charnov, Iaine. 2000. ‘‘Kinaalda.’’ http://www.vibrani.com/Kinaalda.htm. Accessed July 7, 2006. Child Labor Coalition. 2003. Alert: Stop and Report the Trafficking and Exploitation of Children and Youth. Press release. http://www.stopchildlabor.org/ pressroom/trafficking.html. Accessed June 16, 2006. ———. 2005. ‘‘Activists: Stop Child Labor at Wal-Mart Now,’’ and ‘‘Bush Department of Labor Not Protecting America’s Young Workers.’’ Press releases, February 16, 2005. http://www.stopchildlabor.org/pressroom. Accessed June 16, 2006. Children’s Defense Fund. The Barriers: Why Is It So Difficult for Children to Get Mental Health Screens and Assessments? http://www.childrensdefense.org/ childwelfare/mentalhealth. Accessed May 9, 2006. Children’s National Medical Center. Immunization Dictionary. http://www.dcchil drens.com/dcchildrens/advocacy/pdf/Immunization_Dictionary.pdf. Accessed August 24, 2006. Congressional Research Service. 2005. Race/Ethnicity and Child Welfare. Memo, August 25. http://www.cwla.org/programs/culture/memo050825race.pdf. Accessed May 22, 2006. Forum on Child and Family Statistics. 2006a. Childstats.gov. America’s Children 2006: Health. http://childstats.gov/americaschildren/hea.asp. Accessed July 17, 2006. ———. 2006b. America’s Children: Education, Table ED3.B, Reading Achievement. http://childstats.gov/americaschildren/xls.ed3b.xls. Accessed July 24, 2006. ———. 2006c. America’s Children: Child Poverty and Family Income. http:// childstats.gov/americaschildren/econ1b.asp. Accessed July 17, 2006. Free the Slaves and Human Rights Center, University of California, Berkeley. 2004. Hidden Slaves: Forced Labor in the United States, September 2004. http:// www.hrcberkeley.org/research/hiddenslaves.html. Accessed June 28, 2006.
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Garrett, Bowen, and Alshadye Yemane. 2006. ‘‘Racial and Ethnic Differences in Insurance Coverage and Health Care Access and Use: A Synthesis of Findings from the Assessing the New Federalism Project.’’ The Urban Institute, April 2006. http:// www.urban.org/UploadedPDF/311321_DP06-01.pdf. Accessed May 9, 2005. Goodluck, Charlotte T., and Angela A. A. Willeto. 2001. Native American Kids 2001: Indian Children’s Well-being Indicators Data Book. Portland, OR: National Indian Child Welfare Association. Haskins, Ron. 2001. ‘‘Liberal and Conservative Influences on the Welfare Reform Legislation of 1996.’’ In For Better and for Worse: Welfare Reform and the Well-being of Children and Families. Edited by Greg J. Duncan and P. Lindsay Chase-Lansdale. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. pp. 9–34. Hays, Sharon. 2003. Flat Broke with Children. New York: Oxford University Press. Health Systems. 2004. Your Child, July 2004. University of Michigan. http:// www.med.umich.edu/1libr/yourchild/tv.htm. Accessed June 14, 2006. Herrick, John H., and Paul Stewart. 2004. Encyclopedia of Social Welfare History in North America. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Hoffman, Lynn M. 2002. ‘‘Why High Schools Don’t Change: What Students and Their Yearbooks Tell Us.’’ The High School Journal 86: 22–37. Human Rights Watch. 2000. Fingers to the Bone: United States Failure to Protect Child Farmworkers, 2000. http://www.hrw.org/reports/2000/frmwrkr. Accessed June 21, 2006. Juvenile Justice FYI. Juvenile Justice System. http://www.juvenilejusticefyi.com/ index.html. Accessed August 17, 2006. Kids Count. 2006a. Kids Count Data Book Online: Race and Child Well-being. http://www.aecf.org/kidscount/sld/auxiliary/race_child.jsp. Accessed July 12, 2006. ———. 2006b. Kids Count Data Book Online: Child Population by Gender and Child Population by Race. http://www.aecf.org/kidscount/sld/compare_ results.jsp?i¼690 and http://www.aecf.org/kidscount/sld/compare_results .jsp?r¼710. Accessed July 12, 2006. Lindenmeyer, Kriste. 1997. A Right to Childhood: The U.S. Children’s Bureau and Child Welfare, 1912–1946. Chicago: University of Illinois Press. Martin, J. A., B. E. Hamilton, P. D. Sutton, S. V. Ventura, F. Menaker, and M. L. Munson. 2005. ‘‘Births: Final Data for 2003.’’ National Vital Statistics Report 54. Media Awareness Network. 2006. Media and Internet Resources. http://www.me dia-awareness.ca. Accessed June 16, 2006. National Coalition for the Homeless. 2005. Why Are People Homeless? NCH Fact Sheet #1 and Homeless Youth, NCH Fact Sheet #13, June 2005. http:// www.nationalhomeless.org/publications/facts/html. Accessed May 15, 2006. National Council on Disability. 2004. Improving Educational Outcomes for Students with Disabilities, May 17. http://www.ncd.gov/newsroom/publica tions/2004/pdf. Accessed July 26, 2006. O’Brien, Sharon. 1989. American Indian Tribal Governments. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Passel, Jeffrey S. 2006. The Size and Characteristics of the Unauthorized Migrant Population in the U.S. March 7. http://pewhispanic.org/files/exe csum/61.pdf. Accessed August 28, 2006. Riley, Lesley D., and Christopher Bowen. 2005. ‘‘The Sandwich Generation: Challenges and Coping Strategies of Multigenerational Families.’’ The Family Journal: Counseling and Therapy for Couples and Families 13: 52–58.
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Rodgers, Harrell R., Jr. 2006. American Poverty in a New Age of Reform. 2nd ed. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe. Sexuality Information and Education Council of the United States. Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Questioning (LGBTQ) Youth. http://www.siecus .org/policy/LGBTQ_FS.pdf. Accessed May 22, 2006. Shelden, Randall G., Sharon K. Tracy, and William B. Brown. 2001. Youth Gangs in American Society. 2nd ed. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Skye, Warren. 2002. ‘‘E.L.D.E.R.S. Gathering for Native American Youth: Continuing Native American Traditions and Curbing Substance Abuse in Native American Youth.’’ Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare 29, no. 3: 117–135. Social Security Administration. SSR 68-73: Section 216(h)(2)(A). Relationship–Child Born Outside of Marriage–Rights of Inheritance from Father. http:// www.ssa.gov/OP_Home/rulings/oasi/53/SSR68-73-oasi-53.htm. Accessed August 16, 2006. Thorne, Barrie. 1993. Gender Play: Girls and Boys in School. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Urban Institute. 2006. Children of Immigrants: Facts and Figures, May 2006. http://www.urban.org/UploadedPDF/900955_children_of_immigrants.pdf. Accessed May 29, 2006. U.S. Bureau of the Census. Historical Income Tables–Families, Tables F-10 and F-10D. http://www.census.gov/hhes/income/histinc/f10.html. Accessed July 14, 2006. ———. 2003a. Grandparents’ Day 2003. Press Release, August 25. http:// www.census.gov/Press-Release/www/2003/CB03-FF13.pdf. Accessed July 25, 2006. ———. 2003b. Health Insurance Coverage in the United States, September 2003. http://www.census.gov/prod/2003pubs/p60-223.pdf. Accessed May 9, 2006. U.S. Department of Education. 1997. Title IX: 25 Years of Progress, July 1997. http://www.ed.gov/pubs/TitleIX/index.html. Accessed June 7, 2006. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families. 2004. Child Maltreatment 2004. http://www.acf.hhs.gov/pro grams/cb/pubs/cm04. Accessed May 11, 2006. U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. National Youth Gang Survey: 1999–2001. http://ojjdp.ncjrs.gov/publica tions/PubAbstract.asp?. Accessed August 7, 2006. U.S. Department of Labor. Youth Rules! When and Where Is Your Teen Allowed to Work? Press Release. http://www.youthrules.dol.gov/newsroom/rm1894.pdf. Accessed June 16, 2006. ———. 2000. Report on the Youth Labor Force: Child Labor Laws and Enforcement, Chapter 2, November 2000. http://www.bls.gov/opub/rylf/pdf/ chapter2/pdf. Accessed June 1, 2006. Waksler, Frances Chaput. 1996. The Little Trials of Childhood and Children’s Strategies for Dealing with Them. Washington, DC: Falmer Press. Walker, Nancy E., Catherine M. Brooks, and Lawrence S. Wrightsman. 1999. Children’s Rights in the United States: In Search of a National Policy. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Wilkins, David E. 2007. American Indian Politics and the American Political System. 2nd ed. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. YWCA USA (Young Women’s Christian Association). Eliminating Racism, Empowering Women. http://www.ywca.org/site/pp.asp?c¼djISI6PIKpG&b¼281372. Accessed August 24, 2006.
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RESOURCES Baker, Maureen. 1995. Canadian Family Policy. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Barrow, Christine, ed. 1996. Family in the Caribbean: Themes and Perspectives. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers. ———. 2002. Children’s Rights: Caribbean Realities. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers. Bottoms, Bette, Margaret Bull Kovera, and Bradley D. McAuliff, eds. 2005. Children, Social Science, and the Law. Cambridge University Press. Conway, M. Margaret, David W. Ahern, and Gertrude A. Steuernagel. 2004. Women & Public Policy: A Revolution in Progress. 3rd ed. Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly Press. Ellis, Patricia. 2003. Women, Gender and Development in the Caribbean: Reflections and Projections. New York: Zed Books. Fass, Paula S. 2006. Children of a New World: Culture, Society, and Globalization. New York: New York University Press. Fass, Paula S., and Mary Ann Mason, eds. 2000. Childhood in America. New York: New York University Press. Fletcher, Todd V., and Candace S. Bos, eds. 1999. Helping Individuals with Disabilities and their Families: Mexican and U.S. Perspectives. Tempe, AZ: Bilingual Review/Press. Frenk, Julio. 2006. ‘‘Health Policy in Mexico.’’ The Lancet 368 (September 9): 954– 961. Goodluck, Charlotte T., and Angela A. A. Willeto. 2001. Native American Kids 2001: Indian Children’s Well-Being Indicators Data Book. Portland, OR: National Indian Child Welfare Association. Government of Canada. 2002. National Report–Canada, Ten Year Review of the World Summit for Children. http://www.phac-aspc.gc.ca/dca-dea/publications/pdf/ children-national-report-e.pdf. Hevener Kaufman, Natalie, and Irene Rizzini, eds. 2004. Globalization and Children: Exploring Potentials for Enhancing Opportunities in the Lives of Children and Youth. Seacaucus, NJ: Kluwer Academic Publishers. Hodgson, James F., and Debra S. Kelley, eds. 2001. Sexual Violence: Policies, Practices, and Challenges in the United States and Canada. New York: Praeger Publishers.
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Howe, R. Brian, and Katherine Covell. 2007. A Question of Commitment: Children’s Rights in Canada. Waterloo, ON, Canada: Wilfrid Laurier University Press. Interparliamentary Union. 2007. Women in National Parliaments: World Classification, situation as of 28 February 2007. http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/ classif.htm. Jack, Noreen. 2001. ‘‘HIV/AIDS in Caribbean Children and Adolescents.’’ pp. 23–40 in HIV/AIDS and Children in the English Speaking Caribbean. Edited by Barbara A. Dicks. New York: Haworth Press Inc. Kachur, Jerry L. 2000. ‘‘Northern Dreams: Schooling and Society in Canada.’’ pp. 53–66 in Education in a Global Society: A Comparative Perspective. Edited by Kas Mazurek, Margret A. Winzer, and Czeslaw Majorek. Boston, London: Allyn and Bacon. Kelly, Michael J., and Brendan Bain. 2005. Education and HIV/AIDS in the Caribbean. Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle, Lareau, Annette. 2003. Unequal Childhoods: Class, Race, and Family Life. 2nd ed. Berkeley: University of California Press. Levison, Deborah, Karine S. Moe, and Felicia M. Knaul. 2001. ‘‘Youth Education and Work in Mexico.’’ World Development 29, no. 1: 167–188. Pardeck, John T. 2006. Children’s Rights: Policy and Practice. 2nd ed. New York: Haworth Press. Pinheiro, Paulo Sergio. 2006. World Report on Violence against Children. SecretaryGeneral’s Study on Violence against Children. United Nations. Save the Children. 2007. State of the World’s Mothers 2007: Saving the Lives of Children under 5. Westport, CT: Save the Children. http://www.savethechildren .org/publications/mothers/2007/SOWM-2007-final.pdf. Schneider, Dona. 1995. American Childhood: Risks and Realities. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Tompkins, Cynthia Margarita, and Kristen Sternberg, eds. 2004. Teen Life in Latin America and the Caribbean. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Torres, Carlos, and Octavio Pescador. 2000. ‘‘Education in Mexico: Sociopolitical Perspectives.’’ pp. 67–76 in Education in a Global Society: A Comparative Perspective. Edited by Kas Mazurek, Margret A. Winzer, and Czeslaw Majorek. Boston, London: Allyn and Bacon. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). 2005. The Convention on the Rights of the Child Fifteen Years Later: The Caribbean. Barbados: UNICEF Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean ———. 2006. The State of the World’s Children 2007: Women and Children, the Double Dividend of Gender Equality. New York: UNICEF. ———. 2006. Violence against Children in the Caribbean Region: Regional Assessment; UN Secretary General’s Study on Violence against Children. Panama: Child Protection Section, UNICEF Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean. http://www.uwi.edu/ccdc/downloads/Violence_against_children .pdf. United Nations Development Programme. 2006. Human Development Report 2006: Beyond Scarcity: Power, Poverty and the Global Water Crisis. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire and New York: Palgrave Macmillan. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and World Bank, Caribbean Region. 2007. Crime, Violence, and Development: Trends, Costs, and Policy Options in the Caribbean. Report no 37820. March 2007. http://siteresources.world bank.org/INTHAITI/Resources/Crimeandviolenceinthecaribbeanfullreport .pdf.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Walker, Nancy E., Catherine M. Brooks, and Lawrence S. Wrightsman. 1999. Children’s Rights in the United States: In Search of a National Policy. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
NONPRINT RESOURCES And the Dish Ran Away with the Spoon. 1992. Banyan Limited/BBC. Directed by Christopher Laird and Anthony Hall. 49 minutes. VHS and DVD. Made in Trinidad and Tobago, this film documents the domination of Caribbean television by U.S. and French programming. Black & White in Exile. 1997. Produced and directed by Ray Blanco. 162 minutes. This documentary explores thirty years of Caribbean migration to the United States, focusing on Cuban and Haitian exiles and white and African American residents. Caribbean Eye. 1988. A series of thirteen television programs focusing on culture and history in the Caribbean, each approximately 30 minutes. Produced by UNESCO and Banyan, Caribbean Eye ‘‘represents a pioneering effort in regional television and is the first documentary series about the Caribbean.’’ Programs titles include: Community Celebrations (Other Caribbean Festivals); Survivors; La Musique Antillaise; Pan Caribbean; Dramatic Actions; Talk and More Talk; Independent Voices; Women in Action; Caribbean Carnivals; Visionaries; The Games We Play; Soca; Film Caribbean. Children of Shadows. 2001. UNICEF. Produced by Karen Kramer, with partial funding by UNICEF. 54 minutes. VHS. This documentary examines the life of Restavek children in Haiti. A Closer Walk. 2003. Worldwide Documentaries. Robert Bilheimer. 85 minutes. VHS. Narrated by Glenn Close and Will Smith, this film documents the realities of the global HIV/AIDS epidemic. Fighting for the Family. 1997. Vancouver, British Columbia: Moving Images Distribution. Barbara Anderson and Brad Newcombe. Amazon Communications. VHS. 46 minutes. A documentary that explores changing definitions of family. Girls Like Us. 1997. New York: Women Make Movies. 60 minutes. VHS. The documentary explores teenage sexuality and pregnancy and the impact of class, sexism, and violence. Integrate or Perish. 2003. University of West Indies-Caricom Project. VHS. A threepart television and radio documentary based on Integrate or Perish: Perspectives of Leaders of the Integration Movement, edited by Kenneth O. Hall (Ian Randle Publishers). Life and Debt. 2001. Directed by Stephanie Black. A Tuff Gong Pictures Production. 86 minutes. A prize-winning documentary that explores the effects of neoliberal globalization on Jamaica. A Loss of Innocence. 2006. Director Jenine Mendes-Franco. 21 minutes. Made in Trinidad and Tobago, this documentary examines child labor and child exploitation in the Caribbean. Mexico Close-Up. 2000. Maryknoll World Productions. 28 minutes. Part 1 of this documentary focuses on a family in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua; part 2 focuses on a 13-year old Mayan girl who survived the 1997 Acteal massacre in Chiapas. Our House: A Very Real Documentary about Kids of Gay and Lesbian Parents. 1999. New York: Cinema Guild. Videocassette. 57 minutes. A documentary that examines families headed by gay and lesbian parents in the United States.
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Portrait of the Caribbean. 1991. Series producer Jenny Barraclough. 370 minutes. A seven-program documentary series that examines the social and cultural history of the Caribbean. Programs include: Iron in the Soul (slavery); Out of Africa (African influences); Paradise; La Grande Illusion (French influences, Martinique); Worlds Apart (indentured labor, China, India); Following Fidel; Shades of Freedom (new Caribbean identity). Stolen Childhoods. 2004. Galen Films, Romano Productions. Directed and produced by Len Morris and Robin Romano. 85 minutes. VHS and DVD. Narrated by Meryl Streep, this documentary about child labor worldwide was filmed in eight countries, including Mexico and the United States. Talk to Me. 1995. Tabata Production Associates. Directed by Susanne Tabata. 45 minutes. In this documentary, social justice topics are discussed by ten diverse secondary students in British Colombia, Canada (First Nations, Asian, African, Indian, and Asian). 35 Years of Child Development in the Caribbean. 1999. CD. Kingston: Dudley Grant Memorial Trust, University of West Indies United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). Video/Audio. http://www.unicef. org/videoaudio/index.html. Viva Cuba (Long Live Cuba!). 2005. Directed by Juan Carlos Cremata. VHS and DVD. This award-winning drama ‘‘is a film that defends the right of children to be taken into account when parents make decisions that affect them,’’ according to Director Juan Carlos Cremata.
WEB SITES Caribbean Child Development Centre, University of the West Indies. http://www. uwi.edu/caribecd/About_Us/ccdchome.htm. Caritas Internationalis. Who We Are. http://www.caritas.org/jumpCh.asp?idUser¼ 0&idChannel¼6&idLang¼ENG. Child Rights Information Network (CRIN). Caribbean: Latest Resources. http:// www.crin.org/reg/subregion.asp?ID¼6. ———. Mexico: Latest Resources. http://www.crin.org/reg/country.asp?ctryID¼ 142&subregID¼7. ———. North America: Latest Resources. http://www.crin.org/reg/subregion.asp? ID¼9. Children International. Hompage. http://www.children.org/home.asp?sid¼CA2CA 41C-0B8F-49B4-8070-E73C1B301881. Childwatch: International Research Network. What Is Childwatch International? http://www.childwatch.uio.no/what_is_cwi/index.html. ECPAT International (End Child Pornography and Trafficking of Children for Sexual Purposes). http://www.ecpat.net/eng/index.asp. International Labour Organization. International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC). http://www.ilo.org/public/english/standards/ipec/ simpoc. Safe Kids Worldwide. http://www.safekids.org. Save the Children. http://www.savethechildren.net/alliance/where_we_work/MC/ mapMX.html. United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). At a Glance: Haiti. http://www.unicef .org/infobycountry/haiti_contact.html. ———. UNICEF, Canada. http://www.unicef.ca/portal/SmartDefault.aspx.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
———. UNICEF, Eastern Caribbean Office. http://www.unicef.org/barbados. ———. UNICEF, Mexico. http://www.unicef.org/mexico. United Nations Educational, Cultural and Scientific Organization (UNESCO). http://www.uis.unesco.org. United States, Central Intelligence Agency. CIA World Factbook. http://www.cia .gov/cia/publications/factbook. United States Fund for UNICEF. http://www.unicefusa.org/site/c.duLRI8O0H/ b.25933/k.8DDD/US_Fund_for_UNICEF__US_Fund_for_UNICEF.htm. The World Bank. http://worldbank.org. World Health Organization (WHO). http://www.worldhealth.org.
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INDEX
Accident and injury: Jamaica, 222; Puerto Rico, 279 Adoption: Jamaica, 218–19; Trinidad and Tobago, 340 Age of criminal responsibility: Barbados, 55, 60; Haiti, 197–98 Age of majority: Bahamas, 39; Cuba, 119; Dominican Republic, 149 Antibiotics, Trinidad and Tobago, 339 Asthma, Puerto Rico, 278–79 Catholicism: Cuba, 119; Dominican Republic, 150; Grenada, 176–77; Haiti, 198– 99; Mexico, 258–59; Puerto Rico, 283; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 320 Child abuse and neglect: Antigua and Barbuda, 17; Bahamas, 41–42; Barbados, 61–63; Canada, 86–88; Cuba, 121–22; Dominican Republic, 151–52; Grenada, 177–78; Haiti, 199– 200; Jamaica, 227–30; Mexico, 259–60; Puerto Rico, 283–84; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 321–23; St. Kitts and Nevis, 300–301; Trinidad and Tobago, 342–43; United States, 368–69 Child labor: Antigua and Barbuda, 9; Bahamas, 34–35;
Barbados, 55; Canada, 77–79; Cuba, 112–13; Dominican Republic, 145–46; Grenada, 171–72; Haiti, 194–95; Jamaica, 216–17; Mexico, 250–53; Puerto Rico, 276–77; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 314; St. Kitts and Nevis, 296; Trinidad and Tobago, 336–37; United States, 358–60 Child mortality: Antigua and Barbuda, 3, 5, 11; Barbados, 51, 53; Canada, 81; Cuba, 107, 115; Dominican Republic, 148; Grenada, 166–67, 173, 180; Haiti, 191, 196; Jamaica, 221; Mexico, 254–55; Puerto Rico, 273; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 316–17; United States, 354, 362 Child-shifting, Jamaica, 218 Child trafficking: Canada, 79; Dominican Republic, 151; Haiti, 195; Mexico, 258; Trinidad and Tobago, 342–43; United States, 360 Christianity: Antigua and Barbuda, 16; Bahamas, 40–41; Barbados, 61; Cuba, 119; Haiti, 198–99; Jamaica, 225– 27; Puerto Rico, 283; St. Kitts and Nevis, 300; Trinidad and Tobago, 341; United States, 367–68
Compulsory education: Antigua and Barbuda, 6; Bahamas, 39; Barbados, 53–54; Canada, 72– 75, 77; Cuba, 107; Dominican Republic, 142; Grenada, 168; Mexico, 246; St. Kitts and Nevis, 294–95; United States, 355 Daycare: Jamaica, 210; Puerto Rico, 278 Definition of a child: Antigua and Barbuda, 9; Dominican Republic, 149; Jamaica, 223; Trinidad and Tobago, 340; United States, 365 Disability: Antigua and Barbuda, 7, 13–14; Barbados, 54, 60; Canada, 73–74; Cuba, 108, 115; Dominican Republic, 143; Grenada, 170; Haiti, 196; Jamaica, 213; United States, 356, 363–64 Divorce rates: Barbados, 57; Canada, 79–80; Cuba, 113–14; United States, 360 Domestic violence: Antigua and Barbuda, 17; Cuba, 121; Dominican Republic, 151; Grenada, 176; Jamaica, 228; Mexico, 260; Puerto Rico, 283–84; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 319, 321; St. Kitts and Nevis, 293, 299–300; Trinidad and Tobago, 337–38, 343; United States, 368
INDEX
Drug use: Bahamas, 40; Barbados, 60; Canada, 82–83; Puerto Rico, 280–81 Education: Antigua and Barbuda, 6–8; Bahamas, 30–32; Barbados, 53–54; Canada, 72– 75; Cuba, 107–10; Dominican Republic, 141–44; Grenada, 168–70; Haiti, 192–93; Jamaica, 210–14; Mexico, 243–47; Puerto Rico, 273–75; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 310–12; St. Kitts and Nevis, 294–95; Trinidad and Tobago, 333–35; United States, 355–56 Environmental issues: Antigua and Barbuda, 12–13; Barbados, 59; Canada, 82; Cuba, 116–17; Grenada, 174, 180–81; Haiti, 190–91, 196; Jamaica, 221–23; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 316; United States, 362–63 Ethnicity: Bahamas, 26; Barbados, 50; Canada, 69–70; Cuba, 119; Dominican Republic, 135; Grenada, 164; Haiti, 190; Jamaica, 207; Mexico, 239; Puerto Rico, 270; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 308, 320; St. Kitts and Nevis, 292; Trinidad and Tobago, 329; United States, 351, 362 Family structure: Antigua and Barbuda, 2, 9–11; Bahamas, 35–36; Barbados, 55–57; Canada, 79–81; Cuba, 113–15; Dominican Republic, 147; Grenada, 172–73; Haiti, 195; Jamaica, 217–21; Mexico, 253– 54; Puerto Rico, 270–71, 277– 78; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 314–15; St. Kitts and Nevis, 296–98; Trinidad and Tobago, 337–38; United States, 360–62 Foster/residential care: Cuba, 115; Jamaica, 228; Trinidad and Tobago, 340; United States, 368
Gangs: Canada, 84–85; United States, 366–67 Gender differences: Antigua and Barbuda, 2, 10, 18; Bahamas, 26; Barbados, 54; Canada, 78; Cuba, 104–5, 112; Dominican Republic, 147; Grenada, 179; Haiti, 195; Jamaica, 208, 216; Mexico, 246, 251; Puerto Rico, 279; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 310–12, 314–15; St. Kitts and Nevis, 294–95; Trinidad and Tobago, 330 Health: Antigua and Barbuda, 11–15; Bahamas, 36–39; Barbados, 57–60; Canada, 81– 83; Cuba, 115–18; Dominican Republic, 147–49; Grenada, 173–75; Haiti, 196–97; Jamaica, 221–23; Mexico, 254– 57; Puerto Rico, 278–81; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 315–18; St. Kitts and Nevis, 298–99; Trinidad and Tobago, 338–39; United States, 362–65 Healthcare insurance: Dominican Republic, 148–49; Trinidad and Tobago, 338; United States, 363 Higher education: Bahamas, 32; Canada, 74; Cuba, 109; Dominican Republic, 143; Grenada, 168; Haiti, 192; Jamaica, 213 HIV/AIDS: Antigua and Barbuda, 14–15, 17–19; Bahamas, 26–27, 36, 38; Barbados, 58; Cuba, 117–18; Dominican Republic, 148; Grenada, 167, 174–75, 180; Haiti, 196–97; Jamaica, 209– 10, 221–22, 230–31; Mexico, 257; Puerto Rico, 279; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 313, 316–18; St. Kitts and Nevis, 299; Trinidad and Tobago, 330, 339 Homelessness: Canada, 71–72; Dominican Republic, 145;
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Haiti, 200; Puerto Rico, 271; Trinidad and Tobago, 337 Human Development Index (HDI): Antigua and Barbuda, 4; Barbados, 49 Immigration and refugees: Canada, 70; Dominican Republic, 137 Immunization: Bahamas, 37; Canada, 82; Cuba, 116; Grenada, 174; Jamaica, 221; Puerto Rico, 278; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 316, 318; St. Kitts and Nevis, 298 Infant mortality: Antigua and Barbuda, 3, 5, 11; Barbados, 51, 53; Canada, 81; Cuba, 107, 115; Dominican Republic, 148; Grenada, 173; Haiti, 196; Jamaica, 221; Mexico, 255; Puerto Rico, 273; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 316–17; St. Kitts and Nevis, 298; United States, 354, 362 International Labor Organization (ILO): Bahamas, 34; St. Kitts and Nevis, 296; Trinidad and Tobago, 336–37 Juvenile justice/crime: Antigua and Barbuda, 16; Bahamas, 39; Canada, 83–85; Cuba, 118–19; Dominican Republic, 149–50; Haiti, 197–98; Mexico, 258; Puerto Rico, 282–83; Trinidad and Tobago, 340; United States, 366 Kidnapping, Haiti, 200 Language, Haiti, 192 Laws and legal status: Antigua and Barbuda, 15–16; Bahamas, 39–40; Barbados, 60–61; Canada, 83–85; Cuba, 118–19; Dominican Republic, 149–50; Grenada, 175–76; Haiti, 197– 98; Jamaica, 223–25; Mexico, 257–58; Puerto Rico, 282–83;
INDEX
Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 319–20; St. Kitts and Nevis, 299–300; Trinidad and Tobago, 339–40; United States, 365–67 Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) youth: Antigua and Barbuda, 15; Barbados, 59; United States, 364–65 Literacy: Cuba, 111; Dominican Republic, 142; Trinidad and Tobago, 334 Marriage: Barbados, 56; Canada, 79–80; Haiti, 195; Jamaica, 217–18; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 319; United States, 360 Maternal health care: Antigua and Barbuda, 12; Bahamas, 37; Cuba, 105, 116; Grenada, 180; Mexico, 255–56 Matrifocality, Barbados, 55–57 Mental health problems: Canada, 83; Mexico, 256; Puerto Rico, 280; United States, 364 Music, Dominican Republic, 145 National profile: Antigua and Barbuda, 1–5; Bahamas, 25– 28; Barbados, 49–51; Canada, 69–72; Cuba, 1030107; Dominican Republic, 135–38; Grenada, 161–66; Haiti, 189– 91; Jamaica, 207–9; Mexico, 239–42; Puerto Rico, 269–71; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 307–9; St. Kitts and Nevis, 291–93; Trinidad and Tobago, 329–31; United States, 351–54 Obesity: Jamaica, 223; Mexico, 256; Puerto Rico, 278; United States, 358 Overview: Antigua and Barbuda, 5–6; Bahamas, 28–30; Barbados, 51–52; Canada, 72; Cuba, 107; Dominican Republic, 138–41; Grenada, 166–67; Haiti, 191–92;
Jamaica, 209–10; Mexico, 242– 43; Puerto Rico, 271–73; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 309–10; St. Kitts and Nevis, 293–94; Trinidad and Tobago, 331–33; United States, 354–55 Play and recreation: Antigua and Barbuda, 8–9; Bahamas, 32–34; Barbados, 54–55; Canada, 75–76; Cuba, 110–12; Dominican Republic, 144–45; Grenada, 170–71; Haiti, 193–94; Jamaica, 214–15; Mexico, 248–50; Puerto Rico, 275–76; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 312–13; St. Kitts and Nevis, 295–96; Trinidad and Tobago, 335–36; United States, 356–58 Policy brutality, Canada, 85 Pollution. See Environmental issues Poverty: Antigua and Barbuda, 2; Canada, 71; Dominican Republic, 136, 138, 145–46; Grenada, 166, 168, 179; Haiti, 190; Jamaica, 208–9, 220; Mexico, 241–42, 249, 260; Puerto Rico, 277; United States, 351–54, 361 Pregnancy: Puerto Rico, 274; United States, 364 Preschool education: Bahamas, 31; Barbados, 53; Canada, 73; Grenada, 168; Jamaica, 210–11 Reading. See Literacy Religious life: Antigua and Barbuda, 16; Bahamas, 40–41; Barbados, 61; Canada, 85-86; Cuba, 119–21; Dominican Republic, 150; Grenada, 176– 77; Haiti, 198–99; Jamaica, 225– 27; Mexico, 258–59; Puerto Rico, 283; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 320–21; St. Kitts and Nevis, 300; Trinidad and Tobago, 341–42; United States, 367–68 School health services, Antigua and Barbuda, 12
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Schooling system: Antigua and Barbuda, 6–8; Bahamas, 30– 32; Barbados, 53–54; Canada, 72–75; Cuba, 107–10; Dominican Republic, 141–44; Grenada, 168–70; Haiti, 192– 93; Jamaica, 210–14; Mexico, 243–47; Puerto Rico, 273–75; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 310–12; St. Kitts and Nevis, 294–95; Trinidad and Tobago, 333–35; United States, 355–56 School violence: Jamaica, 229; Puerto Rico, 274–75, 284 Sex education: Dominican Republic, 148; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 313; United States, 364 Sex industry: Canada, 79; Dominican Republic, 151–52; Grenada, 178; Mexico, 252; Trinidad and Tobago, 337, 342–43; United States, 360 Sexuality: Antigua and Barbuda, 18; Barbados, 58–59; Dominican Republic, 150; Mexico, 256–57 Special education. See Disability Spiritualism, Cuba, 119–20 Sports/physical education: Antigua and Barbuda, 8; Bahamas, 32–33; Canada, 75– 76; Cuba, 110; Dominican Republic, 145; Grenada, 171; Jamaica, 215; Mexico, 248; Puerto Rico, 275; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 312–13; St. Kitts and Nevis, 295–96; Trinidad and Tobago, 335–36; United States, 356–57 Street children. See Homelessness Suicide, Puerto Rico, 281 Teachers: Cuba, 108; Haiti, 192 Television/media: Antigua and Barbuda, 8; Bahamas, 33–34; Barbados, 54–55; Canada, 75–76; Cuba, 109, 110–12; Dominican Republic, 144–45; Haiti, 193; Puerto Rico, 276; United States, 357–58
INDEX
Twenty-first century: Antigua and Barbuda, 17–19; Bahamas, 42; Barbados, 63– 64; Canada, 88–89; Cuba, 122; Dominican Republic, 152; Grenada, 178; Haiti, 201; Jamaica, 230–31; Mexico, 260; Puerto Rico, 284; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 323; St. Kitts and Nevis, 301; Trinidad and Tobago, 343– 45; United States, 369–70
UN Convention on the Rights of the Child: Antigua and Barbuda, 11, 15; Bahamas, 27–30; Barbados, 52, 60; Canada, 89; Cuba, 118; Grenada, 167, 175; Haiti, 197; Jamaica, 208, 210, 223; Mexico, 257; Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent, and the Grenadines, 309; St. Kitts and Nevis, 299–300; Trinidad and Tobago, 336–37; United States, 365–66
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Universal health system, Canada, 81–83 Vocational education: Antigua and Barbuda, 7; Bahamas, 32; Canada, 73; St. Kitts and Nevis, 295 Vodou, Haiti, 199 Welfare services: Bahamas, 36; Barbados, 51; Canada, 72, 87; Dominican Republic, 138; United States, 361
ABOUT THE EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
EDITORS IRVING EPSTEIN, Professor of Educational Studies at Illinois Wesleyan University, has published two edited volumes, Chinese Education: Problems, Policies, and Prospects (1991), Recapturing the Personal: Essays on Education and Embodied Knowledge in Comparative Perspective (2007), and served as an associate editor of the Comparative Education Review from 1988 to 1998. His interests include Asian education, educational policies involving street children, and issues of social theory. SHERYL L. LUTJENS, Ph.D. in Political Science, teaches Comparative Politics, Latin American Politics, Public Administration, and Feminist Theory and Politics at Northern Arizona University (Flagstaff, Arizona), where she served as Director of Women’s Studies from 2002 to 2006. Her published research includes The State, Bureaucracy, and the Cuban Schools: Power and Participation (Westview Press 1996), the co-edited Rereading Women in Latin America and the Caribbean: The Political Economy of Gender (Rowman & Littlefield 2002), as well as articles and chapters variously focusing on women, children, education, the state, and politics in Cuba, women and politics in the United States, and U.S.–Cuba academic relations.
CONTRIBUTORS CHRISTINE BARROW is Professorial Fellow, Sir Arthur Lewis Institute of Social and Economic Studies, University of the West Indies, and was Deputy Principal at the Barbados Campus from 2002 to 2005. Her research interests and publications in Caribbean social development have emphasized family and gender ideologies and systems, child rights and development, sexualities, reproductive health, and HIV/AIDS.
ABOUT THE EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
XENOBIA N. BARROW is currently a doctoral student at the University at Albany, SUNY in the Department of Latin American and Caribbean studies. She conducted Masters Research on institutions and the social welfare of AIDS orphans in Uganda at Carleton University, in Ottawa, Ontario. Her current research interests are in the condition of HIV/ AIDS in island states, as well as literary, visual, and performing arts education for development in the Caribbean. JANET BROWN, M.S.W., was head of the Caribbean Child Development Centre of the University of the West Indies in Jamaica for almost twenty years. The center focused on training, advocacy, and research in early childhood development and parenting education/support. She now works as an independent consultant in these areas. CAROLANN LOUISE DANIELS holds a Ph.D. in Social Welfare and is currently an assistant professor at Adelphi University. Dr. Daniel has published several articles on the topics of social work education, multiculturalism, and Caribbean immigrants in the Diaspora. Her research interests include HIV prevention and cultural competence, immigrant incorporation, and race and professionalization. ROSE DAVIES, Ph.D., has over thirty years working experience at different levels in the early childhood field. She is currently a tenured senior lecturer at the School of Education, University of the West Indies, with responsibility for development, monitoring, and quality assurance for early childhood preservice teacher education. She has published in refereed journals. M. GAIL SANDERS DERRICK is a professor at Regent University in Virginia Beach, Virginia. Her research interests include autonomous learning, self-efficacy, and motivation. She received the 2007 Distinguished Alumni Award from Virginia Wesleyan and the 2007 Gary J. Confessore Award for Scholarly Achievement at The Autonomous Learning World Caucus. MARIA ISABEL DOMINGUEZ, Ph.D. in Sociology, coordinates research on youth in the Center for Psychological and Sociological Research, and is Senior Professor and Researcher at the University of Havana. She has published in Cuba, the United States, Spain, and other countries, and is currently a member of the CLACSO Working Group on Youth, the Executive Committee of the Latin American Sociology Association, and the Cuban Academy of Sciences. ELIZABETH M. HUNTER, Ed.D., is Director of Research on Learning and faculty member in the School of Education at Regent University. She
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researches, writes, and produces scholarly creative works that include instructional video and documentary film as an ongoing examination of special needs students, providing content to graduate students nationally and internationally. HOPE M. JORDAN, Professor of Education at Regent University, has over twenty-five years of experience in both K–12 and higher education. Dr. Jordan has written several grants, books, and articles. An academic background in psychology, general education, special education, administration and supervision, and organizational leadership provides her with a broad perspective of education from various levels. FELICIA KNAUL, a Canadian resident in Mexico City, is Senior Economist at the Mexican Health Foundation and Director of the ‘‘Health and Competitiveness’’ program. She has held senior government posts in Mexico and Colombia, worked for several international development organizations including the World Health Organization, and sits on the Consultative Council of UNICEF Mexico and the Mexican Council on Competitiveness board. She holds a Ph.D. in Economics from Harvard University and has published in the fields of health, education, and children in difficult circumstances. CATHERINE MARSICEK is the Curator of Latin American and Iberian Collections at the University of New Mexico. Her research interests include library and information issues, particularly in the Caribbean. She has been instrumental in the development of the Digital Library of the Caribbean, a new online library of Caribbean materials. DOREEN E. MARTINEZ, Ph.D., is Assistant Professor of Women’s Studies at Northern Arizona University. Her career focuses on cultural epistemology. This interest is born out of her own mixed ancestry that is Mescalero Apache, Mexican, and Pennsylvania Dutch. Her intellectual commitments are focused on the meanings individuals and communities make with their cosmological understandings and cultural practices. RUTH NINA ESTRELLA, Professor in the Department of Psychology at the University of Puerto Rico, received a Ph.D. in Social Psychology from the National Autonomous University of Mexico. Her areas of research include the psychology of couples, sexuality, and adolescents. She coordinates the Network of Family Studies in the Caribbean-Atlantea Project. FERNANDO M. REIMERS is the Ford Foundation Professor of International Education and Director of Global Education and of International Education Policy at Harvard University. His current research
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focuses on the impact of education policy on literacy instruction and democratic citizenship education. More information about his academic work is available at http://gseacademic.harvard.edu/reimers/. MARY ANN E. STEGER is Professor of Political Science at Northern Arizona University. Her publications focus on social welfare policies, including the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program, Medicaid, and the Food Stamp program, Native American land and resource issues, and several environmental policy areas. YANIQUE TAYLOR is a doctoral student in the Urban Systems Program at Rutgers University, Newark. Her research interests include issues of educational equity and educational interventions designed to increase parental advocacy within urban schools. Her dissertation research explores the experiences of Caribbean students who migrate to the United States for postsecondary education. SUSIE VEROFF, born in Michigan, lives in Montreal, Canada. She is a teacher and an artist specializing in painting, printmaking, and photography. She earned a doctoral degree in Human and Organizational Development from The Fielding Institute (1996), and has since founded La Espiral Rota, a group that promotes artistic expressions of immigrant artists. LILITH C. WERNER is a current Ph.D. candidate at Loyola University, Chicago. Her dissertation research focuses on global pressures, national educational policy, and local school reform initiatives in Spain and the United States. She also works for the Chicago Public School system. CAROLYNE J. WHITE is Professor and Chair, Department of Urban Education at Rutgers University, Newark. Her recent publications include book chapters in N. K. Denzin and M. D. Giardina, eds., Qualitative Inquiry and the Conservative Challenge, and D. Macedo and S. Steinberg, eds., Handbook of Media Literacy. ANGELA A. A. WILLETO is Associate Professor in the Department of Sociology and Social Work at Northern Arizona University. Professor Willeto is an enrolled member of the Navajo Nation and a former Spencer Fellow who has published in the area of Navajo educational achievement and American Indian/Alaska Native children and family well-being. CHRISTOLYN A. WILLIAMS was born in Antigua and Barbuda and migrated to the United States as a young adult. Dr. Williams is Associate Professor of History at Westchester Community College, the State
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University of New York (SUNY), where she teaches courses in African, Caribbean, Latin American, and African American history. She received a PhD in history at The Graduate School and University Center of the City University of New York in February 2007. SIAN WILLIAMS, M.A., has worked as a children’s theater director, teacher, youth worker, legal aid adviser, policy officer, and services manager in the United Kingdom. Since 1993, she has lived and worked in Jamaica where she specializes in providing technical assistance to Caribbean governments in early childhood policy and programming
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THE GREENWOOD ENCYCLOPEDIA
Children’s Issues WORLDWIDE
OF
THE GREENWOOD ENCYCLOPEDIA
OF
Children’s Issues WORLDWIDE
SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA General Editor
Irving Epstein Volume Editor
Laura Arntson
GREENWOOD PRESS Westport, Connecticut x London
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Greenwood encyclopedia of children’s issues worldwide / Irving Epstein, general editor. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-313-33614-0 (set : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33620-1 (v. 1 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33618-8 (v. 2 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33619-5 (v. 3 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33617-1 (v. 4 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33616-4 (v. 5 : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-313-33878-6 (v. 6 : alk. paper) 1. Children—Encyclopedias. I. Epstein, Irving, 1951. II. Arntson, Laura. HQ767.84.G74 2008 305.2303—dc22 2007031312 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available. Copyright C 2008 by Irving Epstein All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2007031312 ISBN: 978-0-313-33614-0 (set) 978-0-313-33620-1 (Asia and Oceania) 978-0-313-33618-8 (Central and South America) 978-0-313-33619-5 (Europe) 978-0-313-33617-1 (North America and the Caribbean) 978-0-313-33616-4 (Sub-Saharan Africa) 978-0-313-33878-6 (North Africa and the Middle East) First published in 2008 Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881 An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc. www.greenwood.com Printed in the United States of America
The paper used in this book complies with the Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National Information Standards Organization (Z39.48–1984). 10
9 8
7 6 5 4 3 2 1
CONTENTS
Preface
Irving Epstein
ix
User’s Guide Introduction
xvii Laura Arntson
xxi
Laura Arntson
1
Jeannett Martin
15
1.
Angola
2.
Benin
3.
Botswana
4.
Burkina Faso
Jean-Fran¸cois Kobiane and Anne-Emmanuele Calves
5.
Burundi
6.
Cameroon
7.
Cape Verde
8.
Central African Republic
9. 10.
11.
Chad
33
Anna West
Jen Westmoreland Bouchard Richard A. Bradshaw and Ibrahim Ndzesop Harry Nii Koney Odamtten Richard A. Bradshaw and Juan Fandos-Rius
Republic of Congo (Brazzaville)
65 77 95
107 123
Audrey Cash
Democratic Republic of Congo
47
Jen Westmoreland Bouchard Bruce Whitehouse
133 145
CONTENTS
12.
C^ ote d’Ivoire
13.
Ethiopia and Eritrea
14.
Ghana
Cati Coe
197
15.
Guinea
Laura Arntson
217
16.
Guinea-Bissau
17.
Kenya
18.
Lesotho
19.
Liberia
20.
Madagascar
21.
Malawi
22.
Mali
23.
Mozambique
24.
Namibia
25.
Niger
26.
Nigeria
27.
Rwanda
Jen Westmoreland Bouchard
403
28.
Senegal
Laura Arntson
415
29.
Sierra Leone
Laura Arntson
431
30.
South Africa
Linda Richter, Andrew Dawes, Sharmla Rama, and Upjeet Chandan
445
31.
Sudan
32.
Tanzania
33.
Togo
Laura Arntson Kwaku Nti
Laura Arntson
Matthew Carotenuto Laura Arntson Laura Arntson Jennifer Cole Alastair Ager and Charlotte Ager
165 181
231 243 257 269 281 301 321
Laura Arntson Xenobia Natelegee Barrow Wendi A. Haugh
337 351
Laura Arntson
371
Simon Heap
381
Khalid Mohammed El-Hassan
471
Nyambura Mpesha
493
Esther Tabea H€aberlein
507
[ vi ]
CONTENTS
34.
Uganda
Kearsley A. Stewart
523
35.
Zambia
Rasheed Olaniyi
543
36.
Zimbabwe
Xenobia Natelegee Barrow
557
Bibliography
575
Index
583
About the Editors and Contributors
589
The Six-Volume Comprehensive Index begins on page 379 of the final volume, North Africa and the Middle East
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PREFACE Irving Epstein
The decision to publish The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide involved a number of considerations, but was primarily influenced by an understanding that children were deserving of an encyclopedia solely dedicated to a discussion of the quality of their lives. Although there are many sources that compile statistical information and data about the state of children around the world, we believed that by summarizing much of that information in one format, it would be easier for the general public, as well as students, teachers, and policy-makers, to gain a foundational understanding of the challenges the world’s children currently confront. However, the difficulties inherent in completing a project of this size and complexity raise larger questions about the ways in which we think about children and childhood in an era of globalization, and it is these questions that I intend to address in the following paragraphs. To begin with, it should be acknowledged that the Encyclopedia is both selective and comprehensive. It is selective, in the sense that we have not been able to adequately cover children’s lives in every country or nationstate throughout the world. Due to the prevalence of political, social, and economic conflict and dislocation, it proved impossible to locate experts who had access to the requisite information, and had the time to write about children in certain countries and affected geographical areas. However, the Encyclopedia is comprehensive, insofar as all major aspects of children’s lives: including educational provision, legal status, family life, health, abuse and neglect, play and recreation, and religious affiliation, are covered within each chapter. Together, the chapters give us a clear picture as to how children are treated and cared for within specific countries and geographical areas, as well as their general quality of life in the twenty-first century. The fact that so many of the chapters within these volumes are co-authored speaks to the penchant for disciplinary specialization that characterizes contemporary academic discourse within the social sciences, a tendency that makes it difficult for a single person to master the many facets of childhood that are covered in the Encyclopedia.
PREFACE
It also reaffirms, however, the usefulness of collaboration, in order to better facilitate the framing of a holistic representation of children’s lives. One can certainly raise the issue as to why we need an encyclopedia that is country and region specific in a globalized age. From an organizational and aesthetic perspective, it is reasonable to ask whether this project includes basic redundancies that could be eliminated by adopting a broader, thematic approach. From a conceptual standpoint, it is reasonable to ask whether privileging the nation-state and/or geographic region as a basic unit of analysis makes sense, given the challenges to the longterm viability of the nation-state that globalization tendencies seem to create. My response to both questions is strongly negative, for I believe that issues involving the characteristics of globalization and the nature of childhood can best be understood if they are contextualized. I would therefore reject contentions that an understanding of childhood can be essentialized or that any authentic view of globalization can be formulated through adhering to assumptions that dichotomize the global and the local. By embracing the importance of context, one may indeed at times sacrifice conceptual elegance, and as one reads the various chapters of this volume, no doubt one will find that similar stories are being told in different ways. Certainly, the current legitimacy and long-term viability of certain nation-states and political institutions is implicitly questioned, as the reader learns of their inability to protect children and their complicity in endangering children’s lives. Nonetheless, it is doubtful that within our lifetimes, in spite of the growing prominence of transnational influences we associate with globalization, that the nation-state will dissolve as a basic unit of governance, or that our sense of geographical place will no longer have an impact upon our expressions of personal and cultural identity. Therefore, while the importance of globalization influences upon the twenty-first century lives of children must be acknowledged, and while it is clear that our understandings of childhood are informed through cross-cultural comparison and generalization, the Encyclopedia’s authors reaffirm the importance of focusing upon the lives of children as they are understood within the regional, area, and nation-state framework. This being said, there are a number of issues involving the nature of globalization and childhood that can be noted from the outset. First, globalization has been defined according to radically different terms. For some scholars, it has signified the permanent and inevitable ascendancy of empire, be it Western (Fukayama 1992; Huntington 1996), or in reaction to the self-serving nature of that analysis, Asian (Frank 1998). For others, it has signified both the triumph of neo-liberal liberalism and the decline of the nation-state as a fundamental organizational unit. Proponents of neo-liberalism, with its embrace of a de-regulated capitalism thriving within an environment of privatization, have associated globalization with these policies; critics point to the resulting the decline and elimination of
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PREFACE
social services traditionally provided by the state that such policies have promoted. Widespread international institutional neglect and indifference to the needs of children can certainly be viewed in part as a result of these policies. Regardless of one’s political views regarding globalization, its economic dimensions have been characterized by the increasing power of consumption rather than production as a driving economic force. Global consumption patterns are, by their nature, more difficult to chart and are less subject to hierarchical control, than are traditional patterns of industrial production. The fluid nature of global trade created a sense of decentering that has been observed in other realms too, including the use of technology to create an information age society (Castells 2000), the fluidity with which cultural interactions are transmitted (Appadurai 1996), and the existence of general patterns of flux, mobility, change, complexity, randomness, and contingency (Bauman 2004). The impact of these forces upon the world’s children is graphically portrayed within the pages of this Encyclopedia. Whether it be through the use of child soldiering, an over-reliance upon child labor and its subsequence denial of basic educational provision, engagement in child trafficking and prostitution, or the promotion of child pornography, often through use of the Internet, children in the twenty-first century are increasingly being defined in global terms as consumable and perishable items, to be used, abused, and then discarded by those who are more powerful. Globalization theorists disagree as to whether the effects of these trends are irrevocable or whether the trends themselves need be viewed as rigidly deterministic. What is clear though, is that populations in the developing world are becoming increasingly young; 1.5 billion people throughout the world are aged 12–24; 1.3 billion live in the developing world (World Bank 2007). Demographically, a ‘‘youth bulge’’ is predicted, as fertility rates decline. As a result, there will be new pressures for developing countries to integrate their youth into the workforce, encourage more civic engagement, and discourage risk-taking behavior on their part. Most importantly, because of their increasing numbers, youth will have greater opportunities to articulate their own needs within public spaces, to become public self-advocates. The work of UNICEF and other NGOs, in promoting greater child and youth participation in their own affairs, over the past fifteen years, is noteworthy in this regard. The tensions we have noted, between the casual disregard of children’s basic needs and the cynical use of children for personal interest and gain, on the one hand, and the increasing recognition of the potential for child and youth advocacy on the other hand, raise even larger questions as to how basic understandings of childhood are being defined and contested in the twenty-first century. One of the main conclusions one can deduce from a reading of the various chapters of the Encyclopedia is that our understandings of childhood
[
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PREFACE
express a significant variation as to how childhood is defined, how children develop, and how their interests are protected. Changing biological characteristics associated with childhood and adulthood have had an influence in expanding what it means to be a child in the twenty-first century. In addition, it is clear that notions of childhood are largely social constructions, influenced by such cultural, economic, political, and social factors as the nature of labor markets, demographic trends, the creation and growth of mass education, and the changing notions of patriarchy and family roles and their relationship to the state. No longer can childhood be simplistically expressed as simply a transient state of dependency, defined by the child’s relationship to an adult world that she will eventually enter. Instead, it is important to acknowledge the complexity, ambiguity, and malleability that characterize the category we define as childhood. Archaeologists nonetheless point to the materiality of childhood as being an essential factor in understanding how children have lived their lives, and their emphasis upon the materiality of the child’s body (Derevenski 2000, 3–16) has resonance within the pages of this Encyclopedia as well. Throughout these volumes, one gains an appreciation as to how children’s bodies are abused, violated, harmed, or are in fewer cases protected and nourished. One can find a considerable degree of controversy, associated with how the chronological age of the child is defined, or what constitutes child abuse and neglect, when basic educational provision is satisfactory, or when certain forms of child labor can be considered productive and useful. But, as the chapter authors also emphasize the material nature of childhood, including how children play and negotiate social space, and how they adapt to the conditions around them, they reaffirm the view that it makes sense to examine childhood materiality while acknowledging its ambiguity. Governments, activists, scholars, and experts have been aided in their efforts to document how children live through their use of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and as the Convention has indirectly played a significant role in the construct of the categories of analysis within each Encyclopedia chapter, it is useful to make a few comments about its utility and the process through which it has been implemented. The Convention itself was adopted by the General Assembly on November 20, 1989 and entered into force on September 2, 1990. Two subsequent protocols have been passed that deal with the sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography, and child soldiering. Since its inception, the Convention has become one of the most successful international human rights instruments that have ever been created. Ratified by 192 countries (the United States and Somalia are the only two countries belonging to the U.N. that have failed to do so), it sets standards as to how children’s needs and interests should be defined and articulated. Countries are required to regularly report to the
[ xii ]
PREFACE
Committee on the Rights of the Child, a body charged with implementing the Convention, and NGOs are also encouraged to raise questions of concern with the Committee. As a result of this reporting process, member states have improved their data collection mechanisms for assessing the conditions under which their children live; some states have created ombudspersons and national governmental units specifically designed to protect and address the needs of children; others have made a good faith effort to give older children and youth a formal means of articulating their interests through the establishment of youth parliaments and related institutional structures. Indeed, national constitutions now include specific provisions regarding the protection of children. It is undeniable that the nearly universal ratification of the Convention has been accompanied by increased world attention to the plight of children and in that process, children’s lives have been saved as their interests and needs are being more clearly articulated (Epstein 2005). It is not surprising therefore, that many of the Encyclopedia authors have used information within country reports submitted to the Committee, documenting specific progress in complying with the articles of the Convention, as a basis for assessing the quality of children’s lives within the specific country. The Convention of course is not a perfect document, Scholars have pointed to its contradictory perspectives, with regard to its ambiguous definitions of the chronological age of childhood, contradictory perspectives involving the degree of autonomy that should be afforded the child, the gendered nature of document language (emphasis on child soldiering but not arranged early child marriage, and the lack of attention to the specific challenges girls confront, for example), and its privileging of the protection of children’s political rights over economic, social, and cultural rights as major deficiencies. Nonetheless, its importance and influence as an international instrument is beyond dispute, its significance enhanced through the reporting process to which States voluntarily commit themselves and the responses to state reports offered by the Committee on the Rights of the Child. Although many of the rights enumerated within the Convention replicate those that appear in other international instruments, until the Convention was ratified, the rights of children in particular were merely assumed to fall within larger frameworks that were created for adults. It is perhaps the Convention’s greatest strength that it recognizes the fact that children are deserving of rights due their inherent status. This being the case, the rather progressive sections of the document that argue in favor of children themselves exercising their rights to the best of their capabilities makes logical sense. When examining country reports, the Committee operates from a fundamental assumption that the implementation of children’s rights cannot be viewed as a voluntary or charitable exercise. Bestowing rights to children is not an act of kindness or generosity; it
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PREFACE
is a state responsibility to secure, protect, and promote such rights insofar as they are inherently guaranteed to children on the basis of their humanity. Although the Convention was adopted at a time when the nature of globalization forces was just beginning to be appreciated, its wisdom has stood the test of time at least in one respect. The increasingly harsh circumstances with which many of the world’s children must contend, brought about to some degree by the globalization tendencies we have previously described, reinforce the truism that it is becoming increasingly perilous to their own health, safety, and well-being for children to be forced into relying upon adults to defend and protect their basic interests. They are too often the first casualties of poverty, internal conflict and displacement, and illness; the first victims when widespread social suffering occurs. Thus, the need for children need to play an increasingly assertive role in defending and articulating their own interests through public advocacy, given the frequent abdication of adult responsibility in this area, is a theme that is strongly expressed within the Convention and is one that has become more salient through the passage of time. It is our hope that this Encyclopedia will serve a useful purpose by enhancing understanding about children’s lives, the challenges they confront, and the courage they and their advocates express, as they struggle to create a better future during the first decade of the twenty-first century.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide could not have been published without the collective efforts of hundreds of international scholars, a dedicated group of volume editors, and the hard work of the Greenwood Publishing Group editorial staff. Marie Ellen Larcada, who has since left Greenwood, was instrumental in conceiving of the project more than two years ago. But it is acquisitions editor Mariah Gumpert, who through her unlimited patience, laserlike focus, and generous encouragement, is most responsible for the Encyclopedia’s completion. My personal gratitude for her efforts is enormous. The task of generating substantive essays about the lives of children in so many countries and regions was extremely complex but was made easier through the hard work of volume editors Laura Arntson, Leslie J. Limage, Sheryl L. Lutjens, Jyotsna Pattnaik, Ghada Hashem Talhami, and Eleonora VillegasReimers. Each volume editor contacted numerous experts and convinced them of the importance of the project, worked assiduously with their authors in editing and revising manuscripts, and framed each volume in ways that have insured that the entire Encyclopedia is accessible and reader friendly. For their efforts and for the efforts of the chapter contributors, I wish to convey my deepest appreciation.
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PREFACE
REFERENCES Appadurai, Arjun. 1996. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Bauman, Zygmunt. 2004. ‘‘A Sociological Theory of Post-modernity.’’ In: Contemporary Sociological Theory, Craig Calhoun, James Moody, Steven Pfaff, Joseph Gerteis, and Indermohan Virk, eds. Oxford: Blackwell; 429–440. Castells, Manuel. 2000. The Rise of the Network Society, 2nd ed. Oxford: Blackwell. Derevenski, Joanna Sofner. 2000. ‘‘Material Culture Shock: Confronting Expectations in the Material Culture of Children.’’ In: Children and Material Culture, Joanna Derevenski, ed. London: Routledge; pp 3–16. Epstein, Irving. 2005. The Convention on the Rights of the Child: The Promise and Limitations of Multilateralism as a Means of Protecting Children. UNICEF– China, International Forum on Children’s Development, October 29–31. http://www.unicef.org/china/P3_EPSTEIN_paper.pdf. Frank, Andre Gunder. 1998. Reorient: Global Economy in the Asian Age. Berkeley: University of California. Fukayama, Francis. 1992. The End of History and the Last Man. New York: Free Press. Huntington, Samuel P. 1996. The Clash of Civilizations and the Making of the New Order. New York: Simon and Schuster. World Bank. 2007. World Bank Report: Development and the Next Generation. Washington, DC: World Bank.
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USER’S GUIDE
The Greenwood Encyclopedia of Children’s Issues Worldwide is a sixvolume set covering the world’s most populous regions. . . . . . .
Asia and Oceana Central and South America Europe North America and the Caribbean Sub-Saharan Africa North Africa and the Middle East
All of the volumes contain an introduction to the set from the general editor and a more specific introduction to the volume, written by the volume editor. A copy of the Convention on the Rights of the Child is also printed as an appendix in the North Africa and the Middle East volume. The volumes are divided into chapters organized alphabetically by country or in a few instances by regional name (where countries are grouped together on a regional basis). The following outline includes the sub-sections for each chapter. In a few instances, particularly when information is unavailable or irrelevant to a specific country or region, the sub-section has been eliminated. NATIONAL PROFILE The information gathered for this sub-section may include general demographic information, a summary of recent historical and political change within the country or region, a summation of the general challenges that confront the population, and how they might affect children.
USER’S GUIDE
OVERVIEW A discussion of the issues that affect children within the population, highlighting the general state of their welfare and the changing nature of their circumstances. EDUCATION A discussion of issues of access, literacy levels, drop-out, opportunities for educational advancement, equity and fairness with regard to socioeconomic status, gender, ethnic and religious affiliation, and disability. PLAY AND RECREATION A discussion of popular forms of play, children’s use of toys and the media, their use of technology, sports, games, and other types of recreation. CHILD LABOR A discussion of relevant legislation to protect children, efforts to enforce such legislation, cultural norms, social values, and economic pressures involving the use of child labor, the type of work children are expected to complete, the effects of globalization tendencies upon child labor abuses. FAMILY A discussion of relevant family structures, gender roles within the families, demographic trends regarding family size, effects of divorce, intergenerational relationships, effects of poverty and general socio-economic status upon family organization and behavior, rites of passage. HEALTH A discussion of issues related to infant and child mortality, vaccination and childhood disease, the general quality of medical care provided to children, access to clean water, exposure to air and other forms of pollution, and relevant sex education programming. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS A discussion of how the country’s legal system affects children—what protections they are given under the law, and how legal safeguards are guaranteed. The nature of the juvenile justice system, if one exists, how
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USER’S GUIDE
gang activity is handled, conditions for children and youth who are incarcerated. RELIGIOUS LIFE A discussion of prevailing religious practices and their meanings for children, forms of religious training, the role of religious organizations in children’s lives. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT A discussion including statistics that illustrates the scope of child abuse and neglect within the country or region, types of abuse and neglect and the reasons for their occurrence, and preventative measures that have been taken; how specific issues such as child soldiering, child trafficking, and child pornography are addressed. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY A discussion summarizing findings from other sub-sections of the chapter while offering assessments as to future prospects as well as what further measures will have to be taken in order to significantly improve children’s lives in the immediate and near future. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested readings, relevant video, film and media sources, web sites, and relevant NGOs and other organizations are listed in this section. Whenever possible, sources are annotated. MAPS AND INDEXES A regional map accompanies each volume, and each chapter has its own country or regional map. Each volume includes an index consisting of subject and person entries; a comprehensive index for the entire set is included at the end of the North Africa and the Middle East volume.
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INTRODUCTION Laura Arntson
OVERVIEW When we speak of Africa, we are referring to the continent south of the Sahara Desert, or ‘‘sub-Saharan’’ Africa. Although trade routes have traversed its distances for millennia, the great expanse of the Sahara desert is a key feature that separates the Mediterranean Arabic countries in the north from the countries on the rest of the African continent. Political, economic, and other factors also contribute to the differences that separate sub-Saharan Africa from the north. Children and families in sub-Saharan Africa face a range of issues. As we see in the chapters that follow, many of the issues discussed have political and economic roots in sub-Saharan Africa’s tremendous ethnic and linguistic diversity, its colonial heritage, its susceptibility to environmental pressures, and unequal access to its wealth of natural resources. GAPS IN THIS VOLUME Sub-Saharan Africa consists of 48 countries when the island nations of Cape Verde, S~ao Tome and Principe, Madagascar, Comoros, Mauritius, and the Seychelles are included. This volume includes chapters on all countries of sub-Saharan Africa with the exception of Gambia, Mauritania, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea, Swaziland, Somalia, Djibouti, and four of the six island nations (i.e., S~ao Tome and Principe, Comoros, Mauritius, and the Seychelles). These countries are missing from the volume primarily because of time and resource constraints. Thus, a brief overview of some of the key issues faced by children in these countries not covered in individual chapters is included here. An issue that is common across these, as well as the countries discussed at further length in this volume, is the issue of child labor. Due to economic circumstances, children in much of sub-Saharan Africa are at increased risk of being trafficked or brought into exploitive labor situations.
INTRODUCTION
In addition, Mauritania, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea, and S~ao Tome and Principe in west and west-central Africa face issues that are influenced by the presence of oil. Corruption and unequal access to revenue from oil and petroleum products can lead to or exacerbate such issues as child labor, conflict, and extreme poverty in the midst of inflation. Gabon is more prosperous and stable than most African countries. Its small population (about 1.5 million, with a land mass of 257,667 square kilometers in an area slightly smaller than Colorado) and abundant natural resources that include petroleum, natural gas, diamonds, gold, timber, iron ore, and hydropower, have allowed Gabon to maintain and conserve its rich biodiversity. Equatorial Guinea has experienced rapid economic growth as a result of its large offshore oil reserves. It is subSaharan Africa’s third largest oil exporter. Equatorial Guinea’s population has seen few improvements in its living standards, however. More than half of the population of S~ao Tome and Principe lives in extreme poverty, and a third of its working-age population is unemployed. Offshore oil was recently discovered, which should provide jobs and possibly willingness by the United States to forgive some of its $300 million external debt. Proven oil reserves of approximately 1 billion barrels were found recently in Mauritania, situated to the north of Senegal and west of Algeria. Oil production and export began last year (2006). Mauritania faces a difficult transition from poverty and a scheduled debt relief program (through the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries initiative) to economic reforms and fiscal discipline, especially as the government develops a system for revenue capture through oil production. Although its coastal waters are among the richest fishing areas in the world, foreign exploitation significantly cuts into this source of revenue. Overgrazing, deforestation, soil erosion, and periodic droughts and locust infestations have forced many of its pastoralist population as well as adults and children from subsistence farming households into the cities. According to the U.S. Department of Labor, Mauritania is a source and destination country for children trafficked for the purpose of forced labor and domestic servitude. Historical practices of slavery still exist in isolated parts of the country where a barter economy continues. Additionally, young boys are trafficked to the United Arab Emirates where they are exploited as child camel jockeys. Mauritania is on the Tier 2 Watch List for its failure to show evidence of increased efforts to combat trafficking. In Gambia, large numbers of the rural population live in extreme poverty. Gambia has a limited agricultural base and small-scale manufacturing of peanut, fish, and cowhide processing. Unemployment is high; 69 percent of the population is below the poverty line. In rural areas, 60 percent of households suffer from extreme poverty. This extreme poverty is one of the push factors for families to send their children into exploitive labor
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INTRODUCTION
situations. The Department of Labor has noted reports of girls from Gambia working in the Senegalese sex industry. Girls who go to Senegal and elsewhere to work in the domestic service sector are also vulnerable to commercial sexual exploitation. Comoros, Mauritius, and the Seychelles in the Indian Ocean (off the east coast of Africa) share in common the threat of the worst forms of child labor. The fishing industry poses dangerous working conditions. Tourism also places children at increased vulnerability with the threat of trafficking into sex tourism. The textile sector is known to exploit children with long hours and low pay. The economic basis of these island economies place children at an increased risk of being subjected to harsh and exploitive labor situations as well as having little or no access to education or adequate health services. Seychelles’ exports include canned tuna, frozen fish, cinnamon bark, copra, and re-exports of petroleum products. Tourism leads Seychelles’ economic growth. Since its independence in 1968, Mauritius has diversified its agriculturally-based economy and now has a strong textile sector. In the Comoros, the population is young and rapidly increasing. Most of its labor force lacks basic education and lives at a subsistence level. Fishing, hunting, and forestry contribute 40 percent of its gross domestic product and provide most of the country’s exports. It is not self-sufficient in food production and the staple crop, rice, makes up the bulk of its imports. The population of Swaziland, a small, landlocked country bordered by South Africa and Mozambique, relies primarily on subsistence agriculture. It is heavily dependent on South Africa for its economy and resources. Emergency food aid is a recurrent need. Overgrazing, soil depletion, drought, and intermittent flooding contribute to the depletion of its agricultural base. With the world’s highest adult HIV/AIDS prevalence rate at an estimated 38.8 percent, many children are orphaned and/or severely disadvantaged. Children face similar issues as in other countries of southern Africa but at a higher level of magnitude. Djibouti, a small country in the horn of Africa bordering the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea (between Eritrea and Somalia) is heavily dependent on foreign assistance. Rainfall is very limited, and most of its food is imported. Djibouti has few natural resources and must draw on its strategic location and its role as a transit port for the region to provide for its mostly urban population. Children in Somalia have suffered from displacement and conflict since the overthrow of Mohamed Siad Barre’s regime in 1991. Since then it has experience factional fighting and anarchy in some areas. In addition to the health threats and lack of access to educational opportunities as a result of displacement and fighting, children face the threat of unexploded landmines. A recent African news wire report (reported July 7, 2007) mentioned the death of at least one youth among a group of boys who found a landmine while playing soccer.
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INTRODUCTION
ISSUES FACING CHILDREN IN AFRICA The issues facing children in Africa are multiple and interrelated. At the heart of so many issues is the displacement, absence from, or dysfunctionality of a home and family. When there is no legislation or safety net to provide for families and households when livelihoods and systems fail, the very things a child needs in order to grow and develop his or her physical, social, and mental potential and to develop positive decisionmaking skills are too often sacrificed for mere survival. Even where households have some choice about allocating resources and priorities, all too frequently, children face barriers to accessing education, healthcare, and protection. In the chapters that follow, various issues facing children are discussed within specific country and regional contexts. The overarching topics are: i) education; ii) health; iii) war and conflict; iv) legislation and legal protection; and v) labor, exploitation, abuse, and neglect. Specific issues include: a lack of access to free public education and unequal educational opportunities depending on race, gender, ethnicity, economic status, or if they are disabled; specific health threats, a lack of access to adequate health care that leads to increased morbidity (sickness) and mortality (death), a lack of preventive health services (e.g., immunizations), and lack of a clean environment (including safe water and adequate sanitation); the effect of war and conflict on children, including their displacement, victimization, participation, and psychosocial burden; the lack of protection and legislation against exploitation, a lack of legislation and/ or prosecution for adults who mistreat or murder children, a legal system that is not sensitive to the needs of children and youth, a poor enabling environment for the reporting of child abuse and neglect, a lack of care of abused or neglected children via the state or the family, and a lack of opportunities and/or formal recognition of a child’s right to play; the risk of slavery or indentured servitude, vulnerability to trafficking and harmful labor, and various other forms of abuse and neglect. Each of these issues is worthy of a volume in itself. The discussions included here can only highlight some of the serious concerns that children in Africa face. To understand these issues in their complexity would require far more discussion and an in-depth ethnographic study so that they are understood more fully in their sociocultural context. In this volume, the reader will notice a tendency to view children’s issues from the perspective of international relief and development interventions. This should not limit a reader’s understanding of the issues, but hopefully it will serve as an introduction to spur further reading. It should also be understood that children are highly valued in Africa and are often seen as a gift from God. The way parents, families, and communities show their enjoyment and appreciation of children is socioculturally grounded and may not be readily apparent to an outsider. It is
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INTRODUCTION
not for an outsider to criticize the way families and communities treat their children unless practices move into the realm of abuse and neglect of human rights and children’s rights. All but a few countries have signed on to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, and many have accepted additional declarations aimed at protecting children. The discussions in this volume attempt to understand the problematic issues that have a role to play and an impact on children in sub-Saharan Africa. The positive outlook is underplayed in this volume as a result of a focus on ‘‘issues’’ that are most often seen as problematic to a child’s development and well-being. The reader should not come away from this volume with the impression that all children in Africa are starving, begging on the streets, unable to read, or dying of malaria. A good many of them may be at various times, but there are millions of others who are leading happy lives full of curiosity and positive activity. Children may face adversity at various points in their life but still enjoy a happy childhood at other times. Children are amazingly resilient, and it is this delightful quality in children that most visitors to African countries, even countries in the midst of conflict, remember afterwards.
EDUCATION Key quantitative indicators that tell us about the educational status of a population are the adult literacy rate (i.e., the percentage of persons ages 15 and older who can read and write) and the primary and secondary school enrollment and attendance rates (derived from enrollment and attendance rates as reported by national household surveys such as the UNESCO Education for All assessment, UNICEF Multiple Indicator Cluster surveys, and national statistics). A gender imbalance is seen in most countries of sub-Saharan Africa and is attributable to a variety of reasons, chiefly economic in nature. Even where free public education is a governmental policy, the incidental fees for papers, books, pencils, school uniforms, shoes, school lunches, and transportation to and from school, as well as ‘‘unofficial’’ fees levied by unpaid or under-paid staff, provide a barrier to many children. Many households value the investment in educational opportunities for a son above that of a daughter, whose skills and labor, in a patrilineal society, will belong to her husband’s household. One legacy of colonialism that can still be seen in many parts of Africa is a weak or incomplete infrastructure that provides educational opportunities in an unequal manner across a country. The result is unequal access, often linked to race and ethnicity. Most school systems and the social context in which they operate are unable or unwilling to accommodate children with disabilities as well. Unequal access to education plays a significant role in the kind of preferential hiring that reflects a legacy of an earlier, privileged civil servant class. The work of governments in
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INTRODUCTION
collaboration with international and local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) has gone a long way toward providing better access to education for all children, but there are still many challenges ahead. HEALTH Many of the health threats to children in Africa are preventable through vaccinations, behavioral changes, and the provision of clean water and adequate food. Governments, with the assistance of international donors where necessary, can provide supplies for measles, diptheria, tetanus, whooping cough, and polio vaccinations, for example, but the ability to carry out adequate coverage requires a level of capacity on the ground as well as the interest and cooperation of the public. Most rural and many urban environments in sub-Saharan Africa do not have sufficient or safe water supplies. Diarrhea is one of the biggest killers of children in Africa, along with malaria and acute respiratory infections. With greater economic security and improved behaviors to prevent the transmission of air-borne, water-borne, and food-borne illness, children’s health would greatly improve. Poor nutrition makes children less able to fight infection, even simple infections. Diarrhea interferes with a child’s ability to absorb nutrients from his/her food. Without adequate food, safe water, or immunizations, children’s growth falters and they are even less likely to fight off other health threats. Because of the inter-relatedness of nutrition, immunization, and illness, several key quantitative indicators on children’s health have proven to be effective measures of the health of a population: 1) under-5 mortality rate (i.e., the probability of dying between birth and exactly five years of age expressed per 1,000 live births); 2) infant mortality rate (i.e., the probability of dying between birth and exactly one year of age expressed per 1,000 live births); 3) DPT3 coverage (the percentage of children who have received the third inoculation of the combined diptheria/pertussis/tetanus inoculation or DPT by the time they reach 1 year of age, which is a good proxy measure for having completed all childhood immunizations by 1 year); and 4) percentage of children under 5 who are moderately or severely stunted, malnourished, or wasted (i.e., percentage of children between 6 and 59 months of age with z-scores of less than -2 standard deviations for their height-for-age, weight-for-age, and weight-for-height, respectively). A comparison between under-5 and infant mortality rates for sub-Saharan Africa and rates for the United States is useful. National population statistics mentioned in the chapters that follow range from 62 (Namibia) and 68 (South Africa) deaths to 282 deaths (Sierra Leone) per 1,000 among children under five, as compared to an under-5-mortality rate of 8 per 1,000 in the United States (UNICEF, State of the World’s Children 2007). Certain sociocultural practices also have an adverse effect of children’s health, especially girls’ health. Female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C)
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covers a range of practices, most of which carry serious health threats for females, even long term health impacts. The statistics provided in chapters of this volume come primarily from the Demographic and Health Surveys conducted by ORC Macro and/or national counterparts (http://www.measuredhs.com and http://www.measurecommunication. org). The definition of the prevalence of FGM/C is: for women, the percentage of women ages 15 to 49 years of age who have been mutilated/ cut; and for daughters, the percentage of women ages 15 to 49 with at least one mutilated/cut daughter. Different cultures practice different types of FGM/C but each involves the cutting or alteration of the female genitalia for sociocultural reasons. Three identified types of FGM/C include: clitoridectomy, excision, and infibulation. Clitoridectomy is the removal of the prepuce with or without excision of all or part of the clitoris. Excision is the removal of the prepuce and clitoris along with all or part of the labia minora. Infibulation is the most severe form and consists of removal of all or part of the external genitalia, followed by joining together of the two sides of the labia minora using threads, thorns or other materials to narrow the vaginal opening (UNICEF 2007). Although FGM/C must be understood as a cultural practice, it cannot be denied that certain realizations of the practice violate human rights and severely affect the health of girls and women. It is not the intention of this volume to delve into the complex and contentious debate about the acceptability of FGM/C; however, it has been interpreted by this author as primarily an abusive practice that is very different from male circumcision, with which it is often compared. Another practice, and one that is exacerbated by deteriorating household economic status, is childhood marriage. In many instances, the economic gain in marrying a daughter and acquiring the ‘‘bridewealth’’ from her husband’s family may be seen as a lost or unrealized opportunity if a family waits too long before marrying her off. Some families may see no other choice than to hurry a daughter into marriage. Scholars have noted significant health risks associated with childhood marriage. Data from a study in Nigeria show a 50 percent increase in maternal deaths for women between 15 and 19 years of age (Okafor 1994, 63). Girls who have children younger than 15 showed a fivefold increased risk (according to data from Jamaica and Nigeria; Okafor 1994, 63) and in some regions (Zaria in Nigeria, for example) the risk is even greater. In settings where girls suffer from chronic anemia resulting from a combination of an ironpoor diet and endemic malaria, among other factors, the risks of dangerous anemia during pregnancy increase the risk of early pregnancy. Data consistently show, worldwide, that the later the age of sexual debut the better the health outcomes of women and their children. Child marriage compromises not only the health of a girl but her children as well. HIV/AIDS has had a much larger impact on children and families in sub-Saharan Africa than anywhere else in the world, as represented by the
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HIV/AIDS prevalence rate in the adult population and the decline in life expectancy on the continent below the Sahara. Nowhere can this be seen more dramatically than through a dynamic representation of trends in life expectancy and income per capita in international dollars (gross national product or gross national income) available through The Gapminder Organization’s interactive software (The Gapminder World 2006; http://www.gapminder.org/). Of the countries ranked by HIV/AIDS adult prevalence rate (percentage of the adult population with HIV/ AIDS), all the countries in the top 30 except for one (Haiti) are in subSaharan Africa. A selection of countries with the highest burden of HIV/ AIDS presents a dramatic picture of the decline in life expectancy and, with the exception of Botswana, a stagnation or decline in GNP that follows the HIV/AIDS timeline. While HIV/AIDS is not the only, nor necessarily the primary driver of economic stagnation or decline, the compounded effect of HIV/AIDS on other economic and social challenges is substantial. Children are greatly affected by such negative changes in the social and economic context because of their dependence on parents, members of their extended family, and the social welfare (including access to quality healthcare), educational, and economic systems within a country. Not only are children’s immediate health and protection affected; their long-term options for survival and quality of life depend on the socio-economic environment in which they grow up. Compounding these health threats are challenges related to governmental and sub-regional instability, unequal access to health services, and stagnating or sluggish economic growth coupled with enormous external debt and a growing under-18 population. Many scholars and applied development specialists have begun to talk about the ‘‘security demographic,’’ that is, the potential threat to political and economic security in countries that have not yet made the demographic transition to lower fertility rates. Where fertility rates (basically, the numbers of children borne to women during their reproductive years) are still high and mortality rates are beginning to decrease, the numbers of children born and surviving to 18 years of age are growing. Without educational and job opportunities, a growing youth population can present a threat to security, especially where social injustice, unequally shared revenue from a country’s natural resources, and alienation from the government (through a lack of political voice or autonomy) exist. CONFLICT AND WAR Although children have previously been involved in armed conflict, the magnitude of children’s involvement in recent conflicts has captured the public eye. The visibility of children’s involvement, such as the images of 9- and 10-year-old children with AK47s and the documentation of their explicit roles as coerced perpetrators of violence, has reached a level that
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demands attention by the international community. There has been growing academic and applied interest in the changing roles and plight of children involved in conflict. Scholars and practitioners are taking a hard look at the effects that conflict and engagement in adult political and conflict agendas have on children’s health and psychosocial development.1 Children who find themselves in conflict zones because they are unable to flee, have lost or been displaced from family members, or for other reasons, are subjected to various forms of violence and exploitation. They run the risk of being injured by landmines, they are forced or coerced into becoming spies or gunrunners, or they work as guards, cooks, cleaners, and servants in military camps. Girls are especially at risk of exploitation and are frequent victims of sexual abuse and enslavement for domestic chores by guerilla and military forces. Not only does such exposure present real risks to their immediate health and psychosocial well-being, it also deprives children of education and access to basic healthcare. These have long-lasting effects on children and youth (Honwana 2005). Scholars have observed that child soldiers ‘‘live between a world of make-believe—a child’s world of games and fantasy, of playing with guns—and reality—where the playful becomes shockingly lethal and the game turns deadly’’ (Honwana 2005). At the same time, they are clearly acting out adult interests and thrown into world where they use what resources they can draw on to find a role, thus creating or recreating roles they see around them or imagine as their role to play. Children in such adult roles reflect the kind of perversion and breakdown of social structure and morality that follows in the crisis of war (Honwana 2005). Many international bodies (the United Nations and international NGOs such as Save the Children Federation and others) have intervened with policy and programming to support child protection. When social structure breaks down, it is first the family and then the social service and social-developmental environment, such as schools, that can provide children with a protective environment in which to grow socially, psychologically, and developmentally. A report by Gra¸ca Machel, commissioned by the United Nations General Assembly and presented in 1996 made specific recommendations to address the plight of children affected by armed conflict. The Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary General for Children and Armed Conflict was created in 1997 as a result of Machel’s recommendations. These actions further support the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (ratified in 1990). Reincorporating child soldiers into society following the resolution of a conflict is very problematic. In Angola, for example, many children grew up inside UNITA and, because the movement was completely isolated from civilian society except when staging attacks, a generation of children grew up inside a military regime without building basic civilian skills. As Michael Wessels (Christian Children’s Fund and RandolphMacon College) has pointed out, many Angolan youth, when
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demobilized, said that the biggest challenge they faced was in not knowing how to get along in civilian life (Wessels, personal communication). Children also are affected by injury, loss of parents, separation from family, displacement, exploitation and abuse, losing access to education and healthcare, and sometimes the loss of an effective nationality as a result of exposure to war and conflict (Lynch and Calabia 2007). Following the resolution of a conflict, children and youth may find themselves thrown together with those who had a very different role during the conflict, and the potential for aggression and animosity is great. In Angola, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Sudan, and elsewhere, there has been much internal displacement as a result of war. Both long- and short-term displacement can set off conflict between refugees or internally displaced populations and their host communities. International and local responses are improving, and recent work has incorporated the spiritual beliefs of children and communities, and the importance of spiritual practices into their recovery, rehabilitation, and reintegration efforts. For returning boy soldiers in Angola, for example, cleansing rituals proved to be of great importance in rural areas. Ceremonies to bury the dead (either literally or symbolically) have also enabled some communities to move further down the road to recovery (Wessels, personal communication). An important aspect of reintegration and recovery following conflict is family reunification or, when that is not appropriate or possible, the establishment of supportive family and home environments as opposed to institutionalization. After the conflict ended in Angola, so many children were placed in institutions that they suffered health and psychosocial effects from overcrowding and a lack of a social and culturally supportive environment. A number of child-centered NGOs, including Save the Children Federation and the Christian Children’s Fund have advocated for alternate care arrangements to institutionalization and for improved conditions where institutions are one of the few shelter and care options for youth, but effective solutions will require the involvement of international organizations and government, as well as local communities. PROTECTION FROM EXPLOITATION, ABUSE, AND NEGLECT The majority of households in sub-Saharan Africa use children’s labor. When the work that is required of children is appropriate to their developmental and physical capacity (e.g., the weight their bones can carry without suffering damage), children’s contribution to the household economy can be a very positive experience. Even in play, most children mimic adult activities and economically productive activities. However, all too often a greater demand is placed on children’s labor and they suffer as a result. In West Africa as elsewhere on the continent, children are often engaged in foster care or apprenticeships as both an economic and
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social strategy. These traditional forms of labor migration are all too often misused, however, and can lead to abusive working conditions. Statistics cited in the chapters in this volume have been reported by UNICEF and based primarily on Demographic and Health Surveys (conducted by ORC Macro) that define child labor as the percentage of children aged 5 to 14 years of age involved in labor activities at the moment of the survey. A child is considered to be involved in child labor activities under the following classification: among children 5 to 11 years of age, those who did at least one hour of economic activity or at least 28 hours of domestic work during the week preceding the survey; and among children 12 to 14 years of age, those who did at least 14 hours of economic activity or at least 42 hours of economic activity and domestic work combined during the week preceding the survey. This issue is addressed in the chapters that follow in ways that take into account specific economic and social contexts. The actual extent of child labor, trafficking, and other exploitive practices is still largely unknown but efforts are being made to address the problem both globally and locally. Related to child labor and exploitation is a recognition of children’s need to engage in activities appropriate to their developmental age. The elimination of play can be interpreted as neglect, since children need to engage in play for their physical, social, and emotional development. The ‘‘right’’ to play is culturally defined and grounded in local perceptions of children’s roles and activities. Play is an important contributor to a child’s development. Many NGOs incorporate structured activities to promote play and engage children in competitive and noncompetitive recreational activities as a response to emergency relief and development needs. National governments are also receiving the message of the importance of play. The United Nations Secretary-General’s report, Sport for Development and Peace: Towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals, for example, recommends the inclusion of sport and recreation activities in national development goals and to make sport activities accessible to all children and youth as a national policy and strategy. FAMILY Throughout the articles in this volume, the family and the household are highlighted as a central factor in children’s development. Children, from infancy up to that key stage in their development where they need to build independence and wider, individual social networks, thrive best in a supportive and functional familial-social environment, whether or not this family or ‘‘home’’ environment is a nuclear family, an extended family, or drawn from a range of ‘‘familial-social’’ settings. Both positive and negative impacts on families affect the children of a family directly or indirectly. In Africa, the ‘‘family’’ usually refers to an extended family and not just the immediate family of parents and their children. The family’s household in
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the sub-Saharan African is likely to include several generations, various cousins, uncles, in-laws, and even distant relatives. Kinship obligations vary depending on a particular ethnic group’s socio-cultural practices, but regardless of differences, families are central to the care, protection, and upbringing of children. Orphans, however, are missing this key protective and social-developmental factor. They are also more vulnerable to exploitation and less likely to have access to education. These threats are discussed in more detail and given context in the chapters that follow. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The chapters in this volume have made some suggestions for the direction ahead. Clearly, governmental agencies will need to collaborate with local communities and international organizations, including protection agencies to build effective and responsive systems, quality of services, improved access and infrastructure, economic growth and stability, and greater civil society participation at the community and household level to respond to the needs of children as identified through the array of issues outlined here. Families and communities are at the heart of the care, nurturing, and support required for a child’s well-being and development. Households and communities need support from national governments in order to provide a healthy and positive living and learning environment for children. Strong influences subregionally, nationally, and locally can pull children and families into situations that are less than optimal for their development. War, conflict, and economic strain are behind many of the issues that are discussed in this volume. The linkage between them receives too little attention. Global Witness has attempted to raise awareness of the ways in which war economies are built on issues of land access and control over natural resources that are also linked to social and ethnic differences and inequities in resource access and politico-economic power. Such a scenario has already played out in Sierra Leone and Liberia with the confluence of political disruption and an illicit trade in diamonds and timber. Oil wealth is another potential disrupter because of the room for great inequalities in access to the revenue generated, as well as the unequally shared burden of environmental degradation. Greater civil society participation in the control and utilization of natural resources is required in order to avoid further civil strife and to assure improved access to health, educational, and social welfare for a country’s population. The twenty-first century is likely to see an increase in the exploitation of natural resources on the continent and increased environmental instability. The issues faced by children in the twenty-first century could expand as a result. These do not have to be entirely negative issues either; children could face positive issues regarding the best possible choices for the natural environment and their own developing communication roles in an increasingly global social
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and consumer environment. We have yet to thoroughly explore children’s viewpoints on what they perceive as the major issues they face. This will have to be taken up in more depth elsewhere, but it is useful to keep in mind as we wade through the issues outlined here. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Several colleagues whose names do not appear in chapter bylines but deserve to be acknowledged here for their invaluable contributions to this volume are Alma Gottlieb (University of Illinois), Michelle C. Johnson (Bucknell University), Michael Wessels (Christian Children’s Fund and Randolph-Macon College), Susan Shepler (American University), and David C. Conrad (Mande Studies Association). Given the opportunity, I would have enjoyed being able to delve into more discussion with these colleagues and to draw on the expertise of many more colleagues as contributors and participants in this effort. Suffice it to say that I greatly appreciate the assistance of the chapter contributors, those who provided additional input, and the Greenwood editors in making this volume a reality. NOTES 1. An example of the kind of rigorous scholarly focus brought to bear on children’s issues is a course offered at the Graduate Center, City University of New York, by Professors Colette Daiute and Roger Hart, called ‘‘International Perspectives on Child and Youth Development’’ (syllabus available at: http://web.gc.cuny.edu/ dept/psych/socpersonality/CDinternational.htm).
REFERENCES CITED Gapminder Organization. The Gapminder World 2006. Interactive software available at: http://www.gapminder.org. Honwana, Alcinda. 2005. Child Soldiers in Africa. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Okafor, Chinyelu B. 1994. ‘‘Consequences of Childhood Marriage on Maternal and Infant Health,’’ in Child Health in Nigeria; The Impact of a Depressed Economy, eds. Toga Pearce and Toying Fallow, 59–67. Averbury: Aldershot. ORC Macro/Macro International. Demographic and Health Surveys. Calverton, MD: ORC Macro/Macro International. http://www.measuredhs.com/aboutsurveys/. UNICEF. 2006. State of the World’s Children 2007 (Women and Children, The Double Dividend of Gender Equality). New York: UNICEF. http://www.unicef. org/sowc07. UNICEF. 2007. Information by Country. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ index.html. United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child; http://www.unhchr.ch/ html/menu3/b/k2crc.htm.
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ANGOLA Laura Arntson NATIONAL PROFILE Angola, with 1,600 kilometers of coastline along the South Atlantic Ocean, is bordered by a portion of Republic of the Congo (CongoBrazzaville) near its discontiguous Cabinda Province, by the Democratic Republic of the Congo (formerly Zaire) to the north and northwest, by Zambia on the west, and Namibia on the south. It is a sizable country, measuring 1,246,700 square kilometers, or slightly less than twice the size of Texas. Along the coast of Angola is a coastal plain that rises to an interior plateau. Its natural resources include petroleum, diamonds, iron ore, phosphates, copper, feldspar, gold, bauxite, and uranium. The estimated population stands currently at about 16 million people, with a higher density in the capital of Luanda and far less population density across the 18 provinces. The people of Angola descend from the hunter-gatherer Khoisan group and various Bantuspeaking peoples from West Africa, who arrived in the region in the 13th century (Columbia University 2007).
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The largest socioethnic-linguistic groups include the Ovimbundu (37 percent), the Kimbundu (25 percent), and the Bakongo (13 percent), with another 30 or so groups making up 22 percent of the population and a small minority of mesti¸co (mixed European and native African; 2 percent) and Europeans (1 percent). In the late 15th century, the Portuguese made their way down the Atlantic coast and established a base in what is now Angola in 1575 for a slave trade that, during the next three centuries, would send more than 4 million people from the region into slavery in the Americas (Lovejoy 2000). The Portuguese were not successful in subjugating the interior kingdom of Mbundu until 1902, when they gained control of the Bie Plateau and began European settlement and expansion inland. Angola, like other African countries in the 1950s and 1960s, began a nationalist movement, but an uprising in 1961 was squashed by the Portuguese army. The year 1962 marked the start of a guerrilla war against the colonial rulers. Various groups began were involved in the struggle, including The Movimento Popular de Liberta¸c~ao de Angola (MPLA), a Marxist-influenced movement founded in 1956 in Zambia, which drew on educated Angolan Africans and mesti¸cos living abroad, and the Uni~ao Nacional para a Independ^encia Total de Angola (UNITA), established in 1966 under the leadership of Jonas Savimbi (Columbia University). In 1972, Portugal granted Angola the status of ‘‘autonomous state.’’ Legislative assembly elections were held in 1973, and in 1975, Portugal granted Angola its independence. Political and economic upheaval followed independence, and in the late 1970s into the 1980s, the different factions, aided by countries such as the United States, South Africa, Cuba, and the Soviet Union, who played out their own Cold War power games, kept up an almost constant struggle that devastated the economy and infrastructure. A cease-fire between the MPLA and UNITA was reached in 1991, and the country started to transition from a one-party socialist state to a nominally multiparty democracy, but fighting broke out again and continued until 1994 when the Lusaka protocol was signed to end the conflict. The demobilization and integration of UNITA troops lagged, and fighting was renewed in 1998. The United Nations pulled out its troops in 1999, and humanitarian relief moved in to address the needs of the more than 1 million refugees in the region. During this time, UNITA was financing its activities with revenues equaling almost $500 million a year from the diamond mines it controlled in northeast Angola. By 2002, UNITA’s forces were weakened, Savimbi was dead, a cease-fire agreement was signed, and the demobilization process had begun. In all, as many as 1 million people died in the Angolan civil war (Columbia University 2007). Parliamentary elections have been postponed until mid-2008, and a presidential election is set for 2009. The protracted violence has taken a toll on the country’s infrastructure, social services, and economy, as well as the psychosocial, educational, and physical well-being of Angola’s children and families. The infrastructure is
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still in ruins, human resource capacity is low, and access and utilization of health and educational services remains very low. Angola’s health indicators are among the worst in the world, despite the fact that Angola holds some of the continent’s richest sources of oil and diamonds. Before independence, Angola was the fourth-largest coffee exporter in the world and one of the largest exporters of staple foods (maize) in subSaharan Africa (World Bank 2006). A significant economic shift to the mining industry paralleled the struggle for resource competition and the violence that was to last for the next 30 years. Angola is now the secondlargest oil producer in Africa and the world’s fourth-largest producer of rough diamonds (World Bank 2006). There is a clear connection between the presence of large oil and diamond revenues and violent secessionist movements (Busby et al. 2002). The mix often leads to corruption as well, and Angola ranks among the most corrupt nations (World Bank 2006). Empirical evidence from various settings shows that even small steps to improve governance (i.e., boost civil society participation, promote resource allocation transparency and financial management, and minimize corruption) can have a significant, positive effect on a population’s health and income (World Bank 2006, 92). In the absence of movement or a sluggish pace toward improved governance, a restless population can all too quickly foment conflict. Angola has one of the highest fertility rates in Africa, estimated at 6.61 and with an estimated 44 percent of its population younger than 15 years of age. This rate implies a ‘‘youth bulge’’ in the demographic profile for the near future. The mix of a youth bulge, prevalent corruption, significant profits to be made in the oil and diamond sector by the few with access, and the recent history of protracted violent struggle make Angola a fragile state at the moment. Steps toward positive development that engage youth and young adults will be key to the future outlook for children in Angola. The Government of Angola and internaKEY FACTS – ANGOLA tional donors have engaged in public-private partnerships with Infant mortality rate: 184.44 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 37.63 years (2003 est.) oil companies such as Esso (an Literacy rate: 67.4 percent (2001 est.) Exxon affiliate) and Chevron in Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 58 percent fighting disease through the dis(2000–2005) tribution of insecticide-treated Internet users: 172,000 (2005) bed nets against malaria, for People living with HIV/AIDS: 240,000 (2003 est.) Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 79 example, and the procurement, manufacture, and distribution of Sources: CIA World Factbook: Angola. https://www.cia.gov/library/ pharmaceuticals. These steps to publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ao.html. June 29, 2007; promote private investment while UNICEF. At a Glance: Angola–Statistics. http://www.unicef. org/infobycountry/angola_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; improving access to health servUnited Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human ices are positive and long-reaching Development Report 2006–Angola. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/ toward improving the situation statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_AGO.html. June 29, 2007. for Angola’s children.
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OVERVIEW Poor access to health and social services because of an infrastructure in ruins and low capacity in the social service sector is foremost among the issues affecting children in Angola. With a large and growing youth population, the inequalities in allocation of the country’s rich resources will exacerbate a growing problem. Across the 18 provinces in Angola—Bengo, Benguela, Bie, Cabinda, Cuando Cubango, Cuanza Norte, Cuanza Sul, Cunene, Huambo, Huila, Luanda, Lunda Norte, Lunda Sul, Malanje, Moxico, Namibe, Uige, Zaire—with the exception of Luanda, the capital city, there is relatively low population density, and the various sociolinguistic/ethnic groups are geographically separated to an extent. These factors and the geography of the country lead to a high potential for continued unequal access to health and social services, which disproportionately affects children. Many children and youth (two generations in fact) suffered during the protracted violence, and the nature of childhood actually shifted with the upheaval of the social structure (Honwana 2005). Now is the time for recovery, but it is hampered by unequal allocation of the country’s rich resources and a health and social service infrastructure that is not functioning adequately or to capacity. Population-based statistics on demographic, health, poverty, and social indicators are severely lacking. A recent World Bank household income and expenditure survey from 20012 found that at least 20 percent of households were female-headed households, although the actual figure country-wide is assumed to be greater. Many households are still displaced and the process of return or resettlement is challenged by the difficulty of reclaiming agricultural land, replenishing seed stocks, and harnessing adequate labor to support households. EDUCATION The Government of Angola’s goal of achieving universal primary education and increasing the number of children in primary school from approximately 2.1 million (2003) to 5 million by 2015 is severely challenged by the lack of classrooms. In the 1990s, more than 1,500 classrooms were destroyed (UNICEF 2004). Additionally, human resource capacity must be built. The 2001 UNICEF Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) reports that only 56 percent of primary school-age children attend the first level (grades 1 through 4) of basic education (UNICEF 2004). Girls are more likely to miss educational opportunities than boys. Adult literacy levels were reported at 83 percent for males and 54 percent for females. Additional factors affecting the ability of the educational system to provide for all school-age children include: low budget allocations for the
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education sector; weak coordination of stakeholders; cost barriers to families, including informal fees and opportunity costs; poor water and sanitation facilities at existing schools; a lack of basic teaching and learning materials; a lack of qualified teachers especially in remote and rural areas; and overcrowded, multiple-age classrooms (UNICEF 2004). PLAY AND RECREATION Various international and local nongovernmental organizations have introduced play and recreational activities as a psychosocial intervention to promote improved social and developmental outcomes for children affected by the war. Christian Children’s Fund, Save the Children, UNICEF, and others for example, promote ‘‘safe spaces’’ for children to exercise their ‘‘right’’ to play in a protective environment. CHILD LABOR Discussed in more detail in the Child Abuse and Neglect section to follow, the roles that many children took on, either during the war—roles such as child soldiers, ‘‘wives’’ or sex slaves, and porters, cooks, cleaners, spies, and the like—or as a result of ‘‘voluntary’’ separation from a parent, caregiver, or household because of economic and other factors, stood the social system on its head. The view of children as a form of malleable, expendable labor during conflict and/or as a labor resource without educational and development needs can easily lead to the worst forms of child labor, which are essentially cases of child abuse and severe neglect. The UNICEF 2001 MICS reported that 22 percent of boys ages 5 to 14 and 25 percent of girls ages 5 to 14 (UNICEF 2007) were involved in economic and other household labor activities beyond what is permissible according to the International Labour Organisation’s policy (ILO 2002). FAMILY The protracted war and difficult economic conditions, especially for the poorest households, have had significant negative effects on family structure and the protective nature of the family in Angola. Despite the difficulties, however, family maintains a strong social and cultural value. HEALTH The UNICEF MICS conducted in 2002 reported an under-5 mortality rate at 260 per 1,000 live births and an infant mortality rate of 154 per 1,000 live births. Both these figures remained the same for the last decade. The adjusted maternal mortality ratio is high at 1,700 per 100,000 live births. The percentage of children suffering moderate and severe underweight (low weight for age) is very high at 31 percent, especially
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given the rich agricultural resources of the country. This and the very high prevalence of stunting (low height for age reflecting severe malnutrition during a child’s crucial formative period of approximately 6 to 36 months) at 45 percent reflect the significant negative legacy of the war as well as unequal access to resources. Routine immunization and expanded programs in immunization are at only 50 percent capacity and less than half of children are fully immunized by the time they reach one year of age (UNICEF 2007). HIV/AIDS is estimated at almost 4 percent, although accurate biomarker survey data are lacking. Given the high prevalence in the larger Southern Africa Development Community and the vulnerability of girls separated from families in urban centers, it is likely that this figure will increase in the coming years if more aggressive efforts at prevention are not undertaken soon. Angola has much agricultural potential but environmental issues could compromise the country’s efforts to recapture and rebuild the agricultural strength it had before the war. Current environmental issues threatening adequate recovery include the overuse of pastures, desertification, deforestation of tropical rain forests in response to international demand for tropical timber and domestic fuel needs, soil erosion, and inadequate supplies of potable water (CIA 2007). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Angola’s legal system is based on the Portuguese civil law system and customary law and was recently modified to accommodate political pluralism and to increase the use of free markets (CIA 2007). The engagement of the government in and enforcement of international standards regarding child labor and rights, however, is very weak. RELIGIOUS LIFE Most of the population of Angola practices syncretic beliefs that combine indigenous beliefs (practiced as the primary religion by 47 percent of the population) and Roman Catholicism (reportedly practiced as the primary religion by 38 percent of the population). Approximately 15 percent are protestant (CIA 2007). The Roman Catholic Church plays a significant role in the health, education, and development of much of Angola’s population. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT In her analysis of children caught up in the civil wars of Mozambique and Angola, Honwana notes that the ‘‘role-related and ritually defined boundaries between childhood and adulthood that existed in Angola and Mozambique before the onset of civil war were broken down by extreme
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social crisis’’ (Honwana 2005). In the role displacement that followed as communities became caught in the civil war, children assumed roles as soldiers without having the psychosocial developmental resources that adults have and, as a result, many committed terrible atrocities. Children in these roles ‘‘represent anomalies and contradictions. They inhabit an autonomous world with its own rules and relations of power’’ (Honwana 2005). Backing them out of this false world and into a rebuilt social structure will require the kind of attention that is necessary in addressing egregious abuse and neglect of children, yet on a scale much larger than one family or one community. Another form of neglect originates with families grasping at viable options when household livelihood is threatened to the point that parents or caregivers can no longer care for a child. In the 1990s, the Angolan Ministry of Social Welfare (MINARS) and Save the Children UK became aware of an increasing number of children living on the streets (notably in the capital of Luanda) as a result of ‘‘voluntary separation’’ from families in addition to children accidentally or involuntarily separated from families because of the war. Various organizations and individuals responded to the need by establishing residential homes for the street children. The MINARS commissioned a study to identify the reasons behind such ‘‘voluntary’’ separation. Of the children interviewed for the study, 146 (84 percent) were boys and 27 (16 percent) were girls (Moberley 1998). This gender balance reflects the balance of boys and girls on the street. The study found that 30 percent of children were brought to children’s centers by family members and 70 percent had run away from home. Those brought in by caregivers were among the younger children living on the streets. The majority of street children in the sample were between 9 and 12 years of age. The study found that, among the children ‘‘voluntarily’’ separating from their families in Luanda, many were girls (Moberley 1998). Many children from the poorest families live in homes in Luanda’s informal or unplanned settlements, where public services are limited or nonexistent. Trends in separation appear to follow the country’s economic situation and the severe depletion of household resources that could provide a ‘‘push’’ factor, whereas the existence of children’s homes (with their promise of food, a place to sleep, and a measure of protection) often serves as a ‘‘pull’’ factor, as does a ‘‘vibrant’’ (as perceived by the children) youthful street culture (Moberley 1998, 41). Most of the children in the study who had run away had been living with only one parent before separation—the majority of households being female-headed households. Among children brought into care, again the majority came from single-parent households, but the gender of the head of household was almost equally divided between male and female. The study found that such ‘‘voluntary’’ separation was in response to both economic and psychosocial changes in a household, often as an attempt to diversify income activities and mobilize an additional household labor resource in response to economic crisis (Moberley 1998, 37).
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As the war dragged on, the resources of traditional kinship networks were depleted, and increasingly small margins of survival pushed families into options that previously would not have appeared viable. Among those children brought into care in the study, 77 percent cited the death or separation from the household of a parent or guardian as having brought the household to the severe economic crisis that prompted ‘‘voluntary’’ separation of the child. Both child soldiering and ‘‘voluntary’’ family separation to live/work on the street push children to take on adult roles that are far beyond the kind of routine child labor expected in a household.
GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The Acacia Project (Acacia 2002) reported more than 300 nongovernment organizations, aid agencies, and community-based organizations active in Angola in 2002. With the transition from relief to development, the players may have shifted but the number is not likely to decrease much, especially with Angola given high priority by international donors, such as the President’s Malaria Initiative in 2006. Sustainable development that engages policy-makers and promotes transparent management and equitable allocation of resources will be in greater demand than the humanitarian and relief-oriented activities carried out during the years of conflict. The steps toward positive development that engage youth and offer economic opportunities will be crucial to the future outlook for children in Angola. With access to a share of the country’s rich resources, opportunities for household economic growth and improved health and education, families and children can build a much brighter outlook going into the twenty-first century. NOTES 1. The Total Fertility Rate represents the number of children that would be born per woman if she were to live to the end of her child-bearing years and bear children at each age in accordance with prevailing age-specific fertility rates (UNICEF 2007). 2. The survey sampled households in only eight provinces, or 50 percent of the population, and has an urban bias (World Bank 2006), but it provides what few data exist on key poverty and social indicators.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Assis, Malaquias. Rebels and Robbers: Violence in Post-colonial Angola. Uppsala, Sweden: Nordic Africa Institute; 2006. This book analyzes structural violence in postcolonial Angola through an exploration of the ways in which race, class, ethnicity, and power have been used
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to limit access to power to a small elite. It provides insight into the interplay of violence, wealth, and power in Angola. Birmingham, David. Empire in Africa: Angola and its Neighbors. Athens: Ohio University Press, 2006. This book takes the reader on a journey through a number of pivotal topics in Angola’s history and development. Brinkman, Inge, ed. Singing in the Bush: MPLA Songs during the War for Independence in South-East Angola (1966-1975). History, Cultural Traditions and Innovations in Southern Africa Series, vol. 16. Cologne: Rudiger Koppe Verlag, 2001. This volume is a collection of MPLA songs from the war of liberation, recorded in 1996-1997 and 1999 in northern Namibia. The songs are explicitly political in tone and for the most part glorify the MPLA and its struggle against the colonial Portuguese. Brinkman, Inge, and Axel Fleisch, ed. Grandmother’s Footsteps: Oral Tradition and South-East Angolan Narratives on the Colonial Encounter. History, Cultural Traditions and Innovations in Southern Africa Series, vol. 7. Cologne: Rudiger Koppe Verlag, 1999. The narratives in this volume were recorded during 1996-1997 and 1999 from Angolans living in Namibia who fled from the 30-year war in Angola. An overriding focus of the oral traditions selected by the Angolan narrators, is ‘‘the colonial encounter’’—the arrival of the Portuguese and the colonial experience in Angola. As Elaine Windrich, a reviewer for H-Luso-Africa notes, ‘‘since many of the narrators had heard these stories at MPLA meetings, and others had read them in Angolan schoolbooks, there was a tendency to view the struggle against Portuguese rule, organized by the MPLA, as a continuation of the resistance against Portuguese conquest led by Queen Njinga and other Mbundu leaders or ‘‘ngolas’’ of previous centuries.’’ Chabal, Patrick, and Nuno Vidal, ed. Angola: The Weight of History. New York: Columbia University Press; 2007. This volume includes chapters on the historical context and political transitions Angola is facing, economic foundations of the patrimonial state, and the emergence of civil society. Gary, Ian, and Terry Lynn Karl. Bottom of the Barrel; Africa’s Oil Boom and the Poor. Baltimore, MD: Catholic Relief Services; 2003. Available to download at: http://www.crs.org/get_involved/advocacy/policy_and_strategic_issues/oil_ report_full.pdf. The document looks at the implications of unequal access to resources in an oil-rich state such as Angola. Poor families shoulder much of the burden in transitioning from relief to development. Honwana, Alcinda. Child Soldiers in Africa. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press; 2005. This book provides an analysis of the contexts and realities of children’s social roles the way they are impacted by war, through case studies of children’s involvement in the civil wars in Mozambique and Angola. Somerville, Keith. Angola: Politics, Economics, and Society. Boulder, CO: Lynn Rienner Publishers; 1986. This book is among the relatively few history books published in the last 20 years on Angola that are written in English. Many more history books are written in Portuguese. Somerville offers an overview and a political, economic, and social context for understanding Angola’s history and its people.
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Wessells, Mike. Child Soldiers: From Violence to Protection. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; 2007. Wessells, a senior child protection advisor with Christian Children’s Fund, brings to light child combatants’ own words in this book. Child soldiers’ fears and experiences as they negotiate the world of war and beyond are explored for their complexity and the sources of resilience that can be drawn on for recovery, reconciliation, and protection.
Nonprint Resources Angola Is Our Country [Angola E A Nossa Terra]. A videotape by Jenny Morgan. 1988. London. 45 minutes. This documentary, produced in conjunction with the Organization of Angolan Women, highlights Angolan women’s roles in the reconstruction of their country. Available from Women Make Movies; http://www.wmm.com/ filmcatalog/pages/c48.shtml. Landmines: Seeds of the Devil. 2001. Angola. Produced by Journeyman Pictures. 40 minutes. 16mm, 35mm, video, DVD, web. Available from Chip Taylor Communications; http://www.mediarights.org/film/landmines_seeds_of_the_ devil_angola. This documentary looks at the problems posed by landmines from the point of view of children and those who need to farm their land to feed their families. Landmines continue to disable and kill many people in Angola. Children are among the most at risk. The film interviews two child victims, Daniel and Antonia, and looks at the painstaking work of clearing fields of landmines.
Web Sites Angola. Ministerio da Educac~ao, http://www.educacaoangola.org/history/index .php. Background information on the Ministry of Education and its ‘‘Quality Education for All 2001/2015’’ initiative. In Portuguese. H-Luso-Africa, http://www.h-net.org/lusoafri. H-Luso-Africa is ‘‘an official discussion list initiated by the Lusophone African Studies Organization (LASO),’’ an independent professional society open to scholars with an interest in Angola, Mozambique, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, and S~ao-Tome e Prıncipe. Lusophone Africa Discussion List, http://groups.yahoo.com/group/africaluso. This discussion list is dedicated to the five countries of Lusophone Africa: Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, S~ao Tome e Prıncipe, and Mozambique.
Organizations and NGOs Acacia Southern Africa PO Box 1234, Halfway House 1685 South Africa Contact: Heloise Emdon, Senior Programme Officer: Acacia Southern Africa Phone: 27 11 313 3515 Fax: 27 11 313 3086 Email: [email protected]
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Web site: http://www.acacia.org.za; Mobile: þ27 82 552 3414 The Acacia initiative is aims at empowering sub-Saharan communities with the ability to apply information and communication technologies their own social and economic development. It is conceived and led by the International Development Research Centre of Canada. Angolan Network for Poverty Reduction C.P. 14.416 Luanda, Angola Fax: 244 335 609 Email: [email protected] Contact: D.A. Dodoe Founded in 1994 with the purpose of reducing poverty and contributing to education, conflict resolution, human rights, and democracy through advocacy. Angolan Youth Association for Tourism and Leisure Colony P.B. 2774 Luanda, Angola Fax: 244 2 397 033 Email: [email protected] Contact: Joao Francisco Caetano, President Founded in 1991 to develop leisure time activities, youth tourism, and extracurricular activities for youth and promote dialogue and exchange between national and international youth organizations and sustainable development and ecology. Associ¸c~ao Crista de Jovens de Angola C.P. 172 Luanda, Angola Fax: 244 39 66 83 Contact: Antonia Lufutu Kiala Founded in 1990 with the objective of: promoting physical conditioning, intellectual capacity, and social, moral, and spiritual development among Angola youth; improving family and social relations; and preventing conflict. Associ¸c~ao Juvenil dos Amigos da Terra P.B. 5466 Luanda, Angola Phone: 244 2 347 812 Fax: 244 2 321 118/ 40 917 Founded in 1996 to develop social projects, create leisure time activities for youth, and mobilize young people to join useful social and leisure activities. ~ es Internacionais N~ao Governamentais em Angola) CONGA (Comite de Organiza¸co Web site: http://www.conga.angonet.org/ CONGA, created in 1988, is a committee for nongovernmental organizations working in Angola. It has maintained close contact with the Government’s humanitarian coordination structure. In 2000, the CONGA Liaison Group formed to provide and nongovernmental organization leadership role.
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CUAMM (Collegio Univ. Asp. Medici Missionari Massimo Manzomi) Phone: 445 015 445 015 Email: [email protected] CUAMM/Doctors with Africa activities have transitioned from providing direct medical care to a capacity building role for the Angola healthcare system. CUAMM has been active in tuberculosis care and HIV prevention activities in Uige, Luanda, and Cunene Provinces. FONGA (Forum for Angola NGOs) Rua D. Manuel I No. 35, Apt. F, C.P. 10797, Luanda, Angola Phone: 244 2 322 537 Fax: 244 2 22 637 Francisco Alberto Tunga, Director FONGA was formed in 1991 and is the coordinating body among local nongovernment organizations. It includes more than150 member organizations and plays a facilitating role by organizing workshops and seminars on community development and conflict resolution. National Youth Council - Angola P.B. 2775 Luanda, Angola Phone: 244 2 393 445 / 340 917 Fax: 244 2 397 033 Contact: Joao Francisco Caetano The goal is to organize youth ‘‘in the spirit of peace, friendship, and solidarity’’ and to promote sustainable development. Youth Association for Community Development of Angola Rua Malhas Lord, Zona 18, Sector 19, P.B. 10541 Luanda, Angola Phone: 244 2 322 637 Contact: Manuel Pembele Mfulutoma Major areas include: moral, civic, and human rights education; literacy education, humanitarian and emergency relief; and health care capacity building.
Selected Bibliography Acacia. 2002. Initial Scan to Identify Potential Acacia Partners and Proposed ICT Projects in Angola. IDRC Project No. 101512. http://www.acacia.org.za/ acacia_in_angola.htm. Biles, Peter. 2007. ‘‘Angola ‘Made Thousands Homeless,’’’ BBC News, 15 January 2007. Johannesburg: BBC News. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/ 6261831.stm. Busby, G., J. Isham, L. Pritchett, and M. Woolcock. 2002. ‘‘Natural Resource and Conflict: What Can We Do?’’ In Natural Resources and Violent Conflict, eds. I. Bannon and P. Collier. Washington, DC: World Bank. CIA (Central Intelligence Agency). 2007. The World Factbook: Angola. https:// www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ao.html. Columbia University. 2007. The Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia, 6th edition. New York: Columbia University Press. http://www.infoplease.com/ce6/world/ A0856619.html.
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ILO (International Labour Organisation). 2002. Global Report under the Follow-up to the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work International Labour Conference, 90th Session. Report I (B). Geneva: ILO. http://www.ilo.org/dyn/declaris/DECLARATIONWEB.DOWNLOAD_ BLOB?Var_DocumentID¼1566. Lovejoy, Paul E. 2000. Transformations in Slavery. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press. Macro International. 2007. Angola: Malaria Indicator Survey (MIS), 2006. Calverton, MD: Macro International, Inc. http://www.measuredhs.com/about surveys/search/metadata.cfm?surv_id¼282&ctry_id¼76&SrvyTp¼country. McEvoy-Levy, Siobhan, ed. 2006. Troublemakers or Peacemakers? Youth and PostAccord Peace Building. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. Moberley, Clare. 1998. ‘‘The ‘Voluntary Separation’ of Children in Angola: Recommendations for Preventive Strategies.’’ In Prevention of Street Migration; Resource Pack, eds. Christina Jake and Needed Cascading; coordinated by Anita Schrader and Angela Veale, 34–49. London: Consortium for Street Children and University College Cork, Ireland. UNICEF. 2004. Angola. Education; Issue Overview. http://www.unicef.org/ angola/education.html. UNICEF. 2007. At a Glance Angola: Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ angola_statistics.html. World Bank. 2006. Angola Country Economic Memorandum: Oil, Broad-Based Growth, and Equity. Report No. 35362-AO, October 2, 2006. Washington, DC: World Bank, Africa Region, Macroeconomics I; 2006. http://wwwwds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2006/ 10/24/000090341_20061024104820/Rendered/PDF/35362.pdf.
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BENIN Jeannett Martin NATIONAL PROFILE Benin is a small West African country (112,622 sq. km., slightly larger than Portugal) bordered by the Bight of Benin in the south (120 km coastal line), Nigeria in the east, Togo in the west, and Burkina Faso and Niger in the north. Southern Benin lies in the tropical climate zone with two rainy seasons per annum and great agricultural potential, whereas the north with its semiarid climate has only one rainy season per year. The country’s economy depends heavily on agriculture, that is, primarily subsistence agriculture for food production for subsistence and cotton, which is grown as a cash crop in the northeastern parts of the country. Two-thirds of the population works in the agricultural sector, which represents one-third of the country’s gross national product. Another important sector of the economy is trade with neighboring countries, particularly with Nigeria. Since 1999, the country has been divided into 12 d e partements (Atacora, Donga, Alibori, Borgou, Zou, Collines, Mono, Couffo, Oueme, Plateau, Atlantique, and Littoral). In the national census data (2002), 61 ethnic groups were counted, with the biggest groups being Fon, Adja, Yoruba, and Baatombu (or Bariba) (Doevenspeck 2006). Benin, formerly a French colony known as Dahomey, is one of those countries in Africa in
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which no war has taken place since independence in 1960. After 17 years of military rule by a Population: 8,078,314 (2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 77.85 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Marxist-Leninist regime with a Life expectancy at birth: 53.44 years (2007 est.) single-party system, the country Literacy rate: 34.7 percent (2002 est.) has been undergoing a transforNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 54 percent (2000– mational process toward democ2005) ratization since 1989, with People living with HIV/AIDS: 68,000 (2003 est.) Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 90 several democratic presidential elections (Nicophore Soglo was Sources: CIA World Factbook: Benin. https://www.cia.gov/library/ elected in the 1991 election, publications/the-world-factbook/geos/bn.html. June 29, 2007; Mathieu Kerekou in 1996 and UNICEF. At a Glance: Benin–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/benin_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; United 2001, and Yayi Boni in 2006), Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development the introduction of a multiparty Report 2006–Benin. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ system, a new constitution, and countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_BEN.html. June 29, 2007. economic reforms towards a liberal market economy. With the political transformation has come an increased presence of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) as well. Like most African countries, Benin has a young population. Of the 8.2 million (2004) inhabitants, approximately half are younger than 18 years. Most of the population lives in the southern parts of the country, and the highest population density is found in the d e partement Atlantique, with its large urban and peri-urban settlements of Cotonou, Porto-Novo, and Abomey-Calavi. In the northern parts of the country, the population is less dense, with about 20 inhabitants per square kilometer, with the exception of some urban areas, notably Parakou, Djougou, and Banikoara (Republique du Benin 2003b: Tome 1, S. 83ff). Benin is undergoing a fast process of urbanization. Presently, almost two-thirds of the children live in rural areas, and about one-third in urban areas (Republique du Benin 2003b: Tome 5, S. 92). It is estimated that by 2030, this ratio will be reversed, with 61 percent of the population residing in towns and 39 percent in rural areas. Within the last century, the country’s population has grown considerably. Between 1992 und 2002 annual population growth was 3.25 percent. According to demographic estimates, the country’s population will be about 13 million in 2012—almost double its population 2002 (Republique du Benin 2003d: 29f). KEY FACTS – BENIN
OVERVIEW Childhood in Benin varies widely across diverse living conditions. Although a number of children are integrated very early into the work force and never attend school, many children living in urban settings attend school daily and are exposed to television.
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Many children, especially girls, do not live with their biological parents but grow up with relatives or strangers in rural and urban households. Some of them work and earn a dowry for later marriage. In the north of the country, many Fulbe, Dendi, or Djerma boys grow up under the guidance of a Koran instructor, combining an Islamic education with work on a farm and begging for food. The introduction of formal schooling and related institutions has partially brought about changes in the local perceptions of childhood. In the main urban centers, these changes become visible in the growing number of toy stores, rooms reserved just for children in the homes of the urban middle class, and in selective attempts to provide public places for children, such as playgrounds or amusement parks. In the course of the democratization process begun in the early 1990s, numerous organizations and NGOs became active in Benin, some of which have dedicated themselves to championing the rights of children. Many international organizations (in particular UNICEF, United States Agency for International Development [USAID], CARE International, PLAN International-Benin) and foreign institutions (e.g., the United States Embassy and the European Union), in cooperation with the Benin government (Ministere de la Famille, BPM, Ministere du Travail) and several domestic and international NGOs (e.g., Terre des Hommes, Care International, and Defense des Enfants, among others) have initiated and financed programs and projects or created structures (e.g., a national committee on the rights of children and a children’s parliament) that aim to implement in Benin the Convention for the Rights of Children. The various activities of these organizations and institutions aid in propagating alternative perceptions of childhood and lead to a more intense discussion of such perceptions in the Benin population today. During the past few years, Benin attained prominence several times as a result of media reports on child trafficking in West Africa. One of the most prominent incidents was that of the vessel Etireno, which in 2001 was purported to be transporting ‘‘slave children’’ to Gabon (Johnson 2001). Following such articles and further enquiries, Benin was viewed as a country of destination, transit, and supply of child trafficking. Since then, various organizations, in cooperation with the Benin government, have focused on exposing and combating such phenomena. EDUCATION Formal schooling was not available widely until the second half of the nineteenth century, particularly in northern parts of the country. The first schools were constructed by missionaries starting in 1860 in the coastal area. The French established the first colonial school in 1894. Since then, the number of pupils in Benin attending primary or secondary school has grown continually. Compared with 1901, when just 3,937 children were
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in school, the number of pupils (primary and secondary level, all public and private schools) had grown to 84,618 by 1960 and to 1,033,007 by 1997–1998 (Jahn [2006:3], according to Glele 1969a, 39; Alanhanzo 2001, 12). Since the beginning of colonization, the northern part of the country has had fewer state and missionary schools than the south because of a stronger resistance from the northern Muslim population and the French interest in the palm oil plantations in the south (Jahn [2006, 3], according to Asiwaju 2001, 195). This imbalance in educational opportunities (resulting from fewer and more poorly equipped schools) is prevalent even today. After a rapid increase in the number of schools in Dahomey after independence, a reform of the school system followed in the mid-1970s after the military coup in 1972. This reform aimed to dispense with French influence and to establish the then-prevalent Marxist-Leninist ideology. By the late 1980s, when Benin underwent a period of economic and political crisis, the quality of education seriously eroded. In 1989, an entire school year was cancelled because the state was unable to pay teachers. In 1990, a new reform of the educational system was introduced. The government, in cooperation with and with financial support from external organizations (primarily UNICEF and USAID), revitalized the school system, which was nearing collapse. Since then there has been a tendency towards liberalization of the educational sector and a decreasing role of the state. The main sources of funding for the present education system are the state, parents, external donors (foreign governments, international organizations and NGOs), and local communities (Jahn 2006, 5). According to one of the most important donor organizations, the gross enrolment rate has increased since the implementation of the latest reform, from 49.7 percent in 1990 to 96 percent in 2004, and gender balance and geographic equity have shown improvements (USAID/Benin 2007). Nevertheless, Benin’s educational system still faces many problems. In elementary schools, the quality of instruction suffers because of class size (the ratio of pupils to teachers was 62.2 for primary level in 2003) (USAID/Benin 2007). Many schools lack instructional equipment, and the pedagogical training of many teachers is insufficient. The 2004–2005 school year did not begin until January 2005 because of long-lasting strikes, which deterred many parents from sending their children to school at all. In addition to attending school, many children are also simultaneously part of the work force and, especially in the north, can hardly count on help from their older relatives with their school work, as most of the adults are illiterate. These and other conditions result in a large percentage of students either leaving school early or failing their final exams. Just 26 percent of male and 12 percent of female students progress from primary to secondary level and must repeat a year.
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The repetition rate in 2003 was 19.9 percent for primary level and 23.1 percent for secondary level (Bureau de la Democratie 2005). The state’s education system consists of a 6-year primary ( e cole primaire) and a two-tiered 7-year secondary school (college and lyc e e). Benin’s latest Constitution of December 11, 1990, has rendered primary school compulsory and guarantees education to all children (L’Assemblee nationale du Benin 1990, Art. 12). Education is officially free for children from ages 6 to 11. Nevertheless, there are hidden expenses for parents, such as school uniforms and teaching materials. French is the language of instruction in all government-owned and private schools, with the exception of the international schools. For pupils attending secondary school, parents have to pay semiannual school fees in addition to teaching materials, school uniforms, and extra sums for special activities (Jahn 2006, 5). Classes begin generally in September or October and end with various national examinations (the same for all schools) in June or July (Fanou 2006). Students of primary schools finish after 6 years with a school-leaving certificate or Certificat d’Etude Primaire (C.E.P.). Students of secondary schools graduate with the Brevet Elementaire du Premier Cycle (B.P.E.C.) after 4 years and with the Baccalaureat after the second cycle of another 3 years. For those who successfully complete the secondary level and whose family can afford continuing education, various professional and technical colleges as well as several private institutions of higher education are at their disposal, or they may choose to study at the universities of AbomeyCalavi (founded in 1970 as Universit e du B e nin) or Parakou (founded in 2001). Because of insufficient financial means, high rates of school drop-outs and few job opportunities in the formal sector, many parents regard an apprenticeship (apprenticage) as a mason, forger/blacksmith, carpenter, tailor/couturier or trader, for example, as an alternative pathway for their children. An early beginning (i.e., by the age of 10) is seen as favorable for fast integration into professional life and for future success in a trade. Disabled children are still rare in public or private institutions of formal education, and literacy rates are low, in particular in the northern and rural parts of the country (Republique du Benin 2003c, 205ff). Within the last several years, the government has undertaken measures to facilitate educational and professional training for handicapped children. Some specialized schools exist for blind and sight-impaired children, and for a short time now, there has been a school for deaf and deaf-mute children (Fanou 2006). However, there is no state structure for the instruction of mentally handicapped children (Republique du Benin 2003c, 205). Numerous public and private educational centers supported by NGOs and religious institutions accept handicapped children (Alber 2004b, 23), such as SOS Kinderdorf International village.
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PLAY AND RECREATION Children in Benin are creative in thinking up games and constructing toys with the help of scrap metal parts, textile remnants, natural materials, pieces of car tires, etc. Primarily in urban areas, industrially produced and imported toys are available to those who can afford them. For some Beninese children, radio, television, and the Internet are not only pastime activities but also the channels for informal education. Radio and television are widespread. Televisions can be found in many urban households, and radios reach most of the population, even in remote villages. Everywhere in the country, regional radio channels broadcast in local languages. The private television channel LC2, on the air in southern Benin since 1997, offers programming developed especially for children. A small-yet-growing number of students have more or less regular access to the internet. In Benin, there were all in all 100,000 internet users in 2005 (CIA 2007) or 14 Internet users per 1,000 people in 2004 (Reuters Foundation 2006). Nonetheless, most students are dependent upon private providers, and only a handful can afford routine visits to cyber cafes. CHILD LABOR In Benin, children are often integrated into the work force. Many adults believe that working helps children develop the necessary, often gender-specific skills and values that will enable them to become independent and responsible adults. There is a large degree of variation as to the type of work children perform and the conditions under which they work. Some children work domestically to contribute to a self-sufficient family enterprise, others are subject to exploitation by employers who pay low wages and mistreat them. In rural areas, most children work in family enterprises and consume the goods they themselves produce. Girls are assigned—according to their age and individual capabilities—household duties such as collecting wood, transporting water, processing food, cooking, washing, and taking care of younger children, or they may work in the fields. Boys often tend pasture, work in the fields, and help build houses and dig wells. In cities, children also work in the household, and are employed in the areas of retail trade and handcrafts to augment a family’s income. In some areas of the northwestern d e partement of Atakora, considered the poorest region of Benin because it lacks opportunities for its inhabitants to secure sufficient income, and in d e partement Mono, there are established patterns of institutionalized migration of children to cities or even foreign countries. Many boys and girls leave their home villages, often with the approval of their relatives, and work as domestic servants in urban households or as migrant workers on plantations in Nigeria or Togo to earn enough money for a dowry or bride price for a future
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wedding or to purchase coveted consumer goods such as a radio, bicycle, or clothing. UNICEF, in cooperation with other organizations, is attempting to combat this type of juvenile migration. UNICEF produces films to discourage parents from allowing their children to migrate for work. The films are shown in mobile cinemas throughout the region (N’dah 2004). The practice of foster parenting is known in the southern parts of Benin as vidom e gon (from Fon, literally meaning ‘‘the child at one’s side’’) has made headlines in the last few years, especially outside of the country. Various aid organizations have pointed out that this type of originally voluntary arrangement among relatives has often taken on commercialized forms. Several studies point out that children living in such an arrangement—usually girls who are placed, for a fee, with strangers— almost never attend school, work long, hard hours, are often undernourished, and are at risk of sexual abuse (U.S. Department of State 2006, Nagel 2000). During the past few years, the government, on the basis of bilateral and international agreements and with the financial support of international organizations and other western institutions, has been trying to curtail the commercialized forms of vidom e gon. In July 2006, the government signed multilateral and bilateral agreements in Abuja to fight child trafficking. FAMILY In most cases, children in Benin are wanted and welcome, and the birth of a child is almost always celebrated as a joyous event. Beninese children grow up in a variety of familial constellations: in polygynous households with numerous siblings and half-siblings; in small monogamous urban families; with single mothers; with relatives or parents’ friends, or, as is becoming increasingly common, in transnational families, in which members of the household live in Paris, Brussels, or Montreal. Within the social hierarchy of the households in which they live, children usually have a role that is inferior to and dependent upon the adults. This can be seen, for example, in the fact that children are seldom part of the decision-making process, they are compelled to work at a certain age, and they are expected and commanded to subject themselves to the authority of older relatives. In return, it is considered the obligation of the adults to provide the children (biological as well as foster children) with housing, food, and clothing; to assure that children receive treatment in case of illness; and to be appropriate parents or guardians. Special value is placed upon teaching children to work hard, not only in agricultural communities. Foster parenting in Benin is prevalent and generally accepted. In some regions and societies it has been and still is especially common. In some Baatombu villages in the north of the country, for example, between
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43 percent and 60 percent of the elders questioned reported to have grown up not with their biological parents but with ‘‘social’’ parents— predominantly relatives (Alber 2004b, 32). Similar foster rates have been found among the Mokolle.1 In cases of fostering, the foster parents are considered fully responsible for a child until he or she marries and they own the rights to the child as a laborer. In certain communities in the north, foster parenting serves various purposes, such as securing the survival of the child in times of crisis or providing a relative with a child laborer to help with household chores, child care, or as a cattle herder, for example. A foster child can also aid a woman who has recently married or has no children herself. Such ‘‘children’’ can contribute toward the woman’s social status in her husband’s compound and serve as a social and emotional tie to her own family. Oftentimes foster children serve as ties between urban and rural households. Many urban Baatombu and Mokolle families take relative’s children from rural households into their homes for some years. Some provide them with the opportunity to do an apprenticeship or to receive formal schooling while others let them work as unpaid housemaids or traders. Many of these children return home with newly acquired knowledge and skills, materials (a sewing machine, for example) or some capital, with which they can marry or operate an independent enterprise. Children from poorer, often rural families are put into wealthier (often urban) households in order to better their future chances and/or contribute to the family income. In contrast to the Baatombu and the Mokolle, Fon children are often placed in the homes of total strangers, that is, nonrelatives. In most cases, this occurs with girls. The conditions under which the girls live vary widely, as do the reasons for foster parents taking in children and the arrangements made between the foster and biological parents (refer to the section on child labor, below). Most societies in Benin can be characterized as patrilineal—that is, children are identified according to the lineage of the father. In daily life, it is primarily the women and girls who attend to the needs of younger children, whom they bathe, clothe, carry around, and for whom they provide nourishment. If parents separate, children past the age of breastfeeding should remain with the clan of the father, whereas the mother is expected to leave the husband’s homestead together with the child who is still breastfeeding. Once a child has been weaned, it should return to the father’s clan. In reality, these rules are often handled in a flexible manner, for example, children are often placed with relatives of the mother as an alternative and remain there until marriage. Marriage as a rite of passage is important in all communities, as it marks the social transition from childhood to adult status. Girls are often
1. This information derives from the author’s research in Northern Benin in 2006.
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not considered full-fledged women until the birth of their first child. Many children are expected to take care of their parents when the latter are no longer able to provide for themselves. Frequently, it is the youngest children or the grandchildren who support the parents by working in the household, whereas the older independent children are expected to contribute food, money, and other support. HEALTH Because of government-supported priorities in the area of health care, including providing necessary equipment to health centers, establishing immunization programs, adopting an Integrated Management of Childhood Illnesses approach, and training health staff, child mortality rates decreased between 1990 and 2004. Nevertheless, compared with western standards, infant mortality rates and under-5 mortality rates are still high. In 2004, 90 children of 1,000 died before their first birthday and 152 before completion of the fifth year of life. Mortality rates in rural areas are greater than in urban regions. Malaria, neonatal causes (including diarrhea during the neonatal period), and pneumonia are the leading causes of death among children under 5 years of age in Benin. In 2000–2003, they accounted for 27 percent, 25 percent, and 21 percent, respectively, of deaths among children younger than 5 (World Health Organization 2006). Underlying these causes are poor hygienic standards, lack of access to safe water, and malnutrition (Republique du Benin 2003c, 87). A total of 23 percent of children younger than 5 suffer from malnutrition and are underweight for their age, with 8 percent severely underweight (UNICEF 2006, 30). There is a 27 percent prevalence of stunting among children under three, which reflects chronic malnutrition in infancy, and acute malnutrition is at 9 percent. Borgou, Atacora and Zou are the regions in Benin with the highest rates of child malnutrition (FAO 2003). Underlying reasons for high child morbidity and mortality rates include: poor hygienic conditions (89 percent of children in rural areas and 52 percent of children in cities live in households without toilets) (Republique du Benin 2003c, 113); limited access to clean water (only 40 percent of children live in households with access to drinking water via water pipes or village pumps, whereas others must rely on water from an unimproved well or a river) (Republique du Benin 2003c, 116); and a lack of financial resources to access preventive healthcare products, such as an insecticidetreated bed net or proper treatment when ill. In urban areas, in particular in the city of Cotonou, air pollution, caused by the huge increase in car traffic and the use of impure gasoline, has led to a dramatic decrease in the air quality and contributes to poor health in urban children. Compared with other African countries (e.g., Malawi at 14.2 percent, or South Africa at 21.5 percent) the HIV prevalence rate for adults of
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reproductive age (15–49 years) is low at an estimated 1.8 percent. In 2005 the estimated number of children (0–14 years) infected with HIV was 9,800 (UNICEF 2007). International organizations and donors (e.g., UNICEF, Terre des Hommes, USAID), in cooperation with the Beninese government, are implementing programs to prevent and treat disease among children, and improve access to safer living conditions for urban and rural households. In Benin (1997–2005), 17 percent of the women between 15 and 49 years of age are estimated to have undergone female genital mutilation (FGM) and 6 percent of the women aged 15 to 49 are believed to have at least one daughter who has gone through FGM (UNICEF 2007). In 2003, FGM was made a crime by law. Although there has been a marked decrease in prevalence among the younger age groups (15 to 25 years) (UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre 2005, 7), the practice still occurs in some parts of the country. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Since 2002, the Code des personnes et de la famille (loi n° 2002–07) has been in effect, which contains numerous policies concerning children’s rights. The juridical definition of the child at the level of the determination of the age of majority is 18 years for both sexes. The minimum legal age for marriage is 18 for boys and 15 for girls under the Civil Code (art. 140). Benin has ratified all agreements and international treaties pertaining to children’s rights and has adopted the relevant national legislative and statutory texts (1990 Convention on the Rights of the Child; 1996 African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child; 2001 International Labour Organisation Conventions no. 138 and 182; 2001 Optional Protocols on the Convention on the Rights of the Child) concerning the sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography, as well as the involvement of children in armed conflicts. Numerous international organizations (International Labour Organisation, UNICEF, CARE etc.), in cooperation with the Benin government, are involved in disseminating information about the rights of children and in combating child labor in Benin. The government has established a National Commission on the Rights of the Child and a unit to monitor and coordinate child-protection activities. In 2004, the Direction de la Protection Judicaire, de l’Enfance et de la Jeunesse was established, which cooperates with national and international NGOs. In 2006, the parliament passed a law setting out conditions for the displacement of minors and the suppression of child trafficking. It remains to be seen how this law will be enforced in the future. Juvenile delinquents pose a problem for the country. Those who are sentenced to jail are usually incarcerated in prisons built for adults. Presently there is only one state juvenile detention center—the Centre
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National de Sauvegarde de l’Enfance et de l’adolescence—which can house 120 delinquents. In addition, there are individual institutions (centre Bon Bosco in Porto-Novo, centre KOMI-GUIA in Parakou and l’archev^ e ch e of Cotonou) that take in children who either exhibit bad behavior or get into trouble with the law (Republique du Benin 2006, 31f). In 2005 and 2006, Benin took in more than 10,000 refugee children as a result of the political crisis in neighboring Togo (Republique du Benin 2006, 8). As a result of this influx of unaccompanied and displaced minors, an increased number of children are at risk of living in/on the street, running into trouble with the law, and being exploited. RELIGIOUS LIFE Religious beliefs and practices are an important aspect of social life in Benin and affect many children. Several religions are practiced in Benin. Traditional religions (including Vodoun, which was declared an official state religion in 1996) are widespread throughout the country and many nominal Muslims and Christians incorporate traditional beliefs and practices into their Muslim or Christian beliefs. Islam was introduced in the northern part of Benin by Muslim traders beginning in the 16th century and in the coastal town of Porto-Novo by several groups in the 19th century (Galilou 2003, 3). The Roman Catholic Church began missionary work in 1680 in Dahomey and Catholicism remains the most important Christian denomination in Benin. Catholics and other Christians (e.g., members of the Celestial Church of Christ) live mainly in the central and southern parts of Benin (Doevenspeck 2006). Figures on religious affiliation vary. Latest census data (2002) indicate that 42.7 percent of the population are nominal Christians (these are predominantly Catholic), 24.4 percent are Muslims (mostly in the north), and 23.3 percent are adherents to traditional religions, primarily Vodoun (Republique du Benin 2003a, 60). All these religions have rituals to initiate children into their religious communities. Vodoun cults initiate mainly girls and women from families who are attached to the cults and considered chosen by the oracle Fa. The duration of initiation varies, but can be from 2 to 3 years (ElwertKretschmer 1995, 106). After initiation, most of these girls marry and start to live a life expected of a married woman. Many Christian families insist that their children attend catechism classes and church services and participate in the religious rites of passage. In numerous traditional Koran schools, mainly in the northern parts of the country, pupils (called talib) between 3 and 18 years of age learn to read the Koran and to recite prayers while receiving moral instruction. These children are placed with an alfa (Koran teacher), who provides them with lodging and teaches them the Koran. In return, they work for him and hand over to him the alms they collect during the day (United Nations 2005, 97).
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Christian missionaries were the first to establish schools in southern Benin. Since then, missionary schools have played an important role in Benin’s education sector, with the exception of a short period of time during the Marxist-Leninist regime, when all private schools were closed. Today, various Christian churches in Benin, often supported by foreign aid, are engaged in social and educational work. Thus, the Catholic Church, for example, is active in the field of AIDS prevention and sexual education and runs a center for the care of AIDS orphans in Abomey, financed by UNAIDS. The first Franco-Arabic schools in Benin, financed and equipped by Arab-Islamic institutions, began to appear in the 1950s (Galilou 2003, 9). Islamic institutions, such as the Islamic Development Bank, support Muslim students from Benin with grants for further studies (Banque Islamique de Developpement 2006). Since the 1980s, there have been remarkable numbers of Benin students graduating from Arabic Universities such as the Islamic University of Medina in Saudi Arabia. The graduates have begun to establish Arabic schools in Benin, although their degrees are not recognized by the state (Galilou 2003, 13). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The abuse of children as soldiers or in armed conflict has never been an issue in Benin. There is no compulsory conscription into the armed forces in the country, and voluntary enlistment into the army and military service is permitted only for those older than 21 years of age, although in practice, volunteers may be taken at the age of 18 (CIA 2007). Since the late 1990s, Benin has made headlines because of commercialized forms of child labor migration. Many aid organizations refer to these phenomena as organized child trafficking or child slavery. Thus, the international press has repeatedly printed articles claiming that, with parental approval and through the work of commercial middlemen, children have been sent to foreign countries (particularly Nigeria, the Ivory Coast, and Gabon) as laborers on plantations, as housemaids in strangers’ households, and as traders. In fact, the Beninese authorities stopped several transports with a total of 2,982 children at the country’s borders between 1994 and September 1999. It is estimated that almost 60,000 youth left the country during the same time period (Nagel 2000, 19). It is well documented that Beninese children between 6 and 17 years of age have fallen prey to the now illegal practices of transportation to Gabon by commercial middlemen, in which girls, who comprise 80 percent of these children, work in Beninese or Gabonese households as maids and traders, and boys labor in fisheries or in tire repair shops. The children are brought first to Nigeria and then taken by ship to Gabon, where female Beninese or Togolese agents take them in for a commission and find placement for them. The children often stay in Gabon for several years,
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and some never return home. Many girls are sent back to Benin when they reach the age of consent, since they then require a work permit costing 500,000 CFA to stay in Gabon or because they begin to resist the working and living conditions forced upon them (Nagel 2000). Whereas international organizations and Beninese NGOs oriented toward western values and ideas denounce such practices of sending children away for commercial purposes as a violation of human rights, a large part of the Beninese population, especially in the south of the country, accepts the practice and does not see it necessarily as a form of exploitation. This discrepancy is a reflection of diverging concepts and attitudes toward children and childhood between present western and African concepts, as well as the differences in economic opportunity and income levels. The practice is commonplace, especially among the poorer population in Benin, and special emphasis is placed upon teaching the child to work hard, because this skill is considered essential in enabling the child to become an independent and responsible adult. Placing the children in the household of strangers and not with relatives is viewed differently in the Borgu, a northern region, than in the south. In the Borgu, where cotton as a cash crop offers certain income opportunities, many parents refuse to have their children placed in strangers’ homes, whereas such a practice is considered acceptable by many families, especially poorer ones, in the south. Given the interest of the international media and the numerous campaigns of organizations such as UNICEF and various NGOs against international child trafficking, the phenomenon has been a topic of discussion and has had political ramifications in Benin. A Brigade de Protection des Mineurs has been introduced with the financial support of the Beninese government (Nagel 2000, 28). In 2005, an accord de coop e ration between Benin and Nigeria went into effect to curb human trafficking, especially the trafficking of women and children, and in 2006, parliament passed a law against child trafficking and child abuse (IZF 2006). At the local level, more than 1,000 regional committees have been established in various d e partements to fight child trafficking. Corporal punishment as a means of educational discipline is still widely accepted in private as well as in institutional environments, although it is forbidden in schools for adults to strike a child. Although more and more teachers (often the younger ones) seem to reject corporal punishment, it is still seen as a viable educational method by many adults. Although almost no legal complaints are filed against adults who hit children, serious cases of physical abuse may find their way into newspapers and attract the attention of prosecutors. In 2003, cases of sexual abuse of students by teachers became public and led to an interministerial order on sanctions for perpetrators of sexual abuse in public and private educational establishments (WiLDAF/FeDDAF - Afrique de l’Ouest 2007).
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GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY As illustrated, childhood in Benin varies widely for children living in diverse conditions. Beninese children in the twenty-first century are growing up in an age marked by precarious economic conditions for a large part of the population as well as great social change in a world that is becoming more complex and more global. Children throughout the country, especially in the cities, have access to more career opportunities and lifestyle options than was the case a few decades ago. In theory, they no longer need to become farmers or petty traders, for example, but have the opportunity to become nurses, auto mechanics, or scientists. However, these new possibilities pose new problems for parents and children. For instance, the question of how to finance training or education, how to combine school and work duties, or how to find employment after obtaining a degree or completing a training program are challenges that extend beyond the household and community. For some time now, the Beninese government has had trouble finding jobs for the large number of graduates, and only a small number find employment in the preferred formal sector. A college degree is no longer a guarantee for finding a paid position in the formal sector, and more than a few college graduates are forced to take a job in the informal sector, such as the transportation business or petty trade. Children in Benin are also growing up presently under the influence of the government’s attempts to implement the UN convention on the rights of the child. In public discourse, carried on mostly by international organizations, politicians, and NGOs, much more attention has been paid to the welfare of children since the early 1990s, and action has been taken to create appropriate structures and enabling environments. Currently, there is a great deal of public debate as to how much emphasis society should place on children and what constitutes the welfare of a child. Beninese adults exhibit a multitude of varying opinions about the value of formal education, child-rearing methods, the importance of traditional practices as foster parenting, FGM, and other practices and structures that affect children’s lives. Although much has changed during the past years, the individual development of a child in Benin is still shaped to a large degree by gender and a child’s regional and social background. Thus, boys born in cities in the country’s south are the most likely to attend a secondary school or even university, whereas girls from rural areas, especially the north, have a very small chance of doing the same. Many children from rural regions will wind up earning a living as farmers or craftsmen, even after attending school for a more or less extended period of time. At least in the near future, a large number of children in urban areas will continue to take jobs in the informal sector, because there appears to be no basic change in sight for the general conditions dominating the Beninese economy.
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RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Adam, K. S., and Boko, M. Le B e nin. Paris: Cotonou va EDICEF; 1993. This book, in French, provides a one-volume overview of Benin that goes beyond a snapshot portrayal. Alber, Erdmute. ‘‘ ‘The real parents are the foster parents’: social parenthood among the Baatombu in Northern Benin.’’ In Cross-cultural Approaches to Adoption, ed. Fiona Bowie, 33–47. London/New York: Routledge; 2004a. Alber raises challenging questions on assumptions about fosterage with rich contextual data. Alber, Erdmute. ‘‘Grandparents as foster parents: Transformations in foster relations between grandparents and grandchildren in Northern Benin,’’ Africa 74/1 (2004b): 28–46. In this article, Alber pursues fosterage in the context of the extended family. Alber, Erdmute. ‘‘Ethnologische Perspektiven zum Kinderhandel in Benin.’’ In Arbeit–Konsum–Globalisierung, ed., Kurt Beck et al., 145–158. Festschrift f€ ur Gerd Spittler zum 65. Geburtstag. K€ oln: R€ udiger K€ oppe Verlag; 2004c. This work, in German, explores issues of child care and fostering in Benin from an ethnographic perspective. Elwert, Georg. ‘‘Benin.’’ In Encyclopedia of Africa South of the Sahara (Revised Edition by Alber 2007, forthcoming), 168–179. New York: J. Middleton. Vol. 4, 1997. This entry offers a concise portrait of Benin. Ndembi, Denise Landria. Le travail des enfants en Afrique subsaharienne. Le cas du B e nin, du Gabon et du Togo. Paris: L’Harmattan; 2006. Ndembi’s book, in French, provides a well contextualized perspective on child labor in SubSaharan Africa. Sargent, C. F. ‘‘Born to die: Witchcraft and infanticide in Bariba culture.’’ Ethnology 27/ 1 (1988): 79–95. Sargent’s article presents a sensitive study on a difficult subject.
Nonprint Resources Gnando, enfant sorcier. 2004 by Marino Mercuriali. French. This documentary portrays an indigenous catholic priest and his fight against the practice of infanticide of so called ‘‘witch children’’ among the Baatombu. Si-Gueriki. 2002 by Idrissou Mora Kpai. French. The film is a documentary in which the film’s author discovers the lives of his mother and sisters, members of a former aristocratic wasangari family. According to traditional child-rearing practices among the Baatombu, he has been separated from his mother at an early age and grown up mainly with male parents. After a 10-year residence in Europe, the filmmaker returned to the places of his childhood. After the death of his father, his mother received the title Si-Gueriki, ‘‘the queen mother’’— the female equivalent of a king.
Organizations and NGOs Association Beninoise d’Assistance a l’Enfant et a la Famille (ABAEF) 03 BP 1599 Jericho Cotonou, Benin Phone: (229) 32 19 08 Fax: (229)32 19 08 or (229) 30 61 40
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Defense Des Enfants-International (DEI-Benin) 03 BP 2222 Jericho Cotonou, Benin Phone: (229) 32 19 08 Fax: (229) 32 19 08 or (229) 30 61 40 Web site: http://www.dci-is.org/db/ns/view_section.php?section_id¼6 DEI is an independent NGO set up during the International Year of the Child (1979) to ensure ongoing, practical, systematic, and concerted international action specially directed toward promoting and protecting the rights of the child. Organisation Internationale d’Aide a l’Enfance et a la Jeunesse (OIAEJ) 06 BP 2641 Cotonou, Benin Phone: (229) 33 46 23 Plan International Benin Cotonou, Benin Phone: (229) 382199 or (229) 384773 Web site: http://www.plan-international.org/wherewework/westafrica/benin/ Plan International Benin worked with 16,000 rural children and families in 2006, implementing projects dealing with education, health care and agricultural training. The Benin chapter is part of an international NGO that works in 49 different countries Terre des Hommes BP 175 Bohicon, Benin Phone: (229) 30 00 21 Web site: http://www.tdh.ch/website/tdhch.nsf/pages/benineE Terre des hommes’ activities in Benin are focused on two priority areas: child protection and health, with a special emphasis upon combating child trafficking and exploitation. Their focus is mainly located in the capital Cotonou and in the districts of Zou and Collines
Selected Bibliography Alanhanzo, Joseph, P. Zinsou, Y. Gbaye, J. Agbodan, and A. Codjia. 2001. Financement de l’ e ducation et r e formes budg e taires au B e nin. Benin: Conseil pour le developpement de la recherche en sciences sociales (CODESRIA), ADEA et le ministere de l’Education nationale et de la Recherche scientifique. Asiwaju, A. I. 2001. The Colonial Education Heritage and Nation-Building in Dahomey. Nigeria: Malthouse Press LTD. Banque islamique de Developpement. 2006. Programme d’assistance Speciale Programme d’assistance Speciale. http://www.isdb.org/french_docs/idb_home/ q_ans6.htm. Bureau de la Democratie, des Droits de l’Homme et de l’Emploi du Departement d’Etat Americain. 2005. Rapport sur la situation des Droits de l’Homme au B e nin Rapport sur la situation des Droits de l’Homme au B e nin Rapport sur la
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situation des Droits de l’Homme au B e nin Rapport sur la situation des droits de l’Homme au B e nin. http://cotonou.usembassy.gov/les_rapports_sur_le_ benin.html. CIA. The World Factbook. 2007a. http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/ rankorder/2153rank.html. ———. 2007b. https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/print/bn.html. Doevenspeck, Martin. 2006. Landeskundliche Informationsseiten (LIS) Benin. http://www.inwent.org/v-ez/lis/benin/seite1.htm. Elwert-Kretschmer, Karola. 1995. ‘‘Vodun et contr^ ole social au village,’’ Politique Africaine Le B e nin 59: 102–120. Fanou, Luc. Benin Country Profile. 2006. http://www.bibl.u-szeged.hu/oseas_ adsec/benin.htm. Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO). 2003. Nutrition Country Profiles: Benin. http://www.fao.org/ag/agn/nutrition/ben-e.stm. Galilou, Abdoulaye. 2003. Les dipl^ om e s b e ninois des universit e s arabo-islamiques: une elite moderne ‘‘d e class e e’’ en qu^ e te de l e gitimit e socioreligieuse et politique. http://www.ifeas.uni-mainz.de/workingpapers/abdoulaye.pdf. Glele, Maurice-A. 1969. Naissance d’un etat noir. Paris: Biblliotheque africaine et malgache. IZF. L’actualit e du B e nin. 2006. http://www.izf.net/IZF/Actualite/RDP/09/ benin.htm. Jahn, Anna. 2006. Education, Nation and Development: Discourses of Pupils in a Secondary School in Benin. Unpublished thesis. Johnson, Trevor. 2001. ‘‘African slave ship highlights spread of child slavery.’’ http://www.wsws.org/articles/2001/apr2001/slav-a19_prn.shtml. L’Assemblee nationale du Benin. 1999. La Constitution de la R e publique du B e nin. http://www.bj.refer.org/benin_ct/cop/assemble/constitution/constitution3 .html#toc8. Nagel, Inga. 2000. Kinderhandel in Westafrika. http://www.childtrafficking.com/ Docs/tdh_2000__kinderhandel_in_w.pdf. N’dah, Rosalie. 2004. Cinema Numerique Ambulant-Nouvelles 42-Benin. http:// www.c-n-a.org/news42.htm. Republique du Benin. 2003a. Caract e ristiques Socioculturelles et Economiques. Cotonou: Direction des Etudes Demographiques. ———. 2003b. R e partition spatiale, Structure par sexe et a^ge et Migration de la Population au B e nin. Cotonou: Direction des Etudes Demographiques. ———. 2003c. Caract e ristiques des Personnes Vuln e rables au B e nin. Cotonou: Direction des Etudes Demographiques. ———. 2003d. Projections D e mographiques et Etude prospective de la demande Sociale au B e nin. Cotonou: Direction des Etudes Demographiques. ———. 2006. Application de la convention aux droits de l’enfant. http://www.ohchr .org/english/bodies/crc/docs/wr_benin_fr.doc. Reuters Foundation. 2006. AlertNet. http://www.alertnet.org/printable.htm?URL¼/ db/cp/benin.htm. UNICEF. 2007. At a glance: Benin. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/benin_ statistics.html. ———. 2006. Progress for children. http://www.unicef.org/publications/files/ Progress_for_Children_-_No._4.pdf. UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre. 2005. ‘‘Changing a harmful social convention: Femal genital mutilation/cutting.’’ http://www.unicef.de/fileadmin/content_ media/presse/fotomaterial/Beschneidung/Beschneidung.pdf.
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United Nations, Convention on the Rights of the Child. 2005. Second periodic reports on States parties due in 1997. Republic of Benin: Ministry of Justice, Legislation, and Human Rights, Human Rights Office. http://www .unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/0/c71dd8e14f9b09a2c125715c00367a54/$FILE/ G0545197.pdf. USAID-Benin. 2007. Education: Programs. Washington, DC: USAID-Benin. http://www.usaid.gov/bj/education/programs.html. U.S. Department of State. 2006. Benin. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/ 2005/61554.htm. WiLDAF/FeDDAF—Afrique de l’Ouest. 2007. ‘‘Proposition de loi sur le harcelement sexuel.’’ Lome, TOGO: WiLDAF/FeDDAF. http://www.wildaf-ao .org/fr/article.php3?id_article¼891. World Health Organization. 2006. Mortality Country Fact Sheet 2006. Geneva: WHO. http://www.who.int/whosis/mort/profiles/mort_afro_ben_benin.pdf.
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BOTSWANA Anna West NATIONAL PROFILE Botswana is a landlocked country in Southern Africa, bordered by Zimbabwe to the east, Namibia to the west, and South Africa to the south. The Kalahari Desert dominates the visual landscape, whereas arable land makes up less than 1 percent of Botswana’s 600,370 square kilometers. Natural resources include diamonds, copper, nickel, and other minerals. Key environmental challenges are overgrazing, desertification, and limited fresh water resources (CIA 2007). More than 80 percent of Botswana’s 1.8 million citizens live in cities and towns along the country’s eastern border, and more than 60 percent of the population is clustered in and around the capital city, Gaborone (Denbow 2006). Other areas of country are very sparsely populated. The people of Botswana are referred to as Motswana (singular) or Batswana (plural). The population is composed of several ethnic groups, including the Tswana (or Setswana; 79 percent), Kalanga (11 percent), and Basarwa, also known as the San or Bushmen (3 percent)
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(CIA 2007). The official language is English, which is the medium of instruction in schools and is widely spoken. Setswana is the recognized local language and is spoken by 78 percent of the population (CIA 2007). In total, 28 languages are spoken, of which Kalanga and Sekgaladi are the most widely used, after Setswana and English (Ethnologue 2007). Botswana’s demographic profile reveals a land of extremes; many indicators are among the best or worst on the continent, and variables that tend to mirror one another in other settings, such as income and life expectancy, are inverted or distorted in Botswana today. The population grew rapidly during the 1970s, but with urbanization, improvements in the status of women, increased demand for and access to family planning, and HIV/AIDS, the annual population growth rate has decreased from 4.7 to 3 percent (Denbow 2006). The total fertility rate, or average number of children born per woman over her lifetime, is almost 3 percent, which is among the lowest in sub-Saharan Africa. Because of excess early adult mortality from HIV/AIDS, however, more than a third of Batswana are younger than 15 years of age (CIA 2007). Life expectancy at birth, once among the highest in Africa, has decreased from a peak of 71 years in 1991 and estimates now range from 34 and 46 years (Denbow 2006, UNICEF 2007). The prevalence of HIV/AIDS among adults 15 to 49 years of age is 24.1 percent (UNAIDS 2006), ranking Botswana’s generalized epidemic among the worst in Africa and the world. More than 270,000 Batswana are living with HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS 2006), including 14,000 children (UNAIDS 2006, UNICEF 2007). Each year, more than 18,000 adults and children die from the disease (UNAIDS 2006), while 120,000 children and adolescents are orphans (UNAIDS 2006). Botswana is frequently lauded for its political stability and is often seen as a reflection of what is perceived to be an ethnically homogenous population, but this is far from the complex historical and social reality. Before the colonial era, the area that makes up the Republic of Botswana included several diverse settled Ngwato kingdoms and numerous huntergatherer Basarwa populations, the most well known of which is the San or Bushmen (Denbow 2006). In the 1860s, British mining companies operating in South Africa took an interest in an area they later termed the Bechuanaland Protectorate (BBC 2007). Colonial rulers drew arbitrary lines on a map to mark the boundaries of the protectorate and split previously unified polities into Botswana (Bechuanaland), South Africa, and Zimbabwe (then Southern Rhodesia). In 1950, the chief of the Ngwato, Seretse Khame, was deposed and exiled from the protectorate (BBC 2007); he later returned to form what is now the Botswana Democratic Party and was elected prime minister in 1965 (BBC 2007). The Republic of Botswana gained independence from the British in 1966 with Khame as president. The country’s long tradition of multiparty democratic rule is notable, particularly in the context of instability among neighboring countries during the same period. In the early years after independence,
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heavy emphasis was placed on homogenization of diverse ethnic groups under the rubric of Tswana citizenship, although the constitution preserved certain forms of privilege in the form of government posts for tribal groups that had been recognized by the colonial power. Contemporary ethnicities map imperfectly onto pre-colonial tribal allegiances. Rights of ethnic groups above and beyond rights of citizens are continuously negotiated and contested within the modern state (Werbner 2002). In the 40 years since independence and particularly since the rapid expansion of diamond mining in the early 1970s, the government of Botswana has invested substantially in health, education, communications, roads, and transportation (Denbow 2006). These investments enabled a very high standard of living relative to other countries in the region (Denbow 2006), although many of the gains in health have been reversed by the HIV/AIDS epidemic, as noted previously. The economy has undergone a substantial shift away from agriculture and toward mining, industry, and services. Diamond mining now accounts for more than 80 percent of export earnings (Denbow 2006). Important export industries today include mining (diamonds, copper, nickel, salt, soda ash, and potash), livestock processing, and textiles (CIA 2007). Commercial agricultural activity includes livestock and cultivation of sorghum, maize, millet, beans, sunflowers, and groundnuts (CIA 2007). Since the 1970s, Botswana has consistently had one of the highest per capita incomes on the continent, with estimates typically in the range of US$4,360 (World Bank 2006) to $5,180 (UNICEF 2007). However, the distribution of wealth is uneven (CIA 2007). Over the decade from 1994 to 2004, the lowest 40 percent of households earned only 7 percent of total household income, whereas the wealthiest 20 percent of households earned 70 percent of total household income (UNICEF 2007). Nearly one third of the Batswana live in poverty (CIA 2007), and a quarter of the population struggles to survive on less than one dollar a day. More than two-thirds of men and nearly half of women (15–64 years of age) participate in the labor force (World Bank 2006); however, one in four adults is unemployed (CIA 2007). Unemployment is a significant concern for youth who have left school and for recent university graduates, as access to education has expanded at a rate far exceeding the growth of the whitecollar job market. Despite the dominance of the mining and service sectors, many Batswana maintain close ties with extended family in rural areas and most still earn some income from agriculture (Denbow 2006). The Government of Botswana has enacted progressive policies for the protection of children and families. Government support to children and families is channeled through several ministries and local government agencies. At the national level, the Ministry of Education, Ministry of Youth, Sport and Culture, and the Ministry of Health are particularly active on children’s issues (Government of Botswana 2007). At the district level, the Department of Social Services, an arm of the Ministry of
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KEY FACTS – BOTSWANA Population: 1,815,508 (2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 87 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 50.58 years (2005 est.) Literacy rate: 81.2 percent (2003 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 82 percent (2000– 2005) Internet users: 60,000 (2002) Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 93 Sources: CIA World Factbook: Botswana. https://www.cia.gov/ library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/bc.html. June 29, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Botswana–Statistics. http:// www.unicef.org/infobycountry/botswana_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Botswana. http:// hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/ cty_ds_BWA.html. June 29, 2007.
Local Government, is responsible for child protection and welfare (Government of Botswana 2007). Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are also active in service provision and advocacy on children’s rights and social development issues. Childline Botswana focuses on prevention and support for victims of child abuse. Since the colonial era, religious institutions have been active in provision of education and health services for children (Denbow 2006).
OVERVIEW Primary education is free, and enrollment ratios are high among both male and female children. Some children have been excluded from schooling, however, because of their residence in geographically remote areas, their orphaned status, or because their labor is needed at home, often as caregivers for parents or other family members suffering from HIV/AIDS (Lindsey 2003). For many years, the government fully financed secondary and tertiary education (Denbow 2006), and enrollment has grown so much that university graduates face a saturated job market (Durham 2004). Fees were recently introduced for secondary school and university and are anticipated to pose a barrier to poor families and young people orphaned or affected by HIV/AIDS (BBC 2006). In 1990, Botswana’s infant and child mortality rates were the lowest in sub-Saharan Africa (excluding the wealthy island states). Today, those rates have doubled and are increasing each year, reflecting the profound impact of HIV/AIDS. Although migration or displacement of children is not a dominant feature of the social landscape per se, male migration to South Africa for seasonal or long-term work in the mines has long influenced the nature of family life in Botswana. Nearly half of households (47 percent) are headed by women (Akinsola 2002), again reflecting the significant impact of HIV/AIDS and migration and, to a lesser extent, early childbearing among young unmarried women. The law provides for protection of children from violent crime, sexual abuse, and inappropriate employment, such as work outside the context of family chores and exposure to dangerous work environments; however, actual enforcement varies.
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The nature of childhood in Botswana is in flux, as traditional rites of passage and age-grades are sidelined while relationships and obligations among family members shift in the face of illness and in response to changing livelihood strategies. Improved diet has led to earlier onset of puberty and transitions to adulthood, including early childbearing and a perceived loss of parental control in setting the direction and tone for adolescent development (Livingston 2003). It is nearly impossible to overstate the significance of the HIV epidemic in Botswana on the material and social quality of life of orphaned children and children living in households affected by HIV/AIDS, or the role of the epidemic in shaping the opportunities and outlook for young people in Botswana. EDUCATION Formal schooling was introduced by missionaries during the colonial era, but access was limited by the small number of schools and enrollment fees. Since independence, public schools have been organized according to the British system, with 7 years of primary education, 3 years of junior secondary, and 2 years of senior secondary school (Denbow 2006). Enrollment in early childhood education is low, and guidelines for curriculum or quality of instruction are lacking. UNICEF and the Ministry of Education are working to develop a standardized curriculum for preschool education. Primary school is free and enrollment is high at 82 percent (UNICEF 2007). Instruction is in Setswana for the first two grades, and thereafter in English with Setswana as a compulsory subject (Denbow 2006). A recent policy shift now requires students and families to contribute fees for secondary and tertiary education (BBC 2006), with tuition now a barrier to education for many poor families and young people lacking parental financial support. Opportunities for vocational training are widespread and fall under the framework of the National Youth Policy introduced in 1996, which provides guidelines for programs and service provision for youth 12 to 29 years of age and focuses particularly on out-of-school youth (Durham 2004). Access to education is influenced by a complex web of gender, household income, family structure, ethnicity, and geography. Male children assigned to remote cattle posts have historically had limited access to schooling (Denbow 2006). Botswana is unique among sub-Saharan African countries in that more female children have access to education than male children, and more women are literate than men. In 1991, 109 girls were enrolled in primary school for every 100 boys enrolled (World Bank 2006), and 110 young women (ages 15 to 24 years) were literate for every 100 young men (World Bank 2006), although the gender gap is narrowing. Children from historically marginalized ethnic groups such as the Basarwa, or San people, have often had limited access to formal education. The government is attempting to resettle Basarwa into permanent villages, arguing that this is necessary to provide equal access to education
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and health services (Phillips 2005). The move is hotly contested by a complex coalition of Basarwa community leaders and international indigenous rights activists. Orphans and other children affected by HIV/AIDS face numerous obstacles to education. UNICEF supports community-based organizations that care for orphans and vulnerable children (UNICEF 2007). Girls are often called upon to provide home-based care for parents or other adults suffering from AIDS; young girls in this situation are more likely than boys to miss class and eventually leave school entirely because of the added burden of domestic chores and home health care (Lindsey 2003). Children with developmental delays and physical disabilities are sometimes cared for through community-based rehabilitation programs that have achieved significant improvements in quality of life and social support (Nordholm 1999), although access to programs in more remote areas and capacity of service providers is limited. PLAY AND RECREATION The Department of Sport and Recreation in the Ministry of Youth, Sport and Culture affirms the right of children and adults to participate in sports and recreation activities and seeks to increase participation in activities of people of all ages, genders, and ethnicities. The Department’s mission statement clearly provides for the inclusion of physically and developmentally disabled individuals to participate in sports and recreation. The Department is committed to providing athletic facilities for gifted individuals and encouraging active lifestyles for all Batswana. Children’s games include traditional dances, races, and other universal forms of childhood play, as well as games that reflect the gendered division of labor and domestic chores (Bock 2004). Homemade wire toys, often formed as cars or trucks with rotating wheels, are found in Botswana and elsewhere in the region (Davison 1983). At school, children are involved in sports and recreation, including football (soccer). Family recreation is not well documented in the literature, but play within the household environment is a function of household income, dependency ratios, and household composition. In a study among the Okavango Delta peoples of Botswana, children who were female, older, poorer, or whose father or male provider was a migrant laborer were less likely to play than children who were male, younger, and whose labor was not needed to help the household make ends meet (Bock 2004). CHILD LABOR Approximately one in eight children 10 to 14 years of age works (U.S. Department of Labor 2005). Within rural households, children’s work
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often involves herding cattle, caring for younger siblings, or working as domestic servants. In urban areas, street children, including many orphans, may be involved in begging and are vulnerable to commercial sexual exploitation. Some 8,500 adolescents ages 12 to 17 are working in subsistence agriculture and other informal sector jobs (U.S. Department of Labor 2005). The Employment Act protects children from basic employment up to age 15 years and from hazardous work up to age 18 years. Adopted children are specifically protected by law from exploitation for labor or commercial sex (U.S. Department of Labor 2005). The Social Welfare Division of the Ministry of Local Government began reporting child labor cases in 2004 and the Commissioner of Labor is empowered to investigate and take action in such cases (U.S. Department of State 2004), with penalties up to 12 months imprisonment, fines of $312, or both (U.S. Department of Labor 2005). FAMILY Despite the transformation of family structures through histories of migration and two decades of the impact of HIV/AIDS, families and households, in all their myriad forms, continue to be the most important sites of care and support for children in Botswana. Love and care between parents, children, and extended family members are demonstrated through intergenerational relationships and obligations—these are at the core of traditional family structures in Botswana and continue to adapt to changing family structures (Durham 2004). Family relationships and obligations are influenced by urbanization, improvements in the material standard of living, early deaths of adults as the result of HIV/AIDS, and by what Livingston describes as the ‘‘quickening life cycle,’’ in which better nutrition has led to earlier onset of puberty (and subsequent early childbearing) among adolescent girls and early onset of disability among middle-aged adults (Livingston 2003). HIV/AIDS, early childbearing among unmarried women, and male migration to South Africa for employment in mining and other industries influence the exceptionally high rate of female-headed households that is often noted in the literature. Children’s gendered roles and responsibilities are becoming more fluid as shifts in the economy have fundamentally altered livelihood strategies. More than 120,000 children have been orphaned by HIV/AIDS (UNICEF 2007); most are cared for by older siblings or extended family members. The government provides support to families caring for orphaned children in the form of rations, school fees, toiletries, and other support, administered through the Social Services Division of the Ministry of Local Government (Durham 2004). The stigma associated with having lost an adult child to HIV holds many grandparent caregivers back from
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registering the orphaned children they care for, thus rendering them ineligible for rations (IRIN 2007). HEALTH The government of Botswana has invested significantly in health services during the past four decades, with impressive achievements in child health by 1990. Coverage for key preventive interventions is high. Measles immunization was 87 percent in 1990 and increased slightly to 90 percent by 2004 (World Bank 2004). Like immunization coverage, access to clean water is markedly higher in Botswana than other countries in sub-Saharan Africa, reflecting the country’s sustained investments in large-scale infrastructure for public utilities. One hundred percent of the urban population has access to an improved water source, as does 94 percent of the rural population (World Bank 2006). Access to improved sanitation is considerably lower: only 57 percent of the urban population and 25 percent of the rural population have sustainable access to minimum acceptable sanitation facilities (e.g., pit latrine or better) (World Bank 2006). In 2006, floods exacerbated inadequate sanitation and hygiene conditions, leading to an epidemic of diarrhea that killed 486 people, including many young children (UNICEF 2007). This success in preventive health interventions contrasts sharply with rapid increases in infant and child mortality, which provides a sharp illustration of the impact of HIV/AIDS on children. The infant mortality rate (deaths of children under one year per 1,000 live births) nearly doubled in the last 15 years, from 45 in 1990 to 87 in 2005 (UNICEF 2007). Likewise, the mortality rate among children under 5 increased from 58 in 1990 to 120 in 2005 (UNICEF 2007). Rather than progressing toward the fourth Millennium Development Goal to reduce child mortality by twothirds by 2015 from the 1990 baseline, Botswana has seen a rapid deterioration in this indicator. Higher mortality rates among children and excess deaths of young adults because of HIV/AIDS caused life expectancy at birth to decrease from 71 years in 1990, with current estimates ranging from 35 to 51 years (CIA 2007, World Bank 2006, UNICEF 2007). Care-seeking by parents on behalf of children varies depending on the type of illness. Parents seeking care for young children may choose to visit the formal (biomedical) health sector, traditional healers, or both (Durham 2004). Access to clinical care is high, helped by the significant clustering of the population in urban and peri-urban areas. With 0.4 physicians and 2.6 nurses per 1,000 people, Botswana is well resourced in comparison with other countries in the region (World Bank 2006). Nevertheless, the health system is continuously threatened by a shortage of trained providers at all levels, particularly in light of the large number of adults requiring frequent clinical care to manage HIV infection and complications of AIDS. Like teachers, health workers are often in the
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most-affected age groups, and deaths from HIV/AIDS among social service and health professionals are another challenge to sustaining access and quality services. The HIV/AIDS epidemic in Botswana has profoundly altered the social landscape, as noted throughout this chapter. The prevalence among adults is 24.1 percent (UNAIDS 2006). Young women (15–24 years of age) are infected with HIV at a rate nearly three times that of their male counterparts (15.3 percent vs. 5.7 percent; World Bank 2006), which reflects adolescent girls’ vulnerability to infection. Approximately 120,000 orphaned children and adolescents younger than the age of 18 are alive today (UNAIDS 2007). The HIV epidemic raises the health and social profile and consequences of early adolescent sexual activity. Trends in early childbearing, the social meaning of adolescent pregnancy in Botswana, and the demographic constructs that define reproductive partnerships and the female-headed households in narrow and static terms are topics of considerable debate within the health and social science literature. Government support for health, including preventive interventions and curative services for children, is high relative to other African countries. The Government of Botswana spends approximately US$135 per capita per year and health expenditures represent 8 percent of the total government expenditures (World Bank 2006). The government share is 58 percent of total expenditures on health (World Bank 2006). NGOs are active in health service provision, particularly in pediatric HIV treatment with antiretroviral drugs (ARVs)/HAART and prevention of mother to child transmission (PMTCT) of HIV, though numerous barriers to participation in PMTCT remain (Kebaabetswe 2007). Despite evidence of contributions by civil society organizations, the government response is widely understood to establish the parameters for intervention and is perceived as the dominant paradigm in Botswana’s national response to the HIV epidemic (Kiley 2006). A partnership between government, NGOs, community-based organizations, and the private sector is working to develop a common framework for service provision through the National Orphan Program (U.S. Department of Labor 2005). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS As noted previously, Botswana is often recognized as a model of multiparty democracy. Voting is universal for all citizens 18 years of age or older (Denbow 2006, CIA 2007). The legal system is a blend of RomanDutch law and local customary law (CIA 2007). Legal counsel and representation are expensive, and the legal aid system is nascent (Ditshwanelo 2007). Government supplies lawyers only to defendants charged with crimes for which the death penalty may be applied, but these lawyers are underpaid and perceived as inferior to the higher paid lawyers working in the private sector (Ditshwanelo 2007).
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The Employment Act protects children from forced labor. Information on legal rights, sentencing, and imprisonment of juveniles is limited. Children are protected from sexual exploitation under the law, but underreporting and lack of enforcement are common. Botswana adheres to international efforts to protect children and ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1995, although it has yet to ratify two optional protocols that deal with children in armed conflict, sale of children, child prostitution, and pornography (EISA 2002). RELIGIOUS LIFE Badimo, or ancestral spirits, are understood to be present and part of everyday Tswana cultural practice (Denbow 2006). Although many people (approximately 72 percent) are affiliated with a Christian denomination, most practice traditional beliefs with Christian teachings (CIA 2007, Denbow 2006). Some baptism rituals in the less orthodox African Independent Churches (those not affiliated with a denomination introduced by missionaries) mirror traditional rites of passage in ceremony, dress, and other characteristics. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Girl children orphaned or affected by HIV/AIDS are at increased risk of sexual abuse due to poverty, overcrowding, and vulnerability to abuse by stepfathers (Okello-Wengi 2005). Penalties for child abuse and murder are unevenly applied: prosecution is often difficult when the perpetrator is a stepfather or other male partner providing critical economic support to the household (Okello-Wengi 2005). Abuse of male children is widely underreported and acknowledged infrequently (Okello-Wengi 2005). Child prostitution and pornography carry a minimum 10-year sentence for defilement of a person younger than 16 years of age (U.S. Department of Labor 2005). A complex history of ritual murder of youth is documented in the literature. The death of a secondary school student in the late 1990s and perceptions of police inaction led to youth riots. NGOs such as Childline Botswana are working to increase awareness of the risks of physical and sexual abuse of children, and to support victims of child abuse and their families. Children younger than 18 years of age are not permitted to serve in the military (CIA 2007), and recruitment of child soldiers has not been documented. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY New definitions of childhood and youth emerge and are contested as child-headed households, adolescent pregnancies, and HIV-related
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morbidities and deaths increase among adults. These experiences shape children’s and young people’s lives profoundly. The outlook for children and youth in Botswana depends significantly on the country’s ability to halt the spread of HIV/AIDS, to provide quality care and social support for orphans and vulnerable children in family and community settings, and to develop new economic directions that create sustainable employment opportunities for youth and recent graduates. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Denbow, James, and Phenyo C. Thebe. Culture and Customs of Botswana. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press; 2006. This volume of the Greenwood series, Culture and Customs of Africa, covers religion and worldview; literature and the media; art and architecture; cuisine and traditional dress; gender roles, marriage, and family; social customs and lifestyles; music, dance, and theater; and includes substantial coverage of children, particularly in the context of intergenerational transmission of culture. Durham, Deborah. ‘‘Disappearing Youth: Youth as a social shifter in Botswana.’’ American Ethnologist 31 (2004): 589–605. Durham explores changing definitions of youth in terms of roles, chronological age, and family relationships, providing context for a discussion of ritual youth murder and the social response to the killing of Segametsi. Livingston, Julie. Debility and Moral Imagination in Botswana. Bloomington: Indiana University Press; 2005. Combining historical inquiry with contemporary ethnography, Livingston explores the social meaning of disability in Botswana, challenging the assumptions underlying external definitions of disability and aging.
Nonprint Resources Various artists. 2001. ‘‘Music of the Tswana People.’’ Arc Music. This audio CD introduces listeners to the musical traditions of the Tswana people.
Web Sites African Comprehensive HIV/AIDS Program, http://www.achap.org. ACHAP is a joint project of the Government of Botswana, the Merck Foundation, and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation. The site provides a portal for information about the coordinated national response to HIV/AIDS. Botswana Gazette, http://www.gazette.bw. Botswana’s daily newspaper. Government of Botswana, http://www.gov.bw. The official web site of the Republic of Botswana includes information about all organs of the state, including Ministries and Departments concerned with children and youth.
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Nata Village, http://natavillage.typepad.com/my_weblog. This unusual web log chronicles the life and experiences of a village living with HIV/ AIDS. Complete with photos and short video clips, the site offers a unique window into this complex setting.
Organizations and NGOs Botswana Network on Ethics, Law, and HIV/AIDS (BONELA) http://www.bonela.org BONELA works to reduce stigma and discrimination against people living with HIV/AIDS, and to ensure an enabling and just policy and social environment for those affected by the disease. Botswana Council of Non-Governmental Organizations http://www.bocongo.org.bw Known by its acronym, BOCONGO, this umbrella organization is a good place to start for anyone wanting to learn more about social service provision or advocacy activities of NGOs in Botswana. Childline Botswana http://www.childline.org.bw Childline is dedicated to the prevention of child abuse, advocacy on behalf of victims and for preventive measures, and support to children and families affected by abuse.
Selected Bibliography Akinsola, Henry A. and Judith M. Popovich. 2002. ‘‘The Quality of Life of Families of Female-Headed Households in Botswana: A Secondary Analysis of Case Studies.’’ Health Care for Women International 23: 761–772. BBC. Timeline: Botswana; 2007. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/country_ profiles/3638691.stm. ———. School Fees Hit Botswana Learners; 2006. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/ africa/4623514.stm. Bock, John and Sarah E. Johnson. 2004. ‘‘Subsistence Ecology and Play among the Okavango Delta Peoples of Botswana.’’ Human Nature 15: 63–81. Burke, Charlanne. 2000. ‘‘They Cut Segametsi into Parts: Ritual Murder, Youth, and the Politics of Knowledge in Botswana.’’ Anthropological Quarterly 73: 204– 214. CIA. 2007. The World Factbook: Botswana. https://www.cia.gov/library/publica tions/the-world-factbook/geos/bc.html. Daniel, Marguerite. 2005. ‘‘Beyond liminality: orphanhood and marginalization in Botswana.’’ African Journal of AIDS Research 4: 195–204. Datta, Kavita. 2007. ‘‘ ‘In the eyes of a child, a father is everything’: Changing constructions of fatherhood in urban Botswana?’’ Women’s Studies International Forum 30: 97–113. Davison, Patricia. 1983. ‘‘Wireworks: Toys from Southern Africa.’’ African Arts 16: 50–52. Denbow, James and Phenyo C. Thebe. 2006. Culture and Customs of Botswana. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Ditshwanelo. 2007. Legal Aid System and Poverty. http://www.ditshwanelo. org.bw/index/Current_Issues/Legal_Aid.htm.
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Durham, Deborah. 2004. ‘‘Disappearing Youth: Youth as a social shifter in Botswana.’’ American Ethnologist 31: 589–605. EISA. 2002. Botswana: Human Rights. http://www.eisa.org.za/WEP/bot8.htm. Ethnologue. 2007. Languages of Botswana. http://www.ethnologue.com/show_ country.asp?name¼BW. Government of Botswana. 2007. Ministry of Youth, Culture, and Sport. Department of Sports and Recreation. http://www.gov.bw/index.php?option¼com_ content&task¼view&id¼154&Itemid¼1. Griffiths, Anne. 1996. ‘‘Legal Pluralism in Africa: The Role of Gender and Women’s Access to Law.’’ PoLAR: The Political and Legal Anthropology Review 19: 93– 107. IRIN. 2007. Botswana: Stigma Deprives Orphans of Aid. May 29, 2007. http:// www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId¼72433. Kebaabetswe, P. M. 2007. ‘‘Barriers to participation in the prevention of mother-tochild HIV transmission program in Gaborone, Botswana: a qualitative approach.’’ AIDS Care 19: 355–360. Kiley, Erin and Alice Hovorka. 2006. ‘‘Civil Society Organizations and the National HIV/AIDS Response in Botswana.’’ African Journal of AIDS Research 5: 167–178. Lindsey, Elizabeth, Miriam Hirschfeld, and Sheila Tlou. 2003. ‘‘Home-Base Care in Botswana: Experiences of Older Women and Young Girls.’’ Health Care for Women International 24 (2003): 486–501. Livingston, Julie. 2006. ‘‘Insights from an African History of Disability.’’ Radical History Review 94: 111–26. ———. 2003. ‘‘Pregnant Children and Half-Dead Adults: Modern Living and the Quickening Life Cycle in Botswana.’’ Bulletin of the History of Medicine 77: 133–162. McIlwaine, Cathy and Kavita Datta. 2004. ‘‘Endangered youth? Youth, gender and sexualities in urban Botswana.’’ Gender, Place and Culture 11: 483–512. Meekers, Dominique and Ghyasuddin Ahmed. 2000. ‘‘Contemporary Patterns of Adolescent Sexuality in Urban Botswana.’’ Journal of Biosocial Science 32: 467–485. Miller, Candace M., Sofia Gruskin, S.V. Subramanian, and Jody Heymann. 2007. ‘‘Emerging health disparities in Botswana: Examining the situation of orphans during the AIDS epidemic.’’ Social Science and Medicine 64: 2476– 2486. Miller, Candace M., Sofia Gruskin, S. V. Subramanian, D. Rajmaran, and S. J. Heymann. 2006. ‘‘Orphan care in Botswana’s working households: growing responsibilities in the absence of adequate support.’’ American Journal of Public Health 96: 1429–1435. Ministry of Youth, Sport and Culture. 2007. Department of Sports and Recreation. http://www.gov.bw/index.php?option¼com_content&task¼view&id¼154& Itemid¼1. Nordholm, Lena A., and Birgitta Lundgren-Lindquist. 1999. ‘‘Community-based Rehabilitation in Moshupa Village, Botswana.’’ Disability and Rehabilitation 21: 515–521. Okello-Wengi, Sebastian. 2005. Socio-Economic Factors Contributing to Girl Child Abuse in Botswana. Gaborone: Childline Botswana and World University Service of Canada. http://www.crin.org/resources/infoDetail.asp?ID¼11758 &flag¼report.
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Phillips, Barnaby. 2005. Bitter Dispute Over Bushmen Lands. BBC, November 24, 2005. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4465830.stm. Pridmore, Pat. 1995. ‘‘Learning and Schooling of Basarwa (Bushmen) Children in Botswana.’’ Prospects 25: 707–722. UNAIDS/WHO. 2006. Epidemiological Factsheet on HIV/AIDS and Sexually Transmitted Infections: Botswana. http://www.who.int/hiv/pub/epidemiology/ pubfacts/en/. UNICEF. 2005. At a glance: Botswana; 2007. www.unicef.org/infobycountry/bots wana_1902.html. U.S. Department of Labor. The Department of Labor’s 2004 Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor: Botswana. http://www.dol.gov/ilab/media/reports/iclp/tda2004/botswana.htm. U.S. Department of State. 2004. Country Reports on Human Rights Pratices 2003: Botswana. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2003/27713.htm. Werbner, Richard. 2002. ‘‘Challenging Minorities, Difference and Tribal Citizenship in Botswana.’’ Journal of Southern African Studies 28: 671–684. World Bank. 2006. African Development Indicators. Washington, DC: The World Bank.
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BURKINA FASO Jean-Franc¸ois Kobian e and Anne-Emmanu e le Calv es NATIONAL PROFILE Burkina Faso is a landlocked country of the Sahel located in West Africa. It has a surface area of 274,200 square kilometers and is surrounded by six countries: Mali to the north, Niger to the east, and Benin, Togo, Ghana, and the Ivory Coast to the south. A former French colony, the HauteVolta (as Burkina Faso was formerly called) became independent on August 5, 1960. The country then experienced several episodes of political upheaval: a popular uprising brought about the overthrow of the first president on January 3, 1966 and brought on four military coups d’ e tat in 1980, 1982, 1983, and 1987. The last of these put the current president, Blaise Compaore, in power. In August 1984, during the first anniversary of the Conseil National de la R e volution, the country adopted the name Burkina Faso, which means ‘‘country (or fatherland) of men of integrity.’’ Since 1991, Burkina Faso has shown a commitment to democracy. President Blaise Compaore, first elected in 1991, was reelected in 1998 and in 2005.
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The population of Burkina Faso is estimated to be between 13 and 14 million people (2006 estimate, CIA 2007). The crude birth rate is estimated at 46.1 per thousand, and the crude death rate is 14.8 per thousand. The annual natural growth rate is therefore 3.1 percent, making it one of the highest in the world. Life expectancy at birth, which was 30 years in 1960, had reached 48 years in 2003. The total fertility rate was 6.2 children per woman in 2003 (INSD and ORC Macro, 2004). With only 17.5 percent of the population living in urban areas in 2003, Burkina Faso is one of Africa’s least urban countries. Women make up 52 percent of the population. The population density is 38 inhabitants per square kilometer and its dispersal over the country is heterogeneous, varying from 11 to 122 inhabitants per square kilometer. There are more than 60 ethnolinguistic groups. The Mossi, the largest group, make up 48.5 percent of the population. The primary languages spoken are Moore, Dioula, and Fulfulde. The official language is French. Islam is practiced by 52 percent of the population, Christianity by 24.3 percent, and Animism by 23.3 percent. Migration is central to the Burkinabe population dynamics. Nearly 60 percent of these migrations occur within the country; from the countryside towards the cities and from arid zones to more fertile ones. It is mostly women who migrate (54 percent of domestic migrations) but young people also migrate. On the other hand, international migration, a phenomenon that goes back to the colonial period1 and targets the traditional host countries of the C^ ote d’Ivoire and Ghana, primarily involves men. With a Human Development Index of 0.317 in 2005, Burkina Faso stands as the 175th of 177 countries and is one of the poorest in the world. The country’s economy, essentially a subsistence economy, is based on agriculture KEY FACTS – BURKINA FASO and livestock production. The Population: 14,326,203 (2007 est.) agricultural sector (vegetable Infant mortality rate: 89.79 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) and animal production) makes Life expectancy at birth: 49.21 years (2007 est.) up 90 percent of the populaLiteracy rate: 21.8 percent (2003 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 32 percent (2000– tion’s revenue and employment 2005) and 40 percent of the gross Internet users: 64,600 (2005) national product. The country’s People Living with HIV/AIDS: 300,000 (2003 est.) primary resource is cotton, folHuman Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 101 lowed by livestock production. Sources: CIA World Factbook: Burkina Faso. https://www.cia.gov/ Facing important economic library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/uv.html. June 29, difficulties at the end of the 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Burkina Faso–Statistics. http:// 1980s (particularly the balancewww.unicef.org/infobycountry/burkinafaso_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) of-payments deficit), Burkina Human Development Report 2006–Burkina Faso. http:// Faso undertook a Structural hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/ Adjustment Program in 1991. cty_ds_BFA.html. June 29, 2007. Despite several improvements
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observed in economic aggregates, some Program measures have had harmful effects on the population’s living conditions, such as employment dislocation in restructured state organizations and limited recruiting in several sectors of public service. The devaluation of the CFA franc in January 1994 also exacerbated the population’s economic situation. Studies on the population’s living conditions in the 1990s and in the beginning of the 2000s (INSD and the World Bank) concur that there has been an increase in absolute poverty and estimate that 45 percent of the Burkinabe population lives below the poverty line. OVERVIEW The primary characteristic of the population of Burkina Faso is its youth, which reflects its high fertility. Burkinabe younger than 15 years old make up nearly half the country’s population (49.6 percent) and children under 5 make up 20 percent of the total population. Reflecting the general population of Burkina Faso, the sociodemographic profile of children and the problems they face vary considerably from one living environment, ethnic group, religion or economic level to the next. Considering the country’s very low level of urbanization, the vast majority of children live in rural areas far from most social and cultural infrastructures (e.g., schools, health services, electricity, potable water, media, etc.). Despite major progress since independence, especially in schooling and health, the situation of children remains problematic in many ways. Inequalities in education, high infant and child mortality and morbidity, the practice of female genital cutting, early pregnancies, labor abuses, poverty, and youth marginalization and delinquency are significant challenges to children and their rights in Burkina Faso. Faced with these problems, the country has adopted many policies and programs to promote children’s welfare, including the adoption, since 2002, of a Plan d e cennal de d e veloppement de l’enseignement de base toward improved access to education and the establishment of the Plan national de d e veloppement sanitaire toward improved health access, as well as addressing child rights more generally with the establishment of a the Secr e tariat permanent du Plan d’Action Nationale en mati e re d’enfance. EDUCATION The two-part educational system in Burkina Faso includes a formal and an informal system. The formal system is made up of basic education, secondary- and university-level schooling. Basic education consists of 3 years of preschool for children ages 3 to 6 years and 6 years of primary school officially for children ages 7 to 12. Preschool is rare and limited to a few urban centers. The informal system refers to educational and training activities that are structured and organized in a nonschool framework.
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One of its primary focuses is spreading literacy in the national languages. This is the case for training given in structures such as the Centres Permanents d’Alphab e tisation et de Formation for young people and adults (i.e., 15–50 years old), Centres d’Education de Base Non Formelle for children 10 to 15 years old, and Centres de Formation des Jeunes Agriculteurs for young people 15 to 18 years old. The constitution of Burkina Faso stipulates that quality education is a fundamental right for all Burkinabe children. The Loi d’Orientation de l’Education adopted in 1996 states that this educational obligation regards children ages 6 to 16 but is dependent on the possibilities the education system can offer. Despite these legislative texts and the progress made since independence, particularly in the increase in the gross enrollment ratio, the level of education in Burkinabe children remains one of the lowest in the world. According to the educational statistics from the Minist e re de l’Enseignement de Base et de l’Alphab e tisation, the gross enrollment ratio (GER)2 at the primary level was 52.2 percent for the 2003–2004 school year. If we consider the net enrollment ratio (NER), which is a better indicator of children’s access to the education system, we see that only 39.9 percent of children ages 7–12 go to school. In addition to this low education level, there is a major inequality between boys and girls, and disparities between urban and rural areas. The NER for the same date was 44.4 percent for boys and 35.1 percent for girls, and 76.0 percent for urban areas and 26.4 percent for rural ones. Also, the objective of the Plan d e cennal de d e veloppement de l’enseignement de base is to reduce unequal access to the education system and to improve quality—currently one of the major issues. These low educational levels are not only in connection with the low offer of schooling; they are also connected with factors stemming from families’ demand for education. Economic factors (e.g., poverty and subsistence production), sociocultural factors (e.g., social views of gender roles and statuses), and demographic factors (e.g., household size and structure) are variables that, although they play out differently in urban and rural areas, all contribute to low educational levels (Table 4.1).
Table 4.1. Inequalities in Education between Boys and Girls in Primary School Education indicator
Boys
Girls
Both
Gross admission ratio Gross enrollment ratio Net enrollment ratio
70.3% 57.8% 44.4%
61.5% 46.3% 35.1%
69.9% 52.2% 39.9%
Source: Ministere de l’Enseignement de base et de l’Alphabetisation. Synthese des donnees statistiques de l’education de base 2003–2004. Ouagadougou: Direction des etudes et de la planification; 2004.
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Secondary schooling for young people aged 13 to 19 also has a low participation level; in 2004, 12.5 percent of Burkinabe youth 13 to 19 were enrolled in secondary education whereas, for the same period, global, African, and regional rates were 52.1 percent, 23.9 percent, and 12 percent, respectively. Secondary level education is also characterized by remarkable inequalities at the expense of girls, who make up only a third of students. The net enrollment ratio for secondary education is 11 percent for boys and 7 percent for girls (UNICEF 2006). Inequality in education is also visible in students’ socioeconomic backgrounds, as children from farming and livestock-raising families make up less than 48 percent of all students, though these families account for 90 percent of the country’s total population. Private secondary education is increasingly offered in response to the degradation of public education. It is not immune, however, to the same cleavages as the public sector when it comes to students’ socioeconomic backgrounds. In addition to private secondary education that is more or less available to the middle classes, we also see more and more a private and elitist sector that welcomes a privileged minority. Higher education is attended by less than 1 percent of the population in Burkina Faso. It is characterized by an acute increase in students visa-vis the very limited capacities of the Universite de Ouagadougou, the country’s main public university (22,205 students in 2004–2005).3 Private sector higher education remains in its nascent stage. Despite progress achieved thus far, Burkina Faso must continue to tackle many challenges in education and combat attrition.
PLAY AND RECREATION Recreational activities are important elements in the socialization and development of children. The right to leisure and games is, in fact, guaranteed by the International Convention of the Rights of Children. Enforcement of this right is secondary to the importance families and membership communities play in their children’s psychomotor development, but it is notably secondary to families’ socioeconomic standing. Although certain forms of leisure are accessible (e.g., soccer in the streets of popular neighborhoods, fights, and traditional games), others require financial means and are therefore limited to the wealthy tier of the Burkinabe population—these include movies, recreational parks, and museums. The family household or compound is the primary place where play happens and its members are the main playmates. Games played are based on a social structure that reflects gender-based socialization. For instance, games that are based on strength or skill and/or are played in public spaces (fights and soccer) are for boys. Girls focus on role playing games that imitate managing the home.
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For a minority of privileged city children, particularly those living in the capital, play is organized in kindergartens and daycare centers. Children who go to these places can participate in various activities, particularly singing, dancing, inside and outside games, stories, traditional games, mimes, recitals, ballets, skits and plays, and toys. Television and radio also have a leading role in children’s play, particularly for children living in the city. A show schedule and appropriate emissions have been developed specifically for children by the main television broadcaster (T e l e vision nationale du Burkina Faso), by the national radio (Radio Burkina), and by private FM radio stations (Radio Pulsar, Radio Horizon FM). A very few households with access to channels like Canal Horizons or TV5 have a more diversified television selection. However, such households are a minority because the overwhelming majority of Burkinabe households with a television (12 percent of households in 2003) are hooked up to T e l e vision nationale du Burkina Faso programs. Most public or private radio channels offer a special schedule for children hosted by adults and children or with children’s participation. There are many radio programs for children, including Une ecole en or, Plan e te enfant, L’univers des enfants, Les cracks, Cocktail, Hip hop, Star en direct, and Aujourd’hui c’est dimanche. These shows, with their musical variety programs, target a wider audience that includes adolescents and are often interactive and focused on issues young people face. Television programs directed at children are mainly cartoons; however, without developed local production, most of the content broadcast is foreign and western (Lucky Luke, The Simpsons, Mangas, and Clementine, for instance). Among other specialized programs are films for young people such as A nous la vie and Les jeunes branch e s. CHILD LABOR Child labor, one of the biggest obstacles to educational progress in Burkina Faso, is not a new phenomenon in this country. In traditional society, children’s participation in productive activities was part of their education and progressive entry into the world of adults; children learned alongside adults and the activities they performed were chosen according to their age and gender. Therein lies one of the first cultural foundations of children’s labor—in other words, its socializing and educational function. Today, children’s labor is still a very common phenomenon in Burkina Faso. According to UNICEF, the work prevalence rate in 1999–2004 for 5- to 14-year-olds was 57 percent in Burkina Faso. Although it is an unavoidable social fact, child labor becomes a public concern when it is practiced under exploitative conditions, at the expense of education and children’s health. Like most sub-Saharan African countries, Burkina Faso is facing extreme forms of child labor. Children are sold by poor rural
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families into plantation work in C^ ote d’Ivoire; young girls from poor families work as domestic servants in wealthy Ouagadougou households; children are pulled out of school to help their families in the fields or contribute to informal, survival-based family businesses; children are sent out into the dangers of the street to earn money as shoe polishers, itinerant merchants, or car washers; and children are submitted to the draconian working conditions of mineral mines. In fact, Burkina Faso is among those African countries classified by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) where the situation is classified as ‘‘alarming’’ (ILO 2006). The sources of this phenomenon are well documented, but ultimately all stem from poverty. Poverty is repeatedly given as an explanation as to why Burkinabe families are able to sell, hire out, be separated from, exploit, ‘‘rent’’ or otherwise use their children for labor. It is also used to explain why it is that children from rural households and disadvantaged neighborhoods of urban centers are often the victims of trafficking, early hiring, and abuse of various kinds. Faced with these problems, various legislation and programs, often under the stewardship of organizations for the defense of children’s rights and UN institutions, have been adopted. Such is the case most notably with the ILO’s 1973 Convention no. 138 on the minimum age of employment, the launch in 1991 of the International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour, and the Convention on the ‘‘worst forms of child labor’’ adopted in 1999. FAMILY Regardless of ethnic group, in Burkina Faso, children grow up in extended families and many people are involved in their socialization, education, caregiving, and development. Members of the extended family include: father, mother, grandparents, brothers, sisters, uncles, aunts, cousins, etc. In a context in which the family is the basic social unit, a child does not ‘‘belong’’ exclusively to his or her biological parents but rather to the entire surrounding membership group. The child is an indispensable link in the long chain of perpetuating the family identity and heritage, lineage, clan, ethnicity and village he or she comes from. The child is, in fact, a symbol of the continuation of the group’s lineage. A symbol of life, a source of wealth and of labor in an agrarian and pastoral society, children are ‘‘old age security’’ given that children have an obligation to parents and to care for them in their old age. In a patriarchal family model, a difference between the status and roles of boys and those of girls is also observable, thus explaining the heterogeneity in education and socialization and the different paths each gender takes. Urbanization, education, and the adoption of new values around marriage and maternity have changed the context into which Burkinabe children are born and raised. Although marriage may remain a privileged
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context of reproduction in Burkina Faso, because of delayed first marriage and of the banalization of sexual premarital relations, a growing number of children are born into informal unions or out of wedlock, particularly in urban areas. Although their situations vary, children born into this kind of union are often at greater risk of growing up in poverty and face difficulties in accessing schooling and health, especially if they are not claimed and cared for by their biological fathers. HEALTH Despite undeniable efforts in the fight against infant and child mortality with the establishment of programs such as the Programme elargi de vaccination, many health challenges are left to be tackled in Burkina Faso, especially to more significantly reduce the high infant and child mortality rate (Table 4.2). According to the 2003 Demographic and Health Survey (DHS), the most frequent causes of death for the under 5 years of age population group are malaria, measles, acute respiratory infections, and diarrheal diseases. These diseases are most common in rural and disadvantaged urban areas, especially as the result of limited access to modern health services. Families particularly dread the rainy season (May–September) and the harmattan4 (December–February), because these periods coincide with surges in death rates from diseases like malaria, measles, and meningitis, respectively. The overall state of children’s health is additionally deteriorated by sporadic epidemics such as cholera (in 2004–2005, for example) and yellow fever. Children often pay the highest price in these epidemics. There are also other diseases, such as noma, tetanus, poliomyelitis, tuberculosis and typhoid, that affect children and, although less deadly, they can easily become pandemic. Children’s resistance to these diseases is often weakened by the malnutrition they (and their mothers) face during prenatal development and throughout childhood. This situation is re-enforced by food insecurity that seems to be becoming chronic. As illustrated in Table 4.3, malnutrition translates into: delayed growth, which affects nearly one in two
Table 4.2. Infant Mortality Indicators Adjusted mortality rate (in p. 1000)
Boys
Girls
Both
Neonatal mortality Postnatal mortality Infant mortality (1q0) Child mortality (5q0)
43 52 95 195
34 54 89 192
31 50 81 184
Source: Population and Health Survey (EDS) 2003.
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children; emaciation, which affects 19 percent of children younger than 5 years of age; insufficient weight; micronutritient deficiencies; and severe juvenile anemia. In terms of hygiene and sanitation, the evacuation system for rainwater is poor and is responsible for flooding, unhygienic conditions, and the proliferation of water-borne and water-washed diseases such as malaria, cholera, and bilharzia. Access to sanitation systems is limited by lack of financial means. In fact, according to UNICEF, only 12 percent of Burkinabe households have access to an adequate sanitation system. For the rural population this reaches only 5 percent as opposed to 45 percent for urban households. Inadequate hygiene, major difficulties in accessing the health system, poverty, food insecurity, and inadequate (prohibited or taboo) food practices are all situations that foster and maintain health conditions that are unfavorable to the children of Burkina Faso. These conditions contribute greatly to the outbreak and development of debilitating diseases that have especially ravaged rural areas. Since the beginning of the 1980s, AIDS has also become a public health problem in Burkina Faso, and one from which children are not exempt. With a 4.2 percent prevalence rate in adults aged 15 to 49 years (INSD and ORC Macro 2004), Burkina Faso is one of the countries in which the AIDS epidemic is generalized, as per thresholds established by UNAIDS and the World Health Organization. In its 2006 Report on the Situation of Children in the World, UNICEF estimated that 31,000 Burkinabe children from 0 to 14 years of age are infected with HIV/AIDS. Additionally, a high rate of seropositivity in pregnant women is synonymous with an increased risk for these women’s children. Yet contracting the illness from birth is a handicap equal to having parents who are infected or have died from HIV/AIDS. These three situations lead to the negative social consequences of social exclusion, abandonment, and poverty. Their impact is also brutal in terms of school attendance and translates into high attrition, drop-out rates, and failures that, in general, are sizable challenges for the Burkinabe educational system. Table 4.3. Indicators of the Nutritional State of Burkinabe Children % of newborns with insufficient weight at birth % of children under five years suffering from moderately and seriously insufficient weight % of children under 5 years suffering from moderate and serious emaciation % of children under 5 years suffering from moderate and serious delays in growth Source: UNICEF 2006, Report on the Situation of Children in the World.
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Another major risk for children’s and particularly girls’ health is female genital mutilation. Despite prohibition in 1996 and education campaigns led by Burkinabe public authorities, excision (partial or complete ablation of the clitoris) remains widespread in Burkina Faso. Indeed, according to the results of the 2004 national survey on teenagers (Enqu^ e te nationale sur les adolescents du Burkina Faso), 47 percent of girls ages 12 to 14 years and 63 percent of girls ages 15 to 19 years in the sample were excised during childhood, often before the age of 1 year (36 percent of cases). In most cases, excision is performed by traditional excisors who operate in unhygienic conditions. The consequences on young girls’ and women’s mental and physical health are many—pain during the ablation, risk of infection of diseases like tetanus and AIDS during the operation, trauma, difficulty urinating, pain during menstruation, and complications at delivery. Girls’ reproductive health is also at risk because of the high prevalence of early pregnancies in Burkina Faso, especially in rural areas where child marriages are still common. The 2003 DHS estimated that 23.2 percent of girls from 15 to 19 years of age had already given birth or were pregnant at the time of the survey. Early pregnancies and deliveries, especially those that occur before age 18, are associated with important health risks for the mother and the child. Because they have not yet achieved their full physical and hormonal maturity, young mothers are at higher risk of pregnancy-related complications, such as hemorrhage, obstructed labor, fistulas, and eclampsia. Children born to very young mothers also suffer disproportionate risks of morbidity and mortality. Finally, in a context of low contraceptive use, sexual activity among unmarried adolescents is associated with high risk of sexually transmitted diseases including AIDS, as well as unwanted pregnancies and induced abortion, especially among very young adolescents. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Public authorities appear to place children’s welfare as a high priority. This official goal has resulted in the creation of the Fond national pour l’enfance, headed by the Minist e re de l’Action sociale et de la Solidarit e nationale, which has a mission to contribute to the survival, protection, and development of children. The Fond national pour l’enfance finances projects for particularly vulnerable children, such as orphans, children abandoned at birth, handicapped children or children with handicapped parents, and children from extremely impoverished families. This protection of child welfare occurs not only socially; it is especially active legally. Legal protection of child welfare is maintained by an arsenal of documents, regulations and laws. In addition to key texts such as the Convention relative aux droits des enfants (1990) and the Code des personnes et de la famille (1989), among the mechanisms and documents around children’s welfare we find the Code de protection de l’enfance
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(2006) and the creation in 1997 of the Parlement des enfants, a forum for children to express themselves. These documents contain measures that impose a curfew for children after certain hours, forbid children in certain places such as bars, restaurants, and certain city streets, and prohibit begging and child labor. To this effect, the Code p e nal 1996, section 245, provides for 2 to 6 years of imprisonment of each person who, while responsible for a child, exposes that child to delinquency or gives him or her to individuals who facilitate or force the child to beg. Special provisions also govern the prevention, arrest, judgment, imprisonment and sentencing for offences committed by minors in Burkina Faso. Children who are arrested are kept in cells specially created for them in jails and correctional facilities in Ouagadougou and Bobo Dioulasso. Incarcerated children are supervised and their progress watched by the Minist e re de l’Action Sociale et de la Solidarit e Nationale. Finally, to address abuse and violence against children, Burkina Faso adheres to the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, which provides for administrative, legislative, social, and educative measures for protecting children from all forms of torture, inhuman and degrading treatment and, in particular, all forms of physical or emotional abuse, negligence, or maltreatment, including sexual exploitation. RELIGIOUS LIFE Starting at birth, children must successively pass through a series of socially defined steps. The stages that currently stake out this path are birth, weaning, walking and talking, access to sexual identity, religious education, going to school, puberty, and passage to adulthood. Key events in a child’s development are traditionally marked by rituals and ceremonies. This starts with the ritual of celebration of the birth, which varies according to a family’s ethnicity and religion, during which the newborn acquires an identity, becomes attached to the collectivity and receives a patronym chosen according to specific social and familial requirements. Weaning, a dreaded but crucial experience for a child’s social integration through transitioning away from an exclusive attachment to his or her mother, is a turning point in a child’s development. What follows is a period of learning, socialization, and progressive participation in group life that carries a child up to his or her entry into the adult world with an excision or circumcision ritual that has traditionally been a symbolic marker of the end of childhood. After circumcision, a young man is accorded the attributes vested in adults; he can marry and have children, have his own field, participate in community decision-making, and opt to leave the paternal house. For girls, the initiatory camp that traditionally accompanied excision was where sexual education occurred, particularly in preparation for her future role as woman, wife, and mother. Marriage is a particularly decisive marker of the passage of
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females from childhood to the age and status of adulthood. In the past when early marriages were the norm, this transition for girls occurred at a very young age. Today, because of socioeconomic changes (such as education, new social values, and a context of socioeconomic crisis) and the adoption of new legislation, circumcision and excision are no longer key moments in young Burkinabe development. Excision has been made illegal whereas circumcision has taken on a more and more symbolic function and has lost much of its weight in initiation and socialization and its role as the benchmark between childhood and adulthood. Religion is a very important element in Burkinabe life. Its role is a decisive one in understanding the ideas and beliefs around childhood, in socialization and development of children, and in their passing through the steps described previously. Choices in education, the actions taken in welcoming newborns, the rituals surrounding their upbringing, and the basic values encouraged in their moral education are founded in the religious norms that find their strength in the important role of religion in Burkinabe social life. Christianity and Islam have been gaining adherents at the expense of Animism, but it is nonetheless rare that these two religions are the only systems of reference for Burkinabe. In practice, what is most observed is a syncretism of Islam and traditional practices or of Catholicism and Animism. For many years, evangelical churches have continued to gain ground. In particular, Pentecostalism has gained popularity in cities and rural areas, especially because of its charitable outreach efforts (e.g., schools, health care, etc.). Religious organizations’ charitable actions are vital for children’s welfare. These organizations seek to increase their audience through major charitable efforts developed to take care of orphaned, handicapped or abandoned children. Churches and Islamic associations are also present in education. Medersas (Franco-Arab schools) welcome children from Muslim families who receive religious education in addition to academic schooling. Christian parochial schools can be found in the private elementary and secondary school sector. By building orphanages and/or financing parochial schools, religious nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) also look to give their efforts a larger visibility. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT In addition to inequalities in schooling and health, certain groups of children, such as orphans, handicapped children, and children living in extreme poverty, are particularly vulnerable. Certainly, orphans are not a major demographical weight because, according to 2003 DHS, less than 1 percent of Burkinabe children have neither parent, whereas 4 percent have no father, and 2 percent have no mother. The death of both parents, especially, has a direct negative effect on children’s school attendance.
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The loss of parents is an acute source of vulnerability for children, even though Burkina Faso’s context of social solidarity means that orphans are often taken in by close relatives. Caring for children with physical disabilities or blindness, for instance (handicaps for which there is little information available) is also a sizable challenge for Burkina Faso’s social services and health system. In the absence of structures and means for their care, handicapped children are much more vulnerable than other children. Finally, children living in extreme poverty make up a sizeable group since the proportion of Burkinabe households listed in this category is estimated around 20 percent. Children from these households have much smaller chances of growing up healthy and of going to school and are at greater risk of being forced into begging and left to the dangers of the street. For these marginalized children—orphans, beggars, handicapped children—the Burkinabe state has implemented initiatives through the Minist e re de l’Action sociale et de la Solidarit e nationale and organizations like UNICEF and NGOs specializing in the support, placement, and reintegration of deprived children. These initiatives can take the form of installing playground equipment in disadvantaged neighborhoods or the organization of activities and festivities for events such as African Children’s Day, Christmas, New Year’s, Muslim festivals, Independence Day, and award ceremonies. Regarding abuse against children, Burkina Faso has a track record full of contrasts. On the one hand, the country’s political stability protects against such aberrations as child soldiers and the sexual slavery of girls, but on the other hand, child abuse contributes nevertheless to the infringement of children’s rights. Of all the different faces of negligence, the phenomenon of street children is the most visible and acute in Burkinabe urban areas. It takes the form of itinerant, abandoned children begging or practicing petty delinquency in the streets of big urban centers such as the cities of Ouagadougou and Bobo Dioulasso. Sexual abuse, although not affecting an alarming proportion of the population, is a reality in Burkina Faso. Such abuse occurs in various forms, including indecent assault, rape, groping and sexual harassment. Abuse cases principally occur within the framework of neighbors, family, and work. Victims of sexual abuse are usually children who live on the street, working children (girls employed as servants or itinerant salesgirls), students, or children from poor families. As with the exploitation of children in the workforce, sexual abuse finds its roots in poverty. The latter explains the most dangerous forms of sexual abuse—child prostitution and child pornography—which continue to develop even if their scope remains limited. These forms of abuse are maintained notably by networks operating throughout the West African sub-Saharan area and are based in Nigeria. The sexual exploitation of minors for commercial reasons is a reality Burkinabe authorities are seeking to repress through legal means, in
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particular by adopting legislation that calls for the complete protection of children, and especially children at risk. Aside from maltreatment, which is manifested through familial violence and corporal punishment, other problems (such as female genital cutting mentioned above) continue despite being illegal. Forced marriages also persist in rural areas where very young girls (from ages 13 to 15) are married without their consent. Much like excision, this practice still exists because it is enshrined within family values and the ways and customs of various ethnic groups. The rule of silence in which it is practiced is a factor that fosters the persistence of forced marriage, despite its prohibition in the Burkina Faso’s Code de la famille et des personnes. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Despite a large number of political, legal, and institutional tools that have been put into place by governments and civil society to protect and improve the living conditions of children, childhood in Burkina Faso remains a time of many problems, particularly in education, health, and human rights. Satisfying the needs of this segment of the population may be a particularly great challenge in the coming century. Indeed, according to the UN’s demographic projections, children 0 to 14 years of age will make up 41 percent of the population by 2030. This large child population means more schools will need to be built and equipped, and more children will require care, protection and food. The needs of Burkinabe children will also be more diverse. In a context of globalization, Burkina Faso’s youth, like that of other African countries, increasingly have access to various sources of information at the same time as their counterparts around the world. Despite different contexts, these new cultural references are likely to cause new needs or, at the very least, a different expression of these needs. Will Burkinabe public authorities find the means to respond to these increasingly numerous and diversified needs? The answer to this question will depend largely on available financial resources and on the political will to put in place and enforce policies, programs and legal documents that will improve the situation of children. NOTES 1. Seen as a ‘‘reservoir’’ of workers, the former colony of Haute-Volta was often called on to provide the workforce necessary to carrying out large-scale development projects in neighboring countries (coffee and cacao plantations in the C^ ote d’Ivoire and rice cultivation projects in Niger). 2. The GER is equal to the students enrolled in a given level referenced to the students in the level’s official age group. The GER is a rough indicator often used to understand the general participation in a given level. Considering that in most developing countries, children are often given the opportunity to redo the same level
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(sometimes more than once), the GER can be greater than 100 percent. The NER for any given level, however, is the rapport between the number of students enrolled in an official age group referenced to the students in the corresponding age group. 3. In addition to the university of Ouagadougou, two higher level educational institutions exist in the country: the Universite Polytechnique de Bobo-Dioulasso (833 students in 2004–2005) and the Ecole Normale Superieure de Koudougou (269 students in 2004–2005). 4. Harmattan is a hot and dry wind off the Sahara. It blows from December to February across West Africa from the Sahel to Cameroon and Chad.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Auzias, D. Burkina Faso: Country Guide. Paris: Nouvelles editions de l’universite; 2004. Lerebours Piogionniere, A., and M-T. Menager. Atlas du Burkina Faso. Paris: Editions du J.A; 2001.
Nonprint Resources Kounandi. 2003 Traore, Appoline. In this film, Kounandi, a girl born with dwarfism, finds herself unwanted by her father and abandoned after her father murders her stepmother for adultery. Although shunned by most of the village, she is offered sanctuary by Karim, a kindly farmer, who builds a small house for her on his land. Kounandi makes her living selling sweet cakes she makes with her baking dish—the only thing inheritance left by her birth mother. The film uses magic realism to demonstrate how some are able to sacrifice more even though they may have nothing. La col e re des dieux. 2003. Ouedraogo, Idrissa. In this dramatic film, a young boy must take on the role of leader when his father dies. Safi, la petite m e re [Safi, the little mother]. 2004. Ganemtore, Raso. When her mother dies in childbirth, 8-year-old Safi becomes a mother to her newborn baby brother. Safi and her brother must flee the village to survive. The film follows Safi and her brother to the large city, where they face the challenges of survival with help from the market women.
Web Sites Burkina Online, http://www.burkinaonline.bf. This is the web site of the Department of informatics services (Direction des services informatiques). It gives a lot of links for specific topics (social, cultural, and economic) on Burkina Faso. http://www.burkinet.com. A web site dedicated to Burkina Faso where one can find lots of social, cultural and economic information on the country. Directory of Development Organizations, http://www.devdir.org. Repertory of NGOs and associations working in Burkina Faso
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FasoNews.net, http://www.fasonews.net. A web site dedicated to Burkina Faso, where one can find lots of social, cultural, and economic information on the country. FESPACO, http://www.fespaco.bf. This is the official web site of the Ouagadougou panafrican festival of cinema (FESPACO), which takes place every few years. lefaso.net, http://www.lefaso.net. Another web site dedicated to Burkina Faso, where one can find information on social, cultural and economic issues in the country.
Organizations and NGOs Association burkinabe pour le bien-^etre familial (ABBEF), http://www.abbef.org Association burkinabe pour la survie de l’enfant (ABSE), http://www.abse.bf Association pour la formation et l’insertion de la jeune fille (Burkina Faso), http:// www.courantsdefemmes.org http://www.action-sociale.gov.bf http://www.agriculture.gov.bf http://www.culture.gov.bf http://www.delgi.gov.bf http://www.environnement.gov.bf http://www.finances.gov.bf http://www.information.gov.bf http://www.justice.gov.bf http://www.presidence.bf http://www.primature.gov.bf
Selected Bibliography Becher, H., O. M€ uller, A. Jahn, A. Gbangou, G. Kynast-Wolf, and B. Kouyate. 2004. ‘‘Risk Factors of Infant and Child Mortality in Rural Burkina Faso,’’ Bulletin of the World Health Organization, 82: 265–273.
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Burkina Faso Secretariat General. 2003. Document de base de la Table ronde des bailleurs de fonds du Plan national de d e veloppement sanitaire (PNDS) 2001–2010. Ouagadougou: UNDP and the Secretariat General.with the Ministry of Health. ———. 2005. Etude r e trospective macro- e conomique du Burkina Faso. Ouagadou gou: Ministere de l’Economie et des Finances. Calves, A. E. 2002. Assessing Adolescent Reproductive Health Policies and Programs, case studies from Burkina Faso, Cameroon and Togo. POLICY Working Paper Series, No. 8. Washington, DC: The Futures Group International. Calves, A. E., J. F. Kobiane, and E. Martel. 2007. ‘‘Changing transition to adulthood in urban Burkina Faso,’’ Journal of Comparative Family Studies 38. Central Intelligence Agency. 2007. The World Factbook, Burkina Faso. https:// www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/uv.html. Guiella, G., and V. Woog. 2006. Sant e sexuelle et de la reproduction des adolescents au Burkina Faso: R e sultats de l’Enqu^ e te Nationale sur les Adolescents du Burkina Faso 2004. Occasional Report No. 21. New York: Guttmacher Institute. Institut National de la Statistique et de la Demographie (INSD) and ORC Macro. 2004. Enqu^ e te D e mographique et de Sant e du Burkina Faso (EDS) 2003. Calverton, MD: INSD and ORC Macro. http://www.measuredhs.com/pubs. Kobiane, Jean-Fran¸cois. 2006. Menages et scolarisation des enfants au Burkina Faso: a la recherche des determinants de la demande scolaire, Academia-Bruylant, Louvain-la-Neuve. Kobiane, Jean-Fran¸cois, Anne-Emmanuele Calves, and Richard Marcoux. 2005. ‘‘Parental Death and Children’s Schooling in Burkina Faso,’’ Comparative Education Review Vol. 49. 468–489. MEBA/ MESSRS (Ministere de l’enseignement de base et de l’alphabetisation [Ministry for Basic Education and Literacy] and the Ministere des enseignements secondaire, superieur et de la recherche scientifique [Ministry for Secondary e gique d e cennal 1997– and Higher Education and Research]). 1997. Plan strat 2006 de l’ e ducation. Ouagadougou: MEBA/MESSRS. Ministere de l’Economie et du Developpement. 2003. Burkina Faso: la pauvret e en 2003. Ouagadougou: Institut National de la Statistique et de la Demographie. Nama, Germain. 2004. ‘‘L’education au Burkina Faso: faits et chiffres,’’ in Vues d’Afrique n°3: Eduquer aux droits de l’homme: des rep e res pour l’action, Perspectives r e gionales collection, 115–121. Geneva: CIFEDHOP). http://www. cifedhop.org/publications/perspectives/vuesdafrique3/Afrique3.pdf. ORC Macro/Macro International, Inc. 2003. Nutrition of Young Children and Mothers in Burkina Faso Findings from the 2003 Burkina Faso Demographic and Health Survey. Africa nutrition chartbooks Series. Calverton, MD: ORC Macro/Macro International, Inc. http://www.measuredhs.com/pubs/pdf/ ANC17/ANC17-BF03CB-Eng.pdf. Otayek, R., ed. 1996. Le Burkina Faso entre r e volution et d e mocratie (1983–1993): ordre politique et changement social. Paris: Karthala. PNUD. 2005. Document de Programme de Pays pour le Burkina Faso (2006–2010). http://www.pnud.org. Population Division of the Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations Secretariat. World Population Prospects: The 2004 Revision and World Urbanization Prospects: The 2003 Revision; 2003. http://esa.un.org/unpp. UNICEF. 2006a. Burkina Faso: The Big Picture. http://www.unicef.org. ———. 2006b. The State of the World’s Children. New York: UNICEF. On line at http:// www.unicef.org/english/sowc06/pdfs/sowc06_fullreport_fr.pdf (May 2006).
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UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre. 2004. La traite des ^etres humains en Afrique, en particulier des femmes et des enfants. New York: UNICEF. http:// www.measuredhs.com/pubs/pdf/FR154/00PagesPr%E9liminaires.pdf. World Bank. 2006. Country at a Glance. http://www.worldbank.org. Zagre, Pascal. 1994. Les politiques economiques du Burkina Faso: une tradition d’ajustement structurel. Paris: Editions Karthala.
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BURUNDI Jen Westmoreland Bouchard NATIONAL PROFILE Burundi is a small country in central Africa that covers a total of 27,830 square kilometers (10,747 square miles). It is bordered by Rwanda (to the north), Tanzania, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Most of Burundi is on a hilly plateau at approximately 1,400 to 1,800 meters above sea level. Burundi is located just south of the equator, which makes the climate in some areas very hot and humid. However, the high altitude keeps most of the country comfortably warm all year, with the average annual temperatures at 22°C. A total of 44 percent of the country’s land is arable, and major crops include coffee, cotton, tea, corn, bananas, and manioc (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). Nearly 93 percent of Burundians live in rural areas, and the rest live in the two principal urban centers, Bujumbura and Gitega (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). The estimated population of the capital city, Bujumbura, is approximately 300,000 and the estimated population of the entire country is 8,090,068 (U.S. Department of State 2007). With approximately 206 people per square kilometer, Burundi has the second-largest population
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density in all of Sub-Saharan Africa. The majority of the population lives on farms close to areas of fertile volcanic soil. The population is comprised of three major ethnic groups; Hutus make up 85 percent, Tutsi 14 percent, and Twa 1 percent. Kirundi (one of the official languages) and Kiswahili are the most widely spoken languages. French, the other official language, is used for education and commerce (U.S. Department of State 2007). In the mid-eighteenth century, Tutsi royalty gained complete authority over land, production, and distribution of resources. They ruled until 1899, when Burundi came under German East African administration. In 1923, the League of Nations mandated to Belgium the Ruanda-Urundi territory (which encompassed present-day Rwanda and Burundi). In 1948, Belgium permitted the existence of two opposing political parties; the Union for National Progress, a multiethnic party led by Tutsi Prince Louis Rwagasore, and the Christian Democratic Party, supported by Belgium. In 1961, the Union for National Progress gained control of the government, and Prince Louis Rwagasore was assassinated shortly thereafter (U.S. Department of State 2007). Full independence from Belgium was granted on July 1, 1962. At this time, Tutsi King Mwambutsa IV established a constitutional monarchy with equal numbers of Tutsis and Hutus. The 1965 assassination of the Hutu prime minister began a three-decade-long period of civil unrest and bloodshed as the result of ethnic conflict between the Tutsis and Hutus. In 1994, the Burundian President Cyprien Ntaryamira (Hutu) and Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana (also Hutu) were killed in a plane crash, marking the beginning of the Rwandan genocide. In Burundi, the death of Ntaryamira inspired violence and political unrest. This, along with the influx of thousands of Rwanda refugees, further destabilized the political situation in Burundi (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). In November 2001, a 3-year transitional government was put KEY FACTS – BURUNDI in place under the leadership of Pierre Buyoya. In 2003, the Population: 8 million (2007 est.) Burundian government and the Life expectancy at birth: 51.29 years (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 51 percent former rebel factions signed a Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 47 percent (2000– cease-fire and power-sharing agree2005) ment. In September 2004, twoInternet users: 64,600 (2005) thirds of the parliament approved Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 78 the proposed post-transition conSources: CIA World Factbook: Burundi. https://www.cia.gov/library/ stitution. In a popular referendum publications/the-world-factbook/geos/by.html. June 29, 2007; 1 year later, Burundians approved UNICEF. At a Glance: Burundi–Statistics. http://www.unicef. the constitution. This action preorg/infobycountry/burundi_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; pared the country for local and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Burundi. http://hdr.undp. national elections later that year. org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_BDI.html. The Burundian people voted in June 29, 2007. Commune Council elections and
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National Assembly direct elections. An electoral college comprised of commune and provincial councils elected Senate members in July 2005. In August 2005, a joint session of the parliament elected Pierre Nkurunziza as the President of Burundi (U.S. Department of State 2007).
OVERVIEW Burundi is experiencing a period of relative calm after more than a decade of political conflict and civil war. The country held its first successful post-war democratic elections in August 2005. Due to the combined impact of particularly low living standards and a constant deterioration in social and economic conditions, however, half the estimated 8 million inhabitants live on less than U.S. $1 a day (CIA 2007). In 2000, and estimated 620,000 children ages 0 to 14 had lost one or both parents; 10,000 were left disabled, and a further 240,000 were orphaned as the result of HIV/AIDS. To date, there has still been no comprehensive analysis of the situation of these children, and more precise statistics remain difficult to find (Civil Society Forum 2004). Burundi’s children continue to be threatened by child labor, rape, child prostitution, recruitment into armed forces, internal displacement, kidnapping, and landmines (UNICEF 2007b). Although the majority of children recruited into militias are boys, girls have faced their share of war-related abuses. Human rights violations during the war involved the rape, torture, and enslavement of young girls and women. According to the human rights department of ONUB, between 2004 and 2005, only one of every three women or girls raped filed a complaint. Of these victims, the majority dropped their case before the perpetrators were brought to justice. Many were threatened or forced to keep quiet about the offense. The majority of internally displaced persons are women and children. Many women were widowed and left with no legal rights regarding divorce, child care, property or marriage (UN 2007). Burundian children also face serious health crises. The infant and under-5 mortality rates rank among the highest in the world because of malaria, pneumonia, and HIV/AIDS. More than 60 percent of primary school-aged children have iodine deficiency, and immunization rates for childhood diseases have rapidly decreased in recent years (UN 2007).
EDUCATION Traditionally, Burundians have learned through oral recitation rather than through written documents. In this tradition, historical narratives, values, and practical information are passed down from one generation to the next (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). Burundian education is still highly oral, and the country’s literacy rate is low; only 51 percent of the
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population (59 percent of males and 45 percent of females) older than the age of 15 can read and write (CIA 2007). Education is subsidized and compulsory for primary school children from ages 7 to 12, although less than 50 percent of these children actually attend school. The reasons for this are numerous and include the shortage of school buildings, teachers, funding, and supplies caused by years of national instability. The languages of instruction are Kirundi and French (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). Secondary school is not compulsory. Approximately 10 percent of children older than 12 years (mostly boys) attend secondary schools. Secondary education is designed as a two-cycle system. Students first attend a 4-year program of basic studies, followed by a 3-year program to prepare them for university. Similar to primary school, students are taught in Kirundi and French (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). The University of Bujumbura (established in 1960) is the leading institution of higher education in Burundi. The majority of classes are given in French and it typically takes students between 4 and 5 years to complete a degree. PLAY AND RECREATION In recent years, the Burundian Ministry of Youth, Culture, and Sport has promoted both traditional recreational activities as well as other sports as a way to bring together the country’s conflicting ethnic groups (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). Soccer is Burundi’s most popular sport and is played throughout the country. In addition, Burundians have traditionally excelled in track and field events, particularly running and jumping. Some Burundian students who pursue higher education in foreign countries become members of the track and field teams. The Ministry of Youth, Culture, and Sport also encourages youth to pursue such activities as traditional dancing and drumming. They often are performed as entertainment at parties with families and friends. Another favorite form of entertainment and pastime is storytelling. Traditionally, storytelling is in the form of a chant, called an igitito. Igititos are typically educational and relay stories of kings, gods, and common people. Kivivuga amazina is a type of poetry contest held by cattle herders. The participants improvise songs, and they are judged based on who can tout themselves in the most creative fashion (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). Many children enjoy telling riddles and playing word games. A favorite game among youth is gusimba ikibariko, which involves jumping with a ball and catching stones in mid-air. Horo is a ball game enjoyed specifically by girls. Most boys enjoy free-style wrestling and rough play. Burundi’s version of the popular African game, Mancala, is called urubugu (Cultural Profiles Project 2006).
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FAMILY In part because of the hilly nature of the Burundian countryside, most family compounds are not adjacent to other compounds. Burundians do not inhabit the valleys because of the rampant tsetse flies. Thus, each clan lives and farms on their own hill. Generally, each clan lives as an extended family in a walled compound called a rugo. This compound may also contain areas for cattle and other animals (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). The man serves as the head of the household and is expected to provide and make decisions for his family. A wife’s role is to respect and obey her husband, care for the children, and tend to elderly and ill family members. Children are extremely important to Burundian families. Boys are trained to follow in the footsteps of their fathers and head up their own households. Girls are trained to perform household tasks and help their mothers. Children provide security for their parents in their old age. They learn early on that it is their duty to care for elderly relatives (Cultural Profiles Project, 2006). The husband must present a gift to the bride’s family before marriage. Likewise, it is the family of the groom who organizes the wedding ceremony. The bride is expected to produce a child within 1 year of marriage. In Burundian culture, it is best to have a baby boy (an heir) before a girl is born. When a child is born, his or her hair is cut and put in a banana plantation. The number of bananas that grow on the tree near where the hair was planted is supposed to indicate the number of children the family will have. Marriages between Hutu and Tutsis have always been rare, although Hutu men were allowed to court Tutsi women. Such marriages occur more often today, but they are still uncommon. The Burundian government views its population growth rate of 3.4 percent per year and fertility rates of 6.8 lifetime births per woman as too high (UN 2007). The maternal mortality ratio is also high, estimated at 1,000 deaths per 100,000 live births, whereas infant mortality was 102 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2005 (UN 2007). In 2006, Burundi’s Roman Catholic Church announced that it will only conduct marriage ceremonies for couples who take HIV tests and can produce certificates showing the results. The church requires couples to present certification of having undergone the test; however, the test results will not affect whether the couples can marry. This decision has been quite controversial and highly contested by Burundi’s National Association of People With HIV/AIDS (Kaiser News 2006). HEALTH Decades of war in Burundi have had an extremely negative effect on the country’s health sector. The government requires citizens to pay their own healthcare costs, and many hospitals have been forced to detain or turn away patients who cannot pay their bills.
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As recently as 2006, hundreds of patients who had completed treatment were prevented from leaving hospitals for this reason (HRW 2007). The leading causes of morbidity and mortality in Burundian children include malaria, acute respiratory infections, diarrhea, tuberculosis and malnutrition. Prevention of these maladies is low. Only 3 percent of children younger than 5 were regularly sleeping under mosquito neting according to surveys within the last 8 years (UNICEF 2007a). From the mid-1990s on, there has also been a rapid deterioration in living conditions, including inadequate sanitation and drainage. As of 2006, only 36 percent of the population had access to adequate sanitation facilities (UNICEF 2007a). HIV/AIDS continues to be a great concern among Burundian women and youth. Incidences of sexual violence have infected 1.3 percent of women 14 years or older (UNAIDS 2007). In 2005, more than 70,000 people, compared with 50,000 in 2003, were tested for HIV in 127 voluntary testing centers around the country. Although there has been progress in identifying at-risk groups and testing them early on, major obstacles to universal access to antiretroviral treatment still exist. According to UNAIDS, at least 150,000 Burundians are living with HIV, with an HIV prevalence rate of 3.3 percent for adults aged 15 to 49 (UN 2007). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Over the years of civil conflict, Burundian military and armed opposition forces have committed serious war crimes, including killing and raping of civilians and various forms of child abuse. In 2003, a political agreement between the major combating parties in Burundi’s 10-year civil war (the government and the Forces for the Defense of Democracy) granted immunity from prosecution for these widespread crimes. Therefore, both government soldiers and rebel combatants who had raped women and girls and abducted children for use as combatants were never tried for their offenses (HRW 2003). In general, Burundi’s overburdened judicial system, hampered by limited resources, continues to function poorly (HRW 2007). Corruption among government officials and military groups runs rampant, and trials for serious offenses move slowly and are often dismissed before a criminal is sentenced. Burundian children who are in conflict with the law experience serious abuses in a criminal justice system that treats them as adults (HRW 2007). In prison, many children are tortured or deprived of basic resources in order to extract confessions from them. In addition, most of them have no access to legal advice and no hope for just representation. While awaiting their trials, children are locked up alongside adults in overcrowded facilities for many months or even years. On the basis of interviews conducted with more than 100 child inmates as well as with prosecutors and prison staff, a 2007 HRW report
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on child prisoners lists cases of physical and sexual abuse of children by other inmates, deprivation of food, poor sanitary conditions, and a lack of any organized education inside the prisons. At the end of 2006, more than 400 children between the ages of 13 and 18 were in the Burundian prison system (HRW 2007). No juvenile justice system exists in Burundi. Under current laws, the age of criminal responsibility is 13. Currently, Burundi’s parliament is considering proposed amendments to their criminal law that would improve the treatment of children in conflict with the law and raise the age of criminal responsibility to 15 (HRW 2007).
RELIGIOUS LIFE A total of 67 percent of Burundians are Christian (62 percent are Roman Catholic and 5 percent are Protestant), 10 percent are Muslim, and 23 percent practice traditional religions (CIA 2007). In the nineteenth century, early German and Belgian missionaries introduced Christianity to the Burundians. They also introduced a European-style education system. Catholicism continues to be the dominant religion. If a rural community does not have enough funding to maintain a church, wedding and funeral services are conducted by priests in homes (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). Many of the Twa people and some Christian Burundians hold animist beliefs. They believe that all natural phenomena, as well as living creatures, have souls and spirits. The foundation of Burundi’s traditional religion is the god Imana, who both creates and preserves life. Within each human being, animal, and object there exists a special life force that is also referred to as imana. At the moment of death, the imana is transformed into imizimu, or spirit of the dead. Imizimu are honored and respected. Certain animist rituals are performed to cure illness, to prevent natural disasters such as floods and droughts, or to ensure a happy marriage for newlyweds. The kubandwa ritual is performed to exorcise evil spirits who tend to cause problems, while simultaneously invoking good spirits to solve pressing issues (Cultural Profiles Project 2006).
CHILD LABOR, CHILD ABUSE, AND NEGLECT Although Burundian law prohibits forced or compulsory labor by children, nearly 24 percent of children between the ages of 5 and 14 years are involved in child labor in the mining and brick-making industries. Many girls are forced to work as domestic servants and sex slaves. In 2000, Burundian police discovered a ‘‘network’’ of more than 70 women and young girls in a local bar in Bujumbura. Young girls would be forced to have sex with bar patrons in exchange for food and drink that was shared by all women (U.S. Department of State 2004).
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As is the case in Rwanda, the abuses surrounding the 1994 genocide are numerous, and underlying tensions between the Tutsi and the Hutu continue. The abuses surrounding the recruitment, training, and deployment of child soldiers are some of the largest issues facing Burundi’s youth. Children as young as ten served in the Burundi armed forces and militia, the Gardiens de la paix (Peace Guards), as combat troops and as spies. Over the last two decades, thousands of child soldiers fought with Burundian armed political groups in Burundi, and with Burundian and Congolese armed political groups in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Many armed political groups also abducted girls into sexual slavery (Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers 2004a). During their service, many child soldiers had been forced to execute family, friends, and neighbors, undergo harsh training regimes, and endure extreme conditions in militia camps, all for very little or no monetary compensation. The two main armed groups known for their recruitment of child soldiers are the CNDD-FDD (Nkurunziza) and the FNL (Rwasa) (Amnesty International 2004). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY As reflected in the Education and Child Abuse sections, two of the major issues facing Burundi’s youth in the twenty-first century are a lack of adequate education and the continued involvement of youth in militia forces. To address the various problems caused by decades of internal conflict, the Burundian government is working with international organizations to help children and young adults acquire the skills they need to survive. The project entitled Batissons la Paix/Gira amahoro (‘‘Let’s Build Peace’’), developed by UNICEF and the Burundian Ministry of Education, helps children learn how to resolve conflicts peacefully and cope with the trauma caused by violence. In addition, UNESCO offers ecological education for teen and women farmers, and the Peace Corps provides training in farm equipment and environmental protection. The Burundian government adopted anti-child soldier policies when it ratified the International Labour Organisation’s Convention on the eradication of all forms of child labor in 2002. This program was an important step in disarming and rehabilitating the thousands of children involved in militia groups since the mid-1990s. In January of 2004, the Burundian government, in collaboration with the International Labour Organisation’s international program for the eradication of child labor, launched a three-year program in order to demobilize 2,500 child soldiers, most of them from government forces. An estimated 5,000 other child soldiers also required demobilization. However, armed political groups, including some who were taking part in the demobilization project, continued to recruit children. The UN has urged military groups to stop the recruitment of child soldiers, and UNICEF continues to work to rehabilitate
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and reunite former soldiers with their families (Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers 2004a). RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Dunson, Donald. No Room at the Table: Earth’s Most Vulnerable Children. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books; 2003. This nonfiction work discusses the myriad problems facing Africa’s children. There is a section specifically on youth in Burundi. Hiddleston, Trish. Out of Sight, Out of Mind: Conflict and Displacement in Burundi. Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children; 2001. A study on issues pertaining to women and children in Burundi and surrounding countries. Lemarchand, Rene. Burundi. Ethnocide as discourse and practice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 1994. A discussion of the phenomenon of ethnocide as it pertains to the Burundian civil conflicts. ———. Burundi: Ethnic Conflict and Genocide. Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center; 1996. This reference addresses the nuances of the Burundian ethnic conflicts of the past two decades. Longman, Timothy. Proxy Targets: Civilians in the War in Burundi. New York: Human Rights Watch; 1998. An article on the dangers facing civilians during the Burundian civil conflict. Ndarubagiye, Leonce. Burundi: The Origins of the Hutu-Tutsi Conflict. Nairobi: Ndarubagiye; 1996. A clear overview of the cultural issues at the heart of the ethnic conflict. Singer, P.W. Children at War. Los Angeles: University of California Press; 2006. This study focuses on the effects of war on children in a variety of contexts. It contains useful information on child soldiers. Southall, Roger and Kristina Bently. An African Peace Process: Mandela, South Africa, and Burundi. Human Sciences Resource Council; 2005. This book examines the influence of the South African peace keeping efforts on the situation in Burundi.
Nonprint Resources Shake Hands with the Devil: The Journey of Rom e o Dallaire. 2005. Directed by Peter Raymount. Produced by Peter Raymont and Lindalee Tracey. A 91-minute film based on a book by Romeo Dallaire. Available from California Newsreel. The Canadian General Romeo Dallaire was charged with an impossible task of heading a UN peacekeeping mission in Rwanda with an order not to use force. More than 800,000 men, women and children, mainly Tutsis and moderate Hutu, were massacred. This film documents General Dallaire’s return to the region 10 years later.
Organizations and NGOs Catholic Relief Services, http://www.crs.org. Catholic Relief Services is the official international relief and development agency of the U.S. Catholic community.
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Center for Victims of Torture, http://www.cvt.org. The Minneapolis-based The Center for Victims of Torture works to heal the wounds of torture on individuals, their families and their communities and to stop torture worldwide. They have a number of teams working in West and Central Africa at present. Council for Peace in the Great Lakes Region, http://www.chez.com/cprgla. Based in Canada, this organization’s web site offers news articles on the current economic, political and social environment of Burundi, Rwanda, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In French. Save the Children, http://www.savethechildren.net. Ranging from emergency relief to long-term development, Save the Children is committed to helping children have a healthy and secure childhood. Save the Children takes children’s opinions very seriously. The organization involves children in its policies and ensures their views are taken into account. They work to protect children’s rights, including adequate nutrition, shelter, health care, education and freedom from violence, abuse, and exploitation. United States Committee for Refugees, http://www.refugees.org/index.cfm. Founded in 1958 to complement the UN’s initiative to aid refugees, the USCR’s site offers brief and detailed reports on refugee status in and from the various countries of the world. World Food Programme, http://www.wfp.org. World Food Programme is an organization dedicated to ending hunger. The Agency also provides the support necessary to get food aid to the right people at the right time in crisis situations. WFP also promotes national and international policies, strategies and operations that directly benefit the hungry.
Selected Bibliography Ajia, Olalekan. 2007a. ‘‘Drumming up Pride Among Post-war Burundi Street Children.’’ UNICEF. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/burundi_39331. html. ———. 2007b. ‘‘UN Special Representative Commends Demobilization of Child Soldiers in Burundi.’’ UNICEF. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ burundi_39232.html. Amnesty International. 2004. ‘‘Burundi Child Soldiers: The Challenge of Demobilisation. http://web.amnesty.org/library/print/ENGAFR160112004 Bonham Carter, Rachel. 2007. ‘‘Death Toll Rises and Children Abandon School as Burundi Food Crisis Deepens.’’ UNICEF. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/burundi_38303.html. CIA World Factbook. 2007. Burundi Factsheet. http://www.cia.gov/library/publica tions/the-world-factbook/geos/rw.html. Civil Society Forum. 2004. ‘‘A Civil Society Forum for Francophone Africa on Promoting and Protecting the Rights of Street Children.’’ http://gvnet.com/ streetchildren/Burundi.htm. Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers. 2004a. Child Soldiers Global Report 2004. http://www.child-soldiers.org/document_get.php?id¼791.
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———. 2004b. Recruitment of Child Soldiers- Burundi. http://www.child-soldiers. org/document_get.php?id¼761. Cultural Profiles Project. 2006. Burundi. http://www.cp-pc.ca/english/burundi/ index.html. Human Rights Watch. 2003. ‘‘Burundi: War Crimes May Go Unpunished.’’ http:// hrw.org/english/docs/2003/12/21/burund6789.htm. ———. 2006. ‘‘A Long Way from Home: FNL Child Soldiers in Burundi.’’ http:// hrw.org/backgrounder/africa/burundi0606/1.htm#_Toc137977622. ———. 2007. Burundi: Children Behind Bars Suffer Abuse. http://hrw.org/english/docs/2007/03/14/burundi15487.htm. Irin News. 2004. ‘‘Burundi: Government Launches Child Soldiers’ Rehabilitation Programme.’’ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid¼49921. Kaiser News. 2006. ‘‘Burundi’s Roman Catholic Church To Conduct Wedding Ceremonies Only For Couples Who Receive HIV Tests.’’ http://www. medicalnewstoday.com/medicalnews.php?newsid¼40522. UNAIDS. Burundi, 2007. http://www.unaids.org/en/Regions_Countries/Countries/ burundi.asp. UNICEF. 2007a. Burundi: Facts and Figures. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry. ———. 2007b. ‘‘Children and Armed Conflict.’’ http://www.un.org/children/ conflict/english/burundi28.html. UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. 2007. Republic of Burundi Humanitarian Country Profile. http://www.irinnews.org/country.aspx? CountryCode¼BI&RegionCode¼GL. U.S. Department of State. 2007. Background Note: Burundi. http://www.state.gov/ r/pa/ei/bgn/2821.htm.
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CAMEROON Richard A. Bradshaw and Ibrahim Ndzesop NATIONAL PROFILE The Republic of Cameroon is located in west-central Africa. It borders Nigeria to the west, Chad to the northeast, the Central African Republic to the east, and Republic of the Congo, Gabon, and Equatorial Guinea to the south. Its coast extends along the Bight of Bonny of the Gulf of Guinea in the Atlantic Ocean. Known for its geological and cultural diversity, Cameroon has beaches, deserts, rainforests, savannas, and mountains. Its largest cities are Douala (the nation’s main port), Yaounde (the capital), and Garoua in the north. Covering 475,442 square kilometers, Cameroon is slightly larger than California. Cameroon’s 17.3 million inhabitants speak an estimated 250 local languages, although the official languages are English and French. Cameroon and adjacent areas of Nigeria are regarded as the ‘‘cradles’’ from which the Bantu and AdamawaUbangi peoples of the Niger-Congo family began to spread to other parts of Africa approximately 5,000 years ago (Newman 1997,
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140). The name Cameroon is derived from Rio dos Camar~ oes (‘‘River of Prawns’’), given by Infant mortality rate: 65.84 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 52.86 years (2007 est.) fifteenth-century Portuguese exLiteracy rate: 67.9 percent (2001 est.) plorers to the Wouri River Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 79 percent (2000– because of the numerous crayfish 2005) they found there. Before coloniInternet users: 167,000 (2005) zation, Cameroon was populated People living with HIV/AIDS: 560,000 (2003 est.) Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 61 by a variety of peoples and polities. Muslims in the north traded Sources: CIA World Factbook: Cameroon. https://www.cia.gov/ with Hausa and Arab merchants, library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/cm.html. June 29, who linked them with the Trans2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Cameroon–Statistics. http:// www.unicef.org/infobycountry/cameroon_statistics.html. June Saharan trade, whereas coastal 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) peoples in the south began tradHuman Development Report 2006–Cameroon. http:// ing with European merchanthdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/ adventurers during the late cty_ds_CMR.html. June 29, 2007. fifteenth century. In 1884, Germany claimed a protectorate (Kamerun) over the region, but after the German defeat during the First World War, the League of Nations gave control for more than 80 percent of the territory to the French. These areas became United Nations Trusteeships after the Second World War. Independence struggles during the 1950s eventually led to Cameroon’s independence from France in 1960 under President Ahmadou Ahidjo, whose ruling party, Union Camerounaise, stood for close cooperation with the French and the building of a capitalist economy. In 1961, the southern part of British Cameroons merged with the republic to form the Federal Republic of Cameroon. The federation was then renamed the United Republic of Cameroon in 1972 and the Republic of Cameroon in 1984. In 1982, President Ahidjo resigned and turned the presidency over to Paul Biya, who has remained in power until the present (De Lancy and De Lancy 2000). Cameroon enjoys greater political and social stability than many African nations, stability that has facilitated the development of exports such as cocoa, coffee, bananas, timber, and palm products and industrial goods such as petroleum products, cement, clothing, aluminum, and beverages. Nevertheless, almost half of Cameroonians live in poverty as subsistence farmers. Since 1997, Cameroon has been following Structural Adjustment guidelines established by the International Monetary Fund aimed at privatizing industries, promoting economic growth, and reducing poverty (U.S. Department of State 2007). The Heavily Poor and Indebted Countries initiative has led to some positive changes, but debt servicing, growing defense expenditure, and widespread corruption constitute a significant drain on government resources and are partly responsible for the inadequacy and poor quality of basic services such as education and health. KEY FACTS – CAMEROON
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OVERVIEW Cameroon’s relative stability and absence of war means that its children do not suffer the outcome of war as their peers in many war-torn nations do, but many children suffer from malnutrition, poor medical care, abusive treatment, and economic exploitation. Some children are sold and forced to perform hard agricultural or domestic labor, and many girls are subjected to damaging cultural practices and sexual exploitation by male teachers. The quality of health care and education available for many children is very poor, and the death of parents from AIDS and other illnesses leaves little choice for many children but to become street children. Because of the economic crisis that has plagued the country since the 1980s, the situation of children in Cameroon has worsened. Children in Cameroon face threats from disease, poor education, lack of safe drinking water, child-trafficking, and abuse. The under-5 mortality rate remains as high at 149 per 1000 births. In addition, 400,000 children in Cameroon are estimated to be under vulnerable conditions, with 25 percent exposed to sexual exploitation (UNICEF 2005). EDUCATION Cameroon’s educational system is based on a mixture of British and French precedents, and most instruction is in French or English. Most children have access to inexpensive state-run schools or more costly private and religious schools. Cameroon has one of the highest school attendance rates in Africa, but female attendance is less than that of males as the result of domestic duties, early marriage and pregnancy, and sexual harassment. Attendance rates are greater in the south, where more teachers are stationed. Schools in the north are chronically understaffed (U.S. Department of State 2006). Although education absorbs a large part of central government expenditure (12 percent), the general picture of school enrollment and attendance is poor. Net primary school attendance between 2000 and 2005 is estimated at 79 percent, but in the three northernmost provinces, which lag far behind the rest of Cameroon in school attendance, half of all girls do not attend school. Primary education is officially free, but many parents are unable to provide the basic costs of transport and textbooks, for example, and they tend to support males over females (UNICEF 2003). Teacher shortages lead to overcrowded school conditions for those who can attend. Because of the relatively low wages paid to teachers, many teachers work for wealthy families by providing homeschooling for their children. In private institutions, frequent strikes by teachers often undermine the quality of education. Only one teacher-training college (Ecole Normale Superieure) exists in Yaounde. It has an annex in Bambili (North West Province). Another
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training college in Garoua was promised by the president during the 2004 presidential elections, but it is not yet operational. Thousands of temporary teachers have been recruited in recent years, but many of these have gone on strike because they have not been officially integrated into government service. General strikes by teachers in the public sector (because of low wages) have led to several interruptions in the education system. At all levels, most classes have far too many students. It is not rare to find classrooms with 120 children. An estimated 30 percent of pupils repeat classes and about 13 percent abandon school before secondary education. Various forms of regional and ethnic disparities exist in Cameroon’s education system that affect the welfare of children. Many children in border zones or among marginalized minorities receive no formal education. In the northern and eastern provinces, admission into primary school is as low as 39 percent, whereas some provinces have admission rates as high as 98 percent. The percentage of children who attend secondary school is also much greater in urban areas than rural areas. The high cost and frequent scarcity of pedagogic materials also threaten quality education and equity in access to education. The amount of government expenditure on public education remains low as the result of corruption, inefficient management, and inadequate resources. PLAY AND RECREATION Children in Cameroon enjoy numerous festivals, ceremonies, social gatherings, and storytelling. Almost all children participate in various musical and dance activities and boys begin playing soccer from a very young age (Mbaku 2005). Music ranges from the clapping of hands and stomping of feet to the use of bells, drums, clappers, flutes, horns, rattles, scrapers, stringed instruments, whistles, and xylophones. Some performers sing songs accompanied by a harp-like instrument. Cameroon is well known for its makossa and bikutsi musical styles and for its very popular and successful national football team. CHILD LABOR The child labor situation in Cameroon is alarming. Children’s labor is exploited in agriculture, various businesses, including the commercial sex business, and domestic service. Child labor is particularly exploited in the cocoa farming region of the Centre Province, the Northwest, and the Southwest. The country is a transit zone for the trafficking of children and an importer of child labor (Leocadia 2006). Cameroon, C^ ote d’Ivoire, Nigeria, and Ghana are the main producers of cocoa in the world, and the inhabitants all employ children on cocoa farms, which depriving children of education and exploiting their labor. Between 1999
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and 2005, 54 percent of children between 5 and 14 years in Cameroon engaged in some form of child labor. A 2003 survey conducted by the Ministry of Economy and Finance and UNICEF concluded that 5 percent of children between the ages of 5 and 14 have performed unremunerated work. Children are forced to cook, do shopping, clean, wash clothes, or fetch water. Seven of 10 children perform these tasks for about 4 hours a day, whereas 11 percent devote more than 4 hours. Although many believe it is useful for children to help with chores and to learn to work, many children are obliged to devote so much time to work that they do not have time or energy for formal education. Many school dropouts provide cheap, obedient laborers who work for meager wages. Because of its geographic position at the cross roads between West and Central Africa, its opening on the Atlantic ocean and its relative political stability, Cameroon has become a hub of both regional and international child trafficking networks in recent years. Of an estimated 610,000 working children, 531,591 or 84.15 percent are reported to be victims of child trafficking. The children are sold to serve as house-helpers (33 percent), vendors (20 percent), laborers (10 percent), waitresses (7 percent), prostitutes (7 percent), and others (30 percent). Rural areas in the North West, South West, and West Provinces are reputed to be the main providers of trafficked children and the cities of Douala and Yaounde are the main recipients (Balla 2002). Child trafficking became more noticeable during the economic crises of the 1990s. Many of these children are sold either by parents or relatives living in desperate poverty. The majority of victims are between 14 and 18 years, but some are as young as 8. It has been estimated that sellers receive about 100,000 CFA (US$200) per child sold at the national level and 1,000,000 CFA (US$2,000) per child sold to Europe or North America. In April 2001, a boat named Etieno came into the port of Douala with several slave children aboard. Six months later, another boat in Cameroonian territorial waters was found to be transporting hundreds of children from neighboring West African countries. These children were destined for Gabon to work as laborers. The oil boom in countries such as Equatorial Guinea and Gabon has increased the demand for child labor in these countries. Although Cameroon has passed several laws to combat child trafficking, the problem appears to be on the increase rather than on the decline. In December 2005, the government enacted a statute prohibiting child trafficking, and the General Delegate for National Security signed an order creating an anti-trafficking vice squad within the National Office of Interpol. The Ministry of Social Affairs operates temporary shelters in all 10 provincial capitals that provide repatriated child victims with care while officials locate their families. In 2005, the government collaborated with the International Labour Organisation (ILO) on a U.S.-funded project to remove 1,200 children from cocoa plantations and provide them with schooling or skills training. In 2005, the Minister of Labor signed an
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order creating a National Committee for the Implementation of the International Program for the Elimination of Child Labor (IPEC), which is responsible for integrating IPEC activities into national efforts against child labor (U.S. Department of Labor 2007) The U.S. Embassy in Yaounde, in collaboration with the ILO and 29 NGOs, organized an event in June 2007 aimed at informing the public about the issue of child labor in Cameroon (Bobebill 2007). FAMILY Nuclear families in Cameroon are closely linked to large networks of kinfolk who have important roles in the upbringing, education, and care of children. In both urban and rural areas, children often leave their nuclear families to live with relatives to obtain a better education. Children thus spend a good part of their youth in the care of relatives. Cameroonian society is generally male-dominated, and violence and discrimination against women is common (Freedom House 2006). First marriages used to often be arranged, but individual choice is becoming more common. Child bearing is highly valued, and infants are given a great deal of attention. Infants are generally kept close to their mothers and are breast fed on demand. Once a child can hold its head upright, it is often carried by siblings. Siblings as well as relatives play a key role in the upbringing of children. HEALTH The quality of health care in Cameroon is generally very low. Outside of major urban centers, health facilities are often ill-equipped and insufficiently staffed. In rural health centers, nurses often play a direct role in diagnosis and treatment, and they perform surgical operations. Pharmacists provide an important source of biomedical advice, and vendors of prescription medicines also give advice to patients and their families, although their understanding of disease may differ from that of physicians and pharmacists. Traditional practitioners (e.g., herbalists, bone setters, diviners, and ritual specialists) are often consulted and remain a popular alternative to Western medicine (Delancey and DeLancey 2000, 21). Between 1994 and 2004, a mere 3 percent of the national budget was being allocated to health care, in comparison with 10 percent for national defense. Despite Cameroon’s ability to grow sufficient food for its population, many children suffer from chronic undernutrition. An estimated 54 percent of Cameroon’s children have stunted growth because of malnutrition, which also makes them more vulnerable to a range of other illnesses. Malaria remains the number one child killer in Cameroon and is responsible for 35 to 40 percent of hospital deaths, 50 percent of morbidity
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among children under 5, and 40 percent of child mortality. In 2002, the government launched a Strategic National Plan Against Malaria called ‘‘Roll Back Malaria,’’ but its goal of providing 60 percent of children under 5 with insecticide-treated mosquito nets has not been achieved. Many children in the slums of large cities such as Douala and Yaounde are exposed to and die of malaria. In recent years, HIV/AIDS has been a significant challenge to children whose parents or guardian are either infected or die of the disease. With an adult HIV/AIDS prevalence rate of 5.4 percent, ignorance of the modes of transmission threatens young people. UNICEF estimates that 34,000 children (0–14 years) in Cameroon are HIV positive. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Cameroon’s constitution and legal system are largely based on French precedents and common law, but there is a huge gap between written laws and actual practice. The judiciary is under the authority of the Ministry of Justice and is only nominally independent, the president appointing judges at all levels. Human rights organizations have accused the police and armed forces of mistreating and even torturing criminal suspects, political activists, ethnic minorities, homosexuals, and others. Prisons are overcrowded, and inmates have little access to adequate food and medical facilities. Prisons maintained by traditional rulers in the north have been reported to hold political opponents at the request of the government. Cameroonian law bars children younger than 14 from working, but young boys and girls are often coerced into working long hours for little if any compensation. Laws passed to protect the rights of children or punish those who violate their rights are generally not enforced, and the police, armed forces, and judiciary are notoriously corrupt. Since the early 2000s, an increasing number of police and gendarmes have been prosecuted for improper conduct, but this has had little if any impact on changing the behavior of the majority of those who are supposed to investigate crimes and enforce laws. RELIGIOUS LIFE Cameroonians enjoy a considerable degree of religious freedom and diversity. Christians predominate in the south whereas Muslims are numerous in the north, but most Christians and Muslims also retain many traditional beliefs, including the reverence for sacred local sites (sacred trees, groves, burial grounds, etc.) and rituals to promote agricultural fertility. An estimated 40 percent of the population is Christian, about 20 percent is Muslim, and the remaining 40 percent retain indigenous beliefs but have been influenced at least superficially by Christianity and/or
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Islam. Most people believe in witchcraft, and although the government discourages the practice of harmful ‘‘magic’’ and its local punishment, suspected witches are often subject to mob violence. There are many active ritual specialists, diviners, and healers. Generally, they combine their religious activities with other forms of livelihood. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Thousands of Cameroonian children are abused every year with impunity. Poverty and lack of educational opportunities contribute to the sexual exploitation of boys and girls. Within family circles, the victim is frequently a child of the perpetrator, a child in the perpetrator’s custody, or a minor employed as a house-servant (Mengue 2005, 1). The number of so-called ‘‘sugar daddies’’—rich men who pick up young girls between the ages of 13 and 18 to have sex (usually unprotected)—has increased in recent years. Children sometimes serve as prostitutes to earn money for themselves or their families. The problem is sometimes regarded as the family of the victim’s fault. Parents often fail to educate or protect their children with a view to preventing such abuse and they also often fail to denounce such crimes. Despite the fact that Cameroon has signed and ratified numerous conventions aimed at reducing the trafficking of children (CRC 1993, OP-SC 2006, Trafficking Protocol 2006, ILO 1960, 2001, 2002, ACC 1997, Stockholm Agenda for Action 2001, etc.), thousands of children are kidnapped or purchased and sold to provide child labor or serve as prostitutes. Child marriage is also a problem. An estimated 47 percent of marriages generally and 70 percent in rural and northern areas involve children. The neglect of children is reflected in government budgets. The ministry of social affairs has a budget of approximately 4 billion CFA (US$8 million) but about two-thirds of this amount is allotted to running the ministry whereas less than CFA 700 million francs is set aside for addressing child-related problems, of which there are many. For example, at the onset of puberty, an estimated 26 percent of girls are subjected to breast ironing, a practice by which their breasts are pounded or massaged with heated objects to prevent them from developing—a practice intended to prevent girls from becoming sexually active too early and to protect them from sexual assault. The health effects of this harmful practice have not been thoroughly documented, but it is generally believed that the practice can cause tissue damage in addition to the physical and psychosocial pain and likely interfere with breastfeeding later. A survey conducted in June 2006 by the German development agency GTZ of more than 5,000 girls and women between the ages of 10 and 82 estimated that nearly one in four, or four million girls in Cameroon had been subjected to breast ironing. Local NGOs are trying to call attention to this practice,
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but significant progress on this issue will probably require the active intervention of the government. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The relative stability of Cameroon has prevented its children from suffering the terrible tribulations of war, but there is widespread dissatisfaction with the government because of electoral fraud, corruption, mismanagement, nepotism, favoritism, and dependence on the threat or use of force to remain in power. This type of governance impedes improvements in the economic and social welfare of children and contributes to growing frustration with the power structure, which may lead to instability and violence. Without basic changes in the nature of governance, the welfare of children is not likely to improve and may in fact deteriorate. The country’s substantial export of agricultural produce has resulted in a higher standard of living for many Cameroonians but has had a negative impact on the welfare of many children whose labor is exploited to produce cash crops such as cocoa. To the extent that this export sector continues to depend on the use of child labor, there may be growing abuse and trafficking of children. Finally, the elimination of harmful cultural practices will prove difficult unless there is increased political will to protect the rights of women and children. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings De Lancey, M. W., and M. D. De Lancey. Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Cameroon, 3rd ed. Lanham, MD: The Scarecrow Press; 2000. Includes an excellent introduction to the history of the Republic of Cameroon. Fomensky, R., M. Gwanfogbe, and F. Tsala, editorial advisers. Macmillan School Atlas for Cameroon. Malaysia: Macmillan Education Ltd; 1985. Geschiere, Peter. The Modernity of Witchcraft: Politics and the Occult in Postcolonial Africa. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia; 1997. A much-acclaimed study of witchcraft and its importance at all levels of society in postcolonial Cameroon. Gwanfogbe, Mathew, Ambrose Meligui, Jean Moukam, and Jeanette Nguoghia. West, Ben. 2004. Cameroon: The Bradt Travel Guide. Guilford, CT: The Globe Pequot Press Inc.; 1983. Lantum, Daniel M. and Martin Ekeke Monono. ‘‘Republic of Cameroon,’’ Who Global Atlas of Traditional, Complementary and Alternative Medicine. Geneva: World Health Organization; 2005. MacDonald, Brian S. ‘‘Case Study 4: Cameroon,’’ Military Spending in Developing Countries: How Much Is Too Much? McGill-Queen’s University Press; 1997. Mbaku, John Mukum. Culture and Customs of Cameroon. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press; 2005. A useful and up-to-date overview of the Cameroonian cultures.
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Neba, Aaron. Modern Geography of the Republic of Cameroon, 3rd ed. Bamenda: Neba Publishers; 1999. Newman, James L. The Peopling of Africa: A Geographical Interpretation. New Haven: Yale University Press; 1997. Includes maps showing the migration of the Bantu and Adamawa-Ubangi peoples from their cradles in the CameroonNigerian borderlands. Nkolo, Jean-Victor, and Graeme Ewens. ‘‘Cameroon: Music of a Small Continent,’’ World Music, Volume 1: Africa, Europe and the Middle East. London: Rough Guides Ltd; 2000.
Nonprint Resources Chief! 1999. Directed by Jean-Marie Teno. Produced by Les films du Raphia. Available from California Newsreel: http://www.newsreel.org/nav/title.asp?tc¼ CN0018. A documentary focused on the trials and tribulations of daily life in Cameroon. Girls’ Education Initiatives in Cameroon. 2006. UNICEF Television correspondent Natacha Ikoli reports on education initiatives for female children in Cameroon. Video available at http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/cameroon_ 39815.html. Les bois des singes (work in progress). 2007. Directed by Oswalda Lewat. Produced by Boreal Films Inc. This film focuses on nine children who were taken from their families by a Police Special Unit of the government of Cameroon. This Special Unit is reported to be responsible for more than a thousand deaths. Mbum du Cameroun, Nord Cameroun. 2003. Music CD recorded by Charles Duvelle, Collection Prophet No. 23. Mbum musicians of Cameroon perform folklore songs, some of which are performed for boys and girls undergoing initiation rites of passage to be admitted into the society of adults.
Web Sites Center for International Education and Development Assistance, CIEDA, Indiana University. http://www.indiana.edu/ird/cieda/yaounde.htm. CIEDA has a special collaborative relationship with the University of Yaounde, Cameroon. It focuses on Higher Education Administration and Curriculum Development. Friends of Cameroon, FOC. http://www.friendsofcameroon.org. Run entirely by volunteers, FOC funds a number of small development projects in Cameroon every year. Green Eyes in Africa. http://www.greeneyesinafrica.org/. An NGO dedicated to educating, empowering, and loving impoverished African orphans, it runs an orphanage called ‘‘New Hope Orphanage’’ in Yaounde, Cameroon. It also takes care of the blind and those suffering from AIDS. Republic of Cameroon. http://www.spm.gov.cm/acceuil.php?lang¼en. An official government site which offers information about Cameroonian institutions.
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Organizations and NGOs Alliance des Enfants pour la Protection de l’Environnement http://www.crin.org/ organisations/viewOrg.asp?ID¼1605 PO Box 10084 Yaounde, Cameroon Phone: 00 237 82 60 37 Fax: 00 237 21 41 52 Email: [email protected] This NGO aims to make the earth cleaner and greener. It promotes youth activities to improve education environments. Association Developpement et Solidarite pour l’Avenir, ADESA PO Box 1757 Yaounde, Cameroon Phone: 00 237 9751597 Contact: Marie Essomba Ngayene Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.crin.org/organisations/viewOrg.asp?ID¼2401 Founded in 1999, ADESA promotes education regarding children’s rights and works especially with young girls. Association Mondiale Pour l’Ecole Instrument de Paix, EIP (World Association for Schools as an Instrument of Peace) PO Box 7715 Yaounde, Cameroon Phone: 00 237 9980206 Fax: 00 237 226262/226263 Contact: Gabriel Siakeu, President Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.eip-cifedhop.org/ Founded in Geneva in 1967, EIP is an international NGO that works with ECOSOC, UNESCO, the ILO, the IBE, the Council of Europe and the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights. EIP has developed an international network of experts in the areas of education, law and political science. It promotes teaching about human rights within educational systems. It established a branch in Cameroon in 1995. Association of Human Rights and Tortured Defenders, AHURTOD PO Box 157 Buea, South West Province Cameroon Phone: 00 237 9631118 Fax: 00 237 3322936 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.ahurtod-cameroon.int.tf/ Founded in 2004, AHURTOD and is a human rights and relief organization. It aims to promote the practical realization of human rights in Cameroon by assisting the country’s most vulnerable and deprived populations. Benevolent Community Education and Rural Development Society, BERDSCO PO Box 368
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Buea, South West Province Cameroon Phone: 00 237 6278884 Fax: 00 237 3322543 Contact: Mr. Forzi George Ngu Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.crin.org/organisations/viewOrg.asp?ID¼110 http://www.berdsco.org (under construction) Established in 1990, BERDSCO aims to improve the living conditions of rural families in Cameroon. This includes improving living conditions for the poorest of the poor (women and children in particular). It works with children ages 5 to 15, particularly children affected by HIV/AIDS. Cameroon Association for the Protection and Education of the Child, CAPEC PO Box 114 Kumba, Cameroon PO Box 20646 Yaounde, Cameroon Phone: 00 237 2030163 Mobile: 00 237 7751606/7329419 Fax: 00 237 2209003 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.capecam.org/ Founded in 2002, CAPEC is dedicated to the promotion of children’s welfare, especially children in rural areas who suffer from poverty and abuse of their basic human rights. Cameroon Deaf Empowerment Organisation, CDEO PO Box 12284 Yaounde, Cameroon Phone: 00 237 2310558 Fax: 00 237 7434567 Contact: Mr. Ogork Ebot Ntui, Executive President Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.cdeoocrs.org/ Established in Yaounde in 1995, CDEO is dedicated to the empowerment of deaf people in Cameroon. It works to help deaf people develop their skills and self esteem so as to become self reliant. CDEO offers secondary education for deaf children in Cameroon. Centre d’Appui et d’Autopromotion des Initiatives Locales de Developpement, CAPILD PO Box 462 Bafoussam, Cameroon Phone: 00 237 441118 Fax: 00 237 442730 Web site: http://www.crin.org/organisations/viewOrg.asp?ID¼151 Founded in 1996, CAPILD aims to protect children’s rights, assist women, and protect the environment for future generations. It promotes income generating projects to assist street children and it provides documentation, information and advice for antipoverty campaigns.
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Chantier d’appui, de loisirs, de bricolage des lapinos PO Box 4458 Yaounde, Cameroon Tel: 00 237 9897535 Contact: Cecile Manzoua Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.crin.org/organisations/viewOrg.asp?ID¼2718 Established in 2006, this NGO promotes children’s rights and attempts to improve educational techniques. It works with children ages 5 to 18, particularly children with disabilities. Child Project International PO Box 726 Bamenda, Cameroon Phone: 00 237 36 24 96 Fax: 00 237 36 30 75 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.crin.org/organisations/viewOrg.asp?ID¼218 Established in 1999, Child Project International aims to promote awareness of and advocacy for children’s rights with particular attention given to female children. It provides essential services for street children in urban areas and counseling for vulnerable children. Coalition Camerounaise des ONG pour les Droits de l’Enfant, COCADE (Cameroon Coalition for the Rights of the Child) S/C PO Box 1171 Yaounde, Cameroon Phone: 00 237 9970238/76193307/948 8597 Fax: 00 237 226262/226263 Contact: Desire Aroga and Gabriel Siakeu Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.crin.org/organisations/viewOrg.asp?ID¼131 Established in 1995, COCADE promotes knowledge and application of the UN convention of children’s rights in Cameroon. Its programs focus on improving the health, nutrition, and education of children in difficult circumstances. It is also involved with the adoption of children, juvenile justice, minorities, and street children. Defence for Children International - Cameroon PO Box 1171 Yaounde, Cameroon Phone: 00 237 9970238 / 7619330 / 9488597 Fax: 00 237 2226262 Contact: Mr Desire Aroga Email: [email protected]/[email protected] Web site: http://www.crin.org/organisations/viewOrg.asp?ID¼357 Established in 1992, DCI-Cameroon defends child rights and provides assistance to children in difficult circumstances. It activities have included construction of an alternative educational centre for Baka (pygmy) children in Cameroon’s East Province, the establishment of a legal defense centre that provides assistance to
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children, and the establishment of an African Documentation Centre concerning children’s rights. Droits de l’Enfant: un Livre pour Chaque Enfant, DELICE BP 4510 Yaounde, Cameroon Tel: 00 237 294031 Contact: Francois Nkeumi Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.crin.org/organisations/viewOrg.asp?ID¼385 DELICE disseminates information about and promotes the application of the Convention on the Rights of the Child in both official languages of Cameroon (French/English). Its activities include raising awareness about the Convention, educating children about their rights, and pushing for the full application of the Convention. Serve the Orphans Foundation, SOF PO Box 12 Ndu, Ndu Subdivision Cameroon Tel: 00 237 7780224 Contact: Njingti Nfor Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.crin.org/organisations/viewOrg.asp?ID¼2271 Founded in 2003, SOF attempts to promote the well-being of orphans and other disadvantaged children. United Action for Children, UAC PO Box 177 Muyuka, South West Province Cameroon Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.kidsworldwide.org/cameroonunited.htm Established at Buea in 1996 in response to concerns about children’s education in South West Province, UAC is committed to developing a caring society for children and young people. Its programs are focused on basic education, vocational training, HIV/AIDS, job promotion, youth clubs, assistance for the disabled, and combating child trafficking, etc. Volunteer Assistance for the Forgotten Children, VAFOC PO Box 224 Bamenda, Cameroon Phone: 00 237 363424 Fax: 00 237 481161 Contact: John Agborebang Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.crin.org/organisations/viewOrg.asp?ID¼1036 Established in 1998 and based in Bamenda, Cameroon, VAFOC principal aim is to provide assistance to school children with learning problems.
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Youth Development Foundation PO Box 8433 Yaounde, Cameroon Phone: 00 237 221705 / 9922212 Fax: 00 237 221873 Contact: Alexembre Mooh Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.crin.org/organisations/viewOrg.asp?ID¼1076 YDF Cameroon mobilizes resources and applies them to meeting the needs of children and youth. Youth for the Future s/c FLSH PO Box 49 University of Dschang Cameroon Phone: 00 237 451790 Contact David Djoumejio Web site: http://www.crin.org/organisations/viewOrg.asp?ID¼1078 Youth Outreach Programme, YOP PO Box 5185 Nkwen, Bamenda-NWP Cameroon Phone: 00 237 3361579 Fax: 00 237 3362488 Web site: http://www.crin.org/organisations/viewOrg.asp?ID¼1084 Founded in 1993, YOP aims to develop the skills and enhance the capacity of young people so they can participate in building their communities.
Selected Bibliography In English Amnesty International. 2006a. 2006 Elections to the Human Rights Council: Background information on candidate countries. http://web.amnesty.org/library/ Index/ENGIOR410062006?open&of¼ENG-CMR. ———. 2006b. Africa: Cameroon. http://web.amnesty.org/report2006/cmrsummary-eng. Bobebill. Friends of Cameroon. 2007. Help Combat Child Labor in Cameroon. http://www.friendsofcameroon.org/2007/04/11/help-combat-child-labor-incameroon/. CAMSU Duisburg-Essen. 2005. Studies in Cameroon. Educational Policy in Cameroon. http://www.camsu.de/66.0.html CAPEC. 2007. Fight Against Child Labour. http://www.capecam.org/fight-against-childlabour.php. CIA. 2007a. The World Fact Book. Cameroon. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/ the-world-factbook/geos/cm.html
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———. 2007b. The World Fact Book. Rank Order Area. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/ hi/africa/6376389.stm Education International. 2006. Cameroon: schools without teachers, teachers without schools.http://www.ei-ie.org/en/article/show.php?id¼33&theme¼educationforall. Fokeng Epah, George. 2005. Strategies to Reduce Repetition in Cameroon Primary Schools. http://www.saga.cornell.edu/saga/educconf/fonkeng.pdf. Freedom House. 2006. Cameroon. http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm? page¼22&year¼2006&country¼6935 Fulbright Scholar Program. 2007. Country Pages: Cameroon. http://www.cies.org/ country/cameroon.htm GVNET.com. 2007. Human Trafficking & Modern-day Slavery. http://www.gvnet. com/humantrafficking/Cameroon.htm. Houseman, Muxworthy C. 1988. ‘‘Social structure is where the hearth is: a woman’s place in Beti Society,’’ Africa (London), 58: 51–69. Abstract available at PubMed. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/sites/entrez?cmd¼Retrieve&db¼Pub Med&list_uids¼12342308&dopt¼Abstract. International Monetary Fund. 2006. World Economic and Financial Surveys. http:// www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/weo/2006/02/data/index.aspx. IRIN. 2007. New anti-corruption drive leaves many skeptical. 2007. http://www. irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid¼57951. Langue-Menye, Gisele. 2007. With mother’s help, more girls are going to school in Cameroon. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/cameroon_39815.html Leocadia, Bongben. 2006. ‘‘Child labour alarming in Cameroon,’’ The Post Newsline.com. http://www.postnewsline.com/2006/05/child_labour_al.html. Mengue, Marie Therese. 2005. Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children in Cameroon. Association Enfants, Jeunes et Avenir, ASSEJA. http://www.ecpat.net/ eng/pdf/cameroon/Cameroon_CSEC_Report%20_Eng.pdf. Nanfosso, Roger Tsafack, and Simon A. Song Ntamack. 2005. ‘‘Child labour in Yaounde-Cameroon: Some lessons drawn from a survey on children,’’ Proceedings of Rijeka Faculty of Economics, Journal of Economics and Businees 23: No. 2. Abstract available at: http://www.efri.hr/english/prikaz.asp?txt_ id¼3452 National Climatic Data. National Measured Extremes of Temperature and Precipitation. Highest Average Annual Precipitation Extremes. http://www.ncdc.noaa. gov/oa/climate/globalextremes.html#highpre. Neba, Ayu’nwi N., Evelyn Fogwe Chibaka, and Gratien G. Atindogbe. 2006. ‘‘Cameroon Pidgin English (CPE) as a Tool for Empowerment and National Development,’’ African Study Monographs, 27: 39–61. http://www.africa. kyoto-u.ac.jp/kiroku/asm_normal/abstracts/pdf/27-2/Neba.pdf. Ngwana, Terfot Augustine. 2002. ‘‘Case Study: The Implementation of the 1993 Higher Education Reforms in Cameroon: Issues and Promises,’’ Transformation in Higher Education. http://www.chet.org.za/papers/Cameroon.doc. Niba, Francis Ngwa. 2007. ‘‘New Language for Divided Cameroon,’’ BBC News. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/6376389.stm One World Youth Project. 2007. Project Sites: Cameroon. http://www.oneworld youthproject.org/cameroon.html. RSF. Cameroon; 2007. http://www.rsf.org/article.php3?id_article¼20731. Sa’ah, Randy Joe. 2006. Cameroon girls battle ‘‘breast ironing.’’ http://news.bbc. co.uk/2/hi/africa/5107360.stm.
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Tadadjeu, Maurice. 2005. Language, Literacy and Education in African Development: A Perspective from Cameroon. http://www.sil.org/silewp/2005/ silewp2005-005.pdf. Tetchiada, Sylvestre. 2003. ‘‘Health-Cameroon: Malnutrition, Disease Stunt Children’s Growth,’’ Inter Press Service. http://www.aegis.com/news/ips/2003/ IP030907.html. Transparency International. 2006. Corruption Perception Index 2006. http://www.trans parency.org/policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2006. UNAIDS. 2007. Cameroon; http://www.unaids.org/en/Regions_Countries/ Countries/cameroon.asp UNDP. Cameroon in Human Development Report 2006. http://hdr.undp.org/ hdr2006/statistics/countries/country_fact_sheets/cty_fs_CMR.html. UNICEF. 2003. Girl’s Education in Cameroon. http://www.unicef.org/girlseducation/ files/Cameroon_2003_(w.corrections).doc. United Nations Population Division. World Population Prospects: The 2006 Revision Population Database. http://esa.un.org/unpp/. University of Richmond. 2007. Constitution Finder. Cameroon (English). http:// confinder.richmond.edu/country.php. U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of International Labor Affairs. 2007. Cameroon, Incidence and Nature of Child Labor. http://www.dol.gov/ilab/media/ reports/iclp/tda2004/cameroon.htm. U.S. Department of State. 2007. Background Note: Cameroon. http://www.state. gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/26431.htm. ———. 2006. Cameroon. Country Reports on Human Practices. http://www.state. gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2006/78723.htm. U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Consular Affairs. 2007. Intercountry Adoption. Cameroon. http://travel.state.gov/family/adoption/country/country_2928. html U.S. Embassy, Yaounde, Cameroon. 2006. U.S. Embassy Creates Awareness Against Child Labor with an Exhibit and a Fashion Show. http://yaounde.usembassy. gov/child_labor_day_event.html Volet, Jean-Marie. 2006. Reading Women Writers and African Literatures. Cameroon. http://aflit.arts.uwa.edu.au/CountryCameroonEN.html YouthActionNet. Youth Info for Ajomuzu Collette Bekaku, Cameroon. http:// www.youthactionnet.org/member_projects.cfm?proj_id¼92
In French Abega, Severin Cecile, Claude Abe and Honore Mimche. ‘‘Le trafic des enfants au Cameroun: etude d’une forme d’abus a l’egard des ‘cadets sociaux,’’ Soci e t es et Jeunesses en Difficult e . No. 3. http://sejed.revues.org/document353.html. Balaam, Yves. 1997. Enfants de la rue et de la prison dans une ville africaine (1975– 1992). Yaounde: Presses de l’Universite Catholique. Balla, Beno^it. 2002. ‘‘Ces enfants pas comme les autres: la galere de gosses de la rue,’’ Cameroon-Info.Net. Bonga, Lydia. 2007. ‘‘Zoom sur les projets ‘ecoles’ au Cameroun,’’ Plan e te Urgence (France). http://www.infosdelaplanete.org/article.php?ID¼1455. Cameroon Society for Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect, CAPSCAN. 2000. S e minaire sous-r e gional sur la pr e vention des abus sexuels en milieu scolaire:
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le r^ ole des enseignants, des parents et des m e dias. Rapport final et perspectives d’avenir. http://www.violencestudy.org/a327. Chouala, Y. A. 1999. D e sordre et Ordre dans l’Afrique Centrale. 3e Cycle Thesis in International Relations. Yaounde: International Relations Institute of Cameroon. Elouga, Eric. 2005. ‘‘Trafic d’Enfants au Cameroon.’’ Bonaberi.com, http:// www.bonaberi.com/article.php?aid¼1188 Lissom, Benjamin. 2007. ‘‘Il faut ma^itriser la protection de l’enfance,’’ Cameroon Tribune (Yaounde). Mengue, Marie Therese. 1999. Les enfants de la rue au Cameroun. Cas des villes de: Maroua–Garoua–Ngaoundere–Yaounde. Research Report. Yaounde: n.a. National Institute of Statistics. 2001. Pauvrete et Sante au Cameroun en 2001. Second Survey on Cameroonian Households. http://www.statistics-cameroon. org/pdf/Ecam%20II/ECAM%20II%20-%20Pauvrete%20et%20sante%20au%20 Cameroun%20en%202001.pdf. Siakeu, Gabriel. 2005. ‘‘Les Enfants en Deperdition Scolaire au Cameroun,’’ Ecole Instrument de Paix en Afrique. http://www.eip-cifedhop.org:80/eipafrique/ cameroun/deperdition.html
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CAPE VERDE Harry Nii Koney Odamtten NATIONAL PROFILE Cape Verde is located in the North Atlantic Ocean off the West African coast. It is an archipelago that constitutes 21 islands and islets covering a total area of 4,033 square kilometers. It is divided into two major groups—the northern windward and the southern leeward islands. Barlavento (northern windward) includes the islands of Boa Vista, Sal, San Ant~ao, S~ao Vicente, S~ao Nicolau, and Santa Luzia. Sotavento (southern leeward) constitutes the islands of Brava, Fogo, Maio, and S~ao Tiago, where the capital city Praia is found. The archipelago’s islets are Branco, Raso, Luis Carneiro, Grande, and Cima (Batalha 2004). Cape Verde spreads across an east-west band of 370 kilometers of the Atlantic Ocean. It is approximately 1,000 kilometers southwest of the Canary Islands and 460 kilometers from the Senegalese coast (Irwin and Wilson 2001). Cape Verde’s natural resources are salt, basalt rock, limestone, kaolin, fish, clay, and gypsum. Arable land in the island is inadequate for its
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agricultural needs; this is compounded by prolonged droughts and degradation of the soil. Despite its natural hazards, climatic problems, and human drain on the environment, the island manages to export fuel, shoes, garments, fish, and hides. Approximately 37 percent of the estimated 423,613 of the island population is younger than 15 years of age, with a fertility rate of 3.2 percent and a population growth rate of 0.6 percent (CIA 2007). Its ethnic peoples include a complex mix of Creoles (mulatto; 71 percent), Africans (28 percent), and Europeans (1 percent), with varying subgroups, social status, and class identities. Creole or Crioulo denotes an ethnic category, language, and culture. In ethnic or racial terms Crioulo represents the majority population who are an admixture of the various racial and ethnic groups that have historically inhabited the island. Portuguese is the island’s official language, but Crioulo is the common language of use. As a language, Crioulo is a combination of Portuguese syntax and lexicon with an African or West African phonetic system and loan words. Crioulo is also the cultural aggregate or manifestation of the food, music, dance, art, language, traditions, literature and other material productions that emerged as a result of its African and European heritage (Lobban 1995). It has been argued that Wolof, Serer, and Lebu fishermen from the modern nation of Senegal and elsewhere in West Africa may have seasonally occupied the islands of the archipelago. It is also speculated that Phoenician and Moorish seafarers may have reached the island before Portuguese sailors, and navigators Antonio da Noli, Bartalomeo Da Noli, Luis Cadamosto, and Diogo Gomes and Diogo Afonso reached the island in the fifteenth century. Sustained settlement on the island, however, began in 1462, when the Portuguese began to run a plantation-based economy on the models they were already using in the Canaries and Madeira Islands. This was the beginning of four centuries of slavery and colonization. The Portuguese, who became the master class, established sugar plantations and were key actors in the expanding trade in enslaved Africans. The population included Portuguese farmers from Algarve in Portugal, Portuguese criminals and exiles, Spaniards, Genoese, Flemish, and Sephardic Jews. However, enslaved Africans captured from West African societies made up the largest portion of the population. The enslaved female Africans were sexually exploited by their captors or masters, which led to the beginnings of a Crioulo population. (Carreira 1982; Lobban 1995; and Batalha 2004). The Portuguese crown used Cape Verde as a naval base for controlling trading activities on the West African coast. By the mid-seventeenth century, the island had become a conduit for the conveyance of enslaved Africans between Africa, Europe, and the Americas. Portugal abolished the slave trade in 1836 because of the runaway activities of the enslaved population and pressure from Britain and its West African Naval squadron that patrolled the West African coast.
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Portugal ruled the island until KEY FACTS – CAPE VERDE July 5, 1975, when Assembly President Abilio Duarte anPopulation: 423,613 (July 2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 71.02 years (2007 est.) nounced the independence of Literacy rate: 76.6 percent (2003) Cape Verde. A one-party Marxist Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 92 percent state was put in place, and prop(2000–2005) erty was nationalized, forcing Internet users: 25,000 (2005) some Portuguese settlers to People living with HIV/AIDS: 775 (2001) Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 43 return to Portugal. Cape Verde then formed a political union Sources: CIA World Factbook: Cape Verde. https://www.cia.gov/ with neighboring Guinea-Bissau library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/cv.html. June 29, on the mainland; this union was 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Cape Verde–Statistics. http:// www.unicef.org/infobycountry/capeverde_statistics.html. June abandoned in November 1980 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) when Jo~ao Vieira overthrew Human Development Report 2006–Cape Verde. http:// Guinea Bissau President Luis hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/ Cabral. In 1991, the Partido cty_ds_CPV.html. June 29, 2007. Africano da Independencia de Cabo Verde (PAICV) made some constitutional amendments and introduced a multiparty democracy. They lost the first elections to the Moviemento para a democracia, which elected Antonio Mascarenhas as President and Carlos Veiga as Prime Minister. In 2001, the PAICV’S Pedro Pires was elected President of Cape Verde with Jose Maria Neves also of the PAIVC as prime minister. OVERVIEW The government of Cape Verde is investing in the future of its children by providing them with free and universal education, as well as free primary health care. It is currently pursuing a policy of compulsory education for 6 years. The government’s popular education policy bodes well for children. Literacy rates have improved to more than 75 percent, and higher education has improved considerably since 1998, with the creation of the Instituto Superior de Ciencias Economicas e Empresariais (Higher Institute for Economic and Business Sciences), and the country’s first ‘‘business school,’’ the Instituto Nacional de Administracao e Gestao (National Institute for Administartion and Management). In 2001 and 2002, two private universities were established consecutively: the Universidade Jean Piaget de Cabo Verde in Praira, the country’s first comprehensive higher education Institution, offering Licentiate degrees in economics and management and in Mindelo; and the Instituto de Estudos Superior Isidoro da Gracia, which offers Licentiate degrees in information systems management and in hotels and tourism management (Corthay; IFC Report 2005). In addition, a public university, the University of Cape Verde (Universidade de Cabo Verde) was established in 2006. The presence of these Universities and a reduced number of
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scholarships for higher education abroad is anticipated to curb the emigration rate for Cape Verde. In the past, many students who studied abroad became permanent residents of the countries where they studied. Although viewed by many as a tourist destination, Cape Verde has a host of challenges affecting the health and well-being of its children. With the island’s high profile tourism has come a sex tourism industry. Although prostitution of minors is forbidden by law, lack of effective government monitoring is encouraging sex tourism on the islands. Other problems facing the government include child abuse and child trafficking. Government attempts at curbing child abuse, mistreatment, and sexual violence against children have been minimally successful. Unsubstantiated police reports claim that the country is a transit point for trafficking in persons from West African countries to the Canary Islands and to Europe. According to the U.S. State Department, the Cape Verdean government collaborated with the Spanish government in 2005 on an international investigation of ‘‘eight female citizens involved in trafficking 179 adolescents from the country to Europe. In February the case was tried in Spain, and the women were sentenced to eight years’ imprisonment for illegal emigration’’ (U.S. State Department 2007). Cape Verde protects the rights of people with disabilities in employment, education, and provision of health care, and state services, and the government effectively enforces these provisions. The government has not effectively implemented laws and programs to ensure access to buildings for persons with disabilities. Several governmental programs, public and private organizations, and international bodies such as UNICEF have been educating young people about HIV/AIDS prevention.In addition to providing transportation, communication, and social mobilization, UNICEF also sustains the country’s National Immunization Days and supplies vaccines to prevent polio, hepatitis B, and measles (UNICEF 2007). EDUCATION Cape Verdeans have a relatively high standard of formal education, although higher education has improved only recently. Past and present governments have ensured that there are high schools and elementary schools throughout the islands. There are also teacher-training and technical schools. The government provides free and universal education for all children ages 6 to 12. Education is compulsory until age 11, but secondary education is free only for children in families with an annual income below approximately U.S. $1,951 (160,000 escudos). This past year there was a 100 percent basic education enrollment rate for all children. Primary school enrolment ratios exceeded 90 percent, and the enrollment rate in secondary school for all children was 70 percent. Interestingly, girls now surpass their male counterparts in average secondary school attainment. With the aid of international bodies like UNICEF, last year 130 female
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community instructors and assistant instructors were trained, along with 17 early childhood coordinators in Santa Catarina and S~ao Miguel. UNICEF furnished and equipped five preschools in Santiago and Santo Ant~ao (UNICEF 2007; CIA 2007; and U.S. State Department 2007). PLAY AND RECREATION Cape Verde children usually have fun through home entertainment in the form of parties and dances. Children play a board game known as ouri—a ‘‘pit and capture’’ game. Children may also learn a range of artistic skills that men and women engage in, such as crochet, weaving, carving wood and cow horn, and building ship models. Women crochet and weave, whereas men build ship models, carve wood and cow horn, and make musical horns from shells (everyculture.com 2007). As a result, children often make their own toys. Boys might make miniature cars using metal and the rubber sole of a sandal. Girls typically like dolls and games such as hopscotch and saltar ao eixo (leapfrog). Boys also engage in the national pastime of soccer. Because of its situation in accessible water, the children of Cape Verde frequently swim at the archipelago’s various beaches (CultureGrams 2007). CHILD LABOR Cape Verde has laws and policies aimed at protecting children from mistreatment in their places of work. The law prohibits children younger than the age of 16 from working at night, more than seven hours per day, or in establishments where toxic products are produced. The government has not been effective in implementing the laws, however. As a result, child labor is a problem in many urban cities where children work on the streets washing cars, or in the countryside where children from poor families do domestic work (U.S. State Department 2006). Children also assist their families in farming and herding animals. Girls have the extra task of helping wash the family laundry by hand. In general, Cape Verde children go into the workforce without the requisite training or protection (UNICEF 2007). Although there have been allegations of child trafficking in the past, this year no cases were reported. The punishments for these offenses vary from 12 to 16 years of imprisonment in Cape Verde. FAMILY Cape Verdeans usually practice an intergenerational communal living consisting of grandparents, parents, and children. They also practice an extended family system that allows children to habitually stay with aunts, uncles, or other relatives. Recently, male emigration and polygamy have contributed to a high incidence of single mothers in Cape Verdean
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families. Most often women are the backbone of Cape Verde families; they take center stage in childrearing and socialization, religious activities such as Catholic saints’ days, and food preparation (every culture 2007). This social institution is now under threat with increased rates of single parenthood, partly as the result of male migration and a decrease in both civil and religious marriages. HEALTH Cape Verde has one of the lowest under-5 mortality rates in Africa with 35 deaths of 1,000 live births (UNICEF 2007; UNDP 2005 statistics). Infant mortality (the number of deaths between time of birth and age 1) is at 26 per 1,000 live births. A total of 13 percent of children born have low birth weight. At the moment, there are no available or reliable data for cases of malnutrition, stunted growth, and HIV/AIDS. Although Cape Verde provides its citizens with free health care, its medical facilities are poor. The population suffers from a high incidence of tuberculosis, pneumonia, bronchitis, and gastrointestinal ailments caused primarily by malnutrition and poor sanitation (everyculture 2007). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The Republic of Cape Verde derives its laws from the legal system of Portugal. It is a constitutional multiparty democratic republic with a president who is Chief of State and a Prime Minister who is head of government. The Prime Minister nominates cabinet members who are appointed by the president. The president is elected by popular vote for a 5-year term and is eligible for a second term, while the prime minister is nominated by the 72-seat National Assembly and appointed by the president. Members of the unicameral National Assembly are elected every 5 years (CIA 2007). A total of 66 deputies are elected by a universal suffrage under a system of proportional representation. Six are elected by Cape Verdeans living abroad, two each for Africa, the Americas, and the rest of the world (EIU 2007). Legislative and Presidential elections are scheduled for January and February 2011, respectively, after the National Assembly completes its 5-year term (CIA 2007). In addition to the government and National Assembly, Cape Verde has sixteen administrative districts whose representatives also serve a five year term. (Batalha 2004) As a colony of Portugal, Cape Verde was subject to the Portuguese civil and criminal codes. Although most provisions of these codes continue, the 1992 constitution has provided for an independent judiciary. The Supreme Tribunal (Court) of Justice has at least five members, of which one is appointed by the president, one selected by the National Assembly, and three chosen by the Supreme Council of Magistrates. The Ministry of Justice and Labor, which has a Justice Minister from Cabinet, appoints local judges.
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Criminal defendants are ‘‘presumed innocent and have the right to counsel, to public, non-jury trial, and to appeal’’ (nationsencyclopedia 2007). Although Cape Verde is reputed to have a relatively good respect for the human rights of its citizens, its youth are susceptible to an understaffed, overstrained, and bureaucratic legal system. In 2003, the UNDP noted increasing reports of police brutality as well as reports to the Cape Verde Police of abuse of women and children. The government has not been effective in implementing its own legislations to control the situation. A number of human rights organizations and nongovernmental organizations have received assistance and the cooperation of the government to look into cases of women and child abuse and have published their findings (UNDP 2003). Also, there are cases of police brutality, inhumane prison conditions, lengthy pretrial detention, excessive trial delays, media self-censorship, violence, and discrimination against women. The present government has agreed on a project to develop prison facilities (U.S. State Department 2007). RELIGIOUS LIFE An estimated 80 percent of the Cape Verdean population practices Catholicism, 12 percent are protestant Christians, and 8 percent observe indigenous African or other religious practices (CultureGrams 2007). Officially, because of its historic and colonial ties to Portugal since the fifteenth century, Cape Verde has been overwhelmingly catholic. This was achieved with the overt suppression of the Islamic and traditional African religious practices. Nonetheless, the Badius—descendants of runaway enslaved Africans who lived in the remote parts of the island of Sao Tiago and other places—developed their own distinctive religious practices from their African heritage. Previously a socially disdained population, the cultural productions of the Badius, including their religious practices, have come to signify ‘‘the spiritual nostalgia, soul, or saudade’’ of Cape Verde (Lobban 1995). Islam has not existed in a systematic fashion since its suppression in the early life of the archipelago; however, it is currently practiced by immigrant African merchants. Since the 1900s, there has also been a steady increase in the protestant Christian population with the arrival of the Nazarene and Sabbatarian sects—both emigrant groups from the United States. Lately, Jehovah Witnesses and Church of Jesus Christ and the Latter Day Saints (Mormons) have begun to proselytize the Cape Verdean peoples in increasing numbers (Lobban 1995). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Child abuse, neglect, mistreatment, and sexual violence are serious problems. The media report cases of sexual abuse against children and adolescents. Government efforts to address these problems have been
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inadequate (U.S State Department 2007). UNICEF estimates that 80 percent of births in Cape Verde are unaccounted. Children from poor backgrounds, and often girls, are allowed to quit school for the labor market without any formal skills, which leads to an increased unemployment rate. Increasing numbers of children are seen begging tourists for sweets, pens, and photos (Irwin and Wilson 2001). UNICEF and its local and international partners have provided psychosocial support to dozens of children who are the victims of abuse and neglect. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY After 500 years of enduring enslavement on the Archipelago through the Trans-Atlantic slave trade, Portuguese colonial domination, postindependence political turmoil, and experimentation with various political systems, Cape Verde is positioning itself as a social democratic country. Because of its socialist leanings, the country has been pursuing universal education for Cape Verde Children; it has also strengthened higher education with the establishment of a Public University and the accreditation of other private Universities. This assures the country of an available and professional manpower resource for its future development. In the past, Cape Verde suffered from various ecological problems affecting its agricultural production, which is the mainstay of the majority countryside population. Despite this, and the fact that the islands do not have enough resources for international export, Cape Verde enjoys a per capita income that is higher than that of many continental African nations. As a result of its limited natural resource base, the country has pursued tourism as a means of increasing its foreign exchange earnings. However, there are fears about the development of a children’s sex industry as well as dangers to its rich marine life. The greatest threat is the breakdown of family units, leading to single parenthood, which deprives children of not only the social benefits of having two parents but the economic advantages of two working parents. With its current political and economic reforms, social support and goodwill from the Diaspora, Cape Verde looks set to create a better future for the next generation. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Batalha, Luis. The Cape Verdean Diaspora in Portugal: Colonial Subjects in a Postcolonial World. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books; 2005. Batalha’s investigation centers on the social causes that led to the historical evolution and creation of a Cape Verdean Diaspora, particularly in the Portuguese capital Lisbon. This work also discusses issues such as migration, culture, social classes, ethnicity and race and how they intersect in the lives of Cape Verde’s Lisbon Diaspora.
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Bourdet, Yves. ‘‘Cape Verde: Reform policy and growth in a small remote island economy.’’ In From Crisis to Growth in Africa? ed., Mats Lundahl, 110–131. New York: Routledge; 2001. This study is an examination of the successes, failures, and prospects of the economic and sociopolitical reform policies pursued by the right-wing political party Movimento para Democracia when it gained power in Cape Verde’s first multiparty elections of 1991. Carreira, Antonio. The People of the Cape Verde Islands, Exploitation and Emigration. Translated from Portuguese and edited by Christopher Fyfe. Hamden, CT: Archon Books; 1982. This book is a sociohistorical study of migratory patterns that include voluntary and forced migrations from Cape Verde. It also focuses on government legislation since the second half of the nineteenth century. Irwin, Aisling and Colum Wilson. Cape Verde Islands: The Bradt Travel Guide. Guilford, CT: The Globe Pequot Press Inc.; 2001. This is a travel guide designed to help travelers, tourists, and migrants who visit Cape Verde. It offers a coherent overview of the island’s history, politics, religion, culture, medical facilities, and tourist destinations, among other items of interest. Lobban, Richard A. Cape Verde Crioulo Colony to Independent Nation. Boulder, CO: Westview Press; 1995. This is a sociohistoric examination of the society and culture of Cape Verde from its settlement in the fifteenth century until the end of the twentieth century. It provides a comprehensive overview of Cape Verde’s geography, history, political structure, cultural dynamism, and its connections to Africa, Europe, and the wider world.
Nonprint Resources Dribbling Fate (Fintar O Destino). 1998. VHS, and 5 mm, 77 minutes. Directed by Fernando Vendrell. Distributed by California Newsreel. In Crioulo and Portuguese with English subtitles. This feature film follows a young man and a talented teenage soccer player who share the dream of many young men who hope to find a way off their small volcanic island by becoming a sports star.
Web Sites Cabo Verde Online and Nos Jornal newspaper, http://www.caboverdeonline.com. Caboverdeonline is a communications unit devoted to encouraging information exchange between Cape Verde and its worldwide Diaspora. It also provides commercial services such as travel and sale of musical records. Cape Verde Children, http://www.cvchildren.com/index.asp. ‘‘CV children’’ is a humanitarian organization dedicated to the needs of children of the archipelago. The organization aids children by lessening their poverty and helping them become healthy, educated, self-sustaining, and contributing members of society. The goals of the organizations include raising the standard of living for children in all of the countries islands. Everyculture.com: Culture of Cape Verde Forum, http://www.everyculture.com/ Bo-Co/Cape-Verde.html. This web site collects and publishes specific information about nations and their cultures worldwide. It provides a panoramic overview for researchers and students.
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Lusophone Africa Discussion List, http://groups.yahoo.com/group/africaluso. This discussion list is dedicated to the five countries of Lusophone Africa: Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, S~ao Tome e Prıncipe, and Mozambique.
Organizations and NGOs Cabo Verde Children USA–Main Office 1151 Main Street Brockton, MA 02301, USA Phone: (508) 588 0400 Fax: (508) 587 6622 Cabo Verde–Main Office Praia, Santiago, Cape Verde Djena Barbosa–Tel: (238) 262 10 96 Fax: (238) 262 10 96 Web site: http://www.cvchildren.com/index.asp Cape Verde United Organization Providence, RI Eugenia ‘‘Genie’’ Lomba, President Cape Verdeans United is a partner of CV children in the effort to provide children of Cape Verde children access to play and education. Ondas di Mar di Furna Pawtucket, RI Pedro Vieira, President Ondas di Mar di Furna, also a local partner of Cape Verde Children, assists both deprived children and the elderly in the fishing village of Furna, and Brava. SOS Children’s Villages Cape Verde. SOS National Office Caixa Postal 179/C Achada Sao Filipe–Praia–Santiago Phone: (238) 264 73 79 Fax: (238) 264 73 82 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.sos-ro.org/site/content/view/28/61/lang,en/ Below are some names of nongovernmental organizations in Cape Verde who were invited and listed in the United Nations General Assembly special session on children, 2001: Associac¸~ao Caboverdiana de Deficientes–ACD Associac¸~ao Juvenil Black Panthers BORNEfonden Fundac¸~ao Crianc¸a Caboverdiana OMCV
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Selected Bibliography Bratton, Michael. 1997. ‘‘Deciphering Africa’s Divergent Transitions.’’ Political Science Quarterly, Spring. CIA. 2007. The World Factbook, Cape Verde. https://www.cia.gov/library/publica tions/the-world-factbook/geos/cv.html. Culture of Cape Verde. 2007. http://www.everyculture.com/Bo-Co/Cape-Verde. html. CultureGrams. 2007. http://www.culturegrams.com/demo/kids/kids_country_ sub_categories.php?KidsSubCatID¼9. Davidson, Basil. 1981. No Fist Is Big Enough to Hide the Sky: The Liberation of Guinea and Cape Verde. London: Zed Press. ———. 1989. Fortunate Isles: A Study in African Transformation. London: Hutchinson. Economist Intelligence Unit. 2007. http://db.eiu.com/index.asp?layout¼issues& publication_type_id¼50000205&eiu_publication_id¼740000874&eiu_geogr aph_id¼520000052. Hills, C. A. R. 1997. ‘‘Portugal and Her Empire, 1497–1997.’’ Contemporary Review, July. Khouri-Dagher, Nadia. 1998. ‘‘Teachers Under Pressure.’’ UNESCO Sources, April. Meintel, Deirdre. 1984. Race, Culture and Portuguese Colonialism in Cabo Verde. Syracuse, NY: Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University. Mozer, Gerald M. 1999. ‘‘Neglected or Forgotten Authors of Lusophone Africa.’’ World Literature Today, Winter. Shaw, Caroline S. 1991. Compiler. Cape Verde. Santa Barbara, CA: Clio. Teixeira, Erin. ‘‘Exploring a Racial Riddle in Cape Verde.’’ Los Angeles Times, 18 December 2000. UNDP. 2003. A Desk Study of National Human Rights Action Plan. Oslo: United Nations Development Programme Oslo Governance Centre. http://64.233. 169.104/search?q¼cache:kdFjpaS76HMJ:www.undp.org/oslocentre/layout/ 2october03/Desk%2520study%2520of%2520National%2520Human%2520Ri ghts%2520Action%2520plans.pdfþAþDeskþStudyþofþNationalþHumanþRi ghtsþActionþPlan&hl¼en&ct¼clnk&cd¼1&gl¼us. UNICEF. 2004. Sport, Recreation, and Play. New York: UNICEF. http://www.unicef. org.uk/publications/pdf/5571_SPORT_EN.pdf. ———. 2007. At a Glance, Statistics: Cape Verde. http://www.unicef.org/infoby country/capeverde_statilstics.htm. U.S. Department of State. 2007. Background note: Cape Verde. http://www.state. gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/2835.htm.
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CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC Richard A. Bradshaw and Juan Fandos-Rius NATIONAL PROFILE The Central African Republic (CAR) is a landlocked country of 626,777 square kilometers (about the size of Texas) that borders the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of Congo in the south, Cameroon in the west, Chad in the north, and Sudan to the east. The CAR is endowed with considerable agriculture, timber, mineral, and water resources, but its gross national income per capita is estimated at U.S. $350, and it is ranked 172 among 177 countries according to the Human Development Index (IRIN 2007b). Most of the CAR consists of wooded savannah, but it has an equatorial forest zone in the south. The southern two-thirds of the country is drained by the Ubangi and Sanga rivers, both tributaries of the Congo, and the northern third of the country is drained by the Shari, which flows north to Lake Chad. The colony the French carved out in this region was thus called Oubangui-Chari (Ubangi-Shari in English). The colony became a semiautonomous territory of the
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French Community in 1958 and an independent nation on August 13, 1960 (Kalck 2004). This region was populated predominately by Adamawa-Ubangi-speaking peoples of the Nıger-Congo family, who spread from Cameroon to Sudan between approximately 1000 BCE and 1000 CE. Small groups of Bantuspeaking peoples also settled in the southwest, and Central Sudanic peoples of the Nilo-Saharan family settled in the northern borderlands. Most of the almost 4.3 million current inhabitants of the CAR belong to two major ethno-linguistic groups: the Gbaya (which includes the Manza), concentrated in the west, and the Banda, concentrated in the center and east. Other major ethnic groups include the southeastern Zande-Nzakara, the northwestern Kare-Pana-Mboum, the southeastern forest-fringe Ngbaka, the northern borderland Sara-Kaba, and the riverine Ngbandi (from which Sango, the official and national language of the CAR, is derived) Many Arabic- and Hausa-speaking Muslim merchants have settled in the CAR and numerous bands of Fulani/Wodaabe/Mbororo pastoralists move throughout the countryside with herds of cattle (Gordon 2005). Until the nineteenth century, most peoples of the Ubangi-Shari region lived in small, scattered hamlets within clan territories without state structures. In the late nineteenth century, however, Muslim slave raiders from what are now Cameroon, Chad, and Sudan killed or captured so many Central Africans that the eastern part of the CAR is still very sparsely populated as a result. France then carved out a colony in this region during the European Scramble for Africa and granted concessionary companies large tracts of land to exploit around 1900. The armed forces of these companies forced many of the inhabitants of their territories to collect rubber or provide other labor and brutally punished those who failed to perform as expected or resisted their rule. The scandalous activities of these companies were repeatedly exposed, and the French administration eventually reduced the power of the companies but enforced the production of cash crops, such as cotton and subsistence crops, such as cassava. The French administration built a network of roads and introduced mobile health teams to fight an epidemic of sleeping sickness, whose spread was facilitated by both the extreme exploitation of the people and the growing movement of peoples throughout Ubangi-Shari. Forced labor and the abuse of power continued until the end of the colonial era but diminished after the Second World War as the French attempted to promote economic development and to prepare Ubangi-Shari for independence (Bradshaw 2003). Ubangi’s first Catholic priest, Barthelemy Boganda, led the struggle for independence and became Ubangi-Shari’s first elected leader when it became an autonomous territory within the French Community on December 1, 1958 and changed its name to the Central African Republic. Boganda died in a mysterious plane accident in 1959, however, and
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David Dacko took power with the support of the French soon after the CAR became an independent (but still very dependent) nation on August 13, 1960. On December 31, 1965 Dacko was overthrown by Colonel Jean-Bedel Bokassa, who declared himself President for Life in 1972 and named himself Emperor Bokassa I on December 4, 1976. In 1979, France carried out a coup against Bokassa and ‘‘restored’’ Dacko to power, but Dacko was overthrown in a coup by General Andre Kolingba on September 1, 1981. The French supported Kolingba until the early 1990s, when the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War stimulated a pro-democracy movement, which led to the fair election of Ange-Felix Patasse in 1993 (Bradshaw 2003). Patasse’s support came largely from Gbaya, Kare, and Kaba voters in the most densely populated prefectures of northwestern CAR and he began to remove members of former President Kolingba’s ethnic group, the Yakoma, from high government posts, parastatal companies, and the military. In 1996–1997, Kolingba supporters and others who had lost confidence in Patasse’s rule tried to carry out three successive mutinies, which resulted in widespread destruction of property and greatly heightened ethnic tension. International mediation resulted in the signing of peace accords in January 1997 and peacekeeping forces were stationed in the CAR, but insecurity and lawlessness increased throughout the next decade. In 1999, Patasse was elected president for a second term, but his support diminished rapidly thereafter. An attempted coup attempt in May 2001 led Patasse to ask Libya’s Qaddafi and Congolese rebel leader JeanPierra Bemba for assistance. Bemba’s soldiers terrorized civilians in Bangui and raped an estimated 1,000 women, including many teenage girls. A complaint against Bemba and his troops was lodged with the International Criminal Court which, in May 2007, announced its decision to investigate this matter (IRIN 2007a). In March 2003, while Patasse was out of the country, General Francois Bozize took power in the CAR with the help of Chadian mercenaries, whose lingering presence in the CAR added to the number of armed bandits, extortionists, and kidnappers who contribute to the atmosphere of insecurity and violence today. Nevertheless, General Bozize was elected president on a second ballot in May 2005. Rebel groups launched attacks and took over a few cities in the northern part of the country in 2007 and were only dislodged with the help of French forces, which shows how dependent Bozize’s regime is on the country’s former colonial power. Despite democratic elections and the existence of a constitution, the CAR is a failed state that is very dependent on French support and the assistance of numerous NGOs. Its main problem is armed violence. A quarter of the population is directly affected, but a further million are threatened. Between September 2005 and December 2006, 282,000 people fled violence in the prefectures of Ouham, Ouham Pende, Nana
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KEY FACTS – CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC Population: 4,369,038 (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 43.74 years (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 51 percent (2003 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 43 percent (2000–2005) Internet users: 9,000 (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 260,000 (2003 est.) Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 91 Sources: CIA World Factbook: Central African Republic. https:// www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ ct.html. June 29, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Central African Republic–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ car_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006– Central African Republic. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_CAF.html. June 29, 2007.
Gribizi, and Birao. Some 212,000 are internally displaced, and 70,000 have sought refuge in Chad, Sudan, and Cameroon. Internally displaced persons and local populations live in extremely precarious conditions, with poor water and sanitation facilities (World Health Organization 2007b). OVERVIEW
The welfare of children in the CAR has deteriorated dramatically in the last decade. The public education system functions poorly or not at all in many parts of the nation because of the infrequent payment of teachers and growing violence in the countryside. Healthcare also suffers from frequent failure to pay salaries and chronic shortages of medicines. The rate of HIV infection is growing, AIDS is often undiagnosed or untreated, and an increasing number of children become neglected orphans and street children as a result. Production of food crops and cash crops has declined as the result of general insecurity and displacement of large numbers of people in the countryside, increasing malnutrition and decreasing incomes. Young girls are often subjected to female genital mutilation, and many girls are raped by teachers, bandits, and even members of state police and security forces. Many young boys have been forcibly inducted into rebel military forces. The kidnapping of children for ransom by armed gangs is becoming increasingly common. Thousands of children have fled their homes with their families because of violence and are now displaced persons, refugees in camps, or neglected, hungry and sick street children (U.S. Department of State 2006). EDUCATION Most education in the CAR takes place in informal rather than formal settings. From a very young age, children learn about the plants and animals in their environment from their elders while hunting, fishing, collecting food, and helping to grow or guard crops. They learn which materials are best for construction, which plants or minerals can be used as medicines or amulets, how to set traps, where to collect crabs, when to gather termites and caterpillars, and which soils are best for what crops, for example. Gender roles are taught as young girls help with collecting
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food and cooking, whereas young boys help to build traps and hunt, for example. While sitting around the campfire at night, elders tell children stories, pose riddles, explain customs, warn about dangers, and teach local languages (Strong 1992). Children also learn Sango, a language used throughout the country, by listening to radios that are kept on throughout the day and often late into the night in almost every village in the country. Sango and French are both national and official languages in the CAR (Hilberth 1973; Burnham 1980; Strong 1992). Formal education takes place in public and private schools, which use some Sango in the lowest grades, but generally use French for instruction. The adult literacy rate (for those 15 and older) improved from an average of 33.2 percent in 1990 to 62.5 in 2004, but recent insecurity and violence has limited literacy programs. The literacy rate in the CAR is about 50 percent but is greater for males (about 60 percent) than for females (40 percent) (UNDP 2006). Formal government-sponsored education has suffered from teachers not being paid, from growing insecurity throughout the country, and from the growth of private schools that offer better instruction but are too expensive for most families to afford. The children of wealthier families increasingly send their children to private schools, especially in the capital, while the children of poor rural families have increasingly less access to high-quality education. Strikes by unpaid teachers have often resulted in long periods without instruction, the quality of which is in serious decline. Religious institutions, private schools and NGOs provide an increasing amount of formal education as the public school system deteriorates. Informal education for survival and subsistence has increased in the countryside because many families spend much of their time hiding in the bush to avoid bandits and kidnappers. PLAY AND RECREATION Children in the CAR have long enjoyed various forms of recreation, including story-telling, making miniature vehicles and other toys from sorghum stalks and other plant material, and playing competitive team sports, but the most popular form of recreation is dancing and singing to the beat of drums late into the night. During the colonial and postcolonial eras, soccer became an increasingly popular sport. Christian missions introduced and promoted various recreation activities for young people as well. Growing insecurity and violence have reduced the opportunities for many children to engage in such recreational activities. Many children have been displaced from settings in which they could engage in both organized and unorganized play and recreational activities. Violence by armed bands, rebel groups, and state security forces has created conditions that inhibit play and recreation as optional activities. A growing number of local and international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have begun to address children’s need for recreation during relief operations and in their
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development strategies. The psychosocial toll on children in the CAR has led UNICEF to promote a ‘‘right to play’’ initiative for community-based re-integration activities that it funds (UNICEF 2004, 20). CHILD LABOR Most children in the CAR begin performing useful work from a very young age. They haul water, collect firewood and food, run errands, take care of younger siblings, and assist their parents and kinfolk in all sorts of activities. Girls help prepare food and often sell surplus produce in markets, whereas boys often help to clear fields, plant seeds, and guard crops. Many parents were initially reluctant to send their children to school because it would deprive the family of labor. Teachers often force their students to plant, weed, or harvest crops. In urban centers, young girls from the countryside often live with kinfolk or wealthy families who treat them like servants and force them to work very hard with minimal compensation. Children also work alongside adult relatives in diamond fields. In Bangui, street children are engaged in begging. Some Aka pygmy children are forced to perform agricultural, domestic, and other forms of labor. Growing insecurity and violence during the last decade has resulted in new forms of child labor. Many boys have been enrolled in rebel military forces for which young girls often serve as sex slaves, and many children are abducted and forced to perform various types of labor for rebel and bandit bands. Children are reportedly trafficked to the Central African Republic from Nigeria, Sudan and Chad for work in domestic service, small shops, and agriculture (U.S. Department of Labor 2004). FAMILY During the precolonial era, most Central Africans lived in small hamlets consisting of a group of males of the same clan together with their wives and offspring. Children in such villages were part of large extended families including the relatives of their fathers and mothers who lived in hamlets scattered throughout their clan territories. Children often walked to other hamlets to visit and spend time with relatives. It is increasingly dangerous for children to move around freely between hamlets and villages because of the prevalence of bandits, kidnappers, and rebels who might abduct, exploit, rape, sell, or murder children. Many families have abandoned their villages to live in the bush to avoid being robbed, mistreated, or murdered. Many children have become displaced orphans who no longer have the support of a network of kinfolk. Many families now lack seeds, tools, capital, labor, and storage capacity necessary to prevent a growing dependence on food aid. Children suffer the most from food insecurity, especially in the context of growing violence (U.S. Department of State 2006).
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HEALTH The health and healthcare of children has seriously deteriorated during the last decade. Infant mortality (birth to 1 year of age) increased from 102 to 115 per 1,000 live births between 1990 and 2005, whereas under-5 mortality increased from 168 to 193 per 1,000 during the same period. An estimated 13 percent of children under 5 are debilitated as the result of acute malnutrition, and approximately one-third of children younger than 5 suffer from chronic malnutrition. Children suffer from numerous epidemic and endemic diseases in large part because of poor hygiene, water-borne diseases, parasites, lack of health care, and malnutrition. Iodine-deficiency is widespread in the countryside and leads to the birth of many cretin children. Plasmodium falciparum malaria is endemic throughout the country, and resistance to chloroquine and sulfadoxinepyrimethamine is growing. Immunization rates have been estimated at 30 to 40 percent but are much lower in areas in which chronic violence has prevented mobile vaccination teams from circulating. An estimated 40 percent of the population has access to safe drinking water, and 25 percent have access to sanitation facilities. AIDS has orphaned an estimated 100,000 children, many of whom now live on the streets. Between 11 and 15 percent of the population ages 15 to 49 is HIV positive, but medicines for HIV/AIDS are only avaliable to 3 percent of the population, compared with 17 percent in Chad and the Republic of the Congo. Some relatives of people who have died from AIDS accuse suspected killers of engaging in witchcraft or casting deadly spells. Doctors and nurses often demand bribes from even their poorest patients before providing treatment or medicine (U.S. Department of State 2006). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS On paper, the CAR is a constitutional republic whose laws prohibit forced labor, forbid the employment of children younger than 14 years of age and prohibit dangerous work or work involving serious risk for the children’s health, security or morality. In fact, such laws are rarely enforced, child labor is often exploited, the judicial system is corrupt, and bandits, rebel forces and sometimes even government security forces themselves inflict pain and suffering on children with impunity. In rural areas, teachers or principals often use school children as labor on farms. In urban areas, forced prostitution by children has been reported. Young boys work in factories gluing butterfly wings on pictures that are hawked around town. Many young girls work as servants in homes, where they are often exploited and abused. Young prisoners are often housed with adults and physically abused. Female genital mutilation continues to be practiced widely despite an ordinance of 1996 that prohibits it. Extrajudicial arrest and murder of suspected thieves, including many youth, is
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carried out by a state agency to suppress banditry. Many young women have been raped by members of the CAR armed forces, few of whom are ever brought to justice (Mehler 2005; U.S. Department of State 2006). RELIGIOUS LIFE Estimates suggest that about 68 percent of the population is Christian, about 16 percent is Muslim, and the rest adhere to indigenous beliefs or belong to very small religious communities such as the Bahai (Barrett et al 2001, 178). The religious views of most people, however, combine elements of indigenous and Abrahamic religions. Most people believe in witchcraft, for example, and witches are sometimes identified and denounced during Christian church services. Christian missions have had a significant impact on children’s welfare by promoting literacy and the use of Sango, by establishing health clinics and providing maternal and child care, by discouraging genital mutilation of females, by caring for orphans, by opposing the abuse of children, and by promoting numerous recreational activities. Missions are often places of refuge for children who have suffered from displacement, malnutrition, rape, and other types of violence. Christian and Muslim NGOs often provide the support and relief for children that government services fail to provide. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The Monument for the Children and Young Martyrs of 1979 in the capital of the CAR honors the many young people beaten to death in prison during the reign of ‘‘Emperor’’ Bokassa I. Unfortunately, the abuse of children in the CAR has increased significantly in the last decade as the result of growing insecurity and violence. The kidnapping of children for ransom, conscription of boys into rebel or bandit bands, rape of girls, abduction and sale of children, and the murder of children during attacks on villages have all become increasingly common. The number of orphans is growing as more parents are massacred or die of AIDS, and orphans are particularly liable to be abused. Children traumatized by such abuses often have little or no access to help (U.S. Department of State 2006). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Children’s welfare in the CAR is likely to get even worse if the nation fails to enforce a government monopoly on the use of force, fails to prevent its own armed forces from abusing children, and fails to focus more resources on the goal of securing the basic needs and rights of youth, who constitute almost half the country’s population. The number of armed bands in both rural and urban areas is growing, and if this trend is
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not reversed by a concerted effort of national and international armed forces, insecurity and violence will probably increase and the welfare of children will deteriorate even further. The French military appears willing to assist the CAR by using force against rebel groups that take and attempt to hold territory, but neither French nor other foreign military forces seem willing to hunt down and arrest the armed bands that are a source of so much violence throughout the country. The plight of children in the CAR has received greater attention in recent years. Organizations such as UNICEF, in cooperation with CAR government agencies and NGOs, are striving to increase the supply of safe drinking water, improve hygiene, increase vaccinations, care for street children, and train health personnel, but the recent abduction of an aid worker and the shooting of a Doctors Without Borders physician in the northwest suggest that both government and aid workers may find it increasingly difficult to maintain, much less increase, their efforts to improve the lives of children in the country. The number of Central Africans afflicted with HIV/AIDS seems to be growing faster than the number being treated and, thus, the prospects for reducing the number of orphans whose parents die of this illness seems bleak. Furthermore, the percentage of individuals afflicted is higher in the countryside, where diagnosis and treatment of the illness is less possible. However, the price of medicines to treat HIV/AIDs is decreasing, and greater efforts are being made to identify and treat its victims and control its spread. Thus, there is a possibility that the rate of infection and the number of its victims will diminish. However, if armed bands engaged in banditry and kidnapping are not suppressed or eliminated, it will be difficult if not impossible to control the HIV/AIDs epidemic in the countryside. The CAR government has failed to suppress theft in the capital itself, even though the Office for the Suppression of Banditry arrests and brutally murders suspected thieves without judicial procedures, and so it appears very unlikely that the government will be able, in the near future, to suppress or eliminate armed bands in the countryside. In the final analysis, the outlook for the CAR and its children appears very bleak since there seems to be insufficient incentive, will or resources to effectively tackle its most important problem, which is to restore security and peace.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Barrett, David B., George T. Kurian, and Todd M. Johnson, eds. World Christian Encyclopedia. Oxford: Oxford University Press; 2001. All statistics regarding the numbers of adherents to different religions are highly questionable, but this source at least includes small religious groups in the CAR such as the Bahai.
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Bierschenk, Thomas, and Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sarden. ‘‘Local Powers and a Distant State in Rural Central African Republic,’’ Journal of Modern African Studies Vol. 35 (1997): 441–68. Bradshaw, Richard. ‘‘Central African Republic,’’ in Encyclopedia of Twentieth-Century African History, eds. Paul Tiyambe Zeleza and Dickson Eyoh. London and New York: Routledge; 2003. A brief overview of CAR history in the twentieth century. Burnham, Philip. Opportunity and Constraint in a Savanna Society. London and New York: Academic Press; 1980. The best overview of the history, social structure and economic activities of the Gbaya, the largest ethnolinguistic group in the CAR. Headrick, Rita. Colonialism, Health and Illness in French Equatorial Africa, 1885– 1935, edited by Daniel R. Headrick. Atlanta, Georgia: African Studies Association; 1994. A study of health conditions and health services during the colonial period that provides insight into the roots of the health care crisis today. Hilberth, John. The Gbaya. Uppsala: Almquist & Wiksell Informationindustri AB; 1973. A study of the Gbaya people of southwestern CAR. Kalck, Pierre. Historical Dictionary of the Central African Republic. Translated by Xavier-Samuel Kalck. Lanham, MD: The Scarecrow Press; 2004. Includes an introduction to CAR history and a chronology of major events through 2003. Mehler, Andreas. ‘‘The Shakey Foundations, Adverse Circumstances, and Limited Achievements of Democratic Transition in the Central African Republic,’’ in The Fate of Africa’s Democratic Experiments: Elites and Institutions, eds Leornardo A. Villal on and Peter VonDoepp. Bloomington: Indiana University Press; 2005. Newman, James L. The Peopling of Africa: A Geographical Interpretation. New Haven: Yale University Press; 1997. Includes maps showing the migration of the Adamawa-Ubangi, Bantu and Nilo-Saharan peoples into the CAR. O’Toole, Thomas. The Central African Republic: The Continent’s Hidden Heart. Boulder, CO: Westview Press; 1986. Strong, Polly C., ed. African Tales. Folklore of the Central African Republic. As Told by Village Storytellers. Trans. Polly Strong. Mogadore, Ohio: Tell Publications; 1992. Titley, Brian. Dark Age: The Political Odyssey of Emperor Bokassa. London and Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press; 1997. Provides an overview of CAR politics between 1960 to 1990 and an account of Bokassa’s beating of imprisoned children.
Nonprint Resources Africa’s Borderless Wars. A Forgotten Crisis in the Central African Republic. December 2006. http://video.on.nytimes.com/index.jsp?fr_story¼96bd166be b69e31671f6ee517d1fb349361f7fa6. A video about the crisis in northern CAR. ‘‘Central African Republic.’’ 1989. Musics and Musicians of the World. Music CD with commentary by Simha Arom, produced with the help of UNESCO and AUVIDIS. Includes folk music such as a song for twins, a lullaby, a children’s round, a counting song, and a rites-of-passage dance.
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Web Sites Bradshaw, Richard and Juan Fandos-Rius, eds., Online Bibliography and Reference Work for the Central African Republic. http://webs.ono.com/bradshawproject. The most comprehensive bibliography for the Central African Republic which also contains information about various topics, including NGOs in the CAR. Charney, Joel and Rick Neal. ‘‘It’s not poverty, it’s misery.’’ Refugee International, 23 March 2007. http://www.refugeesinternational.org; http://www.alertnet.org/ thenews/fromthefield/219053/117510385878.htm. Fandos-Rius, Juan. ‘‘Central African Republic.’’ http://webs.ono.com/juanfandos. Includes historical data on the CAR’s governmental institutions. Gordon, Raymond G., Jr., ed. Ethnologue: Languages of the World, 15th ed. Dallas, Tex.: SIL International; 2005. Online version: http://www.ethnologue.com.
Organizations and NGOs In 2004, about 200 NGOs established a team to coordinate all activities undertaken by their organizations (U.S. Department of State 2006). They include the following organizations: Association Interculturelle de lutte contre le Sida entre la France et l’Afrique Subsaharienne, AISFAS 79, av Paul Santy 69008 Lyon, France Tel: (33 04) 78757845/37902822 Contact: Albertine Pabingui, President of AISFAS Email: [email protected] or [email protected] Web site: http://www.sante-savoie.org/docs/8-Mme_PABINGUI_AISFAS.pdf Founded in 1997, its aim is to fight the spread of AIDS in the Central African Republic. Association Missionnaire Maranatha Internationale, AMMI–Ambassade Chre tienne http://www.ammi-ong.com/ Bangui, Central African Republic Phone: 00 236 618065 Contact: Josue Binoua-Dongomou Email: [email protected] The AMMI, also called Ambassade Chre tienne, was founded in 2001 by Josue Binoua-Dongomou with the goal of creating a national network for AIDS prevention. Caritas Centrafrique B.P. 1518 Bangui, Central African Republic Phone: (236) 618 167 Fax: (236) 618 167/614 692
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Mobile: 00 236 502484/057072 Contact: [email protected] Web site: http://caritas.centrafrique.free.fr/ Originally founded in 1961 as Animation Rurale, renamed l’Association pour l’Animation Rurale et Urbaine (APARU) in 1968, then finally chistened Caritas Centrafrique in 1991. Caritas works in AIDS prevention, provides money for AIDS widows and credit for peasants, and supports the Don Bosco Vocational Training Center in Bangui. Cellule Presse Ecrite pour la Lutte contre le SIDA, CPELS B.P. 427 Bangui, Central African Republic Tel: (236) 046 414/503 632 Contact: Propert Yaka Ma€ide, CPELS Treasurer Email: [email protected] Web site: http://cpels-centrafrique.ifrance.com/ Centrafrique Sans Frontieres–Maboko Na Maboko, CSF (Central Africa Without Borders) 8, Rue des vieilles Perrieres 25000 Besancon, France Phone: (33 0) 38161 3110/66216 6286 Contact: Yvonne Mete-Nguemeu, President of CSF Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.centraf-sf.org/ Founded in 2001, CSF works to improve the welfare of women and AIDS orphans and to improve agricultural production. Congres National des Jeunes Femmes VIHþ, CNJFVþ B.P. 1721 Bangui, Central African Republic Phone: (236) 613129 / 611089 Mobile: (236) 041893 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://cpels-centrafrique.ifrance.com/ongpartenaires.htm Founded in August 2001, this local NGO of 250 members ages 15 to 35, aims to bring together HIV-positive women and teach them to how to take better care of themselves. Cooperazione Internazionale, COOPI (International Cooperation) Via De Lemene, 50 20151 Milano, Italy Phone: (39 02) 3085057 Fax: (39 02)33403570 Email: http://www.coopi.org/en/service/contatto.php or [email protected] Web site: http://www.coopi.org/en/home/ COOPI currently runs eight projects in Bangui and in the eastern part of the country in M’Baiki, Bocaranga and the troublesome Bossangoa and Paoua.
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Groupe de Reflexion d’Action et de Proposition, GRAP 4, allee de Bellevue 45430 Checy, France Contact: Theodore-Ric Richard Toulougoussou, President of GRAP Web site: http://grap.checy.free.fr/ The GRAP was founded in 1998 by Theodore-Richard Toulougoussou in order to furnish Central African Republic schools with school supplies and support school contruction. Medicos Sin Fronteras, MSF (Doctors Without Borders) Nou de la Rambla, 26 08001 Barcelone, Spain Phone: (34 93) 3046100 Fax: (34 93) 3046102 Email: http://www.msf.es/contacto/index.asp Web site: http://www.msf.es/ MSF of Spain has worked in the CAR since 1997 and currently runs a 16-bed hospital in Markounda, a 40-bed hospital in Boguila Kota, provides medical assistance in Paoua, and runs mobile medical units in the Markounda area. In 2007 MSF started working in those northern parts of the country most affected by violence and war. L’Obeche Bangui, Central African Republic Phone: (Bangui) (236) 556100/556101/556111 Contact: Gaetan Moloto-A-Kenguemba Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.obeche.org/index.html An NGO working in the Central African Republic, established in 2006. Organisation pour la compassion et les developpements des familles en detresse, OCODEFAD (Organization for Compassion and the Developments of Families in Distress) Operating from Senegal since February 2007 Contact: Bernadette Sayo-Nzale, Founder and Chairwoman of OCODEFAD Web site: http://www.who.int/world-health-day/2006/car/sayo/en/index.html Founded in 2004, OCODEFAD advocates legal action against rapists and their accomplices, creates income-generating activities for these victims, and promotes women’s dignity. In 2005, OCODEFAD was the main beneficiary of a World Bank emergency aid project called LICUS. In February 2007, Sayo-Nzale sought refuge in Senegal after receiving death threats due to her denounciation of crimes during the civil war of 2002 and 2003. Village d’Enfants SOS de Republique Centrafricaine (SOS Children’s Village of the Central African Republic) B.P. 1745 Bangui, Central African Republic Phone: 00 871 762849878 Fax: 00 871 762849880 Contact: http://www.soschildrensvillages.ca/
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Web site: http://www.soschildrensvillages.ca/ SOS Children’s Villages focus on helping neglected, abandoned, or orphaned children as well as unfortunate families. In 1990, the first SOS Children’s Village in the CAR was begun in the capital, Bangui. Families were able to move in two years later. At present there is one SOS Children’s Village in the Central African Republic, one SOS Youth Facility, one SOS Kindergarten, one SOS Hermann Gmeiner School, one SOS Medical Center, and one SOS Social Center.
Selected Bibliography In English Afrol News. 2007. Ethnic cleansing of nomads in Central African Republic. http:// www.afrol.com/articles/16435. AlertNet. 2007. Central African Republic. http://www.alertnet.org/db/cp/central_ african_rep.htm. Amnesty International. 2004. Central African Republic: Hundreds raped and neglected. http://news.amnesty.org/index/ENGAFR190052004. FAO, Technical Cooperation Department. 2007. Consolidated Appeal 2007: Central African Republic. http://www.fao.org/tc/tce/central_afr_07_en.asp. IRIN. 2004. NGO in HIV/AIDS sensitisation efforts. IRIN News. http://www. irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId¼50229. IRIN. 2007a. CAR: NGO suspends activities in northwest after health workers abducted. IRIN News. http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId¼72325. ———. 2007b. Central African Republic: Humanitarian Country Profile. IRIN News. http://www.irinnews.org/country.aspx?CountryCode¼CFA&RegionCode¼GL. Medecins Sans Frontieres. 2006. Deteriorating situation in the Central African Republic. http://www.msf.org/msfinternational/invoke.cfm?objectid¼0FC3 AF58-5056-AA77-6CB3C24A449171F9&component¼toolkit.article&metho d¼full_html. UNDP. Human Development Report. New York: UNDP; 2006. http://hdr.undp. org/hdr2006/. UNICEF. 2006. Central African Republic: Humanitarian Action Report 2007. http://www.unicef.org/har07/index_37588.htm. ———. 2007a. Information by Country; Central African Republic. http://www.unicef. org/infobycountry/car.html. ———. 2007b. State of the World’s Children 2007 http://www.unicef.org/sowc06/ statistics/statistics.php. U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of International Labor Affairs. 2004. Central African Republic. Incidence and Nature of Child Labor. http://www.dol.gov/ ilab/media/reports/iclp/tda2004/central-african-republic.htm. U.S. Department of State. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor; 2006. World Health Organization. Central African Republic: HIV Country Profile. Geneva: WHO; 2005. http://www.who.int/hiv/HIVCP_CAF.pdf. ———. 2006. CAR: Immunization Profile. Geneva: WHO. http://www.who.int/ vaccines/globalsummary/immunization/countryprofileresult.cfm?C¼’caf. ———. 2007a. Central African Republic: Country Information. Geneva: WHO. http://www.who.int/countries/caf/en.
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———. 2007b. Central African Republic: Health Action in Crises. Geneva: WHO. http://www.who.int/hac/crises/caf/en.
In French Adoum-Pickanda, Fidel. L’enfant dans la soci e t e traditionnelle banda. (Children in traditional Banda society). MA thesis, Universite de Haute Bretagne, Rennes, France, 1981. Banda customs concerning childbirth and breast-feeding as well as life passage rites are described.
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CHAD Audrey Cash NATIONAL PROFILE Chad is a large, land-locked country located in north-central Africa. It is bordered to the north by Libya, by Sudan to the east, the Central African Republic to the south and southeast, Cameroon to the southwest, and Nigeria and Niger to the west. Chad’s largest body of water is Lake Chad (also shared by Niger, Cameroon, and Nigeria); it is the largest body of water in the Sahel and the major source of fresh water for Chad. The country can be divided into three fairly distinct areas: Sahara, Sahel, and savannah. The northern third of the country lies in the Sahara, where little is grown save the occasional palm tree and a few date trees. This region receives about just less than two inches of rainfall per year. The band to the south of the Sahara is the Sahel. Sahel is Arabic for coast and here the Sahel is the ‘‘coast’’ of the Sahara. This region receives between about 12 and 23.5 inches of rain per year, which limits the number of crops that can be grown in the region. The Sahel supports the country’s cattle raising industry. The savannah region records more than 35.5 inches or rain per year and is therefore considered the agricultural and industrial heart of the country. In addition to the sorghum, millet, peanuts, rice, potatoes, and manioc (tapioca) used for consumption, cotton (the primary
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agricultural export crop) is grown here (CIA 2007). Chad’s natural resources include petroleum, uranium, natron, kaolin, fish (Lake Chad), gold, limestone, sand, and gravel, salt. With the beginning of oil exportation in 2004 and the Chad-Cameroon Pipeline used to transport the oil from land-locked Chad to the world, Chad has greatly increased its income. Chad, part of France’s African holdings until 1960, endured three decades of civil warfare as well as invasions by Libya before a semblance of peace was finally restored in 1990. The government eventually drafted a democratic constitution and held flawed presidential elections in 1996 and 2001. In 1998, a rebellion broke out in northern Chad, which continues to flare up despite several peace agreements between the government and the rebels. In 2005, new rebel groups emerged in western Sudan and have attacked areas of eastern Chad. Power remains in the hands of an ethnic minority. In June 2005, President Idriss Deby held a referendum that successfully removed constitutional term limits (CIA 2007). The Republic of Chad is one of the least known countries in Africa, especially to non-French-speaking people. It is a country that has suffered poverty and conflict in relative obscurity. During the colonial era, Paris lacked the political and economic will to fund the building of a modern infrastructure. This glaring problem has marked Chad for failure since the earliest colonial days. France’s interest in Chad was driven not by its natural resources but because of its expanse of land neighboring British colonial interests. The territory that became present day Chad, Niger and Mali, served an important role for France: it acted as a land bridge between France’s fertile West African territories and the jewel of the crown, which was Algeria on the Mediterranean coast. Historically, the Arabs of North and East Africa used the peoples of Chad for slave labor, a trend that continued with the French. The French needed KEY FACTS – CHAD labor for the harvesting of rubber and cotton. The transition Population: 9,885,661 (July 2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 44 years to independence was difficult for Literacy rate: 47.5 percent (2003 est.) Chad because the French did litInternet users: 35,000 (2005) tle to prepare it for self-rule and, People living with HIV/AIDS: 200,000 (2003 est.) in fact, used its influence to Human Poverty Index (HP-1) rank: 100 ensure that the new leaders Sources: CIA World Factbook: Chad. https://www.cia.gov/library/ would maintain their dependpublications/the-world-factbook/geos/cd.html. June 29, 2007; ence on France and the developUNICEF. At a Glance: Central African Republic–Statistics. ment and aid subsidies provided http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/chad_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) by Elysee. Human Development Report 2006–Central African Republic. On the UN Development http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/ Programme Human Developcty_ds_TCD.html. June 29, 2007. ment Index, Chad ranks 173rd
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of 177 (UNDP 2005). Chad’s population is estimated at 9,885,661 (July 2007 estimate; CIA 2007). Chad is fairly ethnically diverse, with more than 120 different languages. French and Arabic are the two official languages, and Sara is widely spoken in the south. The many ethnic groups have played a large roll in the precolonial history of Chad, and it was some of these relationships, exploited by the French, that would continue to guide policy in the immediate post-colonial period. OVERVIEW Overall, the life of children in Chad is not very promising. Similar to the Sudan, Chad has dealt with civil war for most of its years since independence. Similar to other war-torn countries in Africa, Chadian children have been conscripted to fight. According to UNICEF, more than 1,300 child soldiers were identified in the Guera region and by the rebel group, Forces Unies pour le Changement (United Forces for Change) in May 2007 (UNICEF May 9, 2007). Both the government and some of the rebel groups have signed agreements (e.g., the Paris Protocols signed in February 2006) to stop the use and recruitment of child soldiers and to assist in their reintegration to civilian and family life, which marked a significant step in normalizing children’s lives. One of the main concerns of demobilizing child soldiers is ensuring that the communities to which they return are safe and secure. This requires continued efforts by both the government and rebel groups to uphold the signed peace agreements. Children living in the eastern part of the country are under further stress from the Darfur situation. Here, children from both Sudan and Chad are recruited across international borders. With the situation in Darfur continuing, it is not expected that the plight of child soldiers will improve until the political situation is concluded. The prevalence of HIV/AIDS in Chad is high for the region—between 3.5 and 5 percent according to UNICEF and Consortium for Street Children (2007)—which has left a significant number of children orphaned. Consortium for Street Children estimates that 18,000 adults died in N’Djamena in 2003. Child trafficking, forced marriage of young girls, and in some places slave and forced labor, coupled with a low rate of school attendance (46 percent of boys, 33 percent of girls) only exacerbates the overall situation. The further away from the capital, the greater the prevalence of such incidents, attributed in part to the traditional way of life practiced in the central and northern regions (U.S. Department of State 2006). EDUCATION As mentioned previously, French and Arabic are the two official languages and depending on the region, the language of instruction.
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Children who live in the central and north are Arabic speakers, and education is influenced by Islam. In the south, there are more French speakers. Today, about half the adult population can read and write in either Arabic or French—one of lowest rates of adult and child literacy in Africa. Chad has a long way to go to achieve the Millennium Development Goal that all children be able to complete primary education by 2015. The latest figures show that about 57 percent of all primary school-aged children were enrolled in school. The numbers that complete the fifth grade decrease drastically, however, with 29.6 percent in 2003 and 29.5 percent in 2004 (estimated). The gender gap is striking: only 18.5 percent of girls to approximately 40.8 percent of boys complete the fifth grade (MGD 2006). The discrepancy is largely the result of culture and tradition. The girls are needed to help look after younger siblings and complete various household chores. In urban centers, especially in N’Djamena, where more children have access to schooling and more parents can afford to contribute to educational costs, the primary school completion rate is heading toward 50 percent, including a larger proportion of girls. PLAY AND RECREATION Like children and young people across the globe, Chadian young people enjoy free time and recreation. Although they may not have the same kind of toys and games commonly found in the U.S., Canada, or Europe, Chadians are adept at having fun. Some of the favorite games played in Chad include hopscotch and jump rope. Football ranks as the country’s favorite sport, and any time the national team is playing, most children and youth watch along with everyone else. In addition, children enjoy reading and writing letters. Various organizations, such as Right to Play, encourage various forms of recreation for children, especially in conflict areas. In eastern Chad, Right to Play has a program for Sudanese refugees living in Chad which also includes providing information on HIV/AIDS (2007). Religious festivals, traditional dancing and other local gatherings also provide popular family entertainment. CHILD LABOR Child labor refers to children engaged in work between the ages of 5 and 14 years. The Labor Code sets the minimum age for employment in Chad at 14 years and the minimum age for apprenticeships at 13 years; however, the 2005 UNICEF statistics estimate that child labor was at 53 percent (55 percent boys, 52 percent girls; Ouagadjio et al. 2005 and UNICEF 2006). The labor law goes on to stipulate that those younger than 18 years are prohibited from doing work that is likely to harm their health, safety, or morals. Children younger than 18 are also prohibited from working at night (U.S. Bureau of International Labor Affairs).
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However, the enforcement of the law is almost nonexistent; it is common to see children selling in the markets and working in the animal husbandry field herding cattle, camel, and goats. Regarding children’s and young adults’ presence in the armed forces, the law states that one must be at least 18 years to volunteer for the services and not younger than 20 to be conscripted. The number of child soldiers clearly demonstrates that this and, indeed, other sections of the Labour Code are not enforced. FAMILY Family life in Chad can be difficult; many things contribute to a lack of stability for Chadian children. As already mentioned, there is a high rate of HIV/AIDS among adults, which means there are many children who are being raised by either older relatives or siblings. This has in turn contributed to an increase in child labor, internal child trafficking (selling children into work to support the rest of the family), and a decrease in school enrollment. The instability of the state since independence in 1960 (Azevedo 1987) has meant that the state has not provided consistent social services to the population. The last ‘‘civil war’’ ended in 1990, but a fragile state security and tentative stability was further jeopardized with the attempted coup d’etat in Spring 2006 (IRIN 2006). With the government arguing that priority must be given to defense and the purchase of weapons, this leaves little for the development and maintenance of a stable educational system. With the profits from the oil industry, the area around Doba near Moundou has seen some small developments, such as the construction of a high school and the extension of the primary school (CCP Report 2005). Unfortunately, the majority of the country has yet to benefit from the oil profits. HEALTH Chad has one of the lowest life-expectancy at birth rates in the world. Each child born in Chad can expect to live to the age of 44 years (Ouagadjio, et al 2005 and UNICEF 2006). Infant mortality (the probability of children dying between birth and 1 year) is 124 for every 1,000 live births and for those between ages 1 and 4 years, the number increases to 208 (UNDP 2005). A total of 22 percent of children have low birth weight, which reflects the mother’s poor health and nutritional status. Fourteen percent of children younger than 5 suffer from severe malnutrition (low weight for age), the same percentage suffer from moderate and severe wasting (low weight for height), which is a measure of acute under-nutrition, and an alarming 41 percent suffer from moderate and severe stunting (low height for age), which is a measure of chronic under-nutrition during the key formative 6 to 36 months of life.
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LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The law and legal systems are based on French civil law as well as Chadian customary law. As previously mentioned, the laws protecting children in the areas of labor and conscription are rarely enforced due to the lack of resources. RELIGIOUS LIFE Religion is an important aspect of life in Chad. Approximately half the population is Muslim (53.1 percent), 20 percent are Catholic, 14 percent Protestant, and 7 percent animist (1993 census data; CIA). Because of the heavy influence of the French, in the southern regions, Catholicism is more prevalent than Protestantism. Islam entered Chad from the North several centuries before the arrival of the Europeans and is easily the dominant religion in the north and central regions. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Prostitution increased considerably during the civil war, which lasted from 1979 to 1982. Unfavorable socioeconomic factors contributed to this. The situation was worse depending on the size of a family. Unable to cope with their failure to meet basic needs, many fathers turned away from their parental responsibilities and left children to the streets. Boys in the street are known in Chad as ‘‘Colombians’’ (a reference to these boys’ drug consumption), and girls turn to prostitution. In addition to the war, the dictatorship of ex-President Hissein Habre (1982-1990) led to deaths of some 40,000 victims. These deaths were mostly men, which in turn led to many single parent families and a larger number of orphans (Passalet 2003). Chad has not yet developed a National Plan of Action specifically dealing with the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children; however, civil society is discussing the issue more openly and potential solutions are being investigated. As a result, nongovernmental organizations such as the Association Jeunesse Anti-Clivage and Association des Femmes Juristes du Chad are able to assist women and children whose rights are violated (ECPAT 2001). Chad has signed on to the UN Convention of the Rights of the Child. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The future of Chad is uncertain. The continuing and deteriorating situation plaguing the country in the east bordering the Darfur region of Sudan and the eventual outcome will play a significant role in the
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medium- and long-term outlook for the country. Chad was an unstable state at best before the Darfur situation, and this has caused even more uncertainty. The history of Chad has been riddled with internal conflict that required intervention of its former colonial power, France, to maintain sovereignty (Azevedo 1987). The economic outlook is mixed. In 2003, Chad became the newest member of the oil export club, and with it came the hope to pull itself out of poverty. It is estimated that revenues from the oil could reach $80 million per year over the course of 25 years for a total of $2 billion (CCP, World Bank). In the hopes of ensuring that the oil profits would benefit Chad and not be a curse to the country,1 an agreement between the World Bank and the government stipulated that 80 percent of profits would be used for priority sectors (education, social services, roads, and infrastructure) and 10 percent would be set aside in a Future Generations Fund. Unfortunately, in 2005, President Deby affected a change in the law to include the immediate use of the Future Generations Fund and to include ‘‘security’’ as one of the priority sectors. If Chad can manage this new wealth, she will be able to support her population, but only time will tell if oil will be a curse or not. NOTES 1. See discussion on Resource Curse literature by Teri Lynn Karl and Scott Pegg.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Azevedo, Mario. Roots of Violence: A History of War in Chad. War and Society Series, Vol. 4. London and New York: Gordon and Breach Publishers; 1998. This book explores Chad’s violent past to understand the complexity of contemporary violence in Chad. Dadi, A. Tchad: L’etat retrouve. (Chad: the state found). Paris: L’Harmattan; 1987. A study in political-economic tensions and state formation. Nolutshungu, Sam C. Limits of Anarchy: Intervention and State Formation in Chad. Carter Woodson Institute Series in Black Studies. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press; 1996. This study uncovers historical precedents to the current flashpoints in Chad. Pegg, S. ‘‘Can Policy Intervention Beat the Resource Curse? Evidence from the Chad–Cameroon Pipeline Project,’’ African Affairs, Vol. 105 (2005): 1–25. A focused look at the problems of political and ethnic tension around a focal point for unequal access to valuable resources.
Nonprint Resources Abouna. 2002. Directed by Mahamat-Saleh Haroun. In French and Arabic. http:// www.imdb.com/title/tt0307913/. Set in writer-director’s Mahamat-Saleh
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Haroun’s homeland of Chad, Abouna is the story of two young brothers’ search for their father. Daratt (Dry Season). 2006. Film, 95 minutes. Directed by Mahamat-Saleh Haroun. In French and Arabic with English subtitles. Distributed by ArtMattan Productions, New York. http://www.AfricanFilm.com. This film follows a teenager who wants revenge. His father’s killer is among the war criminals granted amnesty. When the youth becomes an apprentice to his father’s killer and begins to learn the secrets of baking bread, the two develop a father–son relationship. Daresalam. 2000. Directed by Issa Serge Coelo. 105-minute film. In Arabic and French with English subtitles. Available from California Newsreel: http:// www.newsreel.org/nav/title.asp?tc¼CN0124&s¼sudan. Daresalam is a feature film that focuses on the impact that Africa’s civil wars can have on friendship and identity. The movie begins in the 1970s with a portrait of two young men, Koni and Djimi. From there, it follows a series of events as government economic policies come into conflict with families living on subsistence agriculture. It is a harsh look at survival, conflict, and the families caught in the midst of conflict. Dilemme au F e minin (Feminine Dilemma). 1994. Film documentary, 22 minutes. Directed by Zara M. Yacoub. In Arabic and French with English subtitles. Distributed by ArtMattan Productions, New York. http://www.AfricanFilm.com. This film has generated much debate because of its documentation of female genital mutilation/cutting and the difficult questions asked of local women’s groups on a subject whose discussion is taboo in much of the world even today. L’Enfance Confisqu e e. 1999. Film, 26 minutes. Directed by Zara M.Yacoub. Distributed by ArtMattan Productions, New York. http://www.AfricanFilm.com. Mariam’s childhood is ‘‘confiscated’’ by working as a domestic. Her story emphasizes the plight of many child laborers who serve as maids/housekeepers/cooks/babysitters, are paid little, and must turn over what little they earn to extended family members or guardians.
Web Sites Chad-Cameroon Pipeline Project, http://www.worldbank.org/afr/ccproj. SOS Children’s Villages: Chad, http://www.sos-childrensvillages.org/html/chad_ select_a_village.html. Virtual Chad, http://www.tchad.org/research/children.html.
Organizations and NGOs ACODE–Action et Cooperation pour le D e veloppement B.P. 4317 N’Djamena, Chad Phone: 235 53 9380 Email: [email protected]; [email protected] Web site: http://www.acode.org/
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ASTBEF–Association Tchadienne pour le Bien-Etre Familiale B.P. 4064 N’Djamena, Chad Phone: 235 51 4337 Email: [email protected] Consortium for Street Children, http://www.streetchildren.org.uk.
Selected Bibliography Ouagadjio, Bandoumal, Kostelngar Nodjimadji, Tchobkreo Bagamla, Riradjim Madnodji, Jo€el Sibaye Tokindang, Ningam Ngakoutou, Jo€el Nodjimbatem Ngoniri, Caman Bedaou, Donato Koyalta, Bernard Barrere, and Monique Barrere. 2005. Enqu^ e te D e mographique et de Sant e Tchad 2004. Calverton, MD: INSEED and ORC Macro. http://www.measuredhs.com/aboutsurveys/ search/metadata.cfm?surv_id¼215&ctry_id¼59&SrvyTp¼country. ECPAT. 2001. [Report on Child Abuse]. http://www.ecpat.net/eng/Ecpat_inter/ publication/other/english/Doc_page/ecpat_5th_a4a_2001_full.doc. Passalet, D. D. A Situational Analysis of Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children in Chad. ECPAT International: Situational Analysis of Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children in Chad, March 2003. http://www.ecpat.net/eng/ ecpat_inter/projects/monitoring/rabat/chad.pdf. UNICEF. 2006. At a Glance, Botswana. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ botswana_statistics.html. U.S. Department of Labor. 2004. Country Report–Chad. Washington, DC: Bureau of International Labor Affairs. http://www.dol.gov/ilab/media/reports/ iclp/tda2004/chad.htm. U.S. Department of State. 2006. Country Report–Chad. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2005/ 61561.htm.
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DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO Jen Westmoreland Bouchard NATIONAL PROFILE The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is often referred to as ‘‘Congo-Kinshasa’’ to distinguish it from the neighboring Republic of Congo (‘‘Congo-Brazzaville’’). The third largest country on the continent, the DRC is located in Central Africa. It shares borders with the Central African Republic, Sudan, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Tanzania (along Lake Tanganyika), Zambia, Angola, and the Republic of the Congo and has a limited coastline of 37 kilometers on the South Atlantic Ocean. The Congo is 2,345,410 square kilometers, which is almost onefourth the size of the United States (CIA 2007). The climate is typically hot and humid in the equatorial river basin, cool and dry in the southern highlands, and cool and wet in the eastern highlands. The central basin is a low-lying plateau that is bordered by mountains in the east. There are periodic droughts in the south, Congo River floods in the east, and active volcanoes in the Great Rift Valley. The DRC’s natural resources
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include cobalt, copper, petroleum, diamonds, gold, silver, coal, and timber. Agriculture accounts for approximately 56.3 percent of the GDP. Much of the DRC’s population is located in Kinshasa, the capital of the DRC. Congo’s other major cities are Lubumbashi, Mbuji-Mayi, Kolwezi, Kisangani, and Matadi. The DRC’s population is estimated at 65,751,512 (CIA 2007), with approximately 48 percent of its population younger than the age of 15. The population growth rate is at 3.39 percent, with the birth rate at an estimated 42.96 births/1,000 population and the estimated death rate at 10.34/1,000 population (CIA 2007). More than two hundred African ethnic groups populate the DRC, the four largest of which are the Mongo, Luba, Kongo (all Bantu), and the Mangbetu-Azande (Hamitic). Combined, these groups make up 45 percent of the population. Approximately 700 local African languages and dialects are spoken in the Congo. The majority of the Congolese speak at least one of the following languages: Kikongo, Lingala, Tshiluba, Swahili, and French. Most of the Congolese population live in rural areas, whereas one-third of the population is urban. OVERVIEW King Leopold II of Belgium ruled the DRC as his own personal colony, beginning in 1885, and acquired a large personal fortune from ivory and rubber through Congolese slave labor. More than 10 million people were killed through forced labor, starvation, and assassination. Eventually, Belgium took over administration of the Congo. It remained a Belgian colony until violence from independence movements forced Brussels to grant freedom on June 30, 1960 (Hochschild 1999). In elections held that month, Patrice Lumumba of the leftist Mouvement National Congolais was voted prime minister, and Joseph Kasavubu of the ABAKO Party became head of state. However, within weeks of independence, the Katanga Province, led by Moise Tshombe, seceded from the new republic. Shortly thereafter, other provinces began to follow suit. Belgium sent in military reinforcements, and the UN brought in a peacekeeping force to calm the growing unrest. Later that year, Kasavubu staged an army coup and gave Lumumba over to Katangan forces. Lumumba was assassinated shortly thereafter. A United Nations investigating commission found that Lumumba had been killed, in the presence of Tshombe, by a Belgian mercenary. U.S. and Belgian involvement in the assassination was alleged. After rejecting the UN’s proposed reconciliation plan, Tshombe’s troops opened fire on UN forces in December. The peacekeeping forces withdrew, and Kasavubu named Tshombe prime minister to combat wide-spread rebellion. With the help of Belgium and the U.S., Tshombe defeated the most serious opposition—a Communist-backed regime in the northeast.
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In 1965, Kasavubu dismissed Tshombe and was, in turn, defeated by Gen. Joseph-Desire Mobutu, army chief of staff. Mobutu won the next election in 1970. In 1975, he instituted many reforms, including the prohibition of religious instruction in schools and the mandatory adoption of African names among citizens. He changed the country’s name to Zaire and his own to Mobuto Sese Seko Kuku Ngbendu Wa Zabanga, meaning ‘‘the all-powerful warrior who, because of his endurance and inflexible will to win, will go from conquest to conquest leaving fire in his wake.’’ Throughout his regime, Mobutu maintained close relations with France and the United States. Both countries used Zaire as a base for covert operations against bordering countries, specifically Marxist Angola. Mobutu’s policies eventually drove his country into economic collapse. In May of 1997, Laurent Kabila and his established (yet little known) guerrilla movement launched a 7-month initiative to throw Mobutu out of office. The same year, the country was renamed the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In August 1998, Congolese rebel forces gained control of a large portion of the country. Angolan, Namibian, and Zimbabwean troops were called in to assist Kabila. In 1999, the Lusaka Accord was signed by all six of the countries involved and most of the various rebel groups. In January 2001, Kabila was assassinated. His son, Joseph, became the new president. He was committed to ending the years of civil war. In April 2002, the government agreed to a power-sharing arrangement with Ugandan-supported rebels and signed a peace treaty with Rwanda and Uganda. More than 2.5 million people are estimated to have died in the Congo’s complex 4-year civil war (Gondola 2002). On July 17, 2003, the Congo’s new power-sharing governKEY FACTS – DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO ment was inaugurated; however, Population: 65,751,512 (2007 est.) the fighting and killing continInfant mortality rate: 65.52 deaths/1,000 live births ued and, in April 2003, hun(2007 est.) dreds of civilians were massacred Life expectancy at birth: 57.2 years (2007 est.) in the eastern province of Ituri in Literacy rate: 65.5 percent (2003 est.) an ethnic conflict. In 2004, an inNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 52 percent (2000–2005) surgency in Bukavu erupted and Internet users: 140,600 (2005) Rwanda continued to support People living with HIV/AIDS: 1.1 million (2003 est.) various rebel groups fighting the Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 80 Congolese government. By the end of 2004, the death toll had Sources: CIA World Factbook: Congo, Democratic Republic of the. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/ reached 3.8 million. Joseph geos/cg.html. June 29, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Congo, Kabila has since made progress Democratic Republic of the–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ in liberalizing domestic political infobycountry/drcongo_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development activity. In 2006, the DRC held Report 2006–Central African Republic. http://hdr.undp.org/ its first free, multiparty demohdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_COD.html. June cratic elections in more than 29, 2007. 40 years (U.S. Department of
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State 2007). More than 25.6 million Congolese registered to vote, which is more than 77 percent of the eligible population (older than the age of 18) (UNICEF, Martin Bell, 2006). Joseph Kabila won the election with 45 percent of the vote. The years of political and social unrest in the DRC have taken their toll on its youth. Up to 2 million people have been internally displaced, including 400,000 children (Amnesty International 2007). Children of the DRC had suffered various forms of systematized torture during the country’s 5-year civil war. Both domestic and foreign governmental systems committed serious violations against children, including forced displacement and servitude, rape, abduction, sexual torture, and forced participation in illegal and militant activities. Tens of thousands of children were recruited as soldiers (UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs 2003). Many children have witnessed the deaths of loved ones, seen family members raped in front of them, seen others dragged from their hospital cots and killed, and experienced various other atrocities of war. Since 1996, tens of thousands of children have been abducted in the DRC, taken from homes at gunpoint, from school classrooms, and from refugee camps. Even though the daily fighting has ended, the physical and psychological scars left on the DRC’s children continue to impact their lives (Amnesty International 2007). As a result of the prolonged displacement, many victims of war and IDPs have been denied basic health care, schooling, and the chance for a ‘‘normal’’ existence. EDUCATION Before independence from Belgium, education was largely in the hands of religious groups (mostly Catholic). The primary school system was well-developed at the time of independence. However, the secondary school system was limited, and higher education was almost nonexistent in most regions of the country. The principal objective of this system was to train low-level administrators and clerks to work for the government and support Belgian officials. As a result of this history, French is still the official language of education (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). Since independence, efforts have been made to increase access to education, and secondary and higher education have been made available to many more Congolese. By law, all Congolese have the right to education. However, this official requirement is not strictly enforced, and in many areas there are not enough schools to accommodate all of the children. Recent statistics show that educational enrollment and completion rates are still low. Between 2000 and 2006, the net primary school enrollment rate was 55 percent for males and 49 percent for females. In 2006, the
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percentage of primary school students who reach grade five was at 54 (UNICEF 2007). Between 2000 and 2006 the secondary school enrollment ratio was 24 percent for males and 12 percent for females. More than 3 million children nationwide are still without access to any sort of free, state-regulated education (UNICEF 2007). As is the case with many other African countries, at higher levels of education, males greatly outnumber females. The effects of this trend reveal themselves in current adult literacy rates (81 percent for males and 54 percent for females). The major universities in the DRC are the Universite de Lubumbashi, Universite Catholique de Bukavu, Universite Protestante du Congo, Universite Notre Dame du Kasayi, and Universite de l’Uele. The elite classes continue to send their children abroad to be educated, primarily in Western Europe and specifically in France and Belgium or in the United States (U.S. Department of State 2007). PLAY AND RECREATION Because of the political and social crises in recent DRC history, children’s opportunities for play and recreation have been greatly diminished. However, UNICEF and other onsite nonprofits, such as the Center for the Victims of Torture, have sought to provide opportunities for safe play within cities and rural communities. These organizations recognize the recuperative and regenerative power of recreation in communities that have been affected by war and torture. New games and techniques for positive play, as well as drawing on traditional forms of play have been introduced. One such form is Ngola, one of the most popular games in Congo. This game is also known as Mankala in other African countries. It is played with forty-eight dried peas or stones and a rectangular board about half a meter long, with two facing rows of six cups each. Ngola involves picking up the peas in a chosen cup and redistributing them in adjacent cups along the board in an attempt to attain as many peas as possible; thus it is referred to as a ‘‘pit and capture’’ game. Ngola is designed for two players, but teams are also possible (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). The nation’s most popular sport is soccer, which was introduced to Congo by Catholic missionaries in the early twentieth century. It is played and watched throughout the country, by children in dusty streets to professionals on groomed fields. Congo won the African soccer championship in 1968, 1974, and 1994, and made it into the World Cup playoffs in 1974 (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). Boxing, running, basketball, handball, and volleyball are also popular. However, apart from soccer and basketball, there is little infrastructure to support the development of sports, and sports are rarely included in school activities. The government provides financial support only for national and Olympic teams, not for local and regional sports clubs (Cultural Profiles Project 2006).
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CHILD LABOR, CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT During and following the intense years of civil war, children suffered from the abuses of forced labor. Many were coerced or violently forced into becoming combatants, sex slaves, spies, porters and physical laborers. Exact statistics are hard to pin down, but the DRC is home to the largest number of child combatants in the world. At the war’s climax, it was estimated that as many as 30,000 children were fighting with armed forces or militia groups (UNICEF 2006). The factors that force children into these situations are numerous and include extreme poverty, abandonment, homelessness, and sexual violence. Militias can offer ‘‘protection’’ and provisions to children who have none. After their recruitment, children undergo some sort of military training for periods ranging from two days to several months. The training consists of learning how to obey orders, march, reassemble a rifle, and fire it. The training process is almost always extremely harsh and brutal on their young bodies. According to child soldier testimonies, hundreds of children died during the six-month training in the armed coalition, AFDL, in 1997 (Amnesty International 2007). Nearly all child soldiers have been involved at one time in active combat. They are often used as human shields for the adult soldiers who follow behind them. Children who die in combat are never given a proper burial, and most families never learn the true fate of their loved ones (Amnesty International 2007). As much as 30 to 40 percent of child soldiers are female. Many have been held captive as sex slaves for years at a time. Sexual assaults on women and children are consciously deployed as a weapon of war to humiliate and intimidate the families of the enemy. Gang rapes and mutilations of a woman or child’s genitals are common, especially in ungoverned areas of eastern Congo. Girls who become pregnant as a result of rape often become social outcasts, rejected by their families and communities. The Heal Africa Hospital in Goma, run by an organization called Doctors on Call for Service provides medical services and refuge to children who have been victims of these types of abuses (UNICEF 2006). FAMILY Throughout most of the DRC, family roles are still very traditional. Men’s tasks include decision-making, forest-clearing, and hunting. Women are in charge of tending the crops, fetching water, preparing meals, doing all housework, and tending to the children. For the most part, women still earn less than men in the same job. In rural areas, a woman cannot open a bank account, accept a job, obtain a passport, or rent or sell property without her husband’s permission (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). When a couple marries, it is customary for a man to pay a bride price to the bride’s parents. If the marriage ends in divorce, he has the right to
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ask for the family to return his payment. In rural areas, couples tend to have many children. The average size of a family is 10 children. They are considered a symbol of wealth, and all births are considered a time for celebration. Children are expected to work around the home and help their parents with daily chores. As a result of the civil war, many families have been broken and systems corrupted. Children whose parents were killed or who were abandoned during the war have often been taken advantage of by sexual predators and military groups. HEALTH The 9-year civil conflict has led to worsening poverty across the nation and decimated an already ailing social service infrastructure. Poor economic circumstances and displacement have brought greater demands on the system as it exists. A total of 71 percent of the population has no access to adequate sanitation, and more than 50 percent of the population lacks access to clean drinking water. In rural areas, only 29 percent of the population has access to safe drinking water. Nearly one of three children under the age of one is not vaccinated against measles (UNICEF 2006). Malaria is one of the largest killers of children in the DRC, a country with one of the worst child survival rates in the world. Each year, half a million children younger than the age of 5 die. A total of 31 percent of children under 5 are dangerously underweight. Over 12 percent of children do not reach their first birthday. Congo has been affected by the AIDS epidemic as well. The current estimated prevalence rate is 3.2 percent. Given the displacement of the population, poor economic circumstances, and proximity to countries with very high rates of HIV/AIDS, this prevalence rate could increase significantly without the ability of the government and donor countries to adequately address its population’s growing prevention and care needs. Other diseases such as gastroenteritis, tuberculosis, and leprosy also impact the health and survival of DRC’s children. The quality of hospitals in the Congo remains quite poor, and most medical facilities are located only in the larger cities. Hospitals and doctors expect immediate payment in cash for services rendered. In addition, medicine is extremely expensive. In most areas, patients are expected to provide this, as well as their own bandages and medical supplies (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). RELIGIOUS LIFE More than half of the DRC’s population is Christian. Nearly threequarters of those are Roman Catholic and one quarter Protestant. The remaining inhabitants follow traditional belief systems or syncretic sects (churches that blend Christian and traditional practices) (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). A minority of inhabitants are either Jewish or Muslim.
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Each ethnic group in the DRC has its own traditional religious belief system. Indigenous religions focus on continuity between people and nature. Natural objects are believed to have souls, just like humans. They also believe in the existence of a supreme being or god of all gods, called Nzambe ’a mphunngu. Lesser deities and prophets act as intermediaries between the dead and the living. Believers demonstrate their honor for these deities through sacrifices and prayers (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). Christianity was brought to the Congo through missionary activity. Both Catholic and Protestant groups have influenced the nation’s development, primarily in health care and education. Although freedom of religion was granted under the 1967 constitution, Mobutu’s authenticity program (which promoted a return to African roots) banned religious instruction in schools. In the early 1970s, new national laws recognized the Catholic and Protestant Churches, and Mobutu’s anti-Christian laws were eased. Syncretic churches began in the 1920s and 1930s. Inspired by the preaching of Simon Kimbango, the Kimbanguism movement began in 1921. This particular movement encourages a return to authentic African tradition. Other African Christian movements include Jamaa and Kitawala (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). In the mid-10th century, Islam spread throughout the Congo from North Africa. A small Muslim community still exists today in the eastern region of the DRC. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The DRC’s legal system is based on Belgian civil law system and tribal law. After existing between constitutions for three years (2003–2006), the DRC is now under the regime of the Constitution of the Third Republic. The constitution was approved in a referendum by the Congolese people and put into place on February 18, 2006 by President Joseph Kabila. New political subdivisions were brought by this constitution. The country is now divided into 25 provinces, and the capital city is Kinshasa. The new motto of the country is ‘‘Justice, Peace, Work.’’ The constitution establishes a decentralized, semipresidential republic, with a separation of powers between the three branches of government—executive, legislative and judiciary, and a distribution of prerogatives between the central government and the provinces (CIA 2007). The DRC has ratified the principal international treaties that protect the fundamental human rights of children, including the Convention on the Rights of the Child; the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; the UN Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment; and the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (which has specific relevance to the situation of girls in the DRC) (Human Rights Watch 2007). In addition, the DRC is party to the regional African
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(Banjul) Charter on Human and People’s Rights, which protects the rights of women and children. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Despite the grim statistics regarding children’s health, education, and opportunities in the DRC, situations are mildly improving for Congolese children. The Congolese are actively working to rebuild their war-torn nation. Organizations such as UNICEF are working diligently with international aid organizations, health organizations and nongovernmental organizations to save the lives of displaced children and improve their quality of life in the future. The UN agencies in the DRC have been actively assisting the new Congolese government to develop the infrastructures needed to help its people. Government commissions have been formed to demobilize all remaining children associated with militias or armed groups. In addition, funding has been set aside in the social services sector to improve children’s welfare in the years to come. Though there is much work to be done, the DRC has shown itself to be a nation committed to improving the quality of life of its children. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Dongala, Emmanuel. The Fire of Origins: A Novel. New York: Lawrence Hill Books; 2003. A fictional novel about the tensions between Congolese tribal culture and Western systems of governance. ———. Johnny Mad Dog. Translated by Maria L. Ascher. New York: Picador; 2006. An engaging fictional novel about the life of a child soldier in CongoBrazzaville. Edgerton, Robert. The Troubled Heart of Africa: A History of the Congo. St. Martin’s Press; 2002. A comprehensive history of culture and politics in the Congo. Gondola, Didier. The History of Congo. New York: Greenwood Press; 2002. A clearly-written history of the Congo with especially useful information on the effects of colonization. Hochschild, Adam. King Leopold’s Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror and Heroism in Colonial Africa. Boston: Houghton Mifflin; 1999. This reference book focuses on the history surrounding the violent rule of King Leopold. Newman, Gerald. Zaire, Gabon and the Congo. New York: Franklin Watts; 1981. A general introduction to these three countries in equatorial Africa. Singer, P. W. Children at War. Los Angeles: University of California Press; 2006. This study focuses on the effects of war on children in a variety of contexts. It contains useful information on child soldiers.
Nonprint Resources On the Frontlines: Child Soldiers in DRC. [2000]. Videocassette, 15 minutes. Directed by Ajedi-Ka. Distributed by Witness Films. Featured in this film is
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footage of children in military training camps South Kivu, Democratic Republic of Congo, and testimony from demobilized child soldiers. UNICEF. Various Videos: ‘‘The Toll on Children’’; ‘‘The Impact of Sexual Assaults’’; ‘‘Child Soldiers’’; ‘‘Uprooted from Their Homes.’’ http://www. unicef.org/childalert/drc/sexualassault.php.
Web Sites ABC Nightline—Heart of Darkness, http://abcnews.go.com/sections/nightline/. Five-part TV series hosted by Ted Koppel. Program transcripts, a journal by the producer of life in the Eastern Congo, people profiles, and relief efforts in the DRC. Berkeley, Bill, ‘‘Zaire, an African Horror Story’’ http://www.theatlantic.com/ unbound/flashbks/rwanda/zaire.htm. This article was originally published in The Atlantic Monthly, August 1993. Berkeley discusses what he calls ‘‘the predatory despotism of Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku wa za Banga.’’ Congo Times, http://www.congotimes.com/. This electronic newsletter was started in February 1998 for the ‘‘collection, analysis and dissemination of information about Central Africa and its relations with the rest of the World.’’ In English and French, the site includes opinion pieces and short articles from various sources. The newsletter is edited by Professor Mutombo Nkulu N’Sengha, African American Studies, Temple University, Philadelphia. Democratic Republic of the Congo, http://www.presidentrdc.cd/. Official site of the President, in French. DigitalCongo.net, http://www.digitalcongo.net/. In French and English. A diverse and comprehensive source of information on current politics, economy, sports, music, culture. Articles from Congolese newspapers as well as hotel, restaurant, hospital listings. Based in Kinshasa.
Organizations and NGOs Amnesty International, http://www.amnesty.org This organization has worked specifically in the Congo on ending the abuses associated with recruiting child soldiers Center for Victims of Torture, http://www.cvt.org The Minneapolis-based Center for Victims of Torture works to heal the wounds of torture on individuals, their families and their communities and to stop torture worldwide. They have a number of teams working in the DRC at present. Human Rights Watch, http://www.hrw.org Human Rights Watch is an organization dedicated to protecting the human rights of people internationally. Specifically within the Congo, they have worked with activists to protect inhabitants of the DRC from inhumane conduct during wartime, including putting an end to the deployment of child soldiers.
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Search for Common Ground, http://www.sfcg.org Search for Common Ground has designed a project to work with children from various backgrounds, including refugees and former combatants. Each week, the children produce a children’s radio program on children’s issues in the Dem. Republic of Congo. UNICEF, http://www.unicef.org An organization committed to addressing children’s issues worldwide. UNICEF has done a lot to address the needs of former child soldiers and implement better education programs in the DRC.
Selected Bibliography Amnesty International. 2007. Democratic Republic of Congo, Children at War. http://web.amnesty.org/library/print/ENGAFR620342003. Bell, Martin. Child Alert: Democratic Republic of Congo; UNICEF: 2006. http:// www.unicef.org/childalert/drc/content/Child_Alert_DRC_en.pdf. CIA. 2007. World Fact Book. Democratic Republic of Congo 2007. www.cia.gov/ library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/cg.html. Cultural Profiles Project. 2006. Congo/Zaire. http://www.cp-pc.ca/english/congo/ congo_eng.pdf. Human Rights Watch. 2006. Democratic Republic of Congo: International Standards. http://hrw.org/reports/2006/drc0406/7.htm. Gondola, Didier. 2002. The History of Congo. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Library of Congress Country Study. Democratic Republic of Congo 2007. http:// lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/zrtoc.html. UNICEF. 2007. Statistics: Democratic Republic of the Congo. http://www.unicef .org/infobycountry/drcongo_statistics.html.
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REPUBLIC OF CONGO (BRAZZAVILLE) Bruce Whitehouse NATIONAL PROFILE Congo is located in Central Africa, between the Atlantic Ocean to the west and the Congo and Ubangi Rivers to the east. It is slightly smaller than the U.S. state of Montana, and borders five countries: Angola, Cameroon, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo (also known as Congo-Kinshasa, the former Zaire), and Gabon. Congo’s climate is tropical, with dense equatorial rainforests in the north and wooded savanna and grasslands in the south. Some two-thirds of Congo is covered by forest (CNSEE and ORC Macro 2006). Before its colonization by France beginning in the 1880s, Congolese territory was home to many African kingdoms, including the Kongo and the Teke. Congolese people belong to at least 70 different ethnic groups, each with its own language, although most Congolese speak one or both major national languages; Kikongo (primarily in the south) and Lingala (primarily in the north), as well as French, the country’s official language.
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Modern Congo has been heavily influenced by its colonial history. The French saw their Congo colony primarily as an outlet for raw materials from the north, especially timber, rubber, and minerals. They established the city of Brazzaville (named for French explorer Pierre Savorgnan de Brazza, who led the first French expeditions into Congo) on the bank of the Congo River in 1884, at the head of the river’s navigable section. In 1910, Brazzaville became the administrative capital of French Equatorial Africa. For nearly 3 years, during the Second World War, Brazzaville served as the capital of Free France. Congo became independent in 1960, but has retained close political, economic and cultural ties with its former colonizer. For many years, Congo has been one of the most urbanized countries in Africa. A total of 70 percent of the Congolese population is currently estimated to live either in Brazzaville, in the coastal city of Pointe-Noire (often called Congo’s ‘‘economic capital’’), or in towns along the railway line connecting the two (CIA World Factbook 2007). The majority of Congo’s rural residents are also concentrated in the southern half of the country. Although no recent census data are available for Congo, the International Monetary Fund puts its population at approximately 3.5 million people in 2007 (IMF 2007). It increased rapidly in the 1970s and 1980s, from 1.3 million in 1974 to 1.9 million in 1984, but growth has slowed since the 1990s. Fertility rates remain relatively high, with Congolese women bearing an average of 4.8 children in their lifetimes, although fertility is much lower in urban areas (3.8 children per woman) than in rural areas (6.1 children per woman) according to a 2005 survey (CNSEE and ORC Macro 2006). A total of 47 percent of Congolese are younger than the age of 15 (UNDP 2006). Economically, Congo has been dependent on exports of raw materials throughout its history. Timber was its primary export until the early 1970s, when offshore petroleum deposits began to be exploited by multinational oil companies including Elf, Total, and Chevron. With added revenue from oil, Congo made great advances in quality of life throughout the late 1970s and 1980s. Measures of literacy and rural public health improved significantly during this period. Congo is currently Africa’s fourth-largest oil exporter, and oil revenues account for 65 percent of Congolese gross domestic product and 90 percent of its export income (World Bank 2007). Despite oil revenues topping $1 billion annually in recent years, however, Congo remains an extremely impoverished country. Some 70 percent of its population is estimated to subsist on less than U.S. $1 per day (IMF 2006). This is in part because the Congolese government is heavily indebted; in 2004 it owed more than $8 billion in external debt, making Congo perhaps the most highly indebted country per capita in the world (IMF 2005). The Congolese government currently spends about twice as much on debt payments as on education and health care combined (UNDP 2006). The country’s poverty also stems
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from widespread corruption and the plundering of the country’s oil wealth, of which hundreds of millions of dollars have disappeared since 2001, by those in power (Boston Globe, November 25, 2005). According to a report by the human rights group Global Witness (2005), Congo ‘‘provides a clear example of the way mismanagement of oil wealth not only fails to make countries richer, but can entrench corruption and instability.’’ Moreover, Congo’s dependency on oil has led to the decline of local production of food and other goods, making the country reliant on imports; Congo now spends more than half its gross domestic product on imported goods and services (UNDP 2006). Despite these problems, official statistics show robust economic growth of between five and seven percent annually since 2003 (IMF 2007), mostly because of the high price of oil on world markets. The country has also been plagued by political violence since the end of single-party rule in the early 1990s. After the government’s legalization of opposition parties, political factions formed around ethnically defined clienteles, and the major party leaders began recruiting their own private militias consisting mainly of young men and teenage boys. Open combat broke out among these groups in 1993–1994 and again in 1997. Most of the fighting was concentrated in the neighborhoods of the capital, where tens of thousands of civilians were killed; hundreds of thousands more fled their homes as militias carried out acts of ‘‘ethnic cleansing’’ in the neighborhoods they controlled. The population of Brazzaville temporarily decreased from approximately 800,000 to 250,000 (Pourtier 1997). Renewed fighting occurred in 1998–1999 as Congolese government troops, supported by soldiers from the Angolan army, drove rebel forces from the southern districts of Brazzaville and mounted attacks in the Pool Region to the south of the city. A lasting truce was finally signed between the government and rebels in 2002, since which time the country has remained relatively tranquil and most refugees have returned to their homes. Sporadic outbreaks of isolated violence have continued to occur in and around Brazzaville. Political and economic instability have led to a deterioration of living conditions for most Congolese. Families are under considerable strain, and nearly 20 percent of all households in the country are now headed by single parents. Unemployment, although low in rural areas (5.8 percent), is very high in cities like Brazzaville and Point-Noire, where nearly onethird of working-age adults are jobless. Unemployment rates are about 40 percent among young people ages 15 to 19 years (CNSEE 2005). Relatively few nongovernmental aid organizations operate in Congo because of its recent history of violence, although United Nations agencies like UNICEF, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) have continued to operate there. The Catholic Church also runs a number of charities aimed at combating poverty and ameliorating living conditions for children.
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OVERVIEW
KEY FACTS – REPUBLIC OF CONGO (BRAZZAVILLE)
There are many obstacles to the improvement of child welfare Population: 3.5 million in Congo today, including pervaInfant mortality rate: 81 deaths/1,000 live births sive poverty, malnutrition, disease, Life expectancy at birth: 53.29 years (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 83.8 percent (2003 est.) inadequate facilities for educaInternet users: 36,000 (2005) tion and health, and the legacy of People living with HIV/AIDS: 90,000 (2003 est.) armed conflict. The country’s Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 51 political transition from a socialist, single-party state, which Sources: CIA World Factbook: Congo, Republic of the. https:// www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ began in 1991, was accompanied cf.html. June 29, 2007; United Nations Development by economic turmoil and vioProgramme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Congo. lence, which continue to shape http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/ Congolese society. In this concty_ds_COG.html. June 29, 2007. text, Congolese families have been subjected to tremendous stress, much of it borne by children themselves. Although the current government enjoys an unprecedented windfall of oil revenue, the bulk of the population is still extremely poor. The public infrastructure of the state, particularly its schools and health care facilities, no longer has the resources to cope with the scale of Congo’s social ills. Primary education is compulsory, widely available, and officially free, but many children still do not attend because their parents cannot afford to pay for uniforms, school supplies, or other costs. The Congolese government has put legal protections in place to safeguard the rights of children and to prevent their exploitation, but has a very limited capacity to ensure that these laws are applied universally and fairly. Child mortality rates are still relatively high, and poverty has forced thousands of Congolese children out of their homes to live on the streets. Childhood in Congo is increasingly becoming a time of insecurity and hardship.
EDUCATION Since well before independence, schooling has been popular and widespread in Congo, which experienced a remarkable expansion of its educated population until the last decades of the 20th century. From 1935 to 1945, the number of students in public primary schools in Congo increased by 116 percent (Soret 1978). By 1955, nearly three of every five Congolese children attended primary school (Wagret 1963). The Congolese government made schooling mandatory for all Congolese children in the 1960s, and the number of students tripled, from 280,000 in 1971 to 700,000 in 1986 (Makonda 1988). By that time girls and boys attended primary school in nearly equal numbers, and 75 percent of
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eligible Congolese youth attended secondary school (IMF 2005), though girls were less likely to attend at this level than boys. Schooling was mostly public and secular during this period, as the socialist government for many years banned religious and other private schools from operating. For decades, Congo enjoyed one of the highest literacy rates in Africa; youth literacy was 92.5 percent in 1990 (UNDP 2006). The government hired large numbers of high school and university graduates to become civil servants, and the size of the government workforce doubled between 1971 and 1980, increasing from 22,000 to 44,000 people (Hung 1987). Instruction was mainly geared toward training future government employees; ‘‘becoming a state worker was considered to be the normal endpoint of schooling’’ (Pourtier 2000, 16). Secondary education was mainly concentrated in cities, and more than half of all students in secondary schools were located in Brazzaville (Makonda 1988). Classes at both the primary and secondary level were conducted exclusively in French. After the political violence and economic stagnation of the 1990s, education in Congo underwent a sharp decline. The 1993–1994 school year was annulled because of recurrent militia fighting in the capital, forcing students to repeat their grade level the following year. Primary school enrollment decreased to 36 percent in 1999 before leveling off just above 50 percent since 2001 (UNDP 2006). Thousands of classrooms were damaged by war, and some schools, especially in rural areas, had to close because they had no teachers. Teachers who remained at work lacked training and were severely underpaid (Jeune Afrique 2004). In late 2005, schools closed for several weeks as teachers went on strike to protest their poor working conditions and compensation. In the Pool Region south of Brazzaville, where armed conflict and banditry have persisted, school enrollment rates have decreased to just 30 percent (IRIN, March 16, 2007). When classes are in session in Congolese public schools, they are often overcrowded, and many students have difficulty learning. Some feel compelled to pay bribes to their teachers or school administrators to receive favorable scores on their exams: 9 percent of surveyed households indicated that they had paid bribes for their children’s education (CNSEE 2005). Girls may even be pressured by teachers to exchange sex for better grades, a practice that can lead to unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV/AIDS (U.S. Department of State 2007). A recent study indicated that only 28 percent of Congolese students and their parents were satisfied with the quality of instruction given (CNSEE 2005). Given these problems facing Congolese public education, private schools have become more popular and exist in growing numbers, albeit almost exclusively in urban areas. In cities like Brazzaville and PointeNoire, most parents who can afford to do so send their children to private schools, which can attract better teachers and offer more amenities
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than public schools. Even in these cities, however, the majority of Congolese families are too poor to pay private school tuition, which can be above $100 per month for some schools—a fortune in a country where most people get by on $30 per month. Christian schools, particularly those run by the Catholic Church, tend to be more affordable, but there are too few of them to meet the demand in Congolese society. At the national level, less than 3 percent of Congolese students attend Christian schools, whereas about 75 percent attend public schools and 20 percent attend private schools. In rural areas, however, nearly 95 percent of students attend public schools (CNSEE 2005). Parents’ economic incentive to send their children to school has also decreased since the early 1990s. After oil prices fell in the late 1980s, the government no longer had the resources necessary to employ large numbers of workers. The government has all but stopped recruiting new employees since the mid-1990s, except for soldiers and police. With few well-paying jobs available to them either in the government or the private sector, many Congolese are discouraged and see little reward in the formal education system (Jeune Afrique 2004). Nonetheless, a majority of Congolese children continue to attend school at least through the primary level, and school attendance is officially compulsory under Congolese law until age 16. All students must wear uniforms, which vary from school to school and which are usually stitched by local tailors. The rentr e e scolaire or ‘‘back-to-school’’ time, which occurs in late September or early October, sees a flurry of demand for book bags, new clothes, and school supplies as parents shop for their children’s school supplies in the marketplace. The school year continues until June, with short breaks for Christmas and Easter, as well as various national holidays. Public schools charge no tuition, but parents must still pay for students’ uniforms, books, and miscellaneous fees. A total of 28 percent of households surveyed in Congo indicated that they could not send one or more children to primary school because of these fees. A lack of financial means was the most common reason given for children dropping out of school (CNSEE 2005). The main problems in Congolese public education remain overcrowding and poor quality of instruction. A single class may contain as many as 100 students supervised by a single teacher, and students often have no books or other learning materials. Access to computers is extremely rare, even at the high school level. Under such conditions, it is difficult for students to acquire a meaningful education beyond basic literacy and knowledge of arithmetic. Congo’s small indigenous population of pygmies, living mainly in isolated rural parts of the country, has also been the victim of discrimination and neglect by the government, with the effect that many pygmy children have been denied their right to an education (IRIN, February 16, 2004). One international aid organization has begun a campaign to ensure that
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pygmy children in some parts of the country can go to school by providing them with necessary supplies (IRIN, March 18, 2007). There are few educational opportunities for children with disabilities. The Catholic Church sponsors vocational and training programs for some disabled youths in urban areas, and there is a government-run school for the deaf in Brazzaville as well. PLAY AND RECREATION Most play time for children in Congo is unstructured and unsupervised by adults, especially for children between the ages of approximately 5 and 12 years. These children tend to play in small groups, either within their homes or with neighbors. They may receive toys (usually plastic toys imported from China) from relatives, or they may craft their own toys using whatever available materials they can find. The rubber from a broken sandal, for instance, may be used to construct the wheels for a toy truck made from wire and bits of wood. Girls also play ndzango, a game that involves two opponents facing each other and performing rhythmic patterns of handclaps, hops, and high stepping. As children get older, they may participate in more organized activities, such as team sports or (in cities and towns) martial arts. Karate and tae kwon do clubs for children and young adults may be found in most neighborhoods of Congolese cities. Young people in Congo also play sports such as volleyball and team handball, especially in the context of school activities. By far the most popular sport, however, is soccer, which is a near-universal pastime for boys. In addition to playing soccer, children and adults alike also like to watch soccer games on television between local professional teams, African national teams like Congo’s ‘‘Red Devils,’’ or teams in the European Premier League, which attract the best players from around the world. Many children with access to television also enjoy watching professional wrestling, which is known in French as le catch am e ricain. Most of these shows originate in the United States and are rebroadcast by private Congolese stations, often with their commentary dubbed into French. A large number of children in cities like Brazzaville and Pointe-Noire can identify many popular wrestlers associated with World Wrestling Entertainment and know their personas and fighting styles. A Brazzaville wrestling league has even been established, with wrestlers dressing up in elaborate costumes and taking part in stadium matches. Whether in the form of wrestling shows, movies, music or religious programs, television has become a central part of social life in urban Congo, and has shifted the social center of gravity in many Brazzaville homes from the courtyard into more private indoor space, notably the living room where the household television set is located (Dorier-Apprill et al. 1998). Moreover, there is little programming dedicated to children,
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and young viewers are often exposed to graphic images of violence even during daytime hours. Urban children without access to television may go to a neighborhood ‘‘video club,’’ a small room attached to a private home or business with a TV and DVD player where people pay an admission fee (usually about 25 cents) to watch movies or music videos. These video clubs have taken the place of cinemas, which have all but disappeared from Congolese communities since the early 1990s (Dorier-Apprill et al. 1998). American action movies, Asian martial arts films, musical ‘‘Bollywood’’ features from India, low-budget Nigerian ‘‘Nollywood’’ videos, and music videos from the Democratic Republic of Congo are all well-liked forms of entertainment in Congo. Two more common forms of recreation, closely associated with each other, are musical performance and dance. Young people may play music (especially drums, guitars, or electronic keyboards) in the context of church groups, neighborhood bands, or ‘‘traditional music’’ clubs. Most types of musical performance are accompanied by dancers, either individually or in teams. Congolese are especially proud of their popular music and of the music from the neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo, which is enjoyed all over the African continent. CHILD LABOR The majority of Congolese children, especially girls, must help their mothers with domestic chores, including fetching water and cooking fuel (usually firewood or charcoal), preparing meals, and washing clothes by hand. Children living in cities perform these daily tasks in addition to their schoolwork. Children’s work responsibilities increase during school vacations and the majority of child laborers live in rural areas (CNSEE 2005). Some children work as domestic servants for members of their extended families in cities like Brazzaville and Pointe-Noire, in exchange for a place to sleep and two or three meals per day, and many of these child workers are not allowed to go to school. If they are paid at all, it may be as little as the equivalent of US$14 per month (Ngodi 2005). Congolese law bars children younger than the age of 16 from working (U.S. Department of State 2007). As is often the case in Congo, however, this law is seldom enforced, and many children in Congo engage in different kinds of jobs, from farming in rural areas to street vending in urban neighborhoods, beginning when they are just 8 or 9 years old. A report by an international labor watchdog group (ICFTU 2006) found that in Congo ‘‘there are many children at work, especially on farms or in small informal businesses without government monitoring or supervision.’’ The problem of child labor in Congo is inextricably linked with the problem of poverty (CNSEE 2005). Until more Congolese households
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are lifted out of poverty, child labor will persist because it has become a vital means for families to meet basic needs, including paying for food and school fees. Parents who send their children to work as domestic servants of relatives, for example, have an economic motivation to do so because they are temporarily relieved of the financial responsibilities of housing and feeding those children. Therefore, the solutions to child labor lie at least as much in the development of a more equitable national economy as in better enforcement of existing laws. For this reason, Congolese and international social welfare organizations have not made reducing child labor in the country a high priority. FAMILY Members of some ethnic groups such as the Kongo belong to so-called matrilineal kinship groups, in which one’s descent is reckoned through one’s mother and her family. For children in these lineages, maternal grandparents, uncles, and aunts play a large role in their upbringing. Members of other ethnic groups belong to patrilineal kinship groups and their descent is reckoned through their fathers and paternal relatives. In both cases, children often grow up in extended families alongside their cousins, and the difference between a cousin and a brother or sister is not always very important for them. Many local languages do differentiate clearly between siblings and cousins; the more meaningful social distinction tends to be between elder and younger siblings or cousins. In general, children are expected to obey their elders and show respect toward them. Family life in Congo revolves around the home and various forms of domestic work that must be completed daily, including cooking, cleaning, laundry, and fetching water, as well as growing crops for those who live in rural areas. In most households, especially poor ones, the heaviest work burden tends to fall on younger members of the household and on women. Several different types of family organization exist in modern Congo. Couples with children account for some 32 percent of households, whereas larger extended families—including not just parents and their children but also aunts, uncles, cousins, and grandparents in many cases— make up almost 36 percent. Other household types include single-parent families (8 percent), extended single-parent families (11 percent), couples without children (5 percent), and single-person households (8 percent). Single-parent households tend to be poorer than two-parent households. The average household in Congo is home to 5.1 persons (CNSEE 2005). Particularly given the economic scarcity and high unemployment characterizing contemporary Congo, families are the most important social resource for members of Congolese society. People seek employment, housing, food, and money for necessities (such as medical care) from their relatives first and foremost. Urban residents with their own homes
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are under considerable pressure to take in needy family members. This social safety net protects the most vulnerable members of the population, but can generate considerable tension within families as well. As in much of Africa, households in Congo are highly dynamic ensembles. Nearly 20 percent of them experience the migration of at least one member every year, in most cases within the country. Internal migration is motivated by family reasons, the search for jobs, the search for health care, and the search for safety in times of war. This latter motivation has been especially common since 1993 (CNSEE 2005). Congolese children frequently shuttle back and forth between urban and rural relatives, often spending the school year in cities or towns and spending school breaks in rural villages where they help perform farm labor. One phenomenon of mounting concern from many children’s point of view is the changing nature of marriage in Congolese society, and especially among city dwellers. More and more couples are now having children before marrying, a trend that has been developing for many years. In Brazzaville, although 75 percent of women born before 1950 were married when they had their first child, two-thirds of women born after 1960 had their first child outside of any form of union (legal, religious, or traditional) with the child’s father. More young women have also been having children while still in school. One study conducted in the mid1980s found that 40 percent of female students in Brazzaville secondary schools had already had at least one child (Dorier-Apprill et al. 1998). Particularly for members of matrilineal kinship groups, having children outside of marriage can result in severe family disputes over issues such as child custody or nonpayment of bride price by the child’s father’s family to the child’s mother’s family. Children may grow up stigmatized by their own relatives as ‘‘illegitimate,’’ and the increase in births to unmarried parents has caused a parallel increase in births that are not officially registered with the government. Children without legal documentation find it harder to enter school when they get older. An estimated 20 percent of Congolese childbirths are not recorded on parents’ marriage certificates, which are required for children’s school registration (IRIN, February 23, 2007). Congo is also home to a growing number of orphans, many of whose parents died of AIDS or were killed during the country’s civil wars (see below). HEALTH Health is a pressing issue for children and adults in Congo. A government study showed that some 40 percent of Congolese had suffered illness in the 4 weeks before being interviewed; for children younger than age 5, the rate was 43 percent. About half of these cases involved malaria or fever (CNSEE 2005). The main causes of sickness and death among
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children are malaria, diarrhea, and tuberculosis (UNOCHA 2007). Congo’s under-5 mortality rate is 108 per 1,000 live births, and its infant mortality rate—the rate of children dying before their first birthday—is 81 per 1,000 live births (UNDP 2006). Cigarette smoking is a matter of growing concern for public health in Congo, especially where children are concerned. One survey of Congolese schoolchildren found that more than half of students between the ages of 11 and 15 years smoked cigarettes, and that the average age of a child’s first experience smoking tobacco was 11 years. The Congolese government is stepping up efforts to educate children about the health risks of smoking (Les D e p^ e ches de Brazzaville, May 31, 2007). Poor access to clean water exacerbates many of the country’s health problems. Even in the capital, the public water utility company only has enough capacity to pipe water to 500,000 people (IRIN, March 27, 2006), which is only about half the city’s actual population. In PointeNoire the problem is far worse. Even families who are fortunate enough to have standpipes in their homes often find themselves without water because the public water supply is subject to frequent outages that can last for several weeks at a time. In rural areas, a mere 11 percent of the population has access to clean water (IRIN, December 15, 2005). Given the lack of available clean water, many Congolese must get their water from rivers, streams, or open wells. This practice not only takes considerable time and effort but also exposes them to water-borne diseases. Inadequate sanitation is another source of sickness. According to the UNDP (2006), only 27 percent of Congolese have access to improved sanitation, meaning a hygienic way to dispose of human waste. Even in cities like Brazzaville, much human waste flows into open sewers. Garbage disposal is also inadequate, and almost every urban neighborhood is home to large piles of refuse. With the rains of Congo’s 8-month-long rainy season, which lasts from October until early June, large bodies of stagnant water form throughout residential areas and these serve as breeding grounds for malaria-carrying mosquitoes. Malnutrition is a tremendous problem, particularly in the wake of the civil wars of the 1990s. According to government statistics, 17.5 percent of children younger than the age of 5 suffered from malnutrition in 1999. Even in times of peace, many people in Congo cannot afford to eat more than one or two meals per day, and their diet is often heavy on starches (especially from the region’s staple food, cassava) but deficient in vitamins and protein. In 2002, the Food and Agriculture Organization estimated that 32 percent of Congolese suffered from hunger, and UNICEF found that nearly half of school-age children were not receiving enough of two crucial nutrients (vitamin A and iodine) in their diets (IRIN, October 26, 2005). A total of 20 percent of children in Congo suffer from stunted growth as the result of malnutrition (UNOCHA 2007).
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HIV/AIDS, although not as widespread in Congo as in some other African countries, is taking a toll on the adult population there. A total of 5.3 percent of Congolese between the ages of 15 and 49 are estimated to be infected with the virus that causes AIDS (UNDP 2006). Women under the age of 35 are twice as likely to be infected as men (UNOCHA 2007). By increasing mortality and sickness rates, AIDS further impoverishes families and leaves some children without parents to care for them. A 2002 study conducted in Brazzaville identified 3,377 AIDS orphans younger than the age of 18, with an average age of 11.7 years old (Mboussou 2002). Although most (93 percent) of these orphans were being cared for by relatives, this problem remains a real social crisis for Congo. A high proportion of AIDS orphans in Congo suffer psychological problems, including stress, anxiety, and depression (UNICEF 2003), but there is very little access to mental health care in Congo, and many victims of mental illness tend to be suspected of having supernatural afflictions such as spirit possession. Congo’s health infrastructure is largely unable to meet the needs of a population burdened by all these problems. Government clinics are understaffed and under equipped, and when Congolese patients visit these clinics they complain of long waits, expensive treatment, poorly trained health care workers, and chronic shortages of medicines. A total of 14 percent of Congolese reported that they had paid bribes to receive care in government clinics (CNSEE 2005). Better-quality care and medication are available at private clinics and pharmacies, especially in urban areas, but these places are often priced beyond the reach of ordinary Congolese. Nonetheless, Congo has made some progress toward promoting a healthy population, especially among children. Vaccination rates are high: 85 percent of Congolese children are vaccinated against tuberculosis, for example, and 65 percent are vaccinated against measles. Mortality rates have also decreased significantly since the early 1970s (UNDP 2006)— although most of the improvements occurred before 1990 and have since leveled off. The government has recently begun initiatives to increase access to clean water, especially in rural areas (IRIN, December 15, 2005). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The overall legal environment in Congo is favorable to child welfare and protection. The Congolese government has signed the 1989 United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), which affirms children’s rights to protection, freedom of expression, and freedom of religion. The CRC also protects children against sexual and economic exploitation, trafficking, and forced labor. The Congolese government has also signed various international treaties regarding child labor, including
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International Labor Organization Conventions No. 138 (Minimum Age Convention) in 1973 and No. 182 (Worst Forms of Child Labor Convention) in 1999. These treaties protect children against the most exploitative forms of labor, and ban the recruitment of child soldiers and the participation of children in prostitution and pornography. Congolese law limits the length of the work day and, in accordance with norms put forth by the International Labour Organisation, stipulates that children younger than the age of 16 not be allowed to take part in any kind of labor. It also establishes a monthly minimum wage equivalent to roughly US$100. Unfortunately, the laws on the books are seldom enforced. Labor regulations are usually only applied to employers in the formal sector (such as multinational corporations, large businesses, government offices etc.). Most people, children and adults alike, who participate in the Congolese labor market, do so outside the formal sector—essentially outside the government’s regulatory control. Even when children come into direct contact with the Congolese state, as when they are arrested by the police, they are seldom treated in accordance with the appropriate laws and treaties. Children are routinely imprisoned in the same jail cells as adults and subjected to violence while in detention. The police who guard them are apparently ignorant of the official protections in place to safeguard the rights of children in custody (IRIN, February 23, 2007). Mistreatment of children is only part of a larger problem which prevails in the country, namely a systematic pattern of human rights violations and the overall lack of the rule of law. RELIGIOUS LIFE Churchgoing is a major focus of social life in Congo, and 90 percent of Congolese are estimated to be Christians (AFP, October 7, 2004). Many family members go to church together on Sunday mornings and may also attend evening prayer services during the week. Music is an important part of worship services, and many children sing in church choral groups. For years most churches were banned by the Congolese government, which professed an adherence to scientific socialism and regarded religion with official disdain. The ban was lifted in 1991, whereupon there was a rapid proliferation of independent churches. By 1997 there were 354 registered ‘‘religious associations’’ in Congo (Dorier-Apprill et al. 1998). Most of these were evangelical Christian churches. The Catholic Church maintains a large presence in the country and operates most of the largest and oldest churches, as well as multiple charities and aid organizations. Local charismatic religious sects such as Kimbangism and Matswanism, which combine Christianity with the teachings of Congolese prophets who lived in the early decades of the 20th century, are also influential,
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especially in the south of the country. Congolese society also includes tens of thousands of Muslims, most of them West African immigrants or their descendants, who have built dozens of small mosques in Brazzaville and other Congolese towns. One should note that adherence to a religion such as Christianity is by no means incompatible with the belief in witchcraft. In fact, leaders of many evangelical churches in Congo routinely conduct exorcisms of members, especially children, whom they believe to be possessed by evil spirits. These exorcisms can be quite brutal. Sorcery is often used to explain misfortune, illness, or death in Congolese society, and when tragedy strikes it is common for victims to accuse someone close to them of causing the event through manipulation of sinister spiritual forces. Children are frequently the objects of these accusations. Church groups also operate many of the charitable social welfare organizations in Congo, including those which care for street children and the disabled. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT The abuse of children is not believed to be widespread in Congo (U.S. Department of State 2007); however, child trafficking is an issue that has received increasing attention in the country since 2005. Reports have identified thousands of trafficked children in Brazzaville and PointeNoire, most of them originating from West African countries and from the neighboring countries of Cameroon and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Congolese officials estimate that 80 children from the Democratic Republic of Congo cross into Congo every day, and that only half of them return. Many of these children ware forced to work as fishermen or street vendors, and face abuse and exploitation by their compatriots who employ them. Others, particularly those coming from the Democratic Republic of Congo, engage in prostitution or petty crime, and live as homeless street children (IRIN, May 21, 2007; Les D e p^ e ches de Brazzaville, May 25, 2007). Congolese cities and towns have experienced a dramatic growth in the number of children living on the streets since the violence of the 1990s. Government statistics gathered in 2004 listed 2,000 street children in Brazzaville alone (IRIN, April 21, 2005). Half of these children are believed to be orphans, many of whom lost their parents to war or AIDS (UNICEF 2003). Others were driven away by their families who accused them of witchcraft, a belief encouraged by certain local evangelical churches (IRIN, April 21, 2005). This has become an increasingly common fate for children of poor families throughout the Central African region (BBC, July 30, 2005). Adults experiencing severe misfortune, such as loss of a family member, may place the blame on one of their own children, especially when they lack the means to support their children adequately. Street children in Congo face routine physical and sexual
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abuse, and their lack of shelter and access to hygiene exposes them to infectious diseases. They are also unable to attend school. These children subsist on whatever food and money they can beg or steal. Government services, Christian charities and private aid agencies have begun to address the problem of street children by providing shelter, education and the opportunity to reunite them with their relatives, but so far they have lacked the resources to make a major impact (IPS, March 2, 2007). Many children living on the streets refuse to return to their families, who they say do not have enough money to feed them (Nkouika-Dinghani-Nkita 2002). This issue is clearly connected to the desperate economic situation facing Congolese society and cannot be resolved independently of this economic crisis. The most egregious and widespread types of mistreatment endured by children in Congo, however, have resulted from the political violence that has wracked their country since the early 1990s. Hundreds of children were recruited into the militia groups formed by political leaders in 1992 and 1993, and many of these child soldiers took part in fighting in and around Brazzaville in 1993, 1994, and 1997. Some children saw their families split apart because their parents belonged to rival ethnic groups, whereas others were executed by militia fighters because of their ethnic affiliation. A Congolese children’s rights organization estimated that at least 1,000 children were killed by militias during the 1997 war alone (CPDE 2002). Years after the fighting, children continue to suffer physical and psychological problems from what they witnessed or endured during these episodes of political violence. At least 1,500 girls younger than the age of 18 surveyed between 1999 and 2001 had been the victims of rape (IRIN, February 23, 2007). Many children were forced to drop out of school because of the trauma they experienced. In late 2005, the Congolese government banned the import or sale of weapon-like toys— plastic guns and the like—saying that the country’s children needed to be able to forget the violence of the last several years (Panapress, December 22, 2005). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The future for Congo’s children depends primarily on the country’s economic situation. Despite its vast natural resources, particularly oil, the country has been unable to climb out of poverty. Today a tiny portion of the Congolese population—those in control of the state, and those closely connected to them—have almost exclusive access to national wealth, as well as the benefits they can obtain with it such as private schools and medical care. Meanwhile, the vast majority of Congolese live in great deprivation, and the state has been unable to come to their aid. The widening gap between the extremely wealthy and the extremely poor is a harbinger of continued conflict and instability. Until a more equitable
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way can be found for Congolese to partake of their country’s resources, problems such as political violence, unemployment, malnutrition, disease, and children living on the streets will continue to fester. Many Congolese youths may decide to leave their country altogether and seek their fortunes abroad, particularly in rich Western countries like France and the United States. Although migration flows from Congo have been relatively small in the past, they will surely increase as long as the country’s political and economic problems remain unresolved.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Dongala, Emmanuel. Johnny Mad Dog: A Novel, translated by Maria Louise Ascher. New York: Farrar Straus Giroux; 2006. Set against the fictionalized backdrop of an African civil war, this novel tells the stories of Johnny, a child soldier, and Laokole, a 16-year-old girl escaping the horrors of war. Dongala, Emmanuel. Little Boys Come from the Stars, translated by Jo€el Rejouis and Val Vinokurov. New York: Farrar Straus Giroux; 2001. This is a satirical view of postcolonial Africa from the humorous perspective of a 14-year-old boy growing up in a rural Congolese village.
Nonprint Resources Congo Brazzaville: The Hearth of Africa. 1998. Powersports Productions. A 26minute documentary portraying life in an isolated rural community in Congo; English narration. http://www.filmwest.com/Catalogue/itemdetail/3190/ Ndako ya Bandeko: le combat de Rod. 2007. Alain Nkodia. A 30-minute documentary film about the tribulations of street children in Brazzaville, seen through the eyes of Rod Kaba, a former street child; in French and Lari with English subtitles. http://audience.withoutabox.com/films/ndakobankoclap; see also http:// www.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/programmes/outlook/news/story/2007/05/07 0504_kaba_congo.shtml The Street Children of Kinshasa. 2006. Gilbert Mulamba. A 40-minute film describing the ongoing crisis of street children in the capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo, directly across the Congo River from Brazzaville. English narration and subtitles. http://www.drcongochildren.org/
Web Sites allAfrica.com, http://allafrica.com/children/ This site provides a listing of headlines across sub-Saharan Africa as they pertain to children. BBC Africa, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/default.stm The British Broadcasting Corporation provides a good source of news about Africa.
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Congo Site, http://www.congo-site.com/pub/fr/index.php This is the Congolese government’s official information website, in French. IRIN (UN Integrated Regional Information Networks) Africa News, http://www. irinnews.org/IRIN-Africa.aspx This news service is offered by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.
Organizations and NGOs Association Serment Merveil B.P. 2337 Brazzaville This is a nongovernmental organization that cares for persons living with HIV/AIDS and has programs in public schools to prevent the drug abuse and the spread of AIDS. The Association also provides counseling to children suffering from the traumas of warfare and rape. Caritas Congo B.P. 1588 Brazzaville, Congo Web site: http://www.crs.org/our_work/where_we_work/overseas/africa/congobrazzaville/index.cfm This confederation of Catholic social service organizations has several programs in Congo in the domains of health, emergency relief, and refugee assistance. Centre pour la Promotion et la Defense des Droits de l’enfant (CPDE) 4, residence St Marc 77000 Vaux le Penil, France Web site: http://www.cpde.uni.cc/ This organization is headquartered in France and run by Congolese child welfare advocates. It issues reports and participates in conferences on the topic of children’s issues in Africa generally and Congo in particular.
Selected Bibliography AFP (Agence France Presse). ‘‘Sectes religieuses: le gouvernement veut mettre de l’ordre.’’ October 7, 2004. http://v.i.v.free.fr/msd/nv-sectes-07-10-2004.html. BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation). ‘‘Congo’s child victims of superstition.’’ July 30, 2005. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/from_our_own_ correspondent/4727745.stm. Boston Globe. ‘‘In oil-rich nation, charges of skimming: Congolese officials said to reap profits.’’ November 25, 2005. http://www.boston.com/news/world/ africa/articles/2005/11/25/in_oil_rich_nation_charges_of_skimming/. CNSEE (Centre National de la Statistique et des Etudes Economiques). ‘‘Enqu^ete Congolaise aupres des Menages: Profil de la pauvrete au Congo en 2005.’’ http://www.cnsee.org/Donnees/Enquete/PDF/ECOM.pdf. CNSEE (Centre National de la Statistique et des Etudes Economiques) and ORC Macro. Enqu^ e te D e mographique et de Sant e du Congo 2005. Calverton, MD: CNSEE and ORC Macro; 2006. http://www.measuredhs.com/pubs/ pub_details.cfm?ID¼597&ctry_id¼60&SrchTp¼country.
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CPDE (Centre pour la Promotion et la Defense des Droits de l’Enfant). Massacre des enfants du Congo-Brazzaville: La Responsabilit e de l’Etat et des leaders politiques. Liege, Belgium: Editions Jeunesse et Droit; 2002. Les D e p^ e ches de Brazzaville. ‘‘1,800 enfants victimes de la traite transfrontaliere au Congo.’’ May 25, 2007. http://www.brazzaville-adiac.com/index.php?action ¼depeche&dep_id¼16329&oldaction¼liste®pay_id¼0&them_id¼0&cat_id¼ 3&ss_cat_id¼0&LISTE_FROM¼20&select_month¼05&select_year¼2007 Les D e p^ e ches de Brazzaville. ‘‘L’^age moyen de la premiere cigarette est de 11 ans au Congo.’’ May 31, 2007. http://www.brazzaville-adiac.com/index.php? action¼depeche&dep_id¼16445&oldaction¼liste®pay_id¼0&them_id¼0&cat_ id¼3&ss_cat_id¼0&LISTE_FROM¼0&select_month¼05&select_year¼2007. Dorier-Apprill, Elisabeth, Abel Kouvouama and Christophe Apprill. 1998. Vivre a Brazzaville: Modernit e et crise au quotidien. Paris: Karthala. Global Witness. 2005. ‘‘The Riddle of the Sphynx: Where has Congo’s oil money gone?’’ http://www.globalwitness.org/media_library_get.php/263/The Riddle of the Sphynx.doc. Hung, G. Nguyen Tien. 1987. Agriculture and Rural Development in the People’s Republic of the Congo. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. ICFTU (International Confederation of Free Trade Unions). ‘‘Internationally Recognized Core Labour Standards in the Republic of Congo.’’ 2006. http:// www.icftu.org/www/PDF/CongofinalE.pdf. IMF (International Monetary Fund). ‘‘World Economic and Financial Surveys: World Economic Outlook Database.’’ April 2007 edition. http://www.imf.org/ external/pubs/ft/weo/2007/01/data/index.aspx. ———. 2006. ‘‘Republic of Congo Reaches Decision Point Under the Enhanced HIPC Debt Relief Initiative.’’ Press Release No. 06/46. http://www .imf.org/external/np/sec/pr/2006/pr0646.htm. ———. 2005. ‘‘Republic of Congo: Enhanced Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative—Preliminary Document.’’ IMF Country Report no. 05/ 391. http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/cat/longres.cfm?sk¼18680.0. IRIN (UN Integrated Regional Information Networks). ‘‘CONGO: Child trafficking on the rise.’’ May 21, 2007. http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?Report Id¼72268. ———. March 18, 2007. ‘‘NGO helps to educate 737 pygmy children in Lekoumou.’’ http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/rwb.nsf/AllDocsByUNID/cd5ab2044 5114b81c1256e5b004fa639. ———. February 23, 2007. ‘‘CONGO: Despite end of civil war, youth still suffer violence.’’ http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId¼70026. ———. March 27, 2006. ‘‘Water Shortage Hits Brazzaville.’’ http://www.irinnews .org/Report.aspx?ReportId¼58561. ———. December 15, 2005. ‘‘Congo: Rural Residents Left High And Dry for Lack of Clean Water.’’ http://www.irinnews.org/InDepthMain.aspx?InDepth Id¼13&ReportId¼57576&Country¼Yes. ———. October 26, 2005. ‘‘Congo: Civil War Cause of Massive Displacement, Food Shortage.’’ http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/news/2005/10/ mil-051026-irin03.htm. ———. February 16, 2004. ‘‘CONGO: NGO denounces widespread violation of pygmy rights.’’ http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid¼48596.
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Jeune Afrique. October 24, 2004. ‘‘L’education, victime de guerre.’’ http://www. jeuneafrique.com/jeune_afrique/article_afrique_dossier.asp?art_cle¼LIN2410 4lducaerreug0&dos_id¼83. Makonda, Antoine. 1998. ‘‘Une Ecole ‘pour le Peuple’?’’ Politique Africaine 31: 39–50. Mboussou, F. F., Makaya, J., Bansimba, T., Latifou, A. S., Ambendet, A., and Puruehnce M. F. ‘‘Assessment of the social situation AIDS orphans in Brazzaville.’’ Paper given at the 16th International Conference on AIDS, Barcelona, Spain, July 7-12, 2002. Ngodi, Etanislas. ‘‘Problematique du Travail des Enfants et les Strategies de Survie au Congo Brazzaville.’’ Paper presented at the 25th annual conference of the International Population Congress, July 18–23, 2005. Tours, France. http:// iussp2005.princeton.edu/download.aspx?submissionId¼50104. Nkouika-Dinghani-Nkita, Gaston. ‘‘Les Determinants du Phenomene des Enfants de la Rue a Brazzaville.’’ Paper presented at the Colloque International de l’Association Internationale des Demographes de Langue Francaise, Dakar, Senegal, December 9–13, 2002. http://www-aidelf.ined.fr/colloques/seance3/ t_nkouika.pdf. Panapress. December 22, 2005. ‘‘Le Congo interdit l’utilisation des jouets assimiles aux armes.’’ http://www.afrik.com/article9220.html. Pourtier, Roland. 2000. ‘‘Brazzaville dans la guerre: crise urbaine et violences politiques.’’ Annales G e ographiques 611: 3–20. Pourtier, Roland. 1998. ‘‘1997: les raisons d’une guerre ‘incivile.’ ’’ Afrique Contemporaine 186: 7–32. Soret, Marcel. 1978. Histoire du Congo, Capitale Brazzaville. Paris: Berger-Levrault. UNDP (United Nations Development Program). Human Development Report; 2006. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/pdfs/report/HDR06-complete.pdf. UNICEF 2003. (United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund). Africa’s Orphaned Generations. http://www.unicef.org/media/files/orphans.pdf. UNOCHA 2007. (United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs). ‘‘Republic of Congo: Humanitarian Country Profile.’’ http://www. irinnews.org/country.aspx?CountryCode¼CG&RegionCode¼GL. U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. 2007. ‘‘Country Report on Human Rights Practices 2006: Congo, Republic of.’’ http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2006/78729.htm. Wagret, Jean-Michel. 1963. Histoire et Sociologie Politiques de la R e publique du Congo (Brazzaville). Paris: Librairie Generale de Droit et de Jurisprudence. World Bank. 2007. ‘‘Republic of Congo: Country Brief.’’ http://go.worldbank. org/6D23PCXSP0.
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^ COTE D’IVOIRE Laura Arntson NATIONAL PROFILE Ivory Coast in West Africa, known officially as the Republic of C^ ote d’Ivoire, covers an area of 322,460 square kilometers, which is slightly larger than New Mexico. It is bordered by Liberia and Guinea on the west, Mali and Burkina Faso to the north, and Ghana to the east, and has 515 kilometers of coastline. The geography includes distinct agroenvironmental zones: coastal lowland in the south, a densely forested plateau in the interior, and a region of upland savannas in the north (The Columbia Encyclopedia 2005). Natural resources include petroleum, natural gas, diamonds, manganese, iron ore, cobalt, bauxite, copper, and hydropower. It is also rich in forest products. About 40 percent of the world’s cocoa comes from C^ ote d’Ivoire, and cocoa makes up 35 percent of the country’s export earnings (Global Witness 2007). The population is estimated to be from 17.4 to 18 million (CIA 2004, UNICEF 2007), with approximately 45 percent of the population younger than 15 years of age.
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The population growth rate (2004 estimate) is 2.11 percent, with a birth rate of 37 to 40 births per 1,000 (CIA 2004, UNICEF 2007). French is the official language of C^ ote d’Ivoire. Of the more than 60 distinct languages, Dyula is the most commonly spoken because it is the language of trade (‘‘dyula’’ literally means ‘‘trader’’ or ‘‘merchant’’ in Mande dialects), and it is the common language among northern Mande groups such as the Maninka (Malinke), Bambara, and Dyula. Of the more than 60 ethnic groups in C^ ote d’Ivoire, the Akan peoples (notably the Baoule and Anyi) make up about 42 percent of the population, the Senufo represent about 18 percent, the northern Mande (Maninka, Bambara, and Dyula) around 17 percent, the Kru about 11 percent, and the Dan and other southern Mande 10 percent of the population (Handloff 1988). Many refugees fled to C^ ote d’Ivoire as a result of the Liberian civil war. It is not known how many have returned to Liberia but, although thousands have been resettled in C^ ote d’Ivoire, many thousands more are still in limbo, which burdens local host communities as well as refugee families’ ability to cope. With its role in the trade between forest, savannah, and coastal goods, and its postcolonial economic dominance in the region, C^ ote d’Ivoire has long been a destination for people and goods from the west, north, and east. There is clear evidence that it was part of the trans-Saharan trade (Garrard 1982), and its current ethnographic and linguistic richness reflects migration flows that happened over the centuries. In the 16th century, the Portuguese established trade along the coast of what is now C^ ote d’Ivoire. Some of the early maps identify the region as the ‘‘C^ ote des Dentes’’ or the ‘‘tooth’’ coast in reference to the trade in elephant tusks, which differentiates it from the ‘‘Gold Coast’’ of present-day Ghana. French missionaries landed in 1637, a French slaving factory was established in the first decade of the 18th century, and C^ ote d’Ivoire became a French colony in 1893. C^ ote d’Ivoire asserted its independence from the French Community in 1960. Felix Houphou€et-Boigny, who was active in the nation’s independence, became its first president and stayed in power for 33 years, winning his seventh term in 1990 during the country’s first truly multiparty elections (CIA 2004), although election irregularities led many to contest the legitimacy of the election. During his long term in office, C^ ote d’Ivoire’s economy did well and, as a result, many labor migrants entered the country from elsewhere in the region. Most of the country’s poor remained in abject poverty, however, in spite of outward economic indicators of growth. The government encouraged an expansion of cocoa production in particular and while cocoa production in neighboring Nigeria, Ghana, and Cameroon fell in the late 1970s and thereafter generally stayed below 400,000 metric tons, production levels in C^ ote d’Ivoire climbed significantly between the mid-1970s and the 1990s, reaching a peak of 1.4 million metric tons (Ould 2004).
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After Houphou€et-Boigny’s death in 1993, Henri Konan Bedie succeeded to the presidency. The subsequent election in 1995 was marred by violence and it was boycotted by the major opposition groups (Columbia Encyclopedia 2005). Actions taken to keep former Prime Minister Alassane Ouattara from running were followed by violent unrest. Bedie fanned ethnic differences with his favoritism for political and economic positions (CIA 2004), and opposition demonstrations followed. A military coup placed General Robert Gue€i in power but unrest continued. In the 2000 elections, Laurent Gbagbo won the presidency but with a low voter turnout. The country erupted in violence that pitted southern Christians against northern Muslims. Unrest and fighting continued into 2002, when French troops attempted to intervene. Fighting between various groups continued to destabilize the peace process despite a UN peacekeeper presence and repeated cease-fire agreements. After a 2004 peace agreement collapsed because rebels refused to disarm, President Gbagbo ordered air strikes on Bouake, which resulted in the killing of nine French soldiers and, in retaliation, the French military destroyed the Ivorian Air force. Riots broke out and unrest continued. A new peace deal was signed on March 4, 2007 and, in April, Guillaume Soro, leader of the ‘‘New Forces’’ rebel group, became Prime Minister (Associated Press 2007). During the conflict, the real growth rate (i.e., gross domestic product) was at negative 1.9 percent in 2003 (CIA 2004). Natural resources were exploited in order to finance the conflict. Diamonds mined in rebel-held (Forces Nouvelles) areas were smuggled across the borders into Mali and Guinea for sale on the international market (Global Witness 2007), which meant that they were not contributing to the country’s economy but to the war effort and personal gain. Cocoa was also used to fuel the KEY FACTS – COTE D’IVOIRE war effort and for personal gain in the government’s militia-held Population: 18,013,409 (2007 est.) areas (Global Witness 2007). Life expectancy at birth: 49 years (2007 est.) Having the greatest populaLiteracy rate: 50.9 percent (2003 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 56 percent tion rate, a high crime rate (2000–2005) (particularly in Abidjan, the Internet users: 160,000 (2005) commercial center), one of the People living with HIV/AIDS: 570,000 (2003 est.) highest prevalence rates of AIDS Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 82 in the region, and unequal access Sources: CIA World Factbook: Cote d’Ivoire. https://www.cia.gov/ to economic and educational library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/iv.html. June 29, opportunities have placed signi2007; At a Glance: Cote d’Ivoire–Statistics. http:// ficant stress on the political syswww.unicef.org/infobycountry/cotedivoire_statistics.html. June 29, tem (U.S. Department of State 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Cote d’Ivoire. http://hdr.undp.org/ 2006) as well as the populace’s hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_CIV.html. expectations of the government. June 29, 2007. Before the conflict, the country’s
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infrastructure and its school system appeared good by regional standards, although structural inequalities and weaknesses under Houphou€et Boigny’s rule set the stage for the turmoil that followed. Damage to the infrastructure and the flight of qualified teachers and health workers as well as unequal distribution of income and the economy’s continued reliance on international market prices of key exports have reduced access and quality of services and introduced a level of political and economic fragility. OVERVIEW Children are disproportionately affected by such fragility. Outstanding tensions from the civil unrest and inequalities, coupled with a legacy of human rights violations including extortion, harassment, and intimidation from the military and rebel sides during the conflict continue to temper the development advances of C^ ote d’Ivoire. Children are at risk in this environment and Global Witness has noted reports of extra-judicial executions and the use of child soldiers by both sides (Global Witness 2007). Recent civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone have also had an impact on C^ ote d’Ivoire, especially with the influx of refugees. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees reported an estimated 37,000 registered Liberian refugees in C^ ote d’Ivoire as of November 2006. The resettlement of refugees in local communities has not kept pace with the need and it is not known how many have returned to Liberia. Refugees International, an advocacy organization, has called on the government of C^ ote d’Ivoire to assure timely issuance of Ivorian identity documents to the refugees to grant them legal residence, the right to work, and access to educate for their children and health care (Lynch and Calabia 2006), but there are thousands—perhaps tens of thousands, and many of them children—who still do not have access to health and education. The number of internally displaced people ranges from 500,000 to more than 2 million. Many children who were displaced are cut off from government assistance, education, and health care because they cannot prove their citizenship. As a result, many end up working in cocoa production, where their labor is likely exploited as non-wage labor, or in small trading business or prostitution (Lynch and Calabia 2007). Children are at great risk of exploitation in the Cocoa production sector. Cocoa is produced from small farm holdings, and almost 68 percent of the population is employed in the agricultural sector. C^ ote d’Ivoire is among the world’s largest producers and exporters of coffee, cocoa beans, and palm oil (U.S. Department of State 2006). The work on cocoa farms is labor-intensive and involves long hours and heavy work, especially when market prices fall and small-holders must try to produce more to keep the household at a subsistence level. Many families view child labor as one, if not the only, viable option available to a household. With worsening economic circumstances, many
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family members—not only fathers but also mothers, sons, and daughters— seek wage labor on plantations or in towns. Many young women and girls have left villages, which has an additional effect on child rearing in the villages they have left. As Gottlieb notes in her ethnography of childhood and infancy among the Beng (Gottlieb 2004, 266–67), aspects of childcare and social engagement of infants changes as the social and cultural environment around infants change. Whereas previously many adults and older children would entertain or distract a toddler from his or her crying by singing an onomatopoetic phrase that echoed the sound of drums in a commonly performed traditional dance, as teenage girls (who traditionally performed the dance under older girls’ tutelage) began leaving the village to seek wage labor elsewhere, the dance was no longer performed. As a result, the vocalized references to the dance no longer held comfort or meaning to children as before. Children’s roles in the household have changed with the changes in economy, urban development, and unequal distribution of wealth. Where previously children contributed to their extended family’s household livelihood, more and more families are sending their children into wage labor and servitude situations. In these situations, children are too often deprived of education as well as the protective factor of being surrounded by extended family in a home environment. EDUCATION The educational system includes primary school, which last 6 years and leads to a certificate of primary studies, secondary school, which lasts 7 years and leads to a certificate or baccalaureat, and postprimary or postsecondary studies, such as technical and teacher-training institutions or University education (available in Abidjan at the National University of C^ ote d’Ivoire, founded as the Center for Higher Education at Abidjan in 1959). Public schools are supposed to be free, although families must pay for entrance fees, school supplies, and uniforms. About a third of secondary schools are private and a lesser number of primary schools are private also. Many of these are Catholic-run with some government subsidies. In the north, some students attend public and Quranic schooling. With the fighting, however, a substantial number of teachers fled and many school buildings were damaged (Lynch and Calabia 2007). Various international nongovernmental organizations, such as The International Rescue Committee, have begun to rehabilitate schools, but there is reluctance by teachers to return to schools in the north. Schools function primarily because of volunteers. The quality and access to education suffer as a result. Outreach campaigns targeting girls’ school enrollment have met with some success but barriers remain. Many parents cannot afford the small fees for school supplies and children who cannot show a birth certificate are unable to register (Lynch and Calabia 2007).
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The adult literacy rate reflects the strong educational system before the regional conflict, although clearly with a gender bias regarding educational access: male adult literacy is reported at 61 percent and female adult literacy at 39 percent (UNICEF 2007; UNESCO Education for All 2000 Assessment). In 2001 the net primary school attendance ratio for males was 62 percent and for females 53 percent (UNICEF 2007; DHS 2001 and Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys). Net ratios for secondary school are significantly lower at 20 and 16 percents for males and females, respectively (UNICEF 2007; DHS 2001 and Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys). PLAY AND RECREATION Children in C^ ote d’Ivoire enjoy singing, clapping, and home-made board games, soccer, tire/hoop rolling, and playing with home-made cars and trucks, just like children elsewhere in Africa. With an increased labor burden, however, the time for play and recreation is decreased. Children in middle- and upper-income families in urban settings have access to many more options of organized and guided play and recreational activities, including children’s television shows. CHILD LABOR UNICEF estimates the prevalence of child labor (i.e., the percentage of children 5 to 11 years of age who did at least 1 hour of economic activity or at least 28 hours of domestic work during the week preceding the survey, and/or the percentage of children 12 to 14 years of age who did at least 14 hours of economic activity or at least 42 hours of economic activity and domestic work combined during the week preceding the survey) at 37 percent total, or 35 percent for males and 38 percent for females (UNICEF 2007; Institut National de la Statistique [C^ ote d’Ivoire] and ORC Macro 2001). A recent study has attempted to understand the nature of children’s work in C^ ote d’Ivoire more thoroughly (Francavilla and Lyon 2002), and reports that the nature and extent varies widely depending on the region and whether in an urban or rural setting. By far the largest sector of child labor is in agriculture. As discussed previously, cocoa production is the largest agricultural sector and has a high demand for child labor. A recognition of the role that child labor and child slavery play in the production of cocoa for the international market has provided an impetus for the introduction of fair trade practices that shorten the producer-toconsumer chain as much as possible and develop a trade that is based on equal partnership and respect between local producers and international importers (Ould 2004). With international attention, the Fairtrade Standards on Forced Labour and Child Labour was developed, following
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International Labour Organisation Conventions 29, 105 and 138 (Ould 2004). According to these standards, forced or bonded labor is prohibited and children are allowed to work only if their education is not jeopardized, and they must be exempt from tasks that especially hazardous for their age. Because child labor through extended family members and ‘‘fostering’’ situations is not enough to meet demand, nonfamily laborers are used. Some of these laborers are paid, but far more are unpaid and exploited to the point of being in slavery (Ould 2004). A recent study by the International Labour Organisation found that one-third of cocoa farms likely used nonfamily laborers. One of the main sources of cocoa farm labor in C^ ote d’Ivoire is the Burkinabe people, who originally come from Burkina Faso to the north (Ould 2004). Many small farmers themselves originally came from Burkina Faso and, when the economy stumbled, they faced reprisals from the Ivorian government, which insinuated that Burkina Faso was behind a failed coup attempt (Ould 2004). The International Labour Organisation, through its International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour, launched a new initiative, ‘‘Combating Trafficking in Children for Labour Exploitation in West and Central Africa’’ in 2000. Countries that signed on included Burkina Faso, Mali, C^ ote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Togo, Benin, Nigeria, Cameroon, and Gabon (Ould; UNOCHA 2002). The first meeting was organized by Interpol and held in 2001 in Yamoussoukro, C^ ote d’Ivoire. Three priorities for tackling child trafficking in the region were identified: (i) legislation specific to child trafficking; (ii) uniformity across the region with sufficient funding to provide more accurate and efficient administrative activities and security operations; and (iii) the need for accurate data (Ould 2004). Unfortunately, none of these address the root causes of the trafficking of children. Until families are provided with viable economic options and their perceptions changed so that the worst forms of child labor are viewed as unacceptable, the exploitation of child labor will continue. FAMILY As in other cultures of sub-Saharan Africa, mothers living in rural agricultural communities rely on ‘‘baby-sitters’’ or other care-givers, such as older daughters or teenage girls affiliated in some way to the family to carry an infant while the mother engages in agricultural labor. Girls who do not yet have their own fields to attend take on many of the tasks in a household, including childcare (Gottlieb 2004, 136–44). As family economic strategies change, the family structure shifts. As more people seek wage labor, the patterns of agricultural activity also shift. As a result, the pool of potential caretakers shrinks, which affects a woman’s labor capacity as well as a child’s health, especially if an infant is left in the care of a child who is too young to take on the responsibility of feeding and
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caring for an infant, or if an infant is brought to the fields where minimal care is available. The exact number of children who lost parents because of fighting or to HIV/AIDS or who were separated from their families during the conflict is not known. A study conducted by UNICEF in 1992 found that as many as 14,000 children were living in the streets of Abidjan. Of those, 63 percent were boys and 37 percent girls, and 52 percent were younger than 15 years of age. Some 62 percent still returned to their families at night. The Institute of Ethnosociology in the University of Cocody has reported that the number of children in the streets of Abidjan reached over 20,000 by 1995 (Civil Society Forum 2004). This number included refugee and displaced children from the civil wars in neighboring Liberia and Sierra Leone. As a result of subsequent fighting in C^ ote d’Ivoire, it is likely that this number has increased. With a worsening economy and with the fighting and displacement, family structures have changed. In the modern urban setting, more and more households reflect nuclear family structures and the roles and expectations of how children occupy their time changes. In rural areas, many families are losing members to wage labor and the cocoa production sector or facing economic choices between sending children to school or to work on the family’s farm. The effect on children is highly dependent on the educational level and economic standing of their families. For those from disadvantaged families, these changes mean that a smaller percentage is in the primarily protective environment of an extended family and they are likely to have even less access to healthcare. Families in C^ ote d’Ivoire follow either matrilineal or patrilineal descent patterns. The Baoule and Senufo, for example are matrilineal, that is, people, power, and land belong to the mother’s family group and are passed down a mother’s family line to her sister’s sons. Inheritance in patrilineal descent groups goes through the father’s line to his sons. The Beng follow a system of double descent. The significance of descent patterns is felt in rights to land. In most traditional societies, women do not have a right to inherit land, although she can work the land of a husband or her family. The consequences for children are in the abundance and diversity of food crops and access to a diverse diet as a result of who has the decisionmaking power over land use and the proceeds from crop production and sale. Children need an adequate and diverse diet for better health outcomes, but when a household is in poor economic circumstances of food insecure, children’s intake of nutritious food falls. HEALTH Despite a relatively strong economy prior to the mid 1990s, the health indicators for C^ ote d’Ivoire were little better than other countries in the region. The percentage of children younger than 5 years of age suffering
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from moderate and severe stunting (low height for age), which reflects chronic undernutrition during the crucial growth period from 6 months to about 3 years of age, for example, was 21 percent. Children younger than 5 who were moderately and severely underweight (low weight for age)—another measure of chronic undernutrition—was 17 percent (UNICEF 2007; DHS and MICS 2001 data). These data reflect regional socioeconomic inequities in the country (Strauss 1990) as well as poor quality and utilization of services despite an adequate infrastructure prior to the fighting. About half of all children had been fully immunized by the age of one, which also reflects uneven access and outreach of routine immunization services. The under-5 mortality rate (the probability of dying between birth and exactly five years of age) worsened between 1990 and 2000 (UNICEF 2007), climbing from 157 to 195 per 1,000 live births. The infant mortality rate increased also, from103 to 118 per 1,000 live births. The adjusted maternal mortality ratio is estimated at 690 (i.e., annual deaths of women from pregnancy-related causes per 100,000 live births; UNICEF 2007). A recent AIDS Indicator Survey (MLS, INS, and ORC Macro 2006) shows an adult prevalence rate of 4.7 percent, with urban women, divorced/separated/widowed women, and the wealthiest households carrying the highest burden of HIV. These figures reflect the vulnerability of single women and their susceptibility of contracting sexually transmitted disease especially in urban settings (settings in which the greatest number of commercial sex workers and the highest number of men with expendable income are found), as well as the likelihood that women married to men with the most expendable income will have contracted the disease from their partner. The largest percentage of people living with HIV is among those in their prime income-earning years. Once they are no longer able to stay in their line of employment, not only do they suffer, but entire extended families suffer. One study showed that families caring for relatives who were HIV/AIDS-infected spent 80 percent of the household’s health care costs HIV/AIDS medical care and HIV/AIDS expenses represent a significant proportion (at one point 11 percent) of C^ ote d’Ivoire’s public health system budget (African Development Forum 2000; Bollinger et al. 1999). The United Methodist Women’s Action Network also reports that the number of children younger than 14 years orphaned by AIDS is almost half a million. This increase in the number of orphans and the reduction of the country’s agricultural labor pool due to AIDS-related deaths mean that children are even more susceptible to exploitation on cocoa farms as well as in the street. At the outset of the poverty reduction strategy, the goal of opening 80 additional health facilities per year to achieve the ratio of one health
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facility per 10,000 inhabitants was at only 50 percent execution (Ministry of Planning and Development 2002, 34), which means that access to healthcare is significantly below the ideal. The recruitment and placement of nurses and midwives is ongoing, but is far from meeting the target and demand, especially in rural areas where 32 percent of the population lives more than 5 kilometers away from a health care facility. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS C^ ote d’Ivoire’s legal system is based on the French civil law system and customary law. There is a Supreme Court consisting of four chambers: Judicial Chamber for criminal cases; Audit Chamber for financial cases; Constitutional Chamber for judicial review cases; and Administrative Chamber for civil cases. Although the legal system is in place to protect its citizens, the system itself often fails the populace it serves. Youth are especially vulnerable to a corrupt and inadequate legal system. The Interim Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (Ministry of Planning and Development 2002) noted that there are obstacles to accessing legal institutions and a lack of transparency and reliability of the judicial system, as well as minimal civil society involvement in implementing reforms. Additionally, there has been very little prosecution of ‘‘white-collar crime, which is both a symptom and a facilitating factor of the political and economic corruption under Houphou€et-Boigny and subsequent leadership. These same aspects are seen as a hindrance to improved economic development. RELIGIOUS LIFE There is much overlap in the practice of religion in C^ ote d’Ivoire. About 35 to 40 percent of the population is Muslim, another 20 to 30 percent Christian, and 25 to 40 percent practice indigenous beliefs; however, most are not limited to one religion and practice indigenous beliefs alongside their other religion. The practice of religion reflects differences in the social-political and religious inheritances among the various ethnic groups. Historically, the groups living in the southeastern lagoon region were dependent on fishing and subsistence agriculture and did not have centralized polities beyond the village level (Handloff 1988), unlike the Akan (with whom they intermarried), who developed large, centralized political-economic units. Another coastal people, the Kru, were centralized only at the village level and relied on fishing, hunting and gathering, and were often the first to greet European missionaries, explorers, merchants, and slavers. In the north of the country, and in the commercial center of Abidjan are the northern Mande groups (the Maninka, Bamana, and Dyula in particular) whose historical political-economic sphere of power, Manden (known as the Mali Empire) influenced much of the long
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distance trade as well as socio-cultural practices and languages through their expansion across much of West Africa from the 15th and 16th through the 19th century. The Mande are primarily Muslim. The Senufo maintain distinct socio-economic and occupational divisions that are tied to a particular matrilineage (i.e., passed along through the mother and her mother, etc.). The social divisions among the Senufo include specific occupations such as farmer (Fono), blacksmith (Kule), woodcarver (Kpeene), brass casters (Tyeli, who create divination ornaments), and leather workers. Additionally, there are four different societies among the Senufo that govern the actions of individuals and a strong reverence of ancestors and bush spirits (University of Iowa 1998). There is a rich material and expressive culture that is a part of the sacred society and religious practices of the Senufo and the Dan. Popular among art collectors are the helmet masks used in ritual and play masquerades that are part of a living tradition rich in metaphor and nuance (Reed 2003, Glaze 1982). Children have limited roles in religious life, although religious beliefs and practices shape many of their choices in life as well as their worldview. Much of the tensions that erupted into conflict were pinned on religious differences, inasmuch as religion is closely tied to ethnic and regional origins. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT One of the forms of gender-based abuse is the female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C). As a traditional practice among many ethnic groups, FGM/C ‘‘socializes’’ girls and prepares them for marriage. Different cultures practice different types of FGM/C, and its practice in C^ ote d’Ivoire is not the more extreme ‘‘Pharaonic cutting’’ commonly practiced in the Horn of Africa, but each involves the cutting or alteration of the female genitalia for sociocultural reasons. There is a marked difference in the prevalence of FGM/C between urban and rural women in C^ ote d’Ivoire. The prevalence among urban women surveyed was 39 percent, and the prevalence among rural women at 48 percent (UNICEF 2007; Institut National de la Statistique [C^ ote d’Ivoire] and ORC Macro. 2001). Other forms of abuse and neglect are the result of dysfunctional households, children or youth estranged from their families, or displaced or orphaned. When families are seriously affected by violence, abuse and neglect of children follow all too often. Young girls who are sent into wage labor or fosterage situations are vulnerable to gender-based violence. Even among families that remain intact, challenges to a household’s economy can bring with them forms of neglect. Gottlieb has noted that many parents purposely try to instill in their children an acceptance of poverty and household food insecurity. In an example from among the
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Beng (Gottlieb 2004, 270), neighbors even went so far as to criticize one father for ‘‘spoiling’’ his children by buying cooked rice and meat for his children every day in the market—a behavior that should be praised rather than criticized, and in fact the very kind of behavior that nutrition intervention programs try to promote. The local perception is that children should carry the burden along with the household because if the parent dies, the children, having accustomed themselves to a lot of food, will turn to thievery to get what they can no longer afford (Gottlieb 2004, 270).
GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Children growing up in C^ ote d’Ivoire should have opportunities their parents did not have, given the potential for recaptured economic growth. The inequities in access can be leveled with greater civil society participation in the capture and allocation of resources and through increased primary and secondary school enrollment and attendance among boys and girls. The infrastructure, although damaged by the fighting, can be rehabilitated and the quality of life improved where there is political will. Key to this process will be increased dialogue and cooperation between the various socioethnic and linguistic groups in the country and equal representation in policy and economic decision-making.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Gottlieb, Alma. The Afterlife is Where We Come From; The Culture of Infancy in West Africa. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press; 2004. Gottlieb offers a very sensitive and insightful look at infancy and childhood in C^ ote d’Ivoire with this book. Although this ethnography focuses on the minority Beng ethnic group, her observations have relevance across many West African cultures and within the Ivoirian context in particular. Mundt, Robert J. Historical Dictionary of C^ ote d’Ivoire, 2nd edition. Lanham, MD: The Scarecrow Press, Inc.; 1995. This is an expanded and updated version of the 1987 edition. Organized chronologically, this overview of cultural and political institutions and people, ethnic groups, economy, and social structures is a very useful reference as well as an interesting introduction to the country. Newell, Sasha. ‘‘Estranged belongings: a moral economy of theft in Abidjan, C^ ote d’Ivoire.’’ Anthropological Theory Vol. 6, no. 2 (2006): 179–203. Reed, Daniel B. Dan Ge Performance: Masks and Music in Contemporary C^ ote d’Ivoire. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press; 2003. This book provides a rich description and analysis of an expressive art form that serves as communication and social dialogue among the Dan of C^ ote d’Ivoire.
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Strauss, John. ‘‘Households, Communities, and Preschool Children’s Nutrition Outcomes: Evidence from Rural C^ ote d’Ivoire,’’ Economic Development and Cultural Change. Vol. 38 (1990): 231–61. A sensitive analysis of the interaction of elements that impact children’s nutrition and health outcomes, this article provides a picture of the situation in rural C^ ote d’Ivoire.
Nonprint Resources An African Brass Band. 2007. Zemp, Hugo, Producer and Director. 72 minutes. Selenium Films. Distributed by: S€ upor XAO, 36 rue du Moulin de la Planche, 91140 Villebon sur Yvette, France. [email protected]. This lively film by ethnomusicologist Hugo Zemp is the story of the ‘‘dancing brass bands’’ that developed in colonial West Africa early in the 20th century. Blondy, Alpha. http://shopping.yahoo.com/p:Alpha%20Blondy:1927002386:page¼ discography:subpage¼albums. Alpha Blondy. 2005. Elohim. 2004. Essentials. 2002, Merci. 2001. Paris Bercy. 1998. Grand Bassam Zion Rock. 1998. SOS Guerres Tribales. 1994. Dieu. 1992. Masada. 1991. SOS Tribal War. 1989. Prophets. 1987. Apartheid is Nazism. 1987. Revolution. 1986. Jerusalem. 1985. Jah Glory. 1984. Cocody Rock!!! Born Sedou Kone in Dimbokoro, Cote d’Ivoire, in 1953, Alpha Blondy is a world-renowned musician. His music is heavily influenced by the reggae music of Bob Marley. He recorded his first single, ‘‘Brigidier Sabari,’’ in the 1980s. His first album, Jah Glory, was released in 1983, and he began touring across Africa. He recorded with The Wailers in Jamaica at Tuff Gong Studios, which led to the hit album, Cocody Rock, followed by Jerusalem and many others. Siaka, an African Musician. 2007. Hugo, Producer and Director. 79 minutes. Selenium Films. Distributed by: S€ upor XAO, 36 rue du Moulin de la Planche, 91140 Villebon sur Yvette, France. [email protected]. This engaging documentary presents a portrait of musician Siaka Diabate and his brand of urban music that draws on traditional and popular elements.
Web Sites Abidjan net, http://www.abidjan.net. This site (in French) is a search engine for Cote d’Ivoire and includes an online magazine, a web directory, links to Ivoirien newspapers, discussion forums (including a page for African proverbs), recipes, e-mail directory, and links to Africa-related programs. It is based in El Cajon, Calif. http://abidjan.net. Africa Online, C^ ote d’Ivoire, http://www.africaonline.co.ci. Internet service provider. Formerly owned by Prodigy, now run by African Lakes Corporation, London. Africa South of the Sahara: C^ ote d’Ivoire, Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Libraries; 2006. http://www-sul.stanford.edu/africa/cote.html. This web site, overseen by the librarian of the African Studies collection of the Stanford University Libraries, provides links to various sites with news and other information on Africa.
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Africshop.com, http://www.africshop.com. This site (in English and French), certified by government of C^ ote d’Ivoire National Office of Arts and Crafts, is the ‘‘only official organization in the Ivory Coast entitled to deliver a guarantee and quality label.’’ Available are art objects of wood and bronze, drums, jewelry, pottery, toys, textiles, etc. Based in Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire. Art and Life in Africa Online, http://www.uiowa.edu/africart/toc/people/ Senufo.html. Iowa City, Iowa: University of Iowa. Nouvelles Editions Ivoiriennes, http://www.nei-ci.com. Well-known publisher of literature, history, children’s books, based in Abidjan. World Bank Group–C^ ote d’Ivoire, http://web.worldbank.org. Includes statistics and reports on rural development, economic policy, education, environment, finance, health, population, oil and gas, private and public sector, social protection, transportation, and urban development.
Organizations and NGOs Amnesty International, Section Ivoirienne 04 BP 895, Abidjan 04, C^ ote d’Ivoire Phone: 225 22 48 62 20 Fax: 225 22 48 62 20 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.amnestyusa.org/By_Country/Cote_dIvoire/page.do?id¼101 1137&n1¼3&n2¼30&n3¼887 Amnesty International is an international campaign to recognize human rights through research and action focused on preventing and ending abuses of the rights to physical and mental integrity, freedom of conscience and expression, and freedom from discrimination, within the context of its work to promote all human rights. Association des femmes Ivoiriennes BP 2005, Abidjan Phone: 225 37 16 80 Serves as an umbrella organization for various Ivorian women’s associations Association des Femmes Juristes de C^ ote d’Ivoire (AFJCI) 1, rue Chemin de Fer, Abidjan Plateau P.O. Box: 01 B.P. 455, Abidjan 04, Cote d’Ivoire Phone: 225 20 222438, Fax: 225-20-217622 01 B.P. 1427, Abidjan 01 Phone: 225 21 69 51; 21 56 54 Fax: 225 21 26 96 An association of female lawyers in C^ ote d’Ivoire to advocate for justice and access. Association Ivorienne pour la defense des droits des femmes (AIDF) 08 BP 1903, Abidjan Phone: 225 41 11 31/44 42 49
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Coalition Against Trafficking in Women (CATW) Afrique, Hamdallaye Abidjan, C^ ote d’Ivoire 2000 Web site: http://www.catwinternational.org CATW works to combat sexual exploitation worldwide, in all its forms, especially prostitution and trafficking in women and children.
Selected Bibliography African Development Forum. 2000. C^ ote d’Ivoire: HIV/AIDS epidemiological summary. African Development Forum. Ajayi, J. F. Ade, and Michael Crowder, eds. 1974. History of West Africa, 2. New York: Colombia University Press. Associated Press. 2007. ‘‘Former rebel leader takes over as ivory Coast’s prime minister,’’ International Herald Tribune, April 4, 2007. http://www.iht.com/ articles/ap/2007/04/04/africa/AF-GEN-Ivory-Coast-Prime-Minister.php. Bollinger, Lori, John Stover, and Benjamin Zanou. 1999. ‘‘Economic Impact of AIDS in Cote d’Ivoire,’’ The POLICY Project. CIA. 2004. The World Factbook: C^ ote d’Ivoire. http://www.umsl.edu/services/ govdocs/wofact2004/geos/iv.html. Civil Society Forum. 2004. ‘‘Information about Street Children: C^ ote d’Ivoire.’’ Excerpted from a paper submitted to the Civil Society Forum for Francophone Africa on Promoting and Protecting the Rights of Street Children (Forum des ONG et Associations d’Aide a l’Enfants en Difficulte), 2–5 June 2004, Senegal. Civil Society Forum. Cohen, Michael A. 1973. ‘‘The Myth of the Expanding Center—Politics in the Ivory Coast,’’ Journal of Modern African Studies [London], 11: 227–46. Columbia Encyclopedia, The. 2005. The Columbia Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition. (2001–05). New York: Columbia University Press. Available online through Bartleby: http://www.bartleby.com/65/co/CotedIvo.html. Francavilla, Francesca and Scott Lyon. 2002. Children’s Work in C^ ote d’Ivoire; An Overview. New York: Understanding Children’s Work (UCW) Project, International Labour Organisation, UNICEF, and the World Bank. http:// www.ucw-project.org/pdf/publications/cote_divoire.pdf. Garrard, Timothy F. 1982. ‘‘Myth and Metrology: The Early Trans-Saharan Gold Trade,’’ The Journal of African History, Vol. 23: 443–61. Glaze, Anita J. 1982. Art and Death in a Senufo Village. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Global Witness. 2007. Natural Resources in Conflict: Cote d’Ivoire. San Francisco: Global Witness Foundation. http://www.globalwitness.org/pages/en/cote_ divoire.html Handloff, Robert E., ed. 1988. Ivory Coast: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress. Available online as: Ethnic Groups and Languages; http://countrystudies.us/ivory-coast/20.htm. Human Rights Watch. Street Children: The Prevalence, Abuse & Exploitation of Street Children Republic of Cote d’Ivoire (Ivory Coast). http://gvnet.com/streetchildren/ CoteD’Ivoire.htm. Institut National de la Statistique [C^ ote d’Ivoire] and ORC Macro. 2001. Enqu^ e te D e mographique et de Sant e , C^ ote d’Ivoire 1998–1999. Calverton, MD: Institut National de la Statistique and ORC Macro.
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Lynch, Maureen and Dawn Calabia. 2007. C^ ote d’Ivoire: Children and Youth Call for Status and Safeguards. Washington, DC: Refugees International. http:// www.refugeesinternational.org/content/article/detail/9874. Lynch, Maureen and Dawn Calabia. 2006. Cote d’Ivoire: Support local integration for Liberian refugees. Washington, DC: Refugees International. http://www. refugeesinternational.org/content/article/detail/9645. Ministere de la Lutte contre le SIDA (MLS), Institute National de la Statistique (INS), and ORC Macro. 2006. AIDS Indicators Survey, C^ ote d’Ivoire 2005 (EIS-CI). Abidjan, and Calverton, MD: MLS, INS, and ORC Macro. Ministry of Planning and Development. 2002. Interim Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper. Abidjan: Republic of C^ ote d’Ivoire, Office of the Prime Minister, Ministry of Planning and Development, Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper Supervision Committee. http://poverty2.forumone.com/files/Cote_DIvoire_IPRSP. pdf. Ould, David, Claire Jordan, Rebecca Reynolds, and Lacey Loftin. 2004. The Cocoa Industry in West Africa: A history of exploitation. Anti-Slavery International with the Co-operative Group (CWS) Ltd. and The Ruffor Maurice Laing Foundation. http://www.antislavery.org/homepage/resources/cocoa%20 report%202004.pdf. United Methodist Women’s Action Network. 2003. Action Alert: C^ ote d’Ivoire: A Country in Distress, An Opportunity to Act. Washington, DC: United Methodist Women’s Action Network. http://gbgm-umc.org/umw/action_ivory coast.html?CFID¼4282049&CFTOKEN¼16486637. University of Iowa. 1998. ‘‘Senufo Information,’’ Art and Life in Africa Online. http://www.uiowa.edu/africart/toc/people/Senufo.html. UNOCHA (United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs). 2002. West Africa: Focus on efforts against child labour. Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN), 11 June 2002. http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/ rwb.nsf/AllDocsByUNID/fd495522edd2811249256bd60009c213. U.S. Department of State. 2006. Background Note: Cote d’Ivoire. Washington, DC: Department of State, Bureau of African Affairs. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ ei/bgn/2846.htm.
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ETHIOPIA AND ERITREA Kwaku Nti NATIONAL PROFILE Ethiopia is located in northeast Africa, specifically in the Horn of Africa. It is unarguably the biggest country in the horn. With a land mass of 1,127,127 square kilometers, it is slightly less than twice the size of Texas (CIA 2007b). It is a landlocked country bordered by Eritrea to the north, Kenya to the south, Sudan to the west, Djibouti to the east, and Somali to the east and southeast. In classical literature, the name Ethiopia, spelled ‘‘ thiopia,’’ referred to Black Africa in general and the Nile basin in particular. In the past, the region that is present-day Ethiopia was referred to variously as Axum or Abyssinia. Ethiopia for a long time was a cause for celebration for the Black World. It stood for Black independence, strength, pride, and glory. Besides defeating Italy in the Adwa battle of 1896, Ethiopia remained one of Africa’s two countries that were not colonized. Ethiopia thus evoked powerful associations for Africa and New World Blacks. Ethiopia’s population is in the neighborhood of
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66 million (CIA 2007b) and 77 million (CSA/ORC Macro 2006). It is divided into approximately 80 ethnic groups, including the Oromo (40 percent), Amhara and Tigre (32 percent), Sidamo (9 percent), Shankella (6 percent), Somali (6 percent), Afar (4 percent), and others. A total of 43 percent of the total population is literate: 50 percent of all men and 35 percent of women can read and write (CIA 2007b). The capital city is Addis Ababa, which is strategically located at the center of Ethiopia and is 2,300 to 3,000 meters above sea level. Addis has a population of about 3.5 million (GoE 2007). Ethiopia has highlands and lowlands. the latter of which has climatic conditions typical of tropical savanna with an average temperature of about 82 degrees Fahrenheit. The highlands provide Ethiopia with temperate climate that averages about 61 degrees Fahrenheit. Ethiopia has two major seasons: dry and wet. The economy of Ethiopia hinges on her most promising resource—land. Even though much of it has been wasted by erosion, overgrazing, and deforestation, there is still a vast stretch of land in various parts of the country that can support agriculture, which accounts for half of Ethiopia’s gross domestic product (Britannica 2007). Farmers produce staples such as teff, wheat, barley, oats, sorghum, corn, millet, and so on. Cash crops include oilseeds, beeswax, qat, sugar cane and, most importantly, coffee. There is also a great deal of livestock rearing. Ethiopia’s livestock industry is one of the biggest in Africa in terms of volume. The economy is also supported by fishing, finance, tourism, industry, mining, quarrying, trade, transportation. and energy (Encyclopedia Britannica 2007). Under Emperor Haile Selassie, Ethiopia had a free economy of sorts. The Mengistu Haile Mariam regime nationalized land, which ushered in a period of food shortages. This trend was worsened by drought and civil war. This was the beginning of Ethiopia’s encounters with severe famines. The current regime continued with the Mengistu policy of state ownership of land. Still plagued by drought, civil war, general political and economic insecurity, and uncertainty in the horn of Africa, Ethiopia has suffered a dearth of internal and external investment. As a result, it is one of the poorest countries in Africa and in the world. Ethiopia has experience various monarchical regimes. The last monarch was Emperor Haile Selassie, who was in power from 1930 to 1974. Haile Selassie attempted to modernize the monarchy by adding a parliament, cabinet, and the position of Prime Minister, but recurrent drought and famine made the monarchy unpopular, as it appeared ineffective in the face of the country’s woes. An antimonarchical and aristocratic revolution ousted Haile Selassie’s regime and ushered in the Mengistu Haile Mariam regime, also referred to as the Derg government. Fikru Negash Gebrekidan points out that the country has since then never been able to develop an alternative political system outside the institution of monarchy (Gebrekidan 2005, 169). Unpopular policies, coupled with the crippling effects of drought and concomitant famine, bloody coups, uprisings, and massive
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refugee problems, led to the end of the Derg government in May 1991. The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front then took over the reins of government. Eritrea, Ethiopia’s neighbor to the north, is also bordered by Sudan to its north and west, the Red Sea to the north and east, and Ethiopia and Djibouti to the south. It is close in size to Indiana (Columbia University 2005). Like most of the countries in the Horn of Africa, Eritrea has an intriguing past. It was a part of the Axum kingdom of Ethiopia. The Ottoman Empire and Egypt also controlled it and it came under Italy’s control in 1889. The name Eritrea comes from the Roman name for the Red Sea, ‘‘Mare Erythraeum’’ (Columbia University 2005). After the British era, Eritrea became KEY FACTS – ETHIOPIA one of the federal states of EthioPopulation: 76,511,887 (2007 est.) pia. This enraged Eritrean rebel Infant mortality rate: 91.92 deaths/1,000 live births groups who continually fought (2007 est.) Ethiopia. In 1993, Eritreans Life expectancy at birth: 49.23 years (2007 est.) voted for independence in a Literacy rate: 42.7 percent (2003 est.) United Nations supervised referNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 31 percent endum, which was recognized by (2000–2005) Internet users: 13,000 (2005) Ethiopia. However, border disPeople living with HIV/AIDS: 1.5 million (2003 est.) putes in recent times have marred Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 98 the rapprochement between the sister nations. In December 2005, KEY FACTS – ERITREA the International Court of Arbitration ruled that Eritrea violated Population: 4,906,585 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 45.24 deaths/1,000 live births international law when it attacked (2007 est.) Ethiopia in 1998 (Columbia UniLife expectancy at birth: 59.55 years (2007 est.) versity 2005). Literacy rate: 58.6 percent (2003 est.) Eritrea has a population of Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 67 percent approximately 5 million and is (2000–2005) Internet users: 70,000 (2005) made up of Tigrinya (50 percent), People living with HIV/AIDS: 60,000 (2003 est.) Tigre and Kunama (40 percent), Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 70 Afar (4 percent), Saho (3 percent), and others (3 percent). The Sources: CIA World Factbook: Eritrea. https://www.cia.gov/library/ languages spoken include Afar, publications/the-world-factbook/geos/er.html. June 29, 2007; CIA World Factbook: Ethiopia. https://www.cia.gov/library/ Arabic, Tigre, Kunama, Tigrinya, publications/the-world-factbook/geos/et.html. June 29, 2007; and other Cushitic dialects (CIA At a Glance: Eritrea–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ 2007a). Asmara is the capital city, infobycountry/eritrea_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; At a Glance: Ethiopia–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ with a population of about infobycountry/ethiopia_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; United 899,000 people. A total of 80 perNations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development cent of the labor force is involved Report 2006–Eritrea. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ in agriculture, which produces countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_ERI.html. June 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development sorghum, lentils, vegetables, corn, Report 2006–Ethiopia. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ cotton, tobacco, coffee, sisal, livecountries/data_sheets/cty_ds_ETH.html. June 29, 2007. stock, and fish. Eritrea’s natural
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resources include gold, potash, zinc, copper, salt and possibly oil (CIA 2007a). With 80 percent of the population living in the countryside as farmers or pastoralists, the remaining 20 percent lives in towns and cities. The only legal party is the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ). There is also a National Assembly composed entirely of members of the PFDJ. The president is chief of state, head of government; head of state council and also of the National Assembly (CIA 2007a). OVERVIEW Children and women suffer the most from the social, political, and economic problems in Ethiopia. According to the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF), these challenges significantly affect the realization of children’s rights and well being, even though the Ethiopian government claims to be committed to taking care of its children. Many children from poor families are left to care for themselves. Some children live and work on the streets. The children in this category are highly vulnerable to contracting sexually transmitted diseases and other chronic health problems. The girls among them are often exposed to sexual assault and rape, pregnancy, and prostitution (UNICEF 2007). Girls are also victims of abduction, early marriages, physical punishment, and labor exploitation. Human Rights Watch reports the use of child soldiers in Ethiopia’s border conflict with Eritrea. Evidence has been gathered from testimonies of former child soldiers, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and journalists. Irregularities in birth registration make the problem of underage recruitment problematic. Internal armed opposition groups also recruit children—some as young as 11 years old (Human Rights Watch 2001). The majority of children in Ethiopia lack access to basic, quality education. This affects their social and educational development in early life as well as economic opportunities as adults. Girls’ enrollment compared with that of boys is low, which has serious implications for families and the care of children. Quite a number of children in Ethiopia die from preventable diseases through inadequate immunization and poor basic health services. Although malnutrition affects a larger part of the population, children are particularly affected. A total of 40 percent of children are severely and moderately underweight, 52 percent are stunted, and 11 percent show acute malnutrition through wasting (low weight for height; UNICEF 2007). The Government of Ethiopia, together with UNICEF and various NGOs and other partners, faces considerable challenges in addressing the needs of its children. Specific needs include girls’ education, integrated policies for early childhood development, immunization and supplementation, child rights and protection, HIV/AIDS prevention among children, and other related issues. Responses include counseling, play and recreation activities, temporary shelter for abandoned and street children, and skills training for older children (CRC 2006).
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In Eritrea, children’s issues are not markedly different from that of their Ethiopian counterparts. They have also had to contend with the combined effects of poverty, disease, inadequate education, abuse, and so on. Common problems for Ethiopian and Eritrean children stem from the fact that they live in a region of Africa severely plagued by drought, famine, and war. EDUCATION General education in Ethiopia comprises 6 years of primary school, 4 years of lower secondary school, and 2 years of higher secondary school. Higher education is available at the university and college level (UNDP). English is the medium of instruction in Ethiopian schools. Education is compulsory through the sixth grade. By law, primary education is tuition free; however, despite an increase in the number of schools, there are still not enough to accommodate the country’s youth, particularly in the rural areas (U.S. Department of State 2004). A total of 47 percent of children of school age are in school. Efforts to increase enrollment are hampered by the combined effects of badly resourced classrooms, poorly trained teachers, and the challenge posed by the HIV/AIDS pandemic (VSO 2005). Aware of the relevance of education to national development, the Ministry of Education is committed to improving schools. The problem of out-of-school children among pastoralists and semi-agriculturists is being tackled through a special program that takes into account the socio-economic and cultural circumstances of those areas (UNESCO 2004). To improve higher education opportunities for women, which stands at 15 percent, an affirmative action program was initiated, and although it has improved admission for women, it has yet to show significant impact. In Eritrea, elementary education (grades 1 through 6) is for children from 6 to 11 years and children 11 to 15 years attend junior school (grades 7 through 11). Youth between 15 and 20 years attend high school. Because of a lack of schools and qualified teachers, Eritrean children attend school in shifts. Eritrea’s higher education comprises at least two universities, several colleges, and technical schools (Diceproject). Significant gender disparities in education (UNESCO) exist. Although education through the seventh grade is compulsory and tuition is free, many children are unable to attend because of the cost of uniforms, educational supplies, and transportation, which prove prohibitively expensive for many families (U.S. Department of State 2005). PLAY AND RECREATION Children and youth have a right to engage in activities that promote physical and social development as well as joy. Many children learn the lively
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and irresistible ‘‘eskista’’ dance, which is done almost entirely with the shoulders. There is also the ‘‘gebeta’’ game of strategy with some hundred years of popularity behind it. The pieces needed for this game are seeds or pebbles and a board with a row of cups. This game is also popular in Eritrea. Children in urban and rural areas also play other age appropriate indigenous games meant to provide them with the various skills needed for life. More recently, the Imfundo and the Forum on Street Children in Ethiopia have introduced computers with the aim of helping children realize their potential through educational games. The World Health Organization has also introduced new opportunities for youth by establishing a center for various youth clubs, such as an anti-AIDS club and a drama and music troupe, and for indoor and outdoor recreational activities (WHO 2005). In both Eritrea and Ethiopia, children and adults play soccer, which is one of the most popular sports. They engage in soccer at the league or competitive levels and at the informal level. Many children also love to watch soccer matches (Zuehlke 2005). Music and dance performances as well as other cultural activities also offer additional opportunities for play and recreation for children in Ethiopia and Eritrea. CHILD LABOR There is legislation against child labor and yet it is a serious problem in Ethiopia. The legal age for wage or salary employment is 14 years. The Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs is in charge of the enforcement of this law. All stakeholders, including the government agree that child labor is pervasive through out the country, especially in agrarian areas and in the informal sector (U.S. Department of State 2004). In the urban areas, children work in a range of jobs, including shoe shining, sewing, selling lottery tickets, animal herding, and as domestic laborers and porters. The Ethiopian government also identifies prostitution and bonded labor as instances of the worse forms of child labor. Underage girls work in hotels and as barmaids. A total of 40 percent of children start working by the age of 6 years. The average hours of work per week, for children between the ages of 5 to 17 years, are between 32 and 32.8. Most children involved in labor give some of or all of their earnings to their parents or guardians. The main contributory factors to the incidence of child labor include dropping out of school and reduced household income as a result of poor crop harvests (U.S. Department of State 2004). Although the Eritrean government has a national plan of action to protect children from exploitation, child labor still occurs. It is a common occurrence in rural children, who do not attend school to work on family farms, fetch fuel wood and water, and herd cattle, among other activities. In urban areas, some children work as street vendors selling cigarettes, newspapers and chewing gum (U.S. Department of State 2005).
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FAMILY Family life for most people in Ethiopia has been adversely affected by drought, famine, political and ethnic conflict, poverty and the HIV/ AIDS pandemic. Collaborative efforts by the United Nations (UN), the international donor community, and a coalition of NGOs as well as the Ethiopian government have been made in response to the needs of Ethiopia’s families. Family size is still relatively large, with women marrying at 16 years on average and giving birth to an average of six children (CSA/ ORC Macro 2006). The national fertility rate decreased in 2005 to 5.4 children per family, but the population doubling time is still at 20 years (down from 26 years previously; Packard Foundation 2007). Many women are still hindered in their efforts to achieve progress as a result of their low social status and poor health that comes, in part, from early pregnancy and harmful traditional practices. Although approximately one-third of Ethiopian women of reproductive age understand the gravity of their situation and desire smaller family sizes, they still lack the means to do so (Packard Foundation 2007). Rural women have even fewer opportunities than their urban counterparts. Among other effects, the HIV/AIDS epidemic has increased the number of child-headed households and the burden placed on elderly family members, particularly grandparents, and on communities (UNICEF). The various support programs for families offered by governmental and NGOs include skill training and income generation, awareness raising in family planning and positive parenting, savings, and credit services. The government’s Social Welfare Development Policy and Family Law are also contributing to strengthening the family unit through social services and legal protection (CRC 2006, 6–7). Domestic violence is a pervasive social problem. Discrimination against women is most acute in the rural areas, where 85 percent of the population lives. A husband has no compelling obligation to provide for his family and, as a result, women and children sometimes are abandoned when there is a problem in the marriage (U.S. Department of State 2004). Eritrea’s 30 odd years of struggle for independence has not only increased the incidence of female-headed households but also increased their importance in the formal economy. Most women have had to fill the gaps left by men who died in the war or who have left the country (Arneberg 1999, 2–3). Although, in some cases, this new role tends to bring some sort of enhanced income for the family, women’s opportunities for meaningful and holistic development is still significantly affected by their low education. HEALTH The health problems of most Ethiopians are correlated with their poverty status, lack of health facilities and inadequately trained health personnel. The main health problems encountered are communicable diseases
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associated with bad sanitation, malnutrition, dysentery, gastroenteritis, tuberculosis, pneumonia, anemia, liver diseases, hepatitis, and malaria. Among children, preventable diseases cause nearly 60 percent of all deaths. Although current data are not available, the estimates of maternal mortality ratios are high. To address women’s health issues, the newly created Women’s Affair Department of the Ministry of Health has benefited from WHO financial assistance since 2000. The purpose is to mainstream gender issues in health delivery (i.e., planning and implementation; WHO 2003). Children in poor households are severely affected by deplorable environmental conditions. The provision of social services in general, and environmental health services in particular, are managed in an integrated manner with respect to the general population. Resource constraints have led to a specialized type of approach that targets specific population groups, such as children in environmental health services. As a result of this approach, children will have a more equitable share of benefits (WHO 2003), which include safe water supply and sanitation development. The Ethiopian Ministry of Health, Ministry of Water Resources and many NGOs are involved in health and other social developments. There is also an increased effort to enhance the involvement of communities, households and international agencies such as UNICEF, the World Bank, and WHO. Key to all these efforts will be the provision of hygiene education (WHO 2003). The HIV/AIDS prevalence rate is greater among women than men overall and significantly greater in urban as compared with rural areas. Both male and female urban residents have greater rates of HIV infection than their rural counterparts. The 2005 Ethiopia Demographic Health Survey (CSA/ORC Macro 2006) revealed that 1.4 percent of all Ethiopians between 15 and 49 years old are HIV positive. Prevalence rates are greater among divorced or separated men and women. Widows have elevated prevalence rates, whereas prevalence is lowest among single men and women not engaged in transactional sex. Among women, those with a secondary school education are more than five times as likely to have HIV as women with no education (CSA/ORC Macro 2006). Of the Ethiopian population infected by HIV, the government indicates that approximately 250,000 are children younger than 5 years of age and that there are about 1 million HIV/AIDS orphans in the country. In Eritrea, which also has problems associated with inadequate health facilities and well-trained personnel, 90 percent of all deaths are caused by pneumonia, tuberculosis, diarrhea, malaria, measles and HIV/AIDS (Diceproject). More than 60,000 people are living with HIV/AIDS (CIA 2007a). LAW AND LEGAL STATUS The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia has a complex judicial system. The Supreme Court is at the top of the structure that incorporates a separate and parallel system of courts. The Federal Supreme
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Court, the Federal High Court and the First Instance Court constitute a single federal judiciary with jurisdiction over all cases pertaining to federal matters. There is a similar court structure in each regional state that has jurisdictional over all regional matters. Although the government claims the judiciary is independent and that it is committed to establishing the rule of law, these claims have been challenged by Human Rights Watch activists, who point out shortcomings in the system. They argue that, at best, obtaining justice in Ethiopia remains a privilege and not a right (HRW 1992). Although women have recourse to the police and law courts, societal norms and limited infrastructure continue to prevent many of them from seeking legal redress, particularly in rural areas. Societal practices obstruct investigations and prosecution in rape cases, and many women are not aware of their rights under the law (U.S. Department of State 2004). In Eritrea, the High Court is supported by regional, subregional, and village courts. There are also military and special courts (CIA World Fact Book 2007). The primary basis of the judicial system in Eritrea is the Ethiopian legal code of 1957. The Eritrean government also issues unilateral proclamations establishing laws and policies. It also relies on customary and post independence enacted laws. For civil cases involving Muslims, Islamic laws are applied (CIA World Fact Book 2007). Women and children in Eritrea are supposed to enjoy legal rights; however, in the rural areas particularly, they are denied this right as they tend to be subordinate to men (U.S Department of State 2005). RELIGIOUS LIFE Christianity in Ethiopia has a very long tradition dating back to the fourth century and the establishment of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. In the 1950s Christianity became the dominant religion with great support from the state and the monarchy. The Ethiopian Orthodox Church was very popular among the Amhara and Tigre people. Islam has also had its adherents among Ethiopians in the course of time. Traditional religious beliefs continue to have importance among most of Ethiopia’s ethnic groups and influence the practice of Christianity, Islam and the other religions, such as the Falasha or Ethiopian Jews, Rastafarians, etc. In 1975, the government declared all religions equal. Religious beliefs play an important role in the daily life of Ethiopians. Supreme beings or deities are implored, thanked, and also believed to be influential in people’s fortunes in life (Baker 2007). Although one of the most remarkable features of Ethiopian religious life was the centuries-old coexistence of three of the world’s main religions, the situation today can hardly be said to be the same. Eritrean authorities claim to allow freedom of religion for all; however, it is restricted to four registered religious groups. These include
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Orthodox Christians, Muslims, Catholics, and the Evangelical Church of Eritrea (affiliated with the Lutheran World Federation). All other unregistered religious groups and denominations experience harassment (U.S. Department of State 2005). The government office of Religious Affairs monitors the activities of religious groups. There exist negative societal attitudes towards members of religious denominations other than the registered ones—particularly against Pentecostal groups and the Jehovah’s Witnesses (U.S. Department of State 2005). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Girls in Ethiopia suffer a greater level of abuse than boys. Women and girls are victims of rape, often sustaining serious injuries in the process. They also suffer from abduction (sometimes as young as 7 years) and forced marriages and frequently are victims of physical abuse. Forced sexual relationships often accompany marriages resulting from abduction. Some girls are also made to undergo female genital mutilation. Clitoridectomies typically are performed 7 days after birth and consists of excision of the labia. Infibulation, the most extreme and dangerous form of female genital mutilation is performed at any time between the ages of 8 years old and the onset of puberty. Young girls are also forced into prostitution. Some are trafficked out of the country disguised as adoptions. Most of them end up victims of some form of sexual exploitation, domestic service, and/or commercial labor. Among girls who are trafficked internally, mostly from rural to urban centers, some end up in involuntary domestic service, prostitution and street vending (U.S. Department of State 2004). Others end up as beggars on the street. Both boys and girls suffer abuse and exploitation by being subjected to strenuous labor inappropriate for their ages. Not only is their physical development threatened, their psychosocial development also suffers. Children in Eritrea appear to be better off compared with their Ethiopian counterparts in so far as child abuse is concerned. There are not the reports of child trafficking, and early marriages are not widespread but rather limited to the coastal areas. The law criminalizes child prostitution, pornography, and sexual exploitation, and the government has an aggressive program in place to rescue children in prostitution and reunite them with their families and societies (U.S. Department of State 2005). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Ethiopian and Eritrean children face a difficult burden of growing up in the midst of war, political and ethnic conflict, drought, famine, and exploitation. They are the innocent victims of such situations, the creation
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of which they were not privy. Their healthy growth and development is inescapably tied to the political, economic, social, and religious conditions in the Horn of Africa. As long as the situation remains volatile and chaotic, opportunities for meaningful growth will continue to be severely challenged. The only glimmer of hope is that both countries are aware of the debilitating effects of war, political and ethnic conflict, and drought and famine, and are cooperating with the international community to restore order and sanity (Mesfin 2003). Even in such trying situations, children are determined to do their best to succeed. This determination will certainly go a long way to ensure holistic growth and development when normalcy is injected into the natural and human turmoil in the Horn of Africa. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Bizuneh, Belete. Women in Ethiopian History: A Bibliographic Review. Boston University: African Studies Center Working Papers No. 250; 2004. Written within the historiographical tradition that shifts primary focus on women to one that is gendered, Bizuneh reviews and discusses nearly 88 books and other writings dealing with various issues with respect to Ethiopian women. Habtamu, Wondimu, ed. Research Papers on the Situation of Children and Adolescents in Ethiopia. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia: Addis Ababa University Printing Press; 1996. In this exhaustive study, the authors examine the facts of the situation of children and adolescents in Ethiopia. Among other issues addressed are the implications of the socioeconomic and demographic situation of Ethiopia for children and youth, street children, early childhood education, challenge of education, humor, adventure, fantasy, Amharic children’s books, proverbs on children, disease, impact of family displacement on women and children, and the roles of indigenous humanitarian organizations. The authors build their evidence from research consistent with their areas of specialization and interests. This study is divided into six parts with a total of twenty-six chapters and has many charts and statistics. Hamesco, Seyoum and Mohammed Hassan, editors. Arrested Development in Ethiopia: Essays on Underdevelopment, Democracy and Self-Determination. Trenton, NJ: The Rea Sea Press, Inc.; 2006. This book examines the mechanisms used by the Ethiopian state to ‘‘stifle the creative potentials of its citizens.’’ This, according to the contributors is the basis of Ethiopia’s stagnation as a nation. The contributors draw from diverse sources reflecting their varied training as scholars to build their evidence. The book is divided into three parts and contains a total of twelve chapters. Lentakis, Michael B. Ethiopia: A View from Within. London, England: Janus Publishing Company; 2005. This is a very personal story by the author, the son of Greek parents, who was born and raised in Ethiopia. Lentakis narrates, with a sense of overwhelming sadness and frustration, how, over the decades, the beautiful country he loves so much was torn apart by power-hungry politics and jealousy; and how the people he once knew, once so generous and full of
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life were reduced to suspicion and worn down by poverty. Lentakis writes with the skill of a novelist. Mengisteab, Kidane, and Okbazghi Yohannes. An Anatomy of an African Tragedy: Political, Economic and Foreign Policy Crisis in Post-Independence Eritrea. Trenton, NJ: The Red Sea Press, Inc.; 2005. This study examines the political, economic, and foreign relations of Eritrea as an independent country. It shows some of the internal as well as external challenges and constraints Eritrea faces as it attempts to develop. Mengisteab and Yohannes build their pyramid of evidence from primary and secondary sources. This study contains seven chapters. N.U.E.W. The Status of Women in Eritrea: The Eritrean National Report to the Fourth World Conference on Women. Asmara: N.U.E.W. Publications; 1999. This book examines the struggle of Eritrean women’s liberation in the face of unacceptable political, economic, social and family responsibilities. Among the issues raised in the book are inequality in the sharing of power and decision making at all levels, lack of mechanisms at all levels to promote the advancement of women, marriage, reproductive rights, poverty, child care, access to education and training, women’s health, violence against women and social displacement. The book is mainly based on information from government ministries and agencies. It has a few tables. Pankurst, Richard, ed. Diary of a Journey to Abyssinia, 1868 with the expedition under Sir Robert Napier, K.C.S.I. The Diary and Observations of William Simpson. Hollywood, CA: Tsehai Publishers; 2002. This book, in part, is study of the history and peoples of Ethiopia when it was called Abyssinia. In addition to this, the book provides many drawings of people, occasions, and places, all of which help convey some sense of the reality of the country at the time of his visit. Pankurst draws on William Simpson’s personal observations recorded in his diary during the British expedition to Ayssinia under Napier. The book is divided into ten parts and has many illustrations. TGE/UNICEF. Children and Women in Ethiopia: A Situation Report. Paris: HD Publishing; 1993. This book, compiled by the Transitional Government of Ethiopia and UNICEF, examines the effects of the hardships Ethiopian women and children have endured and, in many cases, are still enduring. There is a particular focus on the plight of children and women who eke out a living in especially difficult circumstances. The book also looks at the effects of traditional harmful practices on child rearing in Ethiopia and the limited role of Ethiopian women in decision making, which invariably does not correspond with their heavy responsibilities. The book draws on secondary and primary sources, including government policy, UNICEF, FAO, NGO, OAU, and World Bank reports. The book is divided into four parts with a total of 12 chapters. It contains many tables, figures, and photos. Veale, Angela. From Child Soldier to Ex-Fighter: Female Fighters, Demobilization and Reintegration in Ethiopia. Pretoria, South Africa: Institute for Security Studies; 2003. This study examines the differential experiences of female child soldiers in the war against Mengistu’s Derg regime and focuses on the demobilization program for these ex-combatants, from gaining acceptance in communities to finding new livelihoods and becoming a part of decisionmaking processes, as well as establishing civilian lives for themselves. Veale uses secondary data as well as primary sources based on her own field research. This study contains five chapters and many tables.
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Nonprint Resources The Father. Woldeamlak, Ermias, Director. A 26-minute film that is part of the series, Fathers in Amharic with English subtitles. Available from California Newsreel: http://www.newsreel.org/nav/title.asp?tc¼CN0132&s¼tanzania The Father takes place during the period immediately after the 1974 deposition of Haile Selassie. The story follows two friends and the challenges they face as they and their families come to terms with the political oppression and turmoil around them. It has been called an ‘‘impassioned political thriller.’’ Sidet: Forced Exile. Makuria, Salem, Director. It is a 60-minute film in Tigriniya and Arabic with English subtitles. The film presents the stories of three Ethiopian women who sought refuge in the Sudan. It shows how they each managed to survive displacement and created lives for themselves in exile. Songs and Dances of Eritrea. The songs of this record are the first one of a series. They concern only the Tigrinya and Tigre nationalities in Eritrea. Songs and Dances of Eritrea were recorded by a member of the OXFAM, Belgium, in the liberated areas of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front in the northern province of Sahel.
Web Sites Eritrea–Portals to the World, http://www.loc.gov/rr/international/amed/eritrea. html. The internet resources selected by Library of Congress subject experts that are contained in this portal include resources on business, commerce, economy, culture, education, embassies, geography and environment, government, politics and law, health, history, language and literature, media and communication, national security, organization, recreation and travel, religion and philosophy, science and technology, search engines, and society in Eritrea. Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, http://www.mfa.gov.et/foreign_policy_and_ relation/multilateral.php?page¼multilateral11.htm. This is an official government web site. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs oversees Ethiopian’s relations with NGOs, among other things. Ethiopian Ministry of Information, http://www.moinfo.gov.et/English/6links.php. This useful website provides quick and ready links to other federal ministries, and governmental, nongovernmental, international and regional organizations, as well as institutes, universities, and news agencies. There are other useful links to country profiles, government policies and the Ethiopian press.
Organizations and NGOs Action-Aid Ethiopia http://www3.actionaid.org/ethiopia/1697 Action-Aid vision is to see a poverty-free Ethiopia where men and women realize their potential and live in dignity. CARE–Ethiopia, http://www.care.org/carework/countryprofiles/56.asp The CARE Ethiopia country office was established in 1984 in response to the country’s 1983–1984 famine. In addition to emergency feeding, CARE also
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concentrates on rehabilitation and development projects. Nonemergency programs include agricultural extension services, income generation and food-for-work, as well as family planning and HIV/AIDS education. Eritrea Community Center, http://www.abyssiniagateway.net/info/community.html. This link includes a brief list of community organizations around the world serving the Eritrean Diaspora communities. The list includes contact information, notes and publication issued by the organization. Kembatta Women’s Self Help Center Ethiopia KMG Administrative Office P. O. Box 13438 Addis Ababa Ethiopia Phone: 011-251-167-07-91 Email: [email protected] http://www.kmgselfhelp.org. Kembatta is an Ethiopian Women’s self-help center that provides innovative health, vocational, and environmental programs to diverse regions of nearly one million women, from its center in the township of Durame. National Union of Eritrean Youth and Students (NUEYS), http://www.denden. com/NUEYS. The National Union of Eritrea Youth and Students (NUEYS) is an independent organization established in the 1960s. It is dedicated to uniting Eritrean youth and promoting Eritrean identity, tradition, culture and history. Oxfam-Ethiopia, http://www.oxfam.org.uk/what_we_do/where_we_work/ethiopia/ index.htm. Oxfam started working in Ethiopia in 1962 and works closely through local partners and government. Its long-term vision for Ethiopia is for all men, women, girls, and boys to have a greater influence on the decisions affecting their lives and to have better access to food, thus securing their livelihood. SOS–Ethiopia Village Off Bole Road Phone: 555–0199 Fax: 555–0199 Email: [email protected] or [email protected] http://sosethiopia.org.et/pr03.htm. SOS supports philanthropy and public leadership with a focus on education and youth development. World Vision–Ethiopia, http://www.wvi.org/wvi/country_profile/profiles/ethiopia. htm. World Vision has been in Ethiopia for more than 30 years. Among other things, it is involved in area development programs and child sponsorship programs. Other intervention programs include agriculture, HIV education, food aid, nutrition relief, and child feeding.
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Selected Bibliography Amnesty International. Various dates. New York: Amnesty International. http:// web.amnesty.org/library/index/engACT760141999. Arneberg, Marie W. A Post-War Economy: Women entering the urban Labor Market in Eritrea. 1999. http://www.fafo.no/ais/africa/eritrea/womenlabourEritrea. pdf. Baker, Ben. Ethiopia Breaking New Ground. An Oxfam Country Profile. http:// www.africa.upenn.edu/eue_web/rightsn.htm. Central Statistical Agency (CSA) [Ethiopia] and ORC Macro. 2006. Ethiopia Demographic and Health Survey 2005. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia and Calverton, MD: Central Statistical Agency and ORC Macro. http://www.measuredhs.com/ pubs/pdf/FR179/FR179.pdf; and http://www.ethar.org/publications/pred hs2005.pdf. CIA. 2007a. The World Fact Book: Eritrea. https://www.cia.gov/library/publica tions/the-world-factbook/geos/er.html CIA. 2007b. The World Fact Book: Ethiopia. http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/ factbook/geos/et.html. Columbia University. 2007. The Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia, 6th edition. New York: Columbia University Press. http://www.infoplease.com/ce6/world/ A0861084.html. CRC. Committee on the Rights of the Child relating to the consideration of the periodic report of Ethiopia. CRC/C/ETH/3/Add.1. Diceproject. 2006. http://www.diceproject.org/upload/uploadedFile/PROFILING %20CHILDREN%20in%20ERITREA.doc. Encyclopedia Britannica. 2007. Encyclopedia Britannica Online.. http://www.britann ica.com/eb/article-37685/ethio. Ethiopia, Government of (GoE). 2007. Facts on Addis Ababa. http://www.mfa.gov. et/Facts_AboutEthiopia/RegionalStates.php? Forum on Street Children in Ethiopia (FSCE). http://www.ggrhul.ac.uk/ict4/ ethiopia.html. Gebrekidan, Fikru Negash. 2005. Bond without Blood: A History of Ethiopian and New World Black Relations, 1896–1991. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press. Human Rights Watch (HRW). 1992. http://hrw.org/doc/?t¼africa_pub&c¼ ethiop. Mesfin, Seyoun. Statement at the 58th Session of the U.N. General Assembly, H.E. Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. October 1, 2003, New York. http://www.un.org/webcast/ga/58/statements/ethiong031001.htm. National Statistics and Evaluation Office (NSEO) [Eritrea] and ORC Macro. 2003. Eritrea Demographic and Health Survey 2002. Calverton, MD: National Statistics and Evaluation Office and ORC Macro. http://www.measuredhs.com/ pubs/pub_details.cfm?ID¼405&ctry_id¼12&SrchTp¼country. Packard Foundation. 2007. Ethiopia Report. http://www.packard.org/assets/files/ population/program%20review/2007_pop_report_ethiopia_041707.pdf. Snow, Keith Harmon. 2004. State Terror against Indigenous Peoples in Ethiopia. 2004. http://ww4report.com/static/ethiopia.html. UNCTAD. 2002. The Least Developed Countries Report 2002: Escaping the Poverty Trap. New York and Geneva: United Nations.
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———. 2001. Economic Development in Africa: Performance, Prospects and Policy Issues. New York and Geneva: United Nations. UNESCO. 2005. Education–Emergency Educational Assistance for drought-affected and displaced schools. http://portal.unesco.org/education/en/ev.php-URL_ID ¼14109&URL_DO¼DO_TOPIC&JRL_SECTION¼201.html. ———. 2004. Report on the Development of Education in Ethiopia to the UNESCO Forty-seventh session of the International Conference on Education, September 8–11, 2004, Geneva, Switzerland. http://www.ibe.unesco. org/international/ICE47/English/Natreps/reports/ethiopia_scan.pdf. UNICEF. At a Glance, Ethiopia. http://www.unicef.org/ethiopia/overview.html. United Nations (UN). 2005. 2004 Population Estimates. Division of the Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the U.N. Secretariat. World Population Prospects: The 2004 Revision. New York: United Nations. U.S. Department of State. 2006. Eritrea Country Reports on Human Rights Practices– 2005. Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor. http:// www.state.gov/g/drl/r/s/hrrpf/2005/61568.htm. ———. 2005. Report on International Religious Freedom. Washington, DC: Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/ irf/2005. Volunteer Service Organization (VSO). 2005. [Stories.] http://www.vso.org.uk/ africa2005/stories_ethiopia.htm. WHO. African Region: Ethiopian Women’s Health. http://www.who.int/countries/ eth/areas/women/enindex.html. ———. 2005. http://www.who.int/countries/eth/news/2005/0715/en/index. html. ———. 2003. http://www.afro.who.int/eph/ceh/country-profile/ethiopia.pdf. Zuehlke, Jeffrey. 2005. Ethiopia in Pictures. Breckenridge, CO: Twenty First Century Books.
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GHANA Cati Coe NATIONAL PROFILE Ghana lies on the coast of West Africa between Togo and C^ ote d’Ivoire, with considerable ecological and cultural variation as one moves from the southern coast to the northern interior. The southern region is humid with tropical rainforests and is rich in gold, timber, and agriculture whereas the north is much drier and merges into the Sahel. The south was affected by colonial contact much earlier than the north, beginning with the presence of Portuguese in the 15th century followed by the Dutch and ultimately the British. British colonial policies encouraged those in the north to serve as migrant laborers in the mines and cocoa plantations of the south. Under colonial rule, infrastructure development— roads, schools, hospitals, and railways—was primarily limited to the south. Historical and contemporary regional differences have had a huge impact on the lives of Ghanaian children. Ghana is a small country geographically—slightly smaller than the state of Oregon—but in terms of its population, it is
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quite large in sub-Saharan Africa, with an estimate of more than 21 million people in 2004. Of that population, about 41 percent are children younger the age of 15. The 2000 census reported Ghana’s population to be 18.9 million and growing at a rate of 2.7 percent (USAID 2005, 1). The 2000 census reported Ghana’s population to be 18.9 million and growing at a rate of 2.7 percent (USAID 2005, 1). Another key differentiation in Ghana is between rural and urban areas. Forty-four percent of the population lived in urban areas in 2000 (USAID 2005, 3), primarily in three major cities that continue to grow: (i) the capital city Accra with its neighboring port of Tema had almost 2 million people in 2002; (ii) Kumasi, the capital of the former Ashanti empire, has almost a million people; and (iii) the port and commercial twin cities of Takoradi-Sekondi has 200,000 (Ghana: Historical Demographical Data of the Urban Centers). Rural and urban location affect children’s access to clinics, schools, and clean water, although many people, including children, circulate regularly between rural and urban areas. The economy of Ghana is mixed, consisting of a large agricultural sector made up primarily of peasant farmers; a small, capital-intensive sector involving mining and a few manufacturing establishments; and a growing informal sector of small business-people, artisans, and technicians. The agricultural sector absorbs three-fifths of the country’s labor force and accounts for about one-third of the gross domestic product (USAID 2005, 5); however, farming households remain among the poorest in the country, according to the Ghana Social Survey of 1995. In 2004, the gross national income per capita was US$380 (UNICEF). The leading exports, as they have been since the beginning of the 20th century, are minerals (primarily gold), timber, and cocoa, with tourism and remittances from overseas migrants playing an increasingly important role in providing foreign exchange since the 1990s. Beginning in 1983, Ghana implemented stringent economic reforms with guidance and pressure from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund to decrease inflation and government expenses, including the provision of social services, and increase privatization and exports. Although those economic reforms generated positive growth rates, as a result Ghana also found itself a highly-indebted poor country and continues to sustain a deficit balance in external trade. Through debt-relief programs, Ghana now has what is considered a sustainable level of debt-service payments, amounting to 10.9 percent of exports in 2002, although external public debt constituted 72.5 percent of gross domestic product in 2004 (Institute of Statistical, Social, and Economic Research 2004, 50–52, 99). Despite a rocky political history since independence—Ghana has had six military governments and three short-lived democracies—Ghana has had a constitutional democracy since 1992 with a strong presidency, a vocal press, and numerous political parties. Because of the democratic process and Ghana’s dependence on international assistance (which
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comprised 33 percent of the national budget in 2004; Institute of Statistical, Social, and Economic Research 2004, 5), the government of Ghana is responsive to international and internal advocacy around women’s and children’s rights. The Ghana National Commission on Children was established in 1979 and is currently housed in the Ministry of Women’s and Children’s Affairs. However, a significant lack of resources hampers the government of Ghana’s good intentions regarding women’s and children’s issues.
KEY FACTS – GHANA Population: 22,931,299 (2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 53.56 deaths/1,000 live births (2007) Life expectancy at birth: 59.12 years (2007 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 65 percent (2000–2005) Internet users: 160,000 (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 350,000 (2003 est.) Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 58 Sources: CIA World Factbook: Ghana. https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/gh.html. June 29, 2007; At a Glance: Ghana–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/ghana_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Ghana. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_GHA.html. June 29, 2007.
OVERVIEW There is considerable variation in children’s lives depending on family income and geographical locale. There is a growing sense among the urban elite that childhood is a time of play and education, but in many ways their children’s leisure and study are enabled by the servitude of poorer young people—often relations or strangers from the north—who perform domestic housework and other chores and often do not go to school as a result. In recent years, after the introduction of fees for education under structural adjustment, the government has been working to reduce the costs of public education to make it more accessible to students, but there continue to be obstacles and inequalities in the system. Child mortality, particularly neonatal mortality (deaths of children less than one month old), remains high because of a number of factors, including low birthweight, the risk of neonatal tetanus, and malaria. Significant causes of mortality in children younger than 5 years old include malaria and lack of access to clean drinking water. Legal protections against child labor and exploitation have been put in place or increased in recent years, but there is little public awareness and enforcement. Ghana, fortunately, has not been hit by war directly, but it has sent peacekeepers to and housed refugees from regional conflicts in Sierra Leone, Liberia, and C^ ote d’Ivoire. EDUCATION Since 1961, 8 years of basic schooling has been compulsory for children. Many schools were built and tuition fees abolished for primary
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school under the first Prime Minister Kwame Nkrumah’s Accelerated Development Plan for education in 1951; however, with a worsening economy in the 1970s and 1980s, and with the introduction of school fees in the mid-1980s, school attendance dropped off or became flat. In recent years, primary and junior-secondary schools have charged more than the government says that they should for school fees (sometimes five times as much), for items such as the photocopying of exams, and sports and cultural fees (U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 2005, 13). The government tried to get rid of this practice by announcing in August 2005 that it would pay all school fees, but schools continue to collect for extraneous expenses. Uniforms, shoes, and notebooks are other school-related costs that families must bear. Poor parents and relatives thus carefully weigh whether a child is likely to continue or succeed in school before making the financial commitment to education. A child’s employment may also help to pay his or her school fees. A total of 81.3 percent of eligible children were enrolled in primary school and 67.1 percent in junior-secondary school in 2003. These figures, however, vary considerably by region, so that primary school enrollment is significantly lower in the three northern regions (69.6 percent). Furthermore, the proportion of girls decreases as one goes higher on the educational ladder: 78 percent of eligible girls were enrolled at the primary school level compared with 84.6 percent of boys; and 62.4 percent of eligible girls were enrolled at the junior-secondary school level compared with 71.7 percent of boys (U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 2005, 13). The government is providing some scholarships for girls at the junior-secondary and secondary levels in forty ‘‘deprived’’ districts. In 2004, 63 percent of men and 46 percent of women were identified as literate, for a total adult literacy rate of 54 percent (UNICEF). The quality of educational facilities varies greatly by area, also playing into parents’ decision-making process about the value of education for their children. Schools in urban areas are more likely to have textbooks, buildings in good condition, and a full complement of teachers, whereas schools in rural areas are more likely to be understaffed and have facilities that are exposed to the weather. These rural-urban disparities are reflected in the Basic Education Certificate Exam results, in which children in urban schools are more likely to garner the scores necessary to continue to secondary school than those in rural schools. For instance, the Daily Graphic reported that no one in a school at Likpe Nkwanta in the Volta Region had passed the Basic Education Certificate Exam in April 1999 and ‘‘this situation has caused most parents to withdraw their wards from the community school to the urban areas for quality education’’ (Kukah 1999, 6). Many teachers in the rural sector are disillusioned, and supplement their low salaries with farming or trading. The government is
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working to encourage more teachers to accept placements in rural areas by building housing for them in deprived districts and using district assemblies to sponsor the education of teacher-trainees who will return to the district to teach after completing their training. Private schools have sprung up in urban areas where parents can afford their higher fees, and a higher emphasis is placed on English in these schools. Boarding schools for the blind, deaf, and intellectually disabled exist, but they suffer from the attrition of specialist teachers and lack of equipment. Much of the specialized materials and equipment has been supplied from abroad and not sustained locally. Because of these problems, the trend towards integrating disabled children into regular schools is spreading like wildfire, and the government increased grants to primary schools serving disabled children in 2004 (Agbeke 2005, 3–4). Although students dream of secondary education, very few junior-secondary school graduates are able to continue their schooling; not only do many students, especially in rural areas of Ghana, fail the exams, but there is a lack of available placements even for those who do well. Most secondary schools are boarding schools and have significant expenses associated with them, which places them out of the reach of many. Thus, in 2003, only 47 percent of eligible boys and 38 percent of eligible girls attended secondary school (UNICEF). The competition for the most elite secondary schools—which can almost guarantee exam results that would enable a student to enter university—is fierce, with backstage dealing by parents using their influence and financial clout. The reason for the competition has to do with the differences between secondary schools. An editorial in The Mirror in 1999 argued that ‘‘it is a fact that most of the senior secondary schools in the rural areas only go by the name and do not in any way come near what a senior secondary school should be’’ because of their lack of textbooks, qualified teachers, and science and technical facilities (The Mirror 1999, 2). But even rural secondary schools have students come from more urban areas, because the students in the rural areas around them do not have the financial resources or the exam results to continue to secondary school. Another constriction of the educational ladder happens between secondary school and university. The government universities, which have suffered from cutbacks since structural adjustment, are overcrowded and cannot offer as many spaces as there are qualified secondary-school graduates. As the costs of maintaining the university have increased, so has tuition. The gender gap grows at the tertiary level, with about half as many young women in universities as there are young men. Private universities, funded by religious institutions or private individuals, have sprung up to cater to those who have not been able to find places at the three government universities and charge even higher fees. Thus, children tend to have vastly different schooling experiences, depending on their family income and geographical locale.
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PLAY AND RECREATION Most games and activities are organized informally among neighborhood or household children, with mixed-age but same-gender groups. Once their chores are done, children up until the age of 10 generally are allowed to roam and play. Pairs of girls play ampe, a competitive jumping and kicking game, and boys play soccer. Girls will also knit or crochet in their spare time. Much of children’s play imitates adult activities of cooking and trading, house building, farming, and fishing. If they have access to the radio, they may listen to it and dance to music on the radio. If they are allowed access to the TV, they may watch American, Filipino, or South African soap operas or a Ghanaian or Nigerian dramatic movie late into the night. Even if they do not always understand the plot or the dialogue conducted or subtitled in English, children are enchanted by the clothing fashions, cars, and houses. TV programming for children occurs on Saturdays; there are American cartoons, home-grown programming that re-tells and re-enacts Ananse folktales, and didactic lessons in math and English, geared as tutorials to primary and junior-secondary school students. Children in the towns and cities may have a few torn or worn picture books around the house, which they may or may not be able to read. There are very few public libraries, even in the major cities. Government sponsorship of children’s recreation primarily happens through the schools, through the organization of sports competitions and cultural competitions at the local and regional levels. The sports competitions revolve around soccer (for boys) and netball (for girls). The cultural competitions feature performances in drum language, dance drama, choral music, and poetry recital and exhibits of arts and crafts, and children tend to take part in these competitions with great excitement and enthusiasm. NGOs and private businesses also sponsor one-day recreational events for selected groups of children, generally underprivileged children in urban areas. For instance, Western Union used some of its profits from remittance transfers to Liberian refugee camps to sponsor a children’s festival with music, a dance competition, and ice cream in the camp of Budumburum outside Accra in August 2005. Likewise, in July 2005, the Women’s Sports Association of Ghana sponsored a festival for girls who used to live on the street. CHILD LABOR Children older than the age of 7 are valued for the contributions they can make to the domestic chores necessary to sustain household life. They run errands, sweep the compound in the morning, prepare everyday meals, clean, wash clothes and dishes, and mind younger children, with girls taking on more of these roles than boys. Their labor relieves women
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in the household of tedious domestic work and frees them up to engage in income-generating activities, whether formal employment or trading. In children’s socialization, obedience, respect for elders, and hard work are emphasized. The Child Labour Survey conducted in 2001 found that 90 percent of surveyed children ages 5 to 17 engaged in household work, with more of the chores being done by children in rural areas as compared with children in cities (92 percent and 88 percent respectively), by older children over younger children, and slightly more girls engaging in domestic chores than boys (92 percent and 88 percent, respectively). Many children can combine household or farming work with schooling; by far the majority (73 percent) of children spent less than 3 hours a day doing domestic work whereas only about 1 percent did housework more than seven hours a day (Ghana Statistical Service 2003, 82–84). Some rural parents send their children to work with extended family members in urban areas. In some rural areas, there are considerably more boys than girls in the age group of 12 to 18 because many girls have migrated to help or assist a kin member or have left to seek wage employment (Fentiman et al. 1999, 334). In the south, many rural girls become housemaids for kin in urban areas which, depending on the kindness of their kin, may improve or limit their access to education. Approximately a third of children ages 5 to 17 are also involved in economic activity outside the household to help supplement family income or assist in the operation of a household enterprise. The Child Labour Survey found that half of rural children and 19 percent of urban children surveyed were engaged in economic activity twelve months prior to the survey, with most attending school while they did so. A total of 31.3 percent of children worked for economic gain in the 7 days preceding the survey, with the proportion increasing with age (16.7 percent of the 5- to 9-year-old age group and 48.8 percent of the 15- to 17-year-old age group). Of those who engaged in economic activity, the majority (57 percent) worked in fishing, farming, and forestry, whereas 21 percent worked as hawkers and street venders selling iced water, food, and other items. A total of 11 percent worked in the category of ‘‘general labor,’’ washing cars, fetching firewood and water, pushing trucks, and carrying goods as porters. The underlying cause of child employment is household poverty. Because of the importance of children’s labor to a household’s or their own personal welfare, some scholars have questioned whether enforcing child labor laws are in the best interest of working children (Ghana Statistical Service 2003). Poverty has also forced children to leave their homes, and street children are clearly visible in the public areas and marketplaces of cities. Many street children have homes that they can return to, but they may have been encouraged by their parents to leave home because of poverty. Some of them combine schooling with ‘‘shoeshine’’ jobs in the markets, such as carrying baskets of goods for shoppers, running errands for
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shopkeepers, pushing large wheel-barrows of goods from farm-based commercial vehicles, guarding merchandise kept in unsafe areas of the market, sweeping and carrying away garbage, and helping out roadside food vendors by washing dishes and preparing ingredients. Some sleep at home at night, although some also sleep on the street. Through their work, they earn enough to buy one or two meals a day of nutritious food, which may be better than what they had at home. The Children’s Act of 1998 prohibits children, defined in this context as younger than the age of 15, from working between 8:00 in the evening and 6:00 in the morning. The minimum age for light work—that is, work that does not harm the health and development of the child and does not affect the child’s ability to go to school—is age 13. Eighteen years of age is the minimum for hazardous work, such as going to sea, mining, carrying loads, or working in places of entertainment where immoral activity is taking place or in manufacturing industries where chemicals or machines are being used. Using these terms, the Child Labour Survey estimated that, in 2001, 20 percent of working children younger than the age of 18 were violating children’s labor laws through night work, primarily in the fishing and sales industries, and hazardous work in mining, fishing, and hotel/restaurant activities. One study conducted in the Western Region found that children are involved in pesticide spraying without protective gear and using chainsaws and cutlasses in cocoa farming (Mull and Kirkhorn 2005). The fishing industry in Lake Volta has a particularly high number of children working in deep diving. However, enforcement mechanisms for child labor are weak or nonexistent, and communities and law enforcement officials are largely unaware of the requirements of the laws, especially in rural areas. Furthermore, because children work exclusively in the informal sector, the laws are difficult to enforce. Some child trafficking, both internal and international, occurs in Ghana, for the purposes of forced labor or child prostitution. Most of the trafficking was of children of impoverished rural backgrounds, with the permission of parents, who were sometimes given an advance payment or sent remittances. Boys from the north went to work in fishing villages along the Volta Lake or in small mines in the west, and girls from the north and east went to work in Accra and Kumasi to work as domestic helpers, porters, and assistants to local traders. Children were trafficked to and from C^ ote d’Ivoire, Togo, and Nigeria to work as farm laborers or household help. In July 2004, 12 girls who had been trafficked to the Gambia for prostitution were repatriated under the custody of the Department of Social Welfare (U.S. Department of State, 15–16). Law enforcement has difficulty dealing with child trafficking because of the fluid nature of family relations, in which the trafficker may present him- or herself as a relative. As a result of the seriousness of this problem, the Human Trafficking Act came into effect in 2005.
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A controversial form of child servitude that has received a lot of national and international attention since the mid-1990s is Trokosi. In certain Ewe communities in southeastern Ghana, a family that has had a series of tragedies will learn that they have offended the shrine god, for which they have to give a girl in their family to the shrine, as a form of ritual atonement. The girl, sometimes under the age of ten but usually in her teens, will serve the shrine for years or until death. If a girl cannot be found, a boy may be substituted. After her period of service, the family can redeem her with drinks, cloth, money, or livestock, after which she can return to her family. In the vast majority of cases, there is no particular stigma attaching to her status as a former Trokosi shrine participant. Generally, the Trokosi continue to voluntarily associate with the shrine throughout their lifetime and when a Trokosi dies, the family is expected to replace her with another young girl. In very rare cases, the family abandons the girl or cannot afford the cost of the final rites; thus, she may remain at the shrine indefinitely. There are differing accounts about how many women are currently held by the shrines in the Volta Region— from 100 to 1,000—and how venal the practice is, in terms of the age of the Trokosi and the length of the period of servitude. This practice came to the attention of non-Ewe ethnic groups, women’s rights organizations, and some evangelical Christian organizations based in the United States in the mid-1990s, after which they strenuously attacked the practice in the local and international press and worked to free and rehabilitate the Trokosi by giving them training and education for an alternative means of livelihood. As a result of their pressure, Trokosi was prohibited under the Criminal Code of 1998 as a ritual of enslavement. FAMILY Families in Ghana are quite flexible and geographically mobile, with husbands and wives living apart from one another for reasons of employment or trade. Children easily circulate among various households of family members: grandmothers, mothers, fathers, aunts, and uncles. Even when they live with one set of family members, they may spend their school vacations with others. Some of the fluidity in household arrangement is captured in the following figures: the 1998 Ghana Demographic and Health Survey found that 37 percent of households were femaleheaded, with a slightly greater rate in rural areas than in urban areas, and less than half the children younger than 15 years of age live with both parents; 29 percent live with their mothers alone, 6 percent with their fathers alone, and 16 percent with neither parent. Ghana’s censuses of 1971, 1985, and 1991 report quite consistently that approximately 15 to 25 percent of children are living with neither their mother nor their father, with older children (ages 10–15) more likely to be living elsewhere than younger ones (0–5 years), perhaps for reasons of employment
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detailed previously (Isiugo-Abanihe 1983 and Ghana Statistical Service 1999). In many ways, the extended family forms a strong support network for children, in case of a parent’s inability to take care of a child because of lack of financial resources, drunkenness, or migration, whether to the cities or overseas. However, just as family members can sustain children, so too can they exploit them. Urban elite families tend to cut off or attenuate the ties to the extended family that both support families and also drain its resources, and more of the burden for children’s care and training falls to the parents themselves. When parents in these families migrate internationally to maintain their standard of living, some children left behind with relatives express great angst about the loss of their ‘‘mother love,’’ whereas those of more moderate means seem more likely to accept a grandmother’s love as an appropriate substitute. Children are highly valued in Ghana, and a woman who does not have a child is pitied or at risk of being considered a witch who has ‘‘eaten’’ her children or is jealous of other women’s children. In the past, and to some extent today, important and wealthy people gather dependents around them, including children, and so children are a sign of wealth and household vitality. Family energies are poured into making children respectful, responsible, and hard-working, for the bad doings of a child or adolescent can ruin a family’s reputation. Moral character and respect for elders are especially stressed. Furthermore, the child is expected to reciprocate for the care that he or she has received by caring for his or her caregivers in old age and providing them with a decent funeral. Someone who has contributed to the education of a child who becomes successful in later life will expect regular gifts from that person. However, the expenses associated with raising a child—such as schooling—have increased and so parents desire fewer children than they did in the past. Furthermore, children, as they grow up, are finding that they are unable to take care of their parents because of lack of steady employment, so the elderly are more likely now to be in a state of destitution, even though they may be caring for their grandchildren and great-grandchildren so that their children can work. Some ethnic groups, like the Ewe, are patrilineal, so that children inherit from their father. However, among the matrilineal groups like the Akan and Fante, traditionally, women inherited from other women in their lineage, and sons and daughters had no rights to their father’s property, which was taken over by his brothers and sisters and sisters’ children. The typical story told in this regard was the deceased’s family coming to his house after the funeral and kicking his widow and children out of the house, even if they had contributed to the man’s wealth by working on his cocoa farm or other business. In response, in 1985, the state created a new succession law for cases where there is no will (and frequently, there is not). Portions of the estate are distributed in accordance with
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customary law (in matrilineal societies, this means distribution to the family) and other portions are given to the surviving spouse and children. Children born out of wedlock have rights to share in the estate of their parents. Ceremonies marking children’s status illustrate the ways that children are not simply members of families but also of their communities. After a child is born, the newborn and mother are kept secluded from the community for several days until the child is presented to the community in a child-naming ceremony. Here, the father names the child after a respected relative or friend who can serve as a role model for the child. Some matrilineal ethnic groups have puberty rites, lasting several days, for girls, because of the importance of girls in generating more people for the matrilineage. Puberty rites among the Ashanti and Krobo are characterized by a presentation of the girls in all their nubility and finery, and they marry soon after. However, all these rituals have been under attack by Christians for their connections to traditional religion, and child-naming ceremonies for Christians have become incorporated into the church and girls’ puberty rites have disappeared in many Christian communities. One of the criticisms launched against Dipo, the Krobo puberty rite for girls, is that the girls do not cover their breasts and stomachs, because traditionally it was important for the community to see that the girls were virgins and not pregnant. In response to this criticism, girls as young as 5 and 6 years of age are undergoing Dipo, which garners its own criticism that going through puberty rites at a young age contributes to the growth of pregnancies among teenage girls. HEALTH Ghana’s under-5 mortality rate remains high, with 112 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2004 (UNICEF). This rate has been relatively stagnant because the mortality of those younger than 1 month of age remains high, even as the mortality of those between 1 year and 5 years of age has declined, and despite a rising number of births attended by a nurse or doctor, which was 47 percent in 2003. The most common diseases for children younger than the age of 5reporting to clinics are malaria, upper respiratory tract infection, accidents, skin diseases, diarrhea, intestinal worms, anemia, disease of the oral cavity, measles, and ear infection (Pond et al. 2005). The Ministry of Health is pursuing a policy to achieve universal child immunization and, in 2004, 92 percent of 1-year-olds had been immunized against tuberculosis; 88 percent had received the first of three inoculations against diphtheria, pertussis, and tetanus (i.e., DPT1), with 80 percent having received their first, second, and third does (i.e., DPT3; WHO 2004); 81 percent had been immunized against polio; 83 percent against measles; and 80 percent against Hepatitis B and Haemophilus
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influenza type B, with the government financing 62 percent of routine immunization vaccines (UNICEF). The Ministry of Health has also engaged in malaria control by promoting the use of insecticide-treated bednets and distributing them to pregnant women. However, the Ministry of Health has a long way to go with the use of mosquito nets: in 2004, only 15 percent of children younger than 5 years of age were sleeping under a mosquito net and only 4 percent were sleeping under a treated mosquito net (UNICEF). It is also unclear whether bednet use for prevention will be sustained under Millenium Challenge funding, which is focused on the provision of antimalarial drugs for treatment. A multipronged approach that attempts to eliminate the transmission of malaria through insecticide-treated bednet use, treatment to disrupt the transmission between infected and noninfected persons, and destruction of mosquito habitats is more effective but difficult to sustain at an adequate level. Much of the improvement in immunization coverage has been possible because of the 1996 health sector reforms, which increased the share of spending on health and increased district autonomy in health provision, resulting in an increase in the number of outreach facilities (Bosu et al. 2003). Success stories have included a reduction in measles cases among children, which in 1977 was the second cause of child mortality after malaria, and a decline in cases of guinea worm (Bosu et al. 2003 and Ghana National Commission on Children 1997, 7). Health care, however, remains unaffordable and distant for many patients. Hospital fees were negligible until 1985, but the Hospital Fee Regulation of July 1985 enabled the level of fees to increase substantially with the exception of most child-related services, such as vaccinations and preventive health-care services, which were exempt from all charges. Still, the increase in hospital and clinic fees means that people do not go to the doctor as often as they should and rely on herbalists and pharmacists instead, for both advice and medicine. Those in urban areas have good access to a hospital but those in rural areas often have to travel far to reach a health facility. Furthermore, because of the conditions of service in Ghana and the recruitment of health professionals by other countries, there has been an exodus of trained health service personnel. Often their skills are not fully used overseas—nurses, for instance, frequently become nursing assistants in the United States. The Child Labour Survey estimated that there were only 17,047 medical and paramedical personnel, including dentists, midwives, dispensers, and pharmacists, in government service in 2001 for a population of 19 million people. Furthermore, people in rural areas are more likely to get sick than those in urban areas because of lack of access to clean water. In 2002, it was estimated that 79 percent of the population—93 percent in the urban population but only 68 percent in rural areas—had access to clean water (UNICEF). Although this situation has improved greatly since the mid-1990s, it is also the case that pipe-borne water is not always regular so that people resort to
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boreholes, streams, and rainwater. Where water is not piped, fetching water is among the daily, onerous chores that children perform. The Department of Social Welfare estimates that 10 percent of the population has some form of physical disability (U.S. Department of State 2005, 16). Disabled children are supposed to be registered with the Department of Social Welfare, but very few are. Generally, parents are embarrassed by disabled children and send them out of the district to get services and schooling. Likewise, families are embarrassed by their children with mental health problems and tend not to send them to get mental health services. While female genital mutilation (FGM) exists in Ghana, it is not practiced in a lot of communities. Thus, the prevalence rate in the country as a whole is low: 5 percent among women aged 15–49 years of age. According the Ministry of Health, in the north, where FGM is most commonly practiced, the prevalence rate among women aged twelve to nineteen was 14–15 percent and seems to be dropping. Female genital mutilation is prohibited by law and in January 2004, a 70-year-old woman in the Upper East region was imprisoned for 5 years for circumcising seven girls who needed medical attention after her work (U.S. Department of State 2005, 12–13). Sexuality education is quite limited in the schools, but there is greater awareness about condoms through billboards posted around secondary schools and radio commercials. In 2003, UNICEF estimated that 24,000 children ages 0 to 14 were living with HIV, with an adult prevalence rate estimated at 3.1 percent (UNICEF). Teenage pregnancy is high, but teenage mothers and their infants are accepted lovingly into their families and taken care of, for a new child is a joy regardless. In the Akuapem North district in the Eastern Region, from 1993 to 1996, teenage pregnancies comprised 13 to 17 percent of total births. This appears to be a relatively low proportion, but hospital authorities reported that pregnant teenagers often go to unregistered traditional birth attendants to give birth, so these figures represent an undercount (Ghana National Commission on Children 1997, 8). Homosexuality is criminalized in Ghana, with a minimum misdemeanor charge for homosexual activity. Homosexual men are often subjected to abuse in prison (U.S. Department of State 2005, 17). Young people and adults show a great deal of same-sex affection in public, holding hands, putting arms around one another’s shoulder, and sleeping in the same bed when they visit one another, but this is not considered a sign of sexuality or queer identity. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Ghana was the first country worldwide to ratify the UN Convention of the Rights of the Child in 1990. The 1992 Constitution of Ghana, of all the previous constitutions in Ghana, is the most protective of human
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rights, and special provisions within it guarantee children, as a special group, rights necessary to their growth and development. Under Article 28 of the 1992 Constitution, children, defined as those younger than the age of 18, have rights to the care and assistance necessary for their development from their parents; protection against exposure to moral and physical hazards; the right to be protected from work that constitutes a threat to their health, education, or development; protection from torture or cruel, inhumane punishment or treatment; and the right to medical treatment and education. However, children are defined differently under the Criminal Code of 1960, which is still in effect. Nothing done by anyone under the age of 7 is considered a crime, nor for those between the ages of 7 and 12 who do not have sufficient maturity of understanding to judge the nature and consequences of the act committed. The absolute age of criminal responsibility is age 12. Juvenile offenders are held separately in Borstal Institute, but many children have been found in adult detention facilities because they overinflated their ages to avoid long sentences at the Borstal Institute. Thus, those checking Ghana’s compliance of the UN Convention of the Rights of the Child have had some concerns about the rights of children being violated in detention (U.S. Department of State 2005, 5; NGO Group for the Convention on the Rights of the Child Liasion Unit 2006). Sexual crimes against children are not given the serious attention that they deserve. Sexual abuse (defilement, in local parlance) of a girl younger than the age of 10 is considered a second degree felony, whereas that of a girl aged 10 to 14 is treated as a misdemeanor. These provisions attach only to girls, although boys are also assaulted (Mensa-Bonsu 1994, 107). Many cases of sexual abuse take place within the family and incest is a felony. Many cases are treated solely as family affairs. When prosecuted, the offender tends to receive a punishment of several years hard labor and a fine. Cases of sexual abuse and abandonment are often reported in the press in a sensationalist manner. RELIGIOUS LIFE The three main religions in Ghana are Christianity (practiced by 63 percent of population), traditional religion, which means worship of different local deities (21 percent), and Islam (16 percent; CountryWatch 2005, 2). Many children are as actively religious as adults. In southern Ghana, in places where Christianity is dominant, children attend Sunday school services in which they participate actively, taking on gendered adult roles, with the boys playing the musical instruments and the girls singing and dancing. Many children from the age of 10 or 12 onwards, particularly girls, become increasingly invested in church activities, such as church youth groups, and can take on roles of singing publicly during the adult church service. Particularly for girls, it gives them a socially
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acceptable reason to leave the house in the early evening and escape from chores. In one junior-secondary school in the town of Akropong in the Eastern Region, the teachers complained about some of the students in form one (about 12 years of age) who were holding prayer meetings amongst themselves; others were rising at five in the morning to attend religious services. In secondary schools, students can participate in the Scripture Union, where they attend weekly meetings characterized by Pentecostal speaking in tongues and possession of spectacular gifts given by the Holy Spirit, such as seeing the future or perceiving demonic influence in a painting on a school wall. Although the leaders of the Scripture Union in one secondary school in Akropong were male, most of the participants were girls; a gender dynamic that is reflected in that of adult services as well (Coe 2005). Children have been important historically to the growth of Christianity in southern Ghana; children were often the first members of the community to convert, through their experience of going to school and serving as the household help of the missionaries. The increase in charismatic and Pentecostal forms of Christianity in southern Ghana has bolstered young people’s spiritual authority within churches. Because of the increased weight given to the Holy Spirit in charismatic traditions, young people can claim holiness and spiritual gifts through the Holy Spirit. In the town of Akropong, children attend deliverance services, organized to exorcize attendees of the demons or traditional spirits that are interfering with their health, prosperity, and overall well-being. Because many of the attendees are young mothers, many children attend as babies on their mothers’ backs, but adolescents also feel drawn to the services themselves for the promise of deliverance from personal problems they face (Coe 2005); however, in Peki, in the Volta Region, children are seen as particularly susceptible to spirit possession and are not allowed to attend deliverance services (Meyer 1999). Like their elders, young people draw on a variety of religious resources available to them to deal with the difficulties they face in their school work or future success. Besides attending deliverance services, they may also call on Mami Water spirits or occult to do well in their exams or to gain financial assistance for school fees and the like (Meyer 1999). Although many women become possessed by spirits only after they are older and have gone through a failed marriage, some young women experience possession episodes shortly after puberty or in late adolescence. To alleviate the spirit possessions, they either have to undergo expensive rituals or become a priestess of a shrine. If the young woman becomes a priestess, she tends to drop her schooling to pursue this form of livelihood. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Neglect and abandonment are major issues for children in Ghana. The Maintenance of Children Decree of 1977 set up Family Tribunals in cases
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of neglect and abandonment of children, but many men escape responsibility for their children (Dankwah 1994, 53). Family tribunals hear and determine complaints regarding paternity, custody, and maintenance of children, and are overwhelmed by cases. In the Akuapem area in the Eastern Region, the nearest Family Tribunal is in the regional capital of Koforidua, an hour-long car ride away, and so many cases do not receive legal redress (Ghana National Commission on Children 1997, 19–20). The Women and Juvenile Unit (WAJU) in the Ghana Police Force was established to handle cases of domestic violence, child abuse, and juvenile offenses as well as to research patterns and types of crimes against women and children. In 2004, there were 7,421 cases of child neglect reported to WAJU across the country (U.S. Department of State 2005, 14). Generally, abandoned or neglected children live in poverty-stricken conditions with their mother or a grandmother who may be too old to earn a living and is dependent on support from working children. Teachers and parents mete out corporal punishment to children regularly, although most discipline happens through peers and verbal means without recourse to physical punishment. Children are protected against torture and cruel and inhumane punishment under the 1992 Constitution, but this is rarely enforced, particularly when family members are involved (Mensa-Bonsu 1994, 109). People shy away from involvement with the police, preferring to handle matters internally within the family. Furthermore, unless specifically called upon by the WAJU, police tend not to intervene in domestic disputes. Parents are more likely to press a case of child abuse when strangers or employers are involved in cruelly hurting the child. There have been cases of employers hurting child servants, with reports in the press of an employer who burned a child servant on the buttocks with an iron, or another who chained two girl servants like dogs to whip them (Mensa-Bonsu 1994, 106). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Like their elders, many young people look outside Ghana for their future, aware that migration is often necessary to gain a middle-class lifestyle. Those children from the cities and with higher levels of education are the ones most likely to succeed in their migratory endeavors. To the extent that they are successful, Ghana, as is already true in some places within the country, may become populated primarily by the elderly and the young, with those of working age absent but maintaining ties through remittances sent home. It is unclear at this point whether migration will serve as a resource or a challenge to the existing social fabric, educational and health facilities, and ways of socializing children. However, whether they remain in Ghana or migrate, it seems clear that their family networks, sense of responsibility, and spiritual faith will help sustain the children of Ghana in the adversities they face.
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RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Aidoo, Ama Ata. ‘‘The Late Bud,’’ in A Walk in My World: International Short Stories About Youth. Edited by Anne Mazer. New York: Persea; 1998. Aidoo writes about a disobedient girl who becomes appreciated by her mother. Coe, Cati. The Dilemmas of Culture in African Schools: Youth, Nationalism, and the Transformation of Knowledge. Chicago: University of Chicago Press; 2004. Darko, Amma. 1998. The Housemaid. Oxford: Heinemann. This dramatic novel provides a window on the many different perspectives as an urban elite woman takes on a girl from her village as a house servant. Geurts, Kathryn Linn. Culture and the Senses: Bodily Ways of Knowing in an African Community. Berkeley: University of California Press; 2002. Geurts has written a beautiful ethnography of the senses in an Ewe community in Ghana, which includes some information on child socialization and birthing practices. Gottlieb, Alma. The Afterlife Is Where We Come From: The Culture of Infancy in West Africa. Chicago: University of Chicago Press; 2004. This ethnography explores the culture of babies in neighboring C^ ote d’Ivoire. Nukunya, G. K. Tradition and Change: The Case of the Family. Accra: Ghana Universities Press; 1992. This lecture by Nukunya, a Ghanaian sociologist, explores changes in the traditional family.
Nonprint Resources Asylum. By Sandy McLeod. New York: Filmakers Library; 2003. This short documentary explores a young Ghanaian woman’s search for her father in northern Ghana. When he wants her to be circumcised, she escapes, eventually to the United States. Jaguar. By Jean Rouch. Watertown, MA: Documentary Educational Media; 1996. Three young men leave the savanna of Niger to seek wealth and adventure in Ghana. Listen to the Silence. Princeton, NJ: By Peter Bischoff; 1996. Films for the Humanities and Sciences. This film examines the emphasis on rhythm in Ghanaian music, looking closely at children’s socialization into rhythm through games and household chores. Poor Urban Children in Accra. By UNCHS (Habitat) and UNICEF, 1997. This documentary looks at the lives and conditions of street children and poverty among children in the capital city, Accra.
Web Sites allAfrica.com. http://allafrica.com/children. This site provides a listing of headlines across sub-Saharan Africa as they pertain to children. BBC. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/default.stm. The British Broadcasting Corporation provides a good source of news about Africa. Ghana Web. http://www.ghanaweb.com. Here you can browse through news, sports, information about Ghanaians abroad, and chatrooms. It is heavily dominated by Ghanaians abroad.
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Organizations and NGOs Catholic Action for Street Children PO Box 709 Madina, Ghana Web site: http://www.cas-ghana.com/ This organization provides places of refuge and training for street children in Accra and Tema. Planned Parenthood Association of Ghana (PPAG) P. O. Box AN 5756 Accra North, Ghana Web site: http://www.ppag-gh.org/aboutus.html This organization focuses on sexual and reproduction health for young people and also runs educational and training programs for young women. SOS Children’s Village Association of Ghana Mango Tree Avenue House No. C522/3 Accra This organization runs a community for orphans in Tema and Asiakwa.
Selected Bibliography Agbeke, Wilson Kofi. 2005. ‘‘Impact of Segregation and Inclusive Education at the Basic Education Level on Children with Low Vision in Ghana.’’ International Congress Series 1282: 775–9. Ardayfio-Schandorf, Elizabeth and Margaret Amissah. 1996. ‘‘Incidence of Child Fostering among School Children in Ghana,’’ in The Changing Family in Ghana. Ed. by Elizabeth Ardayfio-Schandorf. Accra: Ghana Universities Press. Asamoah-Gyadu, J. Kwabena. 2004. ‘‘Of ‘Sour Groups’ and ‘Children’s Teeth’: Inherited Guilt, Human Rights, and Processes of Restoration in Ghanaian Pentecostalism.’’ Exchange 33: 334–353. Berlan, Amanda. 2004. ‘‘Child Labour, Education, and Child Rights among Cocoa Producers in Ghana,’’ in 158–78, ed Christien van der Anker. The Political Economy of the New Slavery. Houndsmills: Palgrave Macmillan. Boaten, Abayie B. 2001. ‘‘The Trokosi System in Ghana: Discrimination against Women and Children,’’ in African Women and Children: Crisis and Response. ed Apollo Rwomire. Westport: Praeger. Bosu, William K., Mercy Essel-Ahun, Sam Adjei, and Peter Strebel. 2003. ‘‘Progress in the Control of Measles in Ghana, 1980–2000.’’ The Journal of Infectious Diseases 187 (Suppl 1): S44–50. Chant, Sylvia and Gareth A. Jones. 2005. ‘‘Youth, Gender, and Livelihoods in West Africa: Perspectives from Ghana and the Gambia.’’ Children’s Geographies 3: 185–99. Coe, Cati. 2005. Dilemmas of Culture in African Schools. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. CountryWatch. ‘‘Ghana: 2005 Country Review.’’ http://countrywatch.com. Dankwah, E. V. O. 1994. ‘‘The Common Legal Problems of the Child in the Legal Aid Clinic.’’ In Rights of the Child in Ghana, eds., Henrietta, J. A. N.
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Mensa-Bonsu and Christine Dowuona-Hammond. Accra: Woeli Publishing Services. Eglewogbe, E. Y. 1975. Games and Songs as Education Media. Accra: Ghana Publishing Corporation. Fentiman, Alicia, Andrew Hall and Donald Bundy. 1999. ‘‘School Enrolment Patterns in Rural Ghana: A Comparative Study of the Impact of Location, Gender, Age, and Health on Children’s Access to Basic Schooling.’’ Comparative Education 35: 331–49. Ghana: Historical Demographical Data of the Urban Centers, http://www.library. uu.nl/wesp/populstat/Africa/ghanat.htm. Ghana National Commission on Children. 1997. ‘‘State of the Child Report: Akuapem North District. Eastern Region, Ghana.’’ Accra: Ghana National Commission on Children. Ghana Statistical Service. 2003. ‘‘Ghana Child Labour Survey.’’ Accra: Ghana Statistical Service. http://www.ilo.org/public/english/standards/ipec/simpoc/ ghana/report/gh_rep.pdf. Goody, Esther. 1982. Parenthood and Social Reproduction: Fostering and Occupational Roles in West Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Grindal, Bruce T. 1972. Growing Up in Two Worlds: Education and Transition among the Sisala of Northern Ghana. Case Studies in Education and Culture. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. Institute of Statistical, Social, and Economic Research. 2004. The State of the Ghanaian Economy in 2004. Legon: Institute of Statistical, Social, and Economic Research, University of Ghana, Legon. Isiugo-Abanihe, Uche Charlie. 1983. ‘‘Child Fostering in West Africa: Prevalence, Determinants, and Demographic Consequences.’’ Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation (Demography), University of Pennsylvania. Kukah, Alexander. 1999. ‘‘Education Reform has Not Benefitted People.’’ The Independent 22: 6. Lavy, Victor, John Strauss, Duncan Thomas, and Philippe de Vreyer. 1996. ‘‘Quality of Health Care, Survival and Health Outcomes in Ghana.’’ Journal of Health Economics 15: 333–357. McWilliam, H. O. A. and Kwamena-Poh, M. A. 1975. The Development of Education in Ghana: An Outline. 3rd ed. London: Longman. Mensa-Bonsu, Henrietta J. A. N. 1994. ‘‘Protecting the Child Through Criminal Legislation in the Fourth Republic,’’ in The Rights of the Child in Ghana: Perspectives, eds., Henrietta J. A. N. Mensa-Bonsu and Christine Dowuona-Hammond. Accra: Woeli Publishing Services. Meyer, Birgit. 1999. Translating the Devil: Religion and Modernity among the Ewe in Ghana. London: Edinburgh University Press. The Mirror, Editorial. July 31, 1999: 2 Mull, L. Diane and Steven R. Kirkhorn. 2005. ‘‘Child Labor in Ghana Cocoa Production: Focus upon Agricultural Tasks, Ergonomic Exposures, and Associated Injuries and Illnesses.’’ Public Health Reports 120: 649–55. NGO Group for the Convention on the Rights of the Child Liasion Unit. State Party Examination of the Ghana’s Second Periodic Report, Session 41 of the Committee on the Rights of the Child, Geneva, 9–27 January 2006. http:// www.crin.org/docs/CRC41_Ghana.doc. Oppong, Christine. 1973. Growing Up in Dagbon. Accra: Ghana Universities Press.
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Pond, Bob, Eddie Addai, and Samuel T. Kwashie. 2005. ‘‘Stagnation of Ghana’s under-5 mortality rate.’’ The Lancet 365: 1846. Twum-Baah, K. A., J. S. Nabila, and A. F. Aryee. 1995. Migration Research Study in Ghana. Accra: Ghana Statistical Service. UNICEF, At a Glance: Ghana, http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ghana_ statistics.html. United States Agency for International Development (USAID). 2005. Ghana Trend Report: Trends in Demographic, Family Planning, and Health Indicators in Ghana, 1960–2003. Calverton, MD: ORC Macro. U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. 2005. Ghana, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, 2004. http://www. state/gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2004/41606.htm.
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GUINEA Laura Arntson NATIONAL PROFILE Guinea is situated on the west coast of Africa and is bordered by GuineaBissau, Senegal, and Mali to the north; C^ ote d’Ivoire to the east; and Liberia and Sierra Leone to the south. Guinea covers 245,857 square kilometers (slightly smaller than the state of Oregon) and is the watershed for the Niger River. The actual source of the Niger—a spring whose source is carefully guarded— is in the border area with Sierra Leone. From a coastal plain, the country rises to the mountainous Futa Djallon and an interior plateau that transitions from a densely forested region in the south near N’Zerekore to derived savannah in the north. Guinea’s population has been estimated at almost 10 million, with about 44 percent of the population younger than 15 years (CIA 2007). The major sociolinguistic/ethnic groups are the Peul, at about 40 percent of the population, northern Mande groups (i.e., Maninka/Malinke, Koranko, Djalunka, Maniaka, and others) at 30 percent, Soussou at 20
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percent, and various other ethnic groups comprising about 10 percent of the population. Guinea, like other countries in West Africa, has been shaped by migration movements throughout the centuries from individuals and families following trade routes and commerce into regions of new opportunities, to groups seeking political and economic control over resources, or asylum from conflict elsewhere. Some of what is known about the precolonial history in Guinea and the larger ‘Mande’ region of West Africa comes from oral literature. The genealogical, sociocultural, and politicoeconomic history of the northern Mande groups, who trace their origins to a region that overlaps modern-day Mali and Upper Guinea, is maintained and recounted to successive generations through verbal and musical performances by members of certain families. Some of these epic texts, although quite fluid and dynamic in nature, have been recorded, transcribed, and translated (Conrad and Conde 2004). They offer a glimpse into the rich, expressive portrayals of a history that is at once real and mythical. Various personal and community oral histories as well as colonial accounts also provide material with which we can piece together the elusive history of precolonial Africa. Invariably, the dispersed, autonomous forest and coastal groups of Guinea that were not centralized politically lost some of their linguistic and ethnic identity to the waves of in-migration from groups originally from further inland—among them the Mande. Groups such as the Peul were interested in expansion for Islamic trade and learning, whereas various northern Mande groups (such as the Koranko and Sankaran Maninka) likely came into the region looking for better, more abundant land to farm, and perhaps seeking greater control of trade routes that brought kola nuts from the south in exchange for salt and slaves from the north. As new families established themselves and their interests in the region, petty warfare caused by shifting alliances, power struggles, and competition for trade goods (including slaves) and trade routes kept the communities in Upper Guinea from consolidating to defend their communities against outside aggression. Thus, when Almamy Samori Toure and his offshoot mercenary soldiers swept through areas of Upper Guinea in the latter part of the nineteenth century in an attempt to gain political and economic power and control over trade routes to the coast, many communities were destroyed, and many people fled into areas that were to become Sierra Leone and Liberia (Arntson Harris 1994)—where a shared ethnic and sociocultural heritage across international borders can be found today. At the same time, England and France were competing for control of the interior parts of their colonial Protectorates along the coast. Samori was defeated by the French in 1898 (Symposium International de Conakry 2000) and the French and British negotiated the boundary between Guinea (at the time, part of French West Africa) and Sierra Leone.
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France had been edging its colKEY FACTS – GUINEA onies toward a degree of internal self-government and, in 1958, Population: 9,947,814 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 98 deaths/1,000 live births when President de Gaulle offered Life expectancy at birth: 49.65 years (2007 est.) West Africans a choice of ‘‘Oui’’ Literacy rate: 29.5 percent (2003) [yes] or ‘‘Non’’ to a ‘‘partnership’’ Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 57 percent with the French, Guinea, under (2000–2005) Sekou Toure elected to break its Internet users: 46,000 (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 140,000 (2003 est.) ties with France and gain indeHuman Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 96 pendence. Breaking ties meant foregoing any form of support Sources: CIA World Factbook: Guinea. https://www.cia.gov/library/ from France. Sekou Toure held the publications/the-world-factbook/geos/gv.html. June 29, 2007; country in a firm grip on power At a Glance: Guinea–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/guinea_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; United from 1958 until his death in 1984, Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development when a military government led by Report 2006–Guinea. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ General Lansana Conte took concountries/data_sheets/cty_ds_GIN.html. June 29, 2007. trol. President Lansana Conte was then elected to office in 1993 and has held onto the post since, through several multiparty elections as well as demonstrations in response to economic crisis, bad governance, and corruption (Camara 2000). Guinea has rich natural resources on which to draw, including bauxite, iron ore, diamonds, gold, uranium, hydropower, fish, and salt. Industries include the mining of bauxite, gold, diamonds, and iron, aluminum refining, light manufacturing, and agricultural processing (CIA 2007). Despite its potential wealth, health and social welfare indicators are among the worst on the continent. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank cut of much of its assistance to Guinea in 2003, and investors have lost confidence. The Guinean franc has lost value just as the cost of basic necessities has risen beyond the means of most Guineans. An estimated 47 percent of the population of Guinea lives below the poverty line. The gross domestic product or real growth rate is estimated at only 2 percent (CIA 2007). Neighboring conflicts in Liberia, Sierra Leone, and C^ ote d’Ivoire have spilled over into Guinea, bringing with them refugees as well as some rebel groups and youth gangs seeking temporary shelter within Guinea’s borders (CIA 2007). It was estimated in 2006 that approximately 54,810 Liberia refugees, 5,423 Sierra Leone refugees, and 3,900 refugees from C^ ote d’Ivoire were still residing in Guinea. Another 19,000 Guineans have been internally displaced as a result of neighboring conflicts. Among those displaced are an unknown number of female- and child-headed households. OVERVIEW The disease burden in Guinea is high, especially for children. Malaria is endemic and recent yellow fever outbreaks have taken a toll, along with
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waterborne diseases such as schistosomiasis, bacterial and protozoal diarrhea, hepatitis A, and typhoid fever. HIV/AIDS, meningococcal meningitis, and lassa fever are present as well. Access to safe water and adequate sanitation facilities remains at a low level for the majority of the population. Guinea faces a clear potential for instability, given that: the President is old and not in the best of health (U.S. Department of State 2007); popular demand for greater accountability and improved governance is growing; and regional conflicts have left refugees, internally displaced persons (IDPs), and remnants of the illicit trade in diamonds, guns, and timber within Guinea’s borders. During recent general strikes, the Guinean security forces showed a level of brutality and unchecked force that was able to repress growing resentment by the populace for the moment but, for development to take hold, such state-sponsored violence will need to be reigned in and violations addressed (Human Rights Watch 2007). For children, this fragility implies that an already-challenging health, education, and social situation is likely to deteriorate further before it improves. Guinea’s infrastructure was severely affected by the long, repressive rule of Sekou Toure and has never fully developed, especially in Upper Guinea. EDUCATION French is the official language of government, commerce, and education; however, most children and adults without access to education cannot speak French, especially in the rural areas. Data from a UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) Education for All 2000 Assessment (UNICEF 2007) show a dramatic gender imbalance in adult literacy rates, with male adult literacy at 43 percent and the female literacy rate at only 18 percent. The Government of Guinea and international donors have been addressing this imbalance through various programs, especially those aimed at enrolling and retaining girls in primary and secondary education. Progress in increasing female school attendance is beginning to show in primary school attendance levels, where Demographic and Health Surveys and Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys recorded female attendance at 54 percent and male attendance at 60 percent. The ratio of secondary school attendance is low for both boys and girls at 28 and 19 percent, respectively (UNICEF 2007). It is government policy to provide tuition-free, compulsory primary school education for 6 years, but there is little enforcement of the laws mandating school attendance, and families must still find a way to meet the costs of unofficial school fees, books, and cloth for school uniforms. The U.S. Ambassador’s Girls’ Scholarship Program was recently launched in order to promote girls’ education (U.S. Department of State 2006a). In this program, 7,500 fifth- and sixth-grade girls in Guinea will receive small grants for textbooks, notebooks, pens and pencils, fabric for a
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school uniform, and an oil lantern by which to study. In addition, scholarship packages valued at about U.S. $80 will be provided and additional school activities aimed at improving retention rates initiated. Interventions such as tutoring and exchange programs, identifying women role models to serve as mentors, career days, and the organization of a national day recognizing the importance of girls’ education will complement ongoing efforts to promote the importance of girls’ education in communities. Many students must leave school before finishing primary school or secondary school to assist their families in agricultural labor and other household activities. Girls are often discouraged from continuing their education. Families value their labor in the household and, in rural areas especially, there is an interest in marrying girls at a young age. Such attitudes are slow to change and families as well as whole communities will have to take a more supportive role in the education of their children. Many fathers fear that their daughters are at greater risk of being compromised if they continue to attend secondary school as they begin to mature. There is some reason for this concern, as one case illustrates; a teacher raped a 9-year-old girl and, after pleading guilty, the teacher’s salary was reduced by 20 percent (to go toward care for the victim), he was released from prison, and he returned to his teaching job (U.S. Department of State 2006b). PLAY AND RECREATION Often, play and recreational opportunities go hand in hand with educational opportunities for children, with school time set aside specifically for play and recreation and, ideally at least, a protective environment for such activities as large- and small-group organized games and the various singing, clapping, and stepping games of children. The National Football Association recently began a partnership with the Guinean Ministry of Education to encourage the development of girl’s involvement in sports to improve their school attendance (UNICEF 2004, 12). A national girls’ football (soccer) league and championship series was established, with preliminary rounds held in all regions of the country, including Conakry, for more than 50 girls’ teams. Live media coverage of the finals meant that children upcountry could follow the action. The National Directorate of Sports in the Ministry of Education is building physical education into primary and secondary school curricula (UNICEF 2004. 12) in recognition of the role physical activity plays in social interaction and development. CHILD LABOR There is very little, if any, data on child labor in Guinea’s industries (including the mining sector) or in regional agricultural production, such
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as the cacao, coffee, and rubber industries of the neighboring countries of C^ ote d’Ivoire and Liberia. UNICEF reports that the Guinean government signed an agreement with Mali and C^ ote d’Ivoire to prevent child trafficking across the borders of the three countries. Without a clear method of following up and prosecuting cases of child labor trafficking, however, such agreements are unlikely to have much effect. The U.S. Department of State reports that Guinea is a source, a transit point, and a destination point for trafficking and that a Sierra Leonean child trafficking ring that took advantage of refugee repatriation efforts has involved girls as young as 14 or even younger (U.S. Department of State 2006b). Although the law prohibits trafficking in persons and carries a penalty of 5 to 10 years’ imprisonment, few cases are brought to justice. The government created the Interministerial Committee to Combat Trafficking in Persons to coordinate efforts by the various ministries, including the Ministry of Social Affairs and the Promotion of Women, and The Ministry of Children, Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Security, and Ministry of Tourism. Thus far, a roundtable was held and a report submitted that mentioned progress in prevention, data collection, and awareness, but too little follow-up work is done on the enforcement of legislation and the Guinean government does not actively monitor child or adult prostitution (U.S. Department of State 2006b). The U.S. Department of State has reported that approximately 48 percent of children younger than the age of 15 are employed in Guinea, which accounts for ‘‘approximately 20 percent of the total working population and 26 percent of agricultural workers’’ (U.S. Department of State 2006b), despite the fact that the general labor code specifies that the minimum age for employment is 16 years and that apprentices under the age of 18 are not permitted to work at night, for more than 10 consecutive hours, or on Sundays. However, enforcement is so limited as to be ineffectual. Most child labor is found in the informal sector, including the artisanal mining sector (U.S. Department of State 2006b) and in subsistence agriculture and household labor. ‘‘Fosterage’’ is common, and although it may offer children from rural areas a greater chance at education with their urban relatives, all too often it means a greater burden of household labor and no time to attend school. FAMILY Most socioethnic groups of Guinea are patrilocal and patrilineal, that is, unless wage labor takes them to a different part of the country, most sons reside in their father’s compound or community (locality) and a child ‘‘inherits’’ the ethnicity (i.e., stays within the lineage) of his/her father, even if he/she may speak the language of his/her mother. What this implies for girls is a move away from the family compound and into a
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mother-in-law’s compound where, until she has a child of her own, the young wife is likely to cook in her mother-in-law’s kitchen (Arntson 1995). This also has implications for inheritance. In general, women in a patrilineal society do not have rights to land. Through their own and their children’s labor, they may have access to a measure of what is produced from a husband’s land. Kin relations and the social networks that family members belong to form the basis for the social capital that serves as a safety net where the Government’s social welfare system is not capable of responding to the needs of its populace. Children are highly valued across Guinean society for what they bring in parents’ personal enjoyment as well as a family’s household labor and a lineage’s continuity. Children represent the next reiteration and formation of social networks that tie families to each other with mutual obligations and expectations. Displaced families (from within Guinea or from neighboring Sierra Leone, Liberia, and C^ ote d’Ivoire), however, do not have the same kind of support networks. The kind of instability this breeds can easily spill into social problems, especially in urban settings where unequal access to services is perhaps more noticeable or felt more acutely than in rural areas. HEALTH Poor health, transportation, and service infrastructure, a deteriorating economy, and low governmental expenditure on health, education and social services all contribute to poor health outcomes, especially for children. The under-5 mortality rate was estimated at 150 per 1,000 live births and infant mortality at 98 per 1,000 live births. UNICEF reports the adjusted maternal mortality ratio at 740 per 100,000 live births (UNICEF 2007; DNS and ORC Macro 2006). Just over a quarter of all children under 5 years of age—26 percent—were reported to be underweight (low weight for age at severe and moderate levels) and 35 percent were shown to be stunted (UNICEF 2007; DNS and ORC Macro 2006). These measures of chronic under-nutrition reflect an underlying need for adequate food, diversity of diet, safe water, and environmental conditions that is not being met. During the height of the refugee crisis when so many Liberian and later Sierra Leonean refugees were living in Guinea, international agencies made a concerted effort to meet not only the needs of refugees and internally displaced persons but their host communities as well. Despite this, many children in the host population showed nutritional indicators behind those of children in refugee camps where food and health care were more consistently accessible. One response to poor governmental support to health services has been the organization of Mutual Health Organizations (MHOs)—a type
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of community health insurance scheme. Voluntary contributions of about U.S. $2.00 annually per individual family member, for example, can provide for a level of pediatric care and free emergency surgical and obstetric care at a district hospital. A study found, however, that one MHO that covered about 8 percent of its target population had its subscription rates drop even lower, to 6 percent within a year of its creation. Although community members understand risk-pooling and some can even overcome the financial burden, the problem lies in the poor quality of care (Criel and Waelkens 2003). International donors and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are attempting to bring a greater role for civil society organizations into the oversight of local health and social services, in order to help in focusing demand for improved quality of health services into positive actions for improving service quality and delivery. Community-based efforts such as this must be complemented by central level capacity building and political will, however. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The Guinean legal system is based on the French civil law system and also includes customary law and laws by decree. Recent political pressure from the National Confederation of Guinean Workers, the Syndicate of Guinean Teachers and Researchers, and the National Council of Civil Society Organizations of Guinea, among other groups, has mounted, for greater accountability and less impunity by government bodies (such as security forces) that do not uphold human rights laws. Due process under the legal system is not consistently followed. Although the Minister of Youth and the Ministry of Social Affairs have been tasked by the President to defend women’s and children’s rights, and a permanent committee dedicated to defending the rights of the child (U.S. Department of State 2006b) has been established, Guinea has a long way to go toward protecting children against abuse. RELIGIOUS LIFE The majority of Guineans are Muslim (estimated at 85 percent), although many practice various forms of syncretism that combine Islam with local religious beliefs and practices. Those who report practicing Christianity or indigenous beliefs exclusively make up another 8 and 7 percent, respectively. Children are brought into religious life at an early age but are not expected to take on major roles beyond their Quranic learning and prayers; however, as in other parts of West Africa, they may be expected to beg for money to bring in funds toward their food and shelter while in the tutelage of an Imam or Quranic scholar.
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Youth progress into adulthood through initiation into male or female societies is part of a cultural practice that is linked to indigenous beliefs but tolerated within the Islam practiced in much of the country. For girls, this passage marks their transition into marriageable status. Various dances and masquerades as well as the passing along of esoteric information mark this transition. Many of the mimetic and other dance steps belonging to local initiation practices have found their way into the national dance troupe choreographies (Les Ballets Africains) and have leapt from local belief systems to a national expressive identity. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Violence against women and girls is common and, unfortunately, local perceptions of gender roles prevent most abuse victims from reporting incidents of rape or other abuse. Many victims of sexual abuse seen at public hospitals are young girls (U.S. Department of State 2006b) but few perpetrators are ever brought to justice. Another form of abuse is the female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) that is practiced widely across the different socioethnic groups of Guinea. Although it is illegal and carries with it a penalty of prison and a monetary fine, very few if any cases are prosecuted (U.S. Department of State 2006b). The Guinean affiliate of the Coordinating Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting Women’s and Children’s Health has noted a decline in the percentage of women and girls subjected to the worst forms of FGM; however, an estimated 60 to 65 percent of girls are still subjected to FGM. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The challenges that children and youth in Guinea face include potential conflict on the horizon, given the fragility of the current politicaleconomic environment. Children and their families experienced the plight of the refugees and IDPs their country hosted during recent conflicts in Sierra Leone, Liberia, and C^ ote d’Ivoire. They also played host to the United Nations agencies and numerous international relief NGOs that came flooding in with the refugees and dispersed afterwards without leaving much in the way of improved infrastructure or human capacity behind. Much of the future hangs on the ability of the current government and succeeding leaders to improve the health and social welfare of the nation and especially to build a sense of voice and equal access. This will not be an easy task, given the geographical and historical rifts between the coastal regions, the Futa Djallon, and Upper Guinea (including the Forest Region).
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RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Camara, Mohamed Saliou. ‘‘From military politization to militarization of power in Guinea-Conakry,’’ Journal of Political and Military Sociology 28 (2000), no.2. Camara provides an in-depth historical analysis of the uneasy relationship between the military and state in Guinea during Sekou Toure’s rule as well as President Lansana Conte’s current regime and the shared tactic of ‘‘ethnic alienation and psychological manipulation’’ of the army that both leaders used. Conrad, David C., translator/editor, with Djanka Tassey Conde. Sunjata: A West African Epic of the Mande Peoples. Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing Company; 2004. This very readable version of the Sunjata epic is rich in detail and narrative not recorded elsewhere. The depth of references here provides a backdrop toward understanding contemporary Mande culture in its various settings across West Africa. O’Toole, Thomas E. Historical Dictionary of Guinea (Republic of Guinea/Conakry), 2nd Edition. Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press; 1987. This provides a concise, easy reference to historical figures and events that have shaped modern-day Guinea.
Nonprint Resources Conakry Kas. 2004. Videocassette. 82 minutes Directed by Manthia Diawara. Distributed by California Newsreel. In this film, the director visits with musicians and dancers of Ballets Africains and Bembeya Jazz National as well as intellectuals of Guinea’s cultural revolution (D.T. Niane, Telivel Diallo). The film ‘‘casts a nostalgic look at PanAfricanism in the 1960s, and asks what is the utopia of the Guinean youth today.’’ Dakan. 1997. Videocassette. 87 minutes. Directed by Mohamed Camara. Distributed by California Newsreel. In French and Maninka with English subtitles. This film is an African reinterpretation of Romeo and Juliet but with a twist— it is the first feature film on homosexuality from sub-Saharan Africa. Donka. 1996. Videocassette. 59 minutes Directed by Thierry Michel and produced by Christine Pireaux. Distributed by First Run/Icarus Films. This film has been very controversial because of its negative and simplistic portrayal of the health system in Guinea. It follows several individuals, including a child who got a fishbone stuck in his throat, as they negotiate treatment at Donka, the largest public hospital in the Republic of Guinea. Minka. 1995. Film (in French and local language). Directed by Mohamed Camara. Production companies: Ex Nihilio, Cine Si, and Djama Productions. Minka is an orphan who lives with a greedy stepfather. It is a story of the friendship of two boys and a village’s collective conscience.
Web Sites Africabiz Online, BusinessAfrica.net Newsletter; Countries Briefs. http://business africa.net/africabiz/countries/guinea.php. This site provides up-to-date information for potential investors.
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Afromix.org, http://www.afromix.org/html/musique/pays/guinee/index.en.html. This site offers links to discographies of Guinean musicians. Les Ballets Africains, http://www.lesballetsafricains.com. This is the official website of Les Ballets Africains sanctioned by the Department of Culture, Republic of Guinea. Les Ballets Africain, was formed in Paris in 1952 by Keita Fodeba and became the Guinean national dance ensemble in 1958. Since then, the group has toured the globe and continues to bring Guinean culture and traditions to viewers around the world. Guinea, Republique de, http://www.guinee.gov.gn. This is the official site for the Republic of Guinea (in French). It provides links to various ministries, public documents, and other items of interest. WAfrica; Women of Africa, http://www.wafrica.org. This site (in English and in French, based in Berkeley, California) is the web site for the Women’s Association for resources and intercultural community advancement. It provides notes on past and upcoming events and links to resources.
Organizations and NGOs Action contre l’Exploitation des Enfants et des Femmes (ACEEF) Conakry, Guinea Phone: 224 63 40 1299; þ224 60 22 4254 Email: [email protected]; [email protected] An association organized to advocate for legislation and action against the exploitation of children and women. Association des Jeunes Guin e ens pour le D e veloppement (AJGUIDE) Faranah Phone: 224 60 58 4839 Fax: 224 60 58 4753 A youth development association based in the city of Faranah in Upper Guinea. Association Guin e enne pour le Bien-Etre Famial (AGBEF) B.P. 1471 Conakry Sis au quartier Camayenne Port, Secteur 2 Batiment No. 154 Commune de Dixinne, Conakry Phone: 224 30 46 2365 Fax: 224 30 41 4321 Email: [email protected] An association that provides training and research toward family well-being. Association Guin e enne pour la Formation et la Reinsertion Sociale des Handicapes (Guinean Association for the Training and Social Integration of the Handicapped) B.P. 1951 Sig Madina Conakry, Guinea Phone: 224 412651/412582 Fax: 224 414898
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An organization geared toward the education and social integration of handicapped individuals. Association Nationale pour la Promotion de la Sant e des Adolescents et Jeunes de Guin e e (ANAP/SR/AJ) 03 BP 34 Conakry Phone: 224 30 45 3422 Fax: 224 30 42 3040 Email: adoc-sant[email protected] A national association to promote health choices among Guinean adolescents and youth. Cellule de Coordination sur les Pratiques Traditionnelles Affectant la Sant e des Femmes et des Enfants (CPTAFE) (Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children, Guinea) Staff members: Dr. Morissanda Kouyate (Secre taire General CPTAFE) and M. Hamidou Toure Phone: 224 30 42 28 30 and 224 60 21 34 44 (mobile) Email: [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] The Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children (IAC) is an International NGO that was created in February 1984 at a seminar in Dakar, Senegal. To date, the organization has National Committees in 28 African countries and Affiliates in 7 European countries, Japan and New Zealand. Its headquarters are in Addis Ababa. Conseil d’Entente Jeunesse et D e veloppement (CEJED) B.P. 4402 Commune de Kaloum, Conakry Phone: 224 30 44 1312 Promotes understanding of youth and their role in development. Coordination des ONG Feminines de Guinea (Coordination of Women’s NGOs of Guinea) BP 2176 Immeuble Kebe Avenue Conakry, Guinea Phone: 224 44 20 47 Fax: 224 44 27 77 This is an umbrella organization to coordinate women’s NGOs. Femme et D e veloppement (Women and Development) P.O. Box 12356 Conakry, Guinea 224 443830 TELEX 22371 Femmes, Droit, et D e veloppement en Afrique (FeDAFF) B.P. 4391 / AGFVP B.P. 527 Conakry Phone: 224 60 22 7376
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Fax: 224 30 45 1433 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.wildaf-ao.org/ Founded by and for trainers in women’s rights with the objective of promoting women’s roles in community development. Options pour la Sant e Familiale (OSFAM) B.P. 4111, Conakry Phone: 224 30 41 3215 Fax: 224 30 41 2455 Email: [email protected] Program marketing for PSI (Population Services International; a social marketing NGO that distributes condoms, treated mosquito nets, and water treatment packets).
Selected Bibliography Arntson, Laura. 1995. ‘‘Maninka Ethnicity: A Mother’s Milk and a Father’s Name.’’ Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association. Arntson Harris, Laura. 1994. ‘‘Power, Authority, and Boundaries in the Sankaran.’’ Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association. CIA (Central Intelligence Agency). 2007. The World Factbook: Guinea. https:// www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/gv.html. Criel, B. and M.P. Waelkens. 2003. ‘‘Declining subscriptions to the Maliando Mutual health Organisation in Guinea-Conakry (West Africa): what is going wrong?’’ Social Science and Medicine, Vol. 57: 1205–9. Direction Nationale de la Statistique (DNS) (Guinee) and ORC Macro. 2006. Enqu^ e te D e mographique et de Sant e , Guin e e 2005. Calverton, MD: DNS et ORC Macro. http://www.measuredhs.com/pubs/pub_details.cfm?ID¼582 &ctry_id¼67&SrchTp¼country. Human Rights Watch. 2007. ‘‘Dying for Change; Brutality and Repression by Guinean Security Forces in Response to a Nationwide Strike,’’ Human Rights Watch Volume 19, No. 5(A). http://hrw.org/reports/2007/guinea0407. Nelson, Harold D., et al. 1975. Area handbook for Guinea, 2nd edition. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Symposium International de Conakry. 2000. Centenaire du souvenir: Almami Samori Tour e, 1898–1998. Symposium international de Conakry du 29 Septembre au 1er Octobre 1998: Les Actes du symposium. 2nd edition. Conakry: Editions Universitaires. UNICEF. 2004. Sport, Recreation, and Play. New York: UNICEF. http://www. unicef.org.uk/publications/pdf/5571_SPORT_EN.pdf ———. 2007. Guinea: At a Glance, Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ guinea_statistics.html. U.S. Department of State. 2007. Background Note: Guinea. http://www.state. gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/2824.htm. ———. 2006a. Ambassador’s Girls’ Scholarship Program Matures in Guinea; Partnership for a Better Life. Washington, DC: Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. http://usinfo.state.gov/xarchives/
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display.html?p¼washfile-english&y¼2006&m¼August&x¼20060822092951 AKllennoCcM0.8863031. ———. 2006b. Guinea: Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor; 2006b. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2005/61573.htm.
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GUINEA-BISSAU Laura Arntson NATIONAL PROFILE The Republic of Guinea-Bissau is a former Portuguese colony on the west coast of Africa sandwiched between Senegal (to the north) and Guinea-Conakry. It is 36,120 square kilometers, or about the size of the state of Maryland. Its capital city, Bissau, is situated on the Geba River along a coastline characterized by meandering rivers and wide estuaries lined with mangrove swamps. Much of the coastal plain is very lowlying and is periodically submerged with the high tides (African Conservation 2007). Guinea-Bissau’s territory includes a number of coastal islands and the Bissagos (Bijagos) archipelago. Vegetation includes mangrove and palm trees along the coastal plan, forests in the interior, and savanna vegetation in the north. The country’s economy relies primarily on agriculture and fishing. The country ranks sixth in cashew production and also exports peanuts, palm kernels, timber, fish, and seafood. Rice is the major food crop and in fact the development of rice
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agriculture in Guinea-Bissau dates from precolonial times, long before Portuguese contact in the region (Fields 2001). The rivers along the Guinea coast and the island of Cape Verde were among the first documented sites of Portuguese exploration along the Atlantic Coast of Africa. The Portuguese claimed Portuguese Guinea in 1446. but most trading posts were not established until 1600. The capital of Bissau was established in 1765 as a slave-trading center, and it grew into the primary commercial center it is today. Late in the nineteenth century, the Portuguese began to consolidate their interests in the interior, but it was not until 1952 that the colony of Portuguese Guinea became an overseas province of Portugal. Within 4 years, Amilcar Cabral and Raphael Barbosa had organized the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (the PAIGC) and in 1961 launched an armed rebellion against the Portuguese (U.S. Department of State 2007). By 1968, PAIGC was in control of most of the country. Guinea-Bissau declared its independence in 1973, and Portugal granted independence in 1974. Amilcar Cabral, who was assassinated in Conakry in 1973, was most influential in the independence movement and left behind a number of speeches and other resources documenting the struggle (Cabral 1979; MacCulloch 1983). Upon independence, Luis Cabral, Amilcar Cabral’s half-brother, became President. There followed a series of changes in government, with a bloodless coup in 1980 led by Prime Minister and former armed forces commander Joao Bernardo ‘‘Nino’’ Vieira, the overhaul of the constitution in 1984, and further coup attempts in 1985 and 1993. The country’s first multiparty legislative and presidential elections were held in 1994 but, 4 years later, an army uprising against the Vieira government led to a bloody civil war. An interim government came into power in 2000, free and fair legislative elections were held in 2004 and again in 2005, but ineffective governance and parliamentary instability have followed as a result of disagreements between the main political groups (U.S. Department of State 2007). Guinea-Bissau’s population is estimated at approximately 1.5 million with a growth rate of 2 to 3 percent. A total of 41 percent of its population is younger than the age of 15. The largest ethno-linguistic groups are the Balanta (30 percent) and Fula (20 percent) with Manjaca (14 percent), Mandinga (13 percent), Papel (7 percent), and others (16 percent) making up the rest of the population. Portuguese is the official language, but many urban residents speak Kriolu (a Portuguese-derived Creole language). Economic growth is sluggish at only 2 percent despite recovery from the civil war of the 1990s and the promise of offshore oil. GuineaBissau’s major exports are cashews, fish, and shrimp, and the major markets are India (67 percent) and Nigeria (19 percent). There is concern that it is becoming an increasingly important transit country for the South American cocaine that enters Europe, due to a coastline that facilitates smuggling operations (CIA 2007).
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OVERVIEW
KEY FACTS – GUINEA BISSAU
A poorly developed infrastructure, slow economic growth, and the high burden of disease are among the most significant challenges facing children. Health issues are among the most significant, but children also face barriers to education and the risk of having their childhood stolen from them through debt bondage or other forms of child labor and/or trafficking. EDUCATION
Population: 1,472,780 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 124 deaths/1,000 live births Life expectancy at birth: 47.18 years (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 42.4 percent (2003) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 39 percent (2000–2005) Internet users: 26,000 (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 17,000 (2001 est.) Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 92 Sources: CIA World Factbook: Guinea-Bissau. https://www.cia.gov/ library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/pu.html. June 29, 2007; At a Glance: Guinea-Bissau–Statistics. http:// www.unicef.org/infobycountry/guineabissau_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Guinea-Bissau. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/ cty_ds_GNB.html. June 29, 2007.
In Guinea-Bissau, primary education consists of lower primary (grades 1–4), upper primary (grades 5–6), and secondary classes, with compulsory education from 7 to 11 years. The adult literacy rate is low and reflects a significant gender imbalance, with 54 percent male and 24 percent of adult females literate. The gender gap for primary net enrollment ratios does not show much improvement at 63 percent boys’ and 45 percent girls’ enrollment (UNICEF 2003). UNICEF, in partnership with the Government of Guinea-Bissau, has sought to expand a girls’ education programs in the Gab u, Cacheu, and Tombali regions, through support of a revised curriculum and accessibility of textbooks; recruitment of female teachers; training in gender sensitivity; advocacy; rehabilitation of school buildings, including water supply and latrine construction; increased community participation in school self-management; and strengthened government institutional capacity (UNICEF 2003). In the 1980s, a school of education was established with the purpose of training secondary school teachers. Enrollment figures show that, of the almost 1,000 students enrolled in higher education in Guinea Bissau, approximately 41 percent are in Education (Mendes 2003). The first public university, Amilcar Cabral University, will offer degree courses in education, law, medicine, veterinary medicine, engineering, agronomy, economics, sociology, modern languages and journalism, There is a small, privately-run Private University of Colinas de Boe as well. PLAY AND RECREATION Children’s right to play as a way to develop socially, physically, and psychosocially, although recognized as part of the UN charter on the Rights
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of the Child by the Government of Guinea-Bissau, is not given the attention or legislation it requires. Too many children are expected to work for long hours, either for their own household or others. With so many children out of school, the opportunity for dedicated time for play and supervised recreation may be entirely lost. CHILD LABOR Children from Guinea-Bissau are trafficked to Senegal and, to a lesser extent, to Mali and Guinea for household (including religious) servitude and forced agricultural labor. Although the laws in Guinea-Bissau do not expressly prohibit trafficking, there are laws against kidnapping and sexual exploitation (U.S. Department of State 2006, 130–1) that can be used to prosecute traffickers. Despite limited resources and no single focal point on trafficking, the Government of Guinea-Bissau has made some effort toward preventing trafficking and has been collaborating with UNICEF and a local nongovernmental organization to educate the public. The Ministry of Justice has been working with UNICEF to register and provide identity papers to children in an attempt to lower their risk of being trafficked. The practice of child fosterage, however, is widespread and difficult to eliminate, especially with the food insecurity and difficult economic circumstances that so many Guinea-Bissau households face (Bigman 1993; Einarsd ottir 2004, 2006). UNICEF has estimated that more than half of all children (55 percent) are subjected to child labor activities beyond what is reasonable (UNICEF 2007). FAMILY With high child and maternal mortality and a high value placed on children and their labor, the total fertility rate in Guinea-Bissau is quite high at 7.1 percent (UNICEF 2007). With large families, household food security, child health, and education suffer. The high fertility rate and its subsequent impact on households contribute a push to send children into fosterage and other child labor situations. The internal displacement that occurred with the war also contributed to a worsening economic situation for families and contributed to the increased likelihood that, given family size and decreased resources, children would be sent into fosterage or into wage labor to ease the food and economic burden on the household. Without a change in attitudes and increased access to modern contraceptives, it is likely that family size will remain large and the economic burdens on households will continue to increase. The exact HIV adult prevalence is not known, but there is evidence that it is greater than suspected. The impact this could have on children has not yet reached the magnitude found in Southern and East Africa, but the potential is there for extended families to further exhaust their
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limited resources and for the weak but existing social networks to fall apart. When this happens, children suffer the most and are at greater risk of exploitation. HEALTH Children face a high disease burden, with a high risk of contracting waterborne diseases that include diarrhea, hepatitis A, cholera, and typhoid fever, as well as endemic malaria, yellow fever, schistosomiasis, and meningococcal meningitis. Children also are increasingly affected by HIV/AIDS. The mortality rate for children younger than 5 years is high, at 200 per 1,000 live births. Infant mortality is 124 per 1,000 live births. Maternal mortality is high as well, at 1,100 per 100,000 live births. A quarter of all children younger than 5 suffer from chronic undernutrition as measured by low weight for age and 30 percent are shown to be stunted (low height for age as a measure of under-nutrition during the key growth period of about 6 to 36 months). UNICEF reports that 7 percent are severely malnourished. Persistent and acute diarrhea is shown to be the leading causes of death in Guinea-Bissau’s urban children in particular (Molbak et al. 1992). Only 49 percent of the rural population was using improved drinking water sources and even fewer were using adequate sanitation facilities (23 percent rural, 57 percent urban) in a 2004 survey (UNICEF 2007). Diarrhea and poor nutrition exacerbate one another. Even with adequate food, the health of a child who cannot absorb nutrients will falter and his/her immune system will be weakened to the point that even minor infections pose a grave threat. Given the low levels of health service access and very importantly, low utilization of health services, as demonstrated by factors influencing the high maternal mortality in Guinea-Bissau (Hoj et al. 1999), the health threats posed by poor water and sanitation facilities and existing household food insecurity will continue to contribute to poor outcomes. Children who grow up chronically undernourished and often in poor health are not as productive when they reach adulthood and thus are further challenged to provide for their own households. Add to this the additional health threat of HIV/AIDS and the outlook is bleak. A cross-sectional survey of a rural community near the regional center of Canchungo in north-east Guinea-Bissau found alarmingly high rates of HIV (7.9 percent overall) among the almost 3,000 people included in the study. Driving the results were high numbers among women in the 35- to 44-year old age group who were widowed or divorced, whose husbands were living away from the study area, and who had lived in the capital of Bissau. These factors were all independently related to HIV infection in a model that included these factors as well as age and history
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of transfusion (Wilkins et al. 1993). The implication for children is that the increased risk of a lack of protection and exploitation at the hands of very distant relatives or others is greatly increased when households fall apart and resources are depleted. Given the poor economic circumstances of the country and a startling picture of a human- and drug-trafficking problem through Guinea-Bissau that has been much more prevalent than realized, it is likely that children will be increasingly at risk, especially those residing in urban and peri-urban settings and/or on major overland trade routes to and from Senegal. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS As mentioned previously, even with increasing political will to protect children’s rights, to prosecute those who traffic in children, and to demobilize child soldiers, the Government of Guinea-Bissau does not have the financial means or the human resource capacity to follow through adequately. Youth who are displaced, pushed into labor situations or trafficked, or do not have proper identification or documentation can all too easily find themselves in conflict with the legal system, which is not set up to accommodate the needs of children and youth as they differ from adults in the legal and penal system. RELIGIOUS LIFE At least half of Guinea-Bissau’s population reports practicing indigenous beliefs, 45 percent report being Muslim, and 5 percent are Christian. With the majority of families following indigenous religious practices, children’s religious upbringing is directed primarily by the community in which they are raised. For those children raised in fosterage situations without the same family protection or role expectations as their peers who stay with their families, it is difficult to say whether they have access to the same rights and beliefs in their religious identity as those who stay within the family and local community social network. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT One of the worst forms of child abuse involves forced conscription into fighting forces. Neglect can follow where there is no will or means to right the wrongs inflicted during the civil war. After the 1998 signing of The Peace Agreement, demobilization of forces involved in the civil war were begun, but as recently as 2003, approximately 2,000 child soldiers continued to serve as soldiers (UNESCO 2003). Without more effective demobilization and an adequate response to the missed-opportunity educational needs of children, not only are these children neglected, the current, fragile peace of the country remains precarious.
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Another form of abuse is practiced specifically on girls as they transition into adulthood. Female genital mutilation/cutting is legal and practiced widely in Guinea-Bissau (Freedom House 2006). Popular perception maintains that it is an acceptable practice (Johnson 2000). Change in the practice must be internal and come from the older women who take charge of continuing the practice.
GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Although the future presents many challenges to children growing up in Guinea-Bissau in the twenty-first century, there are positive factors to consider. The current situation is fragile, but there are no open conflicts at present, and the government has shown a commitment to improving the situation for its children and youth by recognizing, even if not with adequate resources as yet, the various policies and legislative actions that can protect children.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Michelle Johnson (Bucknell University) provided valuable input to this chapter. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Adebajo, Adekeye. Building Peace in West Africa: Liberia, Sierra Leone, and GuineaBissau. International Peace Academy Occasional Papers Series. Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner Publishers; 2002. Adebajo assesses the various constraints as well as facilitating factors in the promotion and effectiveness of subregional security mechanisms, economic integration efforts, and peace-making efforts in West Africa by focusing on three case studies. Factors influencing differential outcomes in peace-keeping efforts are also explored. Bigman, Laura. History and Hunger in West Africa: Food Production and Entitlement in Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde. Contributions in Afro-American and African Studies. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press; 1993. This book takes an historical look at the contemporary food crisis in Africa by drawing on two case studies: Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde. Bowman, Joye. Ominous Transition: Commerce and Colonial Expansion in the Senegambia and Guinea, 1857–1919. Brookfield: Avebury; 1997. Bowman’s study looks at the role of colonial presence in shifts in commerce in nineteenth-century Guinea against its particular geographical and historical backdrop, which included competition between the states of Kaabu and Futa Jallon, the rise of Fuladu, and late nineteenth-century crises and investments in law and order.
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Einarsd ottir, J onına. ‘‘Relocation of Children: Fosterage and Child Death in Biombo, Guinea-Bissau,’’ in Navigating Youth, Generating Adulthood; Social Becoming in an African Context, eds., Catrine Christiansen, Mats Utas, and Henrik E. Vigh. Uppsala, Sweden: Nordic Africa Institute; 2006. This study takes a very close look at the problems of fosterage and its health and survival implications. ———. Tired of Weeping: Mother Love, Child Death, and Poverty in Guinea-Bissau. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press; 2004. This is an ethnographic study of the difficult decisions and negative outcomes that can result from a household’s economic choices. Forrest, Joshua. Guinea-Bissau: Power, Conflict, and Renewal in a West African Nation. Boulder, CO: Westview Press; 1992. Forrest provides a good backdrop to understanding contemporary class, race, and development issues, with a sensitivity to localized issues tied to the experiences of the different ethnic groups in Guinea-Bissau. Lobban, Richard Andrew and Peter Karibe Mendy. Historical Dictionary of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau. 3rd Edition. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press; 1997. This is a valuable, concise, chronological reference to Guinea-Bissau’s history and its historical figures. Vigh, Henrik. Navigating Terrains of War: Youth and Soldiering in Guinea-Bissau. New York: Berghahn Books; 2006. The role of children in the civil war in Guinea-Bissau has not received the same amount of attention as child soldiers in Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Angola, for example. This book provides a thoughtful expose on a small country often overlooked by the international community.
Nonprint Resources The Blue Eyes of Yonta [Udju Azul di Yonta]. 1994. Videocassette. 92 minutes. Directed by Flora Gomes. Distributed by California Newsreel. In Criolo with English subtitles. A young woman’s search for the writer of a love letter takes the viewer through the political and social environment of Guinea-Bissau as four characters ‘‘struggle with the disillusionment of the revolutionary generation in post-independence Guinea-Bissau’’ (California Newsreel).
Web Sites Afromix.org. Guinea-Bissau: Music, http://www.afromix.org/html/musique/pays/ guinee-bissau/index.fr.html. This site offers links to discographies of musicians from Guinea-Bissau. Ag e ncia Bissau Media e Publicac¸o~es [Bissau Media and Publications Agency], http:// www.agenciabissau.com/portal.aspx?link¼public/newscover.ascx&lmenuid¼11&menu index¼0. This site provides links to various media and publication sites and materials on Guinea-Bissau. (In Portuguese.) Lusophone Africa Discussion List, http://groups.yahoo.com/group/africaluso. This discussion list is dedicated to the five countries of Lusophone Africa: Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, S~ao Tome e Prıncipe, and Mozambique.
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Organizations and NGOs Action pour le D e veloppement (AD) BP 606 Bissau Guinea-Bissau Bairro de Quelele Phone/Fax: 245 25 1365 Email: [email protected] Associac¸a~o da Guin e -Bissau para a Educac¸a~o e Promoc¸a~o de Saude Familiar (AGUIBEF) CP 455 Bissau Rua Eduardo Mondlane 1160 Cupelum de Baixo Guinea-Bissau Phone: 245 22 3769 Fax: 245 22 2494 Email: [email protected] Provides training and research to promote education and family health. Association pour la D e veloppement Int e gr e des Femmes (ADIM) Avenida Francisco Mendes N 1127 Bissau Guinea-Bissau Phone/Fax: 245 20 4011 Email: [email protected] An association for integrated development targeted at women. Comit e Permanente Inter Etats de lutte Contre la S e cheresse dans le Sahel (CILSS) Phone: 245 21 3125 Fax: 245 22 1003 Web site: http://www.cilss.bf/ This multicountry effort promotes actions to control and reverse the desertification (i.e., encroachment of the desert and transformation of arable land) of the Sahel region. Procaju http://www.steele.com/cashew Procaj u is a collaboration between the Trade and Investment Promotion Support (TIPS), funded by USAID, and the private sector. Procaj u has helped ANAG (the National Association of Agricultural Producers), which represents primarily small farmers, and AMAE (the National Association of Business Women), which represents more than 10,000 women increase production and market their cashews more effectively by establishing training centers. Rede Nacional de Associac¸o~es Juvenis (RENAJ) C.P. 945 Bissau Phone: 245 25 4076 Fax: 245 20 3871 Email: [email protected] A national association for promotion of youth.
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Selected Bibliography African Conservation. 2007. Profile on Guinea Bissau. http://www.africanconservation. org/guineabissauprofile.html. Brooks, George E. 1980. Luso-African Commerce and Settlement in the Gambia and Guinea-Bissau Region. Brookline, MA: Boston University African Studies Center. Cabral, Amilcar. 1979. The Struggle in Guinea. Cambridge, MA: Africa Research Group. CIA (Central Intelligence Agency). 2007. The World Factbook: Guinea-Bissau. https:// www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/pu.html. Fields, Edda L. 2001. Rice Farmers in the Rio Nunez Region: A Social History of Agricultural Technology and Identity in Coastal Guinea, ca 2000 BCE to 1880 CE. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Pennsylvania. Freedom House. 2006. Freedom in the World—Guinea-Bissau. http://www.free domhouse.org/inc/content/pubs/fiw/inc_country_detail.cfm?country¼697 4&pf. Gable, Eric. 2000. ‘‘The Culture Development Club: Youth, Neo-Tradition, and the Construction of Society in Guinea-Bissau,’’ Anthropology Quarterly 73, 195– 203. Havik, Philip J. 2004. Silences and Soundbites: The Gendered Dynamics of Trade and Brokerage in the Pre-Colonial Guinea Bissau Region. Piscataway, NJ: Transaction Publishers. Hawthorne, Walter. 2003. Planting Rice and Harvesting Slaves: Transformations Along the Guinea-Bissau Coast, 1400-1900. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann. Hoj, L., J. Stensballe, and P. Aaby. 1999. ‘‘Maternal mortality in Guinea-Bissau: the use of verbal autopsy in a multi-ethnic population,’’ International Journal of Epidemiology, 28 (1999), 70–6. Johnson, Michelle. 2000. ‘‘Becoming a Muslim, Becoming a Person; Female ‘‘Circumcision,’’ Religious Identity, and Personhood in Guinea-Bissau,’’ in ‘‘Circumcisions’’ in Africa: Culture, Controversy, and Change (Directions in Applied Anthropology), eds, Bettina Shell-Duncan and Ylva Hernlund, 215– 34. London: Lynne Rienner. MacCulloch, Jock. 1983. In the Twilight of Revolution: The Political Theory of Amilcar Cabral. Hampshire, UK: Routledge. McNally, Lisa M., Jacqueline Hadingham, Derseree Archary, Ramona Moodley, and Hoosen M. Coovadia. 2006. ‘‘HIV-exposed but uninfected children: Why are they vulnerable?’’ Vulnerable Children and Youth Studies 1 (2006), 139–48. Mendes, Julieta. 2003. Country Higher Education Profiles: Guinea Bissau. http:// www.bc.edu/bc_org/avp/soe/cihe/inhea/profiles/Guinea_Bissau.htm. Molbak, K., et al. 1992. ‘‘Persistent and acute diarrhoea as the leading causes of child mortality in urban Guinea Bissau,’’ Transactions of the Royal Society of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene vol. 86 (1992), 216–20. UNESCO. 2003. UNESCO Project in Guinea-Bissau: Involving of decision makers, civil society and media in the peace process. Education in Situations of Emergency, Crisis and Reconstruction. UNESCO. http://portal.unesco.org/educa tion/en/ev.php-URL_ID¼14104&URL_DO¼DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTIO N¼201.html. UNICEF. 2003. Girls’ Education in Guinea-Bissau. Guinea-Bissau Country Highlight. http://www.unicef.org/girlseducation/index.html.
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UNICEF. Guinea-Bissau. At a Glance: Statistics: 2007. http://www.unicef. org/infobycountry/guineabissau_statistics.html. Urdang, Stephanie. 1979. Fighting Two Colonialisms: Women in Guinea-Bissau. New York: Monthly Review Press. U.S. Department of State. 2007. Background note: Guinea-Bissau. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State, Bureau of African Affairs. http://www.state.gov/ r/pa/ei/bgn/5454.htm. U.S. Department of State. Trafficking in Persons Report: June 2006. http://www .state.gov/g/tip. Wilkins, A., D. Ricard, J. Todd, H. Whittle, F. Dias, and A. Paulo Da Silva. 1993. ‘‘The Epidemiology of IHV Infection in a Rural Area of Guinea-Bissau,’’ AIDS 7 (1993), 1119–22.
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KENYA Matthew Carotenuto NATIONAL PROFILE Kenya is a country of great diversity. Located in East Africa, it straddles the equator and is bordered by Tanzania, Ethiopia, Uganda, Somalia, Sudan, and the Indian Ocean. Kenya’s cultural landscape reflects this wide variety of local and international influence, which is linked to its rich history. The country’s 582,650 square kilometers of land mass is comparable with the size of France or a bit smaller than the state of Texas in the United States. However, unlike many areas in the Northern hemisphere, only 8 percent of Kenyan land is suitable for farming. Much of the landscape consists of semi-arid grasslands. From the Indian Ocean coast to the snow-capped tip of the Mount Kenya (Africa’s second highest peak), the country’s environment also exhibits a great deal of diversity that has historically affected the lives of its nearly 37 million people, especially children (CIA 2007). There are more than 40 languages spoken in Kenya, and no indigenous language or ethnicity comprises more than 22 percent of the
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population. Because of Kenya’s history of global interactions, Kiswahili and English are the most prominent languages spoken. They are used officially in education, business, and government. The nation’s large and diverse population is confined mainly to the coastal regions and the highlands of the central and western parts of the country. This confinement means that although the country is quite large, most areas in which people live are densely populated, which has resulted in periodic shortages in available land for farming. Kenya’s population lives mainly in rural areas and works primarily in the agricultural sector. The country is bisected north to south by the Great Rift Valley, which provides some of the best land for herding as well as farming of lucrative cash crops, such as coffee and tea. Although some of the country is blessed with year round rainfall, most Kenyans live in areas of distinct wet and dry seasons that are also prone to drought. The wide diversity of the country’s environment and people has also been influenced by its history and global interactions (Sobania 2003). Before the twentieth century, Kenya’s history was marked by important global interactions and trade. The coastal regions have been linked with other societies that border the Indian Ocean for hundreds of years. From the Middle East, to India, China, and South East Asia, the annual monsoon winds carried African and Asian sailors over the entire Indian Ocean long before sailors from Europe had reached North America. Trade in ivory, gold, spices, and slaves were common along the coast, and the local Kiswahili language and people reflect this interaction. For instance, the word for tea in Kiswahili (chai) is the same as in India, whereas the word for book (kitabu) is very similar to the Arabic word (kitab). With trade came not only linguistic but cultural exchanges as well. The majority of people living along the coast today consider themselves Muslim. By the 1800s, this long-distance trade linked people in the region of modern-day Kenya with a vast array of different cultures from around the world (Maxon 1994). The late 1800s and early 1900s were a period of dramatic change and upheaval for people in the region. Like much of Africa, the land that would come to be called Kenya was not created by local people but by Europeans who paid little regard to any preexisting African political or cultural borders. This meant that before the twentieth century, no Africans in the region would have said they lived in Kenya, let alone called themselves Kenyans. In 1895, the country was declared a protectorate by Britain, and for nearly 70 years Kenya was a colony of the British Empire. British colonialism not only created the current borders of the country but also dramatically influenced the political, cultural, and economic history of the region. Bent on exploiting the land and its people for economic gain, British colonists saw Kenya as an ideal place for European settlement. They wanted to take advantage of the rich farmland in the central highlands of the country, where there is a temperate climate year round. In doing so, the colonial government took possession of vast tracts of land for whites only and forced thousands of Africans from their
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homes. Many Africans were then compelled through coercive taxes and other policies to work for Europeans. They were essentially conscripted into helping to grow cash crops or work in expanding cities such as Nairobi (the country’s capital) and the port city of Mombasa. Many men and women were forced to migrate far away from their homes for work, often having to leave their children and families behind. The British ruled Kenya, as they did in many other African colonies through a policy of ‘‘indirect rule.’’ This meant that the majority of local affairs were run by Africans, with the Europeans holding all the top posts in government. The policy created a lot of animosity in African communities because very few people saw any of the benefits of colonial rule. Africans worked hard to pay taxes, but few were able to go to school, receive medical care, or benefit from any other social services. As a result, Africans actively resisted colonial rule. By the 1950s, protests were common, and political groups sought independence from the British. However, the large European settler population, which had benefited from unequal colonial policies, aggressively tried to put down any push for independence. In 1952, some Africans in Kenya took to the forests of the central region of the country. Consisting of mainly poor young men who had been removed from their land by the settler society, they called themselves the ‘‘Land and Freedom Army’’ and began a 4-year guerilla war against the settler population as well as the colonial government. The war came to be called Mau Mau, a term of contempt by the British, and the colonial government labeled the Land and Freedom Army as simply ‘‘terrorists.’’ Although Mau Mau was not directly successful in its goals on the battlefield, the bloody conflict that left well over 20,000 casualties in its wake was the main factor that brought the end of colonial rule to Kenya in 1963 (Anderson 2005; Elkins 2005). The legacy of colonial rule in Kenya still exists. Politically, the KEY FACTS – KENYA newly independent nation inherited the British parliamentary sysPopulation: 36,913,721 (July 2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 55.31 years (2007 est.) tem of government. The cultural Literacy rate: 85.1 percent (2003) and religious side of colonialism Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 76 percent has also had a lasting effect. The (2000–2005) preferred language of schools and Internet users: 1.055 million (2005) government is English, and People living with HIV/AIDS: 1.2 million (2003 est.) Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 60 nearly 80 percent of Kenyans adhere to a wide array of ChrisSources: CIA World Factbook: Kenya. https://www.cia.gov/library/ tian faiths (CIA 2007). Since inpublications/the-world-factbook/geos/ke.html. June 29, 2007; dependence in 1963, Kenya has At a Glance: Kenya–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/kenya_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; United struggled to find economic and Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development political prosperity. From 1963 Report 2006–Kenya. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ to 2002, the country was ruled countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_KEN.html. June 29, 2007. by just two presidents and
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dominated by one political party, the Kenya African National Union (KANU). The reign of KANU was marked by relative peace in the country, but it is not without its critics. The KANU government was accused of being heavily corrupt, rigging elections, and draining the struggling economy of resources (Ogot and Ochieng 1995). Since 1992, when additional political parties were allowed to contest elections in Kenya, the country has seen a slow increase in political participation. Many political parties now openly compete for power, which has gradually helped Kenya’s democratic institutions improve their performance. In 2007, Kenya’s third President, Mwai Kibaki, rules a country that is trying to jump start its economy, which is heavily dependent on foreign aid and has an unemployment rate of 40 percent (CIA 2007). OVERVIEW With 42 percent of the population younger than the age of 15, children’s issues are of great importance in Kenya. The biggest issues affecting children are related to health and the economy. Access to health care, clean water, and basic nutrition can be a challenge for children in a country where 50 percent of families live below the poverty line (Government of Kenya 2005). The poor economy also affects children’s ability to access not only health care but also educational opportunities. Many children have to start working at an early age because their families cannot afford the high fees associated with schooling. A high HIV/AIDS infection rate has left many children orphaned, and one can often view a large number of what the Kenyan public deems ‘‘street children’’ when traveling through most of the country’s larger cities. EDUCATION Before 1963, very few children had the ability to go to school, and girls had less chance than boys. Since independence from British rule, the Kenyan government has drastically increased the number of basic educational opportunities for children and is trying to close the gender gap. As the result of these efforts, during the last 40 years Kenya has achieved an adult literacy rate of nearly 90 percent for men and 80 percent for women (CIA 2007). Until 2002, Kenyans were forced to pay tuition in both primary and secondary schools, thus leaving many of the poorer families with little ability to send their children to school. Others were only able to send some of their children to school, forcing these families to make tough decisions on their children’s welfare. Since 2002, when the government made all public primary schools free, the number of students enrolled in primary school has dramatically increased from 5.9 million to an estimated 7.9 million currently (Otieno 2007). The dramatic increase in the number of students has not kept pace with the recruitment of additional teachers and the building of more classrooms and schools. Thus,
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even though primary education is now free in the country, there is a severe strain on the resources the government has allocated towards primary education (UNESCO 2005). Nearly 80 percent of eligible Kenyan children are enrolled in primary school (UNICEF 2007). Since 2002, this number has continued to increase and also includes a growing number of adults who now have the opportunity to attend school for the first time. However, primary school is not compulsory, and many of the poorest families still cannot afford to have their children in school because of costs not covered by the government, such as school supplies, meals, and uniforms. Of the high percentage of children who are able to attend primary school, relatively few continue on in their education. At the end of primary school (eighth grade), all students are required to take a comprehensive national exam. The results of this exam are widely anticipated by both children and parents. Scoring well will gain a student admittance to an elite secondary school, whereas a low score may leave a child without the ability to attend secondary school at all. Placement in secondary school is based on merit and the range and quality in secondary education varies dramatically. The exam is not the only factor determining enrollment; secondary education has associated costs in Kenya. Many schools require tuition and associated fees exceeding several hundred U.S. dollars a year. In a country with an unemployment rate of 40 percent and a gross national income of $U.S. 530 a year, most families simply cannot afford secondary education. The result of these factors means that only about 13 percent of eligible children are able to attend secondary school (UNICEF 2007). Since 1985, the Kenyan educational system has been based on the U.S. model of 8þ4þ4 (8 years of primary, 4 years of secondary, and 4 years of university). Beyond the early years of primary education, the medium of instruction in most schools is English. Both primary and secondary schools in Kenya are frequently gender segregated, with boys and girls in different classrooms or different schools all together. This segregation has marked a historic gender gap in both access to education and biases of the curriculum. It is also common for many Kenyan students to attend boarding schools far away from their homes, especially once they reach secondary school. Overall educational opportunities and curriculum vary greatly across the country, with economic factors being the main determining basis in accessing quality education. PLAY AND RECREATION Kenya might be best known internationally for its long-distance running, but other sports and recreation are much more common and popular among children. As the result of British colonialism, sports such as soccer, cricket, and rugby are played throughout the country. Many schools have organized teams in a number of sports, and the country
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hosts regional and national school competitions in both sporting events, as well as other activities such as drama and dance. Although pastimes such as dance and rugby are popular, soccer is a clear favorite among Kenyan youth. Soccer opportunities are widespread in the rural areas, but crowded cities such as Nairobi lack proper fields and other recreation areas. One organization that is trying to change this is the Mathare Youth Sports Association. Begun in 1987 in a poor overcrowded area of Nairobi, the association now serves an average of 14,000 boys and girls ages 9 to 18 every year. Mathare Youth Sports Association runs various soccer leagues consisting of more than 1,000 teams and also uses the soccer field to raise money and awareness for increased educational opportunities and important health issues such as HIV/AIDS. CHILD LABOR High rates of poverty have forced many children out of school and into the workforce at an early age. In 1999, the government estimated that nearly 2 million children were engaged in child labor across the country (Kenya 2001). Although law states that a child must be 16 years or older to participate in wage labor, the law has many loopholes and is rarely enforced (Ojienda and Aloo 2006). Additionally, most children work in the ‘‘informal sector’’ of the economy, which is unregulated and often overlooked by government protection and control. In rural areas where agriculture is the main economic activity, many children are expected to work on the family farm and in the house. This work can be very gender segregated. For instance, in pastoralist or herding communities such as the Maasai, young boys grow up looking after the cattle during the day under the guidance of adult men. The young women are responsible for fetching firewood and water for the family as well as doing other chores around the house under the guidance of the adult women. The need for a large supply of labor during the harvest and planting seasons sometimes interrupts the ability of children in rural agricultural communities to attend school. Children are also increasingly seen working in the urban areas of Kenya. They work primarily in the ‘‘unofficial,’’ informal sector of the economy. This type of work is commonly referred to as ‘‘jua kali’’ meaning fierce sun in Kiswahili, because much of the work is outside under the hot sun (King 1996). Children regularly come to the urban areas, especially young girls, to be employed as domestic laborers in the homes of more wealthy urban residents. There are reports in Kenya of these children being exploited, underpaid and mistreated (Suda 2001). FAMILY Kenyans have a broader and more inclusive view of the family than many people in western societies. For instance, in a number of local
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languages there is no word for ‘‘aunt,’’ ‘‘uncle,’’ or ‘‘cousin.’’ These relationships are frequently defined with the same terms used to say ‘‘mother,’’ ‘‘father,’’ ‘‘brother,’’ or ‘‘sister.’’ Thus, most Kenyans, especially in rural areas, view the definitions of family in very broad terms. Polygynous marriages, although declining, are still common in Kenya and result in large household units. In 1975, Kenya’s birth rate was 8.1 children per woman, representing at the time one of the fastest growing populations in the world. Although by 2003 this figure had shrunk to 4.8, many families still prefer to have large numbers of children (Kenya 2003). As stated previously, the work of the household or family business is often gender segregated and children are expected to participate from an early age. The cultural rationale to having large families includes the availability of household labor and security for the parents during their later years. Boys and girls grow up in very separate worlds and are usually socially educated by their respective adult counterparts. For many groups, the culmination of this local education in the extended family or local setting is marked with a circumcision ceremony. For boys, circumcision in many communities is done as a large group every 5 to 7 years. The boys in a given community may go into seclusion for a number or weeks, during which they are taught by their male elders the responsibilities of being an adult member of the community. Teenage boys go through this rite of passage together and, when they are circumcised, they are initiated as a cohesive age-grade and then treated as adult members of the community. Young girls undergo a similar rite of passage before marriage that involves female genital mutilation (FGM). FGM is much more invasive than male circumcision. Although forced FGM is currently illegal in Kenya, an estimated 32 percent of the adult female population (age 15–49) has undergone some form of the procedure (UNICEF 2007). Local civil society groups, such as Maendaleo ya Wanawake (the advancement of women), are trying to curb the practice of FGM; however, the procedure has deep cultural roots. As the rites of passage to adulthood are so intertwined with circumcision and FGM, local organizations are trying to work to provide an alternative to the procedure without losing the cultural significance of the event for local communities. HEALTH Children are a segment of the population in Kenya greatly affected by the larger health issues gripping the country. Poverty, drought, and poor access to proper nutrition through a sufficient and diversified diet affect a large number of children. A total of 30 percent of children younger than 5 are moderately or severely stunted (i.e., their height is low for their age) and 20 percent suffer from moderate or severe malnutrition (low weight for age) (UNICEF 2007). Tropical diseases endemic to the nation, such as malaria and yellow fever, prove to be particularly
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dangerous to children. Malaria alone is estimated to kill 26,000 children annually in the country (Kenya 2003). Other diseases such as HIV/AIDS also affect children directly or indirectly when their parent or guardian has the disease. With health care facilities often far away and expensive to access, many children do not receive the basic medical care needed to combat these issues. These problems have combined to bring down the life expectancy of the average Kenyan from 59 years in 1990 to 48 in 2005 (UNICEF 2007). Infant mortality rates in the country are estimated at 79 deaths per 1,000 live births in the first year of life (Kenya 2003), and the under-5 mortality rate increased between 1990 and 2005, from 97 to 120 per 1,000 live births. Children 6 months to 5 years of age suffer disproportionately from unsafe water and poor sanitation. Basic sanitation problems and pollution, especially in poorer urban environments, make access to clean water a problem. Only 61 percent of people in Kenya have regular access to clean drinking water and only 43 percent have access to proper sanitation facilities. As a result, treatable illnesses such as diarrhea are endemic in many areas and can prove fatal in young children. Immunization rates for preventable childhood diseases, such as polio or measles range anywhere from 70 to 85 percent (UNICEF 2007). HIV/AIDS is a serious concern in Kenya. The government estimates that 6.7 percent of adults are infected with the virus country-wide, whereas in some areas of western Kenya the numbers run as high as 20 percent (Kenya 2003). This number is increased because of customs of wife-inheritance that are still practiced in the western part of the country. Traditionally among Luo peoples in western Kenya, the brother of a deceased man inherits the wives and children of the deceased. This was originally meant as a safety net for the family in times of death to provide for the welfare of a mother and children. Now it is a major reason for the rapid spread of the disease, especially when the death of a father/husband is HIV/AIDS-related. While a large number of children are infected with the disease, many feel the effects of the virus in other ways. HIV/AIDS contributes to a growth in poverty due to the loss of labor. The virus has also created over 1 million orphans from the disease (Human Rights Watch 2001). Many of these orphans put additional strain on their extended family’s resources, while others are forced to fend for themselves. The government sponsors educational programs about HIV prevention and transmission, but HIV/AIDS carries a large stigma in most communities and misconceptions about the disease and its causes are still common. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The Kenyan legal system derives from a combination of British law and local African customary law. The government is currently a multi-party
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democracy based on the British parliamentary system of government. Kenya is headed by an elected president who serves 5-year terms along with 224 members of parliament (Kenya 2005). In 2001, the government passed the Children’s Act, which now governs all the legal and protective services for children throughout the country. In Kenya, the minimum age at which a child can be charged with a criminal act is 8 years. The minimum age to engage in formal employment outside of the home or family business is 16 years. The minimum age for marriage with parental consent is 16 years old for girls and 18 years old for boys (Ojienda and Aloo 2006). Kenya has ratified and openly supported UN and other international legal documents upholding children’s right and providing protection from abuse and neglect. However, there are many flaws in the system. The Children’s Act of 2001 was supposed to provide legal council to all cases involving children, but in reality this only occurs on a voluntary basis. The one functioning children’s court is in the capital city of Nairobi is over-burdened with cases. In theory, the government provides homes for orphaned, abused or abandoned children but this practice is not universal and seldom implemented outside of the major urban settings. Many nongovernmental organizations, religious, and civil society organizations actively campaign for children’s right and protection, and fill in for the lack of government action. However, even with government and other groups intervening it is estimated, for instance that 27 percent of children ages 5 to 14 are engaged in child labor whereas 25 percent of young girls are married before the legal age of consent (UNICEF 2007). RELIGIOUS LIFE Because of Kenya’s history of colonialism and its global connections across the Indian Ocean, forms of Islam and Christianity dominate the religious landscape. Islam is prevalent mainly on the coastal regions whereas Christian faiths are the overwhelming majority in the interior. Nearly 80 percent of Kenyans consider themselves Christian, whereas 10 percent are Muslim, and another 10 percent practice indigenous beliefs (CIA 2007). For children, both local and international religious institutions form an important part of the education system in Kenya and offer essential support services as well. Religious faith is an important part of many Kenyan lives. Many schools have a religious affiliation, with prayer and discussions of faith common in not only the classroom but also public life and government. Along the coast, Islamic schools are widespread and institutions called ‘‘Kadhi Courts’’ exist to hear civil cases related to Islamic customary law. Forms of Christianity are derived from the work of European missionaries and their African converts during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Adoptions of European forms of Christianity are not universal.
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Many Christian churches in Kenya infuse distinctively local customs, such as song and dance into their services. This can be seen in the countless independent churches across the country, which have broken away from main-line Christian faiths to develop their own local forms of Christianity (Spear and Kimambo 1999). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT A lack of resources and inadequate legal services mean that child abuse and neglect often go unreported and unpunished. Public opinion in Kenya advocates a very harsh treatment of criminals who commit crimes against children, especially sex crimes. Recently, public opinion has pushed the Kenyan parliament to debate whether crimes such as rape and sexual assault should result in castration or even death in severe cases. Unfortunately, public opinion alone has done little to curb the abuse and exploitation of children in the country. The capital city of Nairobi and the coastal regions are growing sources of international sex tourism, with some reports estimating that up to 15,000 girls as young as 12 years of age engage in prostitution on the coast alone (Niles 2006). Domestic violence is also a serious problem, especially for women and girls. In 2003, 49 percent of women reported being a victim of some form of violence (Kenya 2003). Abandoned, orphaned, and neglected children are increasingly drifting to the streets of Kenya’s main towns and cities. There are an estimated 30,000 or more street children in Nairobi alone. Traveling through the capital city, one can commonly see young boys sifting through garbage piles or begging for spare change along the streets. Young girls often engage in prostitution or work as domestic servants as a means of survival. Drug abuse is common among these children, with inhalants being the most commonly abused substance (Kilbride et al. 2000). In addition to carrying the burden of taking care of themselves, street children are often shunned and scorned by the public and accused of being thieves and beggars. Public opinion has pushed the government to deal harshly with these children. In recent years, the Kenyan government has made efforts to gather these children up and forcibly put them in rehabilitation centers. However, many individuals believe that this is simply to get them off the streets and away from the public eye rather than offer them substantial rehabilitation or assistance. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Today, Kenyan children face a number of challenges for the future. The country continues to struggle to meet its basic health and educational needs while adequately providing for the welfare of abused,
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orphaned or neglected children. Many of these problems have been linked to the poor economy of Kenya, with its high rate of unemployment. However 2006/2007 marked a year of economic growth that has not been seen in the country in decades. Increases in international tourism, among other areas led to a 6.1 percent growth rate for the country, which has Kenyans cautiously optimistic for the future. In June of 2007, the government released a new budget for the 2007/2008 fiscal year that included substantial increases in the fields of health and education, with promises to hire more teachers and health care professionals while reducing the cost of secondary education. With 2007 being a presidential election year in the country, many Kenyans, including the youth, are quick to question the sincerity and motivation behind these political promises. If promises are kept and the country’s economy continues to grow at a rapid rate, Kenya has a good chance in tackling many of the severe issues facing its children today. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Jennings, Christian. ‘‘Kenya,’’ in Teen Life in Africa, ed Toyin Falola, 115–33. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press; 2004. A good companion to the children’s encyclopedia that highlights the life of teenage youth in the country. Kilbride, Philip, Collete Suda and Enos Njeru. Street Children in Kenya. Westport, CT: Bergin and Garvey; 2000. An important work that deals with the life of children living on the streets of urban Kenya. Based on research conducted mainly in Nairobi, this work offers a perspective on the daily struggles of these children, using their own testimonials as evidence. Maxon, Robert. East Africa an Introductory History. Morganton, WV: West Virginia University Press; 1994. A readable introduction to the history of Kenya and the wider region. Written by a renowned Kenyan historian, this text is a great start to putting the issues affecting children in historical perspective. Ngugi wa Thiongo. The River Between. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann; 1964. From one of Kenya’s most famous authors, this novel is set in colonial Kenya. It follows the coming of age story of one young boy and is a great way introduction to some of the rural cultures of central Kenya. Sobania, Neal. Culture and Customs of Kenya. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press; 2003. Another important overview of the country that focuses on the diverse cultures and traditions of its peoples.
Nonprint Resources Africa’s Children [Kenyan women in transition]. 2001. Videocassette (58 minutes). Produced by Michael O’Connell; written by Charlie Pearson. Distributed by Films for the Humanities & Based on the book, Africa’s children by Thomas S. Gale, this was originally released as a documentary for public television. It follows four Kenyan girls as they negotiate various transitions, such as
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becoming women, changing lifestyles in Kenya, and the changing roles and rights of women (reproductive choice, female circumcision, polygyny, etc.). Lola Kenya Screen. Lola Kenya Screen is an annual film festival in Nairobi that began in 2006. The film festival focuses on films by, for, and with children and youth. ComMattersKenya Philadelphia House, 4th Floor Tom Mboya St/Hakati Rd Junction Phone: 254 20 315258/ 213318, 254 733 703374 (cell) P O Box 20775-00100 GPO Nairobi, Kenya (EA) Email: [email protected], [email protected] Web site: http://www.lolakenyascreen.or.ke/ Zanzibar International Film Festival (ZIFF). Located on the neighboring East African Island of Zanzibar, ZIFF bills itself as the festival of the dhow countries and highlights films, music and performances from all over East Africa and the Indian Ocean world. P.O. Box 3032 Zanzibar, Tanzania Phone: þ255 (0)777 411499 Fax: þ255 (0)777 419955 Email: [email protected]
Web Sites CIA Factbook, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ ke.html. This is a useful reference page to current statistical data on Kenya. Daily Nation. http://www.nationmedia.com. The other main daily national newspaper in Kenya is also available for free online. East African Standard. http://www.eastandard.net. One of Kenya’s oldest newspapers is available in part for free online and contains some important general articles on current issues affecting children in the country. http://www.allafrica.com. This web site contains continent-wide news stories from dozens of different international newspapers on African issues. It is searchable by both country and topic, including children’s issues. Human Rights Watch, http://www.hrw.org/doc?t¼africa&c¼kenya. Human Rights Watch is a global organization committed to universal human rights. The Kenya page of the organization offers current information on the country as well as links to many free reports authored by the organization, including those on children’s issues. Ojienda, Tom and Leonard Obura Aloo, ‘‘Researching Kenyan Law,’’ http:// www.nyulawglobal.org/globalex/Kenya.htm. Constructed by two Kenyan legal experts, this site is a good introduction to the current legal system in Kenya.
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UNICEF Kenya page, http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/kenya.html. Although UNICEF is a global children’s organization, they sponsor country specific pages that offer information, statistics, and articles on children’s issues.
Organizations and NGOs Child Rights Information Network (CRIN) c/o Save the Children 1 St John’s Lane London EC1M 4AR, United Kingdom Phone: 44 20 7012 6866 Fax: 44 20 7012 6952 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.crin.org/organisations/viewOrg.asp?ID¼991 –This page not only provides information on Kenya but also lists dozens of additional organizations working throughout the country. The CRADLE – (Children’s Rights Advocacy, Documentation and Legal Education Foundation) House 2, Adj. Wood Ave Apartments, Wood Ave, Kilimani, P.O. Box 10101, 00100 GPO Nairobi, Kenya Phone: 254 (0)20 574575/6 Fax: 254 (0)20 2710156 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.thecradle.or.ke Mathare Youth’s Sports Association PO Box 112-00518 Nairobi, Kenya Phone: 25 42 07 80 148 Email: [email protected] Web site: http://www.mysakenya.org
Selected Bibliography Anderson, David. 2005. History of the Hanged: The Dirty War in Kenya and the End of Empire. New York: W.W. Norton and Company. Buchmann, Claudia. 2000. ‘‘Family Structure, Parental Perceptions, and Child Labor in Kenya: What Factors Determine Who is Enrolled in School’’ Social Forces, 78 (2000), 1349–78. Elkins, Caroline. 2005. Imperial Reckoning: The Untold Story of Britain’s Gulag in Kenya. New York: Henry Holt. Erulkar, Annabel. 2004. ‘‘The Experience of Sexual Coercion among Young People in Kenya,’’ International Family Planning Perspectives, Vol. 30 (2004); Gender-Based Violence and Reproductive Health: 182–9.
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Human Rights Watch. 2001. In the Shadow of Death: HIV/AIDS and Children’s Rights in Kenya. New York: Human Rights Watch. (Available online at http://www.hwr.org) Kanogo, Tabitha. 2005. African Womanhood in Colonial Kenya 1900–1950. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press. Kenya, Government of. 2005. Facts and Figures. Nairobi, Kenya: Central Bureau of Statistics, Ministry of Planning and National Development. ———. 2003 Kenya Demographic and Health Survey Key Findings. Nairobi, Kenya: Central Bureau of Statistics; 2004. ———. 2001. The 1998/1999 Child Labor Report. Nairobi: Central Bureau of Statistics. King, Kenneth. 1996. Jua Kali Kenya: Change and Development in an Informal Economy. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press. Niles, Chris. 2006. ‘‘Report reveals Kenyan child sex industry of ‘horrific’ magnitude.’’ UNICEF. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/kenya_37817.html. Odongo, Godfrey Odhiambo. 2004. ‘‘The Domestication of International Standards on the Rights of the Child: A Critical and Comparative Evaluation of the Kenyan Example.’’ The International Journal of Children’s Rights, 12 (2004), No. 4. Ogot, B.A. and William Ochieng, eds. 1995. Decolonization and Independence in Kenya. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press. Otieno, Samuel. 2007. ‘‘New Teachers to be Hired on Contract.’’ East African Standard, May 24, 2007. Price, Neil. 1996. ‘‘The Changing Value of Children among the Kikuyu of Central Province, Kenya.’’ Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, 66 (1996), 411–36. Spear, Thomas and Isaria N. Kimambo, eds. 1999. East African Expressions of Christianity. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press. Suda, Collette A. ‘‘The Invisible Child Worker in Kenya: The Intersection of Poverty, Legislation and Culture.’’ Nordic Journal of African Studies, Vol. 10 (2001), 163–75. (Available online at http://www.njas.helsinki.fi/main.html) Swadener, Beth Blue, Margaret Kabiru, and Anne Njenga. 2000. Does the Village Still Raise the Child? Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. UNESCO. 2005. Challenges of Implementing Free Primary Education in Kenya. Nairobi: UNESCO. (Available online at www.unesco.org) UNICEF. At a Glance Kenya: Statistics; 2007. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ kenya_statistics.html.
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LESOTHO Laura Arntson NATIONAL PROFILE The Kingdom of Lesotho is a small, landlocked country that is bordered entirely by the country of South Africa. It is considered an independent enclave of South Africa, with its own ruler, constitution, and judicial system. The ancestors to the people of Lesotho come from various ethnic groups that were drawn together in the early part of the nineteenth century by Moshoeshoe, who founded a dynasty in what is now Lesotho. Moshoeshoe defended his people from Zulu raids as well as Boer and British incursions. It was he who welcomed the Catholic and Protestant missionaries. The kingdom became a British protectorate, known as Basutoland in 1868. In 1910, it came under the jurisdiction of the British High Commissioner in South Africa and gained its independence from the United Kingdom in 1966. Although general elections were held in 1970, and work on a new constitution was begun, the next 20 years were marked by various clashes between groups vying for power. A coup in 1986 led to a
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military regime and in 1993, free elections (the first since independence) were held. At 30,355 square kilometers, Lesotho is slightly smaller than the state of Maryland and composed of 10 districts: Berea, Butha-Buthe, Leribe, Mafeteng, Maseru, Mohale’s Hoek, Mokhotlong, Qacha’s Nek, Quthing, and Thaba-Tseka. Eighty percent of the population lives in rural areas, and most (70 percent) live in a lowland strip along the northwest border with South Africa. The mountains and deep valleys in the other twothirds of the country are sparsely inhabited. Natural resources include water, agriculture and grazing land, diamonds, sand, clay, and building stone. Water is an important resource in this part of the world, and Lesotho provides South Africa with water and hydroelectric power for personal and industrial use. The two countries have negotiated agreements for water reservoir, tunnel, and dam construction under the Lesotho Highlands Water Project (Mail and Guardian 2005). Despite such resources, however, population demands have led to desertification and soil erosion as the result of settlement in marginal areas and subsequent overgrazing and soil exhaustion. A total of 86 percent of the resident population is engaged in subsistence agriculture, including livestock (CIA 2007). The 2006 population estimate was 2,022,331. Of this, 26.8 percent (374,102 male and 369,527 female) were younger than 15 years of age. The HIV prevalence and deaths caused by AIDS are extremely high in Lesotho, which lowers the life expectancy and skews the population distribution and affects the dependency ratio. Many households rely on remittances from family members employed in the mines in South Africa. About 35 percent of the male wage earners work in South Africa. The country’s reliance on such remittances is declining thanks to a growing manufacturing based in milling, canning, leather, jute, and apparel-assembly. Lesotho is a country of extreme inequality in the distribution of income, which is not reflected in the GDP (gross domestic product) purchasing power parity per capita of $2,600 (2006 estimate, CIA 2007). The adult HIV prevalence rate has been estimated at 23.2 percent (UNICEF 2007). A 2000 study found an HIV prevalence rate of 42.2 percent among antenatal clinic attendees in the capital Maseru (Lesotho MoHSW 2000). Although historically there were few homeless orphans, morbidity and mortality as the result of HIV/AIDS has depleted the ability of extended families to care for AIDS orphans. With the increased loss of household labor and remittances, the elderly are increasingly vulnerable also. A number of Lesotho nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) whose activities impact children are active in health service delivery, including HIV/AIDS care and advocacy, children’s rights, the rights of disabled persons, household food security and economic micro-enterprise activities, education, and conflict management.
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OVERVIEW
KEY FACTS – LESOTHO
Children in Lesotho face great Population: 2,125,262 (July 2007 est.) health and economic challenges Life expectancy at birth: 39.97 years (2007 est.) yet have increased access to Literacy rate: 84.8 percent (2003) health and educational opportuNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 65 percent (2000–2005) nities. The environment they are Internet users: 43,000 (2005) born into is in transition—poised People living with HIV/AIDS: 320,000 (2003 est.) to fail them or to provide greater Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 89 opportunities for them. HIV/ AIDS is perhaps the most signifiSources: CIA World Factbook: Lesotho. https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/lt.html. June 29, 2007; cant threat to children’s wellAt a Glance: Lesotho–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ being. Add to that economic and infobycountry/lesotho_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; United household food security chalNations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Lesotho. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ lenges and the world they face is countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_LSO.html. June 29, 2007. quite bleak. Health trends are worsening at the moment but the next ten years could show improvement, given the political will to improve the capacity and access of the health and social welfare system. EDUCATION English is the official language in Lesotho and the language of educational system. The other primary languages spoken are Sesotho, Zulu, and Xhosa. Lesotho has made a commitment to education with an ‘‘Education for All’’ week and an interest in access to education as a human right. The Minister of Foreign Affairs, as well as other government officials, has publicly supported the push for making education a priority and reaching out of school youth and improving adult literacy rates. The Minister of Education and Training recently presented the 2007/2008 budget in parliament that included funding for increased access to ‘‘reception classes’’ for primary schools to address the needs of AIDS orphans and vulnerable children to early childhood care and development opportunities, as well as funding for an increase in the number of teacher trainees in pre- and in-service training. Like health services, educational services are also seeking a decentralized approach and improved systems for expediting teacher’s salary payments and record-keeping (Lesotho Ministry of Education and Training 2007). UNICEF (UNICEF 2007), according to a UNESCO Education for All 2000 Assessment, reports the adult literacy rate at 74 percent for men and 90 percent for women. The gender difference could reflect a high rate of out-migration to South Africa for wage labor among boys and young men. With a faltering economy, it is even more important to provide access to good quality education to children of primary and
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secondary school age before they drop out of the system. Although a reported 63 percent of primary school entrants reach grade 5 (UNICEF 2007; administrative data 2000–2004), net secondary school enrollment ratios were at 18 percent for male and 28 percent for female students, with secondary school attendance ratios at only 12 percent and 17 percent, respectively. PLAY AND RECREATION Children develop socially, mentally, and physically through play and both organized and unorganized recreational activities. UNICEF has been active in promoting play and recreational opportunities for children’s development as well as a protection and rights issue. Recreation also provides an opportunity for teaching, learning, and behavioral change communication. The Feyenoord football club from the Netherlands funded a student-to-student exchange to Lesotho and South Africa for football tournaments, in which youth had an opportunity to talk to their peers about HIV/AIDS prevention (UNICEF 2004, 16). CHILD LABOR The U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of International Labor Affairs (U.S. Department of labor, BILA 2007) reports that children 12 to 15 years of age make up almost 15 percent of the workforce in the garment factories that export clothing to the United States. Children are also known to work in the manufacture of shoes (a home-based industry) and in South Africa’s canning industry—industries that put children’s health at risk. Lesotho’s Employment Amendment Act of 1977 establishes 15 as the minimum age for work in mining and industry, with 12 as the minimum age for family-based enterprises, self-employment, domestic service, and work in technical schools. There are laws regulating the hours of labor for children younger than 16 as well, but with a limited budget, the Ministry of Labor cannot oversee sufficient inspection of its industry for violation of child labor laws (U.S. Department of Labor, BILA 2007). FAMILY Families have faced significant challenges in Lesotho. With the worsening economic situation following independence, more and more Basotho men went to work in the mines in South Africa. The laws of apartheid kept their wives from following after them (Maloka 2004). The presence of prostitutes and the living conditions put the men at an increased risk of contracting HIV and tuberculosis. The wage labor that should have brought more wealth to Lesotho families brought increased hardship instead.
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Family roles and responsibilities are changing in Lesotho. As a result of adult illness and death caused by HIV/AIDS, children are taking on greater responsibilities for caring for themselves and younger siblings, as well as caring for sick members of the household. A recent study utilized quantitative and qualitative data to understand the range of tasks undertaken by these young caregivers and the impact their new responsibilities have on primary school attendance (Robson et al. 2006). We do not yet know the long term effects of children’s involvement in formerly adult responsibilities within the household—clearly there are negative impacts on educational and social development opportunities, as well as the increased risk of exploitation. Any time there are threats to the stability of children’s home lives (e.g., economic or social status, or displacement), they lose some of the protective factors and opportunities for the kind of protective play and recreation children need for their development. In acute onset crises or crises of limited duration, adult responsibilities or a clear productive role to play in the household’s well-being can be positive, but we do not yet know the longer term consequences of having thrust children into adult caretaker roles at an early age. The results are likely to show up in a variety of economic and social indicators many years from now. HEALTH Lesotho has one of the highest HIV/AIDS adult prevalence rates in the world, estimated in the range of 23 to almost 30 percent. Although there is now a political will behind the promotion of voluntary counseling and testing—Prime Minister Mosisili was tested in public in 2004 (BBC 2007)—the rate of extreme poverty and its vulnerable position within the borders of sub-Saharan Africa’s economic power, South Africa, place the population, especially women and girls, at an increased risk of exploitation that can continue to drive the epidemic. Economic collapse with a global textile quota system that opened markets to Asian competition and the excess mortality due to AIDS has led to a devastated agricultural base. The mortality rate for children younger than 5 years of age in 2005 increased to 132 per 1,000 live births from 101 per 1,000 in 1990. The infant mortality rate (deaths of children under 1 year) had risen from 81 to 102 in the same period. These figures reflect significantly decreased family and household resources and the impact this can have on children’s health, even with increased access to health services, immunizations (from 80 to 90 percent), and education (UNICEF 2007). The maternal mortality ratio (adjusted for underreporting and misclassification) was recorded at 550 annual deaths among women from pregnancy-related causes per 100,000 live births. Despite being a small country geographically, with access to health services, economic and behavioral barriers to optimal utilization of health services exist.
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Lesotho’s network of hospitals, clinics, and health centers, maintained by the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare in conjunction with nongovernmental and private agencies and donors, emphasizes communitybased health interventions through a decentralized approach. Health care is administered through Health Service Areas (HSAs). Teams in each HSA operate from the 18 HSA referral hospitals, with a village network of more than 5,000 volunteer community health workers (Lesotho Government and CopyWrite 2000). A national disaster management plan, approved in 1996, provides food and funding for households most vulnerable to the severe and prolonged droughts, frosts, and flash floods that affect Lesotho’s agricultural sector. Lesotho’s National AIDS Programme provides an integrated approach toward prevention and control of HIV/ AIDS.
LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Lesotho’s legal system is based on English common law and RomanDutch law with judicial review of legislative acts in a High Court and Court of Appeal. The Chief Justice of the High Court is appointed by the monarch acting on the advice of the Prime Minister. Customary or traditional courts also adjudicate cases. All the land in Lesotho is held in trust by the king. Local chiefs allocate farmland to individuals, with rights to usage of the land available to married men. Land tenure in the context of HIV/AIDS and its impact on the mortality of male farmers provides a challenge that the 1979 act to increase land tenure security by recording rights of inheritance and allowing mortgaging and subletting of land cannot fully meet. The result is that many female- and child-headed households suffer even greater food insecurity (Drimie 2003).
RELIGIOUS LIFE Christianity is practiced by approximately 80 percent of the population, with the remaining 20 percent following indigenous beliefs. Although the Roman Catholic Church predominates and approximately 80 percent of the population practices Christianity, practical religious experience is a blend of traditional ancestor worship with Christianity. Islam is practiced by only a small proportion of the population. Churches play a key role in the lives of Lesotho’s population, and the Catholic Church has always been active in education. The majority of all primary and secondary schools are owned and managed by Catholics and it was Catholic missionaries who first established the university in Lesotho in 1946, originally called the University of Pius XII (National University of Lesotho 2007).
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CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT As mentioned previously, children’s responsibilities in caring for family members with HIV/AIDS and their increased economic responsibilities within the household place them at greater risk of exploitation and harm. Family is supposed to be a protective factor but when a child’s labor is required beyond what would normally be expected of a youthful family member, roles can quickly become less protective and more abusive. With such high incidence of HIV/AIDS, it is difficult to argue that children’s increased caretaking roles are abusive, because the alternative in some cases—for instance, a complete lack of care for an ill parent—would presumably lead more precipitously to a greater source of neglect in the death of a parent.
GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Children in Lesotho are facing an increasingly difficult environment, in large part because of the high adult prevalence rate of HIV/AIDS. Children not affected through maternal transmission are affected nevertheless by decreased household and family economic and food security, and loss of land and/or other inheritance, which puts them at an increased risk of sexual exploitation that brings with it the greatly increased risk of contracting HIV. There are many positive influences in place to help protect and guide children, such as the role of the government and churches in education and access to health services. The proximity to South Africa with its options for wage labor and a larger, global economy can play both a positive as well as a negative role in the lives of children and youth. The last 10 years have seen a negative trend in health outcomes but with continued improved access to health, education, and social welfare resources, the trend can be reversed.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Bardill, John E. and James H. Cobbe. Lesotho: Dilemmas of Dependence in Southern Africa. Boulder, CO.: Westview Press; 1985. This classic book on Lesotho’s economic and political linkages and dependence provides a good overview of many of the issues that the country still faces today. Kendall, K. Limakatso, ed. Basali!: Stories by and About Women in Lesotho. Scottsville, South Africa: University of Natal Press; 1995. This is a collection of stories told by Sesotho women themselves and translated into English by their friends and relatives. Their words provide a glimpse into the challenges they face and decisions they make in a changing world.
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Maloka, Eddy Tshidiso. Basotho and the Mines: A Social History of Labour Migrancy in Lesotho and South Africa, c.1890-1940. Dakar: Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa; 2004. In this book, the author presents a detailed picture of the lives of Basotho wage labor migrants; how they arrived at the mines, how they entertained themselves, and how ethnicity plays a role in the way labor migrants perceive themselves and interact with others in such settings.
Nonprint Resources Goldwidows: Women in Lesotho. 1990. Edkins, Don, Ute Hall, and Mike Schl€ omer. Available form First Run/Icarus Films, [email protected]. Interviews in Lesotho with English subtitles. This film follows four Basotho women whose husbands work in South Africa’s gold mines. Apartheid laws prevented wives and children from following their husbands across the border to South Africa so they live without their husbands in circumstances much like widows.
Web Sites Lesotho Council of NGOs, http://www.lecongo.org.ls/home. The Lesotho Council of NGOs was established in 1990 to support the nongovernmental organization community. The Council provides networking, leadership training and development, information dissemination, capacity building, coordination, advocacy, and representation. Its primary mission is ‘‘to stimulate, promote and build capacity’’ among Lesotho nongovernmental organizations toward stability and democratic, transparent, skillful, and sustainability responsiveness to their beneficiaries and the needs of the ‘‘voiceless and marginalized.’’ The Lesotho Government Portal, http://www.lesotho.gov.ls/home/default.php. This web site offers a range of links to governmental ministries and up-to-date news.
Organizations and NGOs Believers Seed Youth Club P.O Box 333 Thaba-Tseka 550 Lesotho Phone: 266 63100744 Contact: Mr. Molahlehi Kotelo Activities and programs include conflict management, mentorship, information dissemination, advocacy, and training on leadership skills. Caritas Lesotho P.O Box 200 Maseru 100 Lesotho Phone: 266 22312750 Email: [email protected] Contact: Mr. Tsielo Mpeqa Activities and programs include homestead gardens, household food security, economic empowerment, and distribution of food supplements to people living with HIV/AIDS.
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Centre for Empowerment and Social Analysis (CESA) P.O Box 14686 Maseru 100 Lesotho Phone: 266 22333720 Contact: Ms. Theresia Mofo Activities and programs include training and advocacy for policy and legislation reforms for people with disabilities Christian Health Association of Lesotho (CHAL) P.O Box 1632 Maseru 100 Lesotho Phone: 266 22312500 Email: [email protected] Contact: Ms. Malentsoe Ntholi Activities and programs include primary health care, particularly for marginalized groups, training of nurses and nurse assistants, national village health workers training, and prevention and control of HIV and AIDS. Development for Peace Education (DPE) P/B A483 Maseru 100 Lesotho Phone: 266 22314463 Email: [email protected] Contact: Mr. Sofonia Shale Activities and programs include: facilitation of food production, advocacy campaigns against stigma and discrimination for people and families affected by HIV and AIDS, and empowerment of local government and community structures. GROW P.O Box 74 Mokhotlong Lesotho Phones: 266 22920205/22920326 Email: [email protected] Contact: Mr. Tumisang Leluma Activities and programs include community health and nutrition and household agricultural projects Hlokomela Bana P.O Box 14686 Maseru 100 Lesotho Phone: 266 58862795 Contact: Ms. Theresa Mofomobe Activities and programs include fundraising, bursaries for children, advocacy on child rights, training for children, and leadership training. Lesotho Association of Non-Formal Education (LANFE) P/B A204 Maseru 100 Lesotho Phone: 266 22315003 Email: [email protected]
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Contact: Ms. Esther Sakoane Activities and programs include distance education for out of school youth. Lesotho Girl Guides Association P.O Box 1487 Maseru 100 Lesotho Phone: 266 22324987 Email: [email protected] Contact: Ms. Matsepo Sekaleli Activities and programs include environmental education and protection, life skills for both girls and boys, and rights protection programs for street children. Lesotho National Association of Physically Disabled Persons P.O Box 7289 Maseru 100 Lesotho Phone: 266 22320366 Contact: Ms. Malerato Moeketsi Activities and programs include advocacy and information for people with physical disabilities. Lesotho Pre-School and Day Care Association (LPDCA) P/B C44 Leribe 300 Lesotho Phone: 266 22400382 Email: [email protected] Contact: Ms. Mampaka Kunene Activities and programs include training of preschool teachers on ECCD and HIV/ AIDS. Lesotho Save the Children (LSC) P.O Box 151 Maseru 100 Lesotho Phone: 266 22322543 Email: [email protected] Contact: Ms. Mots’elisi Shale A local affiliate of the Save the Children Alliance, Lesotho Save the Children focuses on advocacy and training activities. Lesotho Youth Federation (LYFE) P.O Box 13810 Maseru 100 Lesotho Phone: 266 22311954 5 8773320 Email: [email protected] Contact: Mr. Holo Nyane Activities and programs include youth camps, training forums, seminars/workshops, Youth Parliament, and cultural festivals Non-Governmental Organizations on the Rights of the Child (NGOC) P.O Box 286 Maseru 100 Lesotho
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Phone: 266 22312905 Email: [email protected] Contact: Ms. Phomolo Mohapeloa The NGOC coordinates activities of member organizations, builds members’ capacity to serve children more effectively, and advocates for children’s issues. Women and Law in Southern Africa (WILSA) P.O Box 0961 Maseru West 105 Lesotho Phone: 266 22313123/22310361 Email: [email protected] Contact: Ms. Keiso Matshane – Marite Activities and programs include information dissemination and documentation, lobbying and advocacy, training and education, and legal services and advice.
Selected Bibliography BBC. BBC News Country Profile: Lesotho. (16 February 2007). http://news.bbc.co. uk/1/hi/world/africa/country_profiles/1063291.stm Boehm, Christian. 2006. ‘‘Industrial Labour, Marital Strategy and Changing Livelihood Trajectories Among Young Women in Lesotho,’’ in Navigating Youth, Generating Adulthood; social Becoming in an African Context, eds Catrine Christiansen, Mats Utas, and Henrik E. Vigh. Uppsala, Sweden: Nordic Africa Institute. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). 2007. The World Factbook; Lesotho. https:// www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/lt.html. Drimie, Scott. 2003. ‘‘HIV/Aids and land: Case studies from Kenya, Lesotho and South Africa,’’ Development Southern Africa 20 (2003), 647–58. Lesotho, Government of, Ministry of Health and Social Welfare (MoHSW). 2000. AIDS Epidemiology in Lesotho 2000. Maseru, Lesotho: Ministry of Health and Social Welfare. Lesotho Government and CopyWrite. 2000. Lesotho Review 2000, Lesotho - Health. Wade Publications. http://www.lesotho.gov.ls/about/health.php Lesotho Ministry of Education and Training. 2007. Main EFA week celebration in Mokhotlong. http://www.education.gov.ls/. Letuka, Puleng. 1998. ‘‘Best interests of the child and child labour in Lesotho,’’ in Law, culture, tradition, and children’s rights in eastern and southern Africa, ed Welshman Ncube. Brookfield, Vt.: Aldershot, Ashgate/Dartmouth. Mail & Guardian. 2005. ‘‘Lesotho, SA to ink deal on highlands water project,’’ Mail & Guardian Online. http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid¼2513 92&area¼/breaking_news/breaking_news__business/ National University of Lesotho. 2007. Historical Note of the National University of Lesotho. http://www.nul.ls/about/history.htm. Robson, Elsbeth, Nicola Ansell, Ulli Huber, William Gould, and Lorraine van Blerk. 2006. ‘‘Young caregivers in the context of the HIV/AIDS pandemic in subSaharan Africa,’’ Population, Space and Place 12 (2006), 93–111. UNICEF. 2007. Information by Country: Lesotho. Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/lesotho_statistics.html UNICEF. 2004. Sport, Recreation, and Play. New York: UNICEF. http://www. unicef.org.uk/publications/pdf/5571_SPORT_EN.pdf.
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U.S. Department of Labor, BILA (Bureau of International Labor Affairs). [2007]. Lesotho. http://www.dol.gov/ilab/media/reports/iclp/sweat/lesotho.htm. Wason, Deborah and David Hall. 2003. Poverty in Lesotho 1993 to 2002; An overview of Household Economic Status and Government Policy. CPRC Working Paper No 40. Available online: http://www.chronicpoverty.org/pdfs/40Wason_ Hall.pdf.
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LIBERIA Laura Arntson NATIONAL PROFILE Liberia has an estimated population of just more than 3 million people and covers an area of 111,370 square kilometers—just slightly larger than the state of Tennessee. It is bordered by Guinea, C^ ote d’Ivoire, Sierra Leone, and the Atlantic Ocean. The total fertility rate is approximately 6.8 with an estimated birth rate of 44.77 births per 1,000 and an estimated death rate of 23.1 deaths per 1,000 (UNICEF 2007 statistics).1 Children younger than the age of 15 make up approximately 43.6 percent of the population, and approximately 60 percent or about 1,769,000 Liberians are younger than 18 years of age. Liberia was established by the American Colonization Society in 1822 and declared its independence in 1847. The largest linguistic-ethnic groups are the Kpelle (20 percent), Bassa (16 percent), Gio (8 percent), and Kru (7 percent). Descendants of the early American settlers, known as Americo-Liberians, make up about 2.5 percent of the total population. From the 1820s through the
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1840s, thousands of African-Americans and ‘‘repatriated’’ Africans from captured slave ships settled along the coast. Americo-Liberians dominated the political-economic arena of Liberia from independence until 1980, when Samuel K. Doe (of non-American descent) became president after a military coup. Doe favored members of his Krahn ethnic group in positions of political and economic control. The history of unequal access to education, jobs, and political positions is cited as being at the heart of Liberia’s civil strife. A 1989 coup led by Charles Taylor (an AmericoLiberian) and his followers catapulted the country into a particularly brutal civil war in which an estimated 20 percent of combatants were children (Human Rights Watch [HRW] 2004). Liberians experienced a brief respite from war when the Economic Community of West African States brokered a peace treaty between warring factions that led to elections in 1997, but violence erupted again in 2000 when the Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy, various breakaway factions, and government forces engaged in fighting. All factions forcefully conscripted adults and children into the fighting, from refugee and internally displaced person (IDP) camps, and from rural and urban neighborhoods as well. In 2003, after Taylor was exiled, a transitional government was appointed to prepare for fair and peaceful democratic elections. After a run-off election in November 2005, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf was declared the President of Liberia. President Johnson-Sirleaf’s inauguration took place in January 2006 and, since then, the government has embarked on an ambitious plan of political, economic, judicial, educational, and health reform. Liberia’s Governance and Economic Management Program, designed to raise and direct revenue spending in an efficient and transparent manner, cuts across sectors, including the health and social service sectors. Much of Liberia’s infrastructure was damaged in the civil war and much of its human resource capacity fled. As Liberia’s infrastructure is renewed and the economic sector rebuilt, the country’s rich water, timber, rubber, diamond, gold and iron ore resources should be able to sustain a growing economy. Liberia’s outlook is optimistic but, with the challenges it faces, the road to recovery and development will not be easy. About 43 percent of Liberia’s population is younger than 15 years of age (CIA 2007), and many youth who were demobilized after the war live in and around the capital of Monrovia without visible social and economic support or means to a livelihood. Although the new President and the constitution support women’s rights, many of the systems in place to enforce those rights are not yet functioning as they should. The government currently operates at less than half of its prewar levels. During the war, agricultural production fell off significantly and the mining sector collapsed. Diamonds and timber were exploited by warring factions. The estimated GDP growth rate is 6.7 percent (CIA 2007) but some 70 to 80 percent of the population is estimated to be below the poverty line.
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Various relief-oriented internaKEY FACTS – LIBERIA tional nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have been active Population: 3,195,931 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 157 deaths/1,000 live births in Liberia but many are now Life expectancy at birth: 40.39 years (2007 est.) transitioning out, as developLiteracy rate: 57.5 percent (2003) ment programs are starting up. Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 66 percent (2000– A recent Liberia Donor’s Con2005) ference held in Washington, DC, Internet users: 1,000 (2002) People living with HIV/AIDS: 100,000 (2003 est.) helped to generate interest and support for debt relief and interSources: CIA World Factbook: Liberia. https://www.cia.gov/library/ national donor support of the publications/the-world-factbook/geos/li.html. June 29, 2007; government, especially as the At a Glance: Liberia–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/liberia_statistics.html. June 29, 2007. country transitions from relief to development. During and immediately after the civil war, many households received food assistance. With the phasing out of disaster assistance and the emergency response programs, development programs (initially funded by the international community as the government builds systems for its own revenue development and spending plan) will need to address the food and livelihood, health, education, and social welfare needs of its population. OVERVIEW The challenges faced by the Government and the people of Liberia are daunting. Children growing up in the midst of the aftermath of a brutal civil war and the rebuilding stage will need to draw on individual resilience and the opportunities within their own families as well as society at large. With a staggering external debt, unemployment greater than 50 percent (some report unemployment in the formal sector as high as 80 percent), a severely damaged infrastructure, poor water and sanitation facilities and practices, an educational system with too few schools, materials, or teachers, a judicial system still rebuilding after its destruction during the war, and the numerous barriers faced by displaced and returned citizens in trying to rebuild lives and livelihoods, children are the first to suffer with poor health, lack of education, and very limited economic and livelihood opportunities. Rebuilding a nation after civil war and maintaining stability in the process will require human capacity, external resources, and transparent management and equity in capturing and sharing resources among the populace. Many children and young adults missed educational opportunities during the war. Not only is there a need to provide education for children coming into the system but also those who are not able to access education through the standard system must be provided with opportunities to earn a living while building their capacity to contribute to rebuilding and growth of Liberia. The transition from relief to development
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involves a shift from the previous level of international assistance to sustainable, local strategies. The health and longer-term prospects for livelihood and healthy outcomes for children will depend on health, education, water, sanitation, and social welfare systems being put in place quickly and equitably, and with a level of civil society participation that can ensure sustainability and local oversight. EDUCATION Many of the schools in Liberia were damaged during the civil war, and materials such as books and other teaching tools were looted, from primary school to secondary and postgraduate level institutions. Liberians place a high value on education. The official language of Liberia is English, although the majority of Liberian English speakers speak in a version of English that borrows significantly from an earlier patois. Literacy is not high. The disruption caused by the war resulted in high adult literacy rates; 31 percent of men and 62 percent of women reported never having attended school. From 2003 until 2005, neither children nor young adults were able to attend school on a regular basis. Many of the Liberians who had attained a higher level of education are currently living outside the country, although there is a movement to return and contribute to the rebuilding of Liberia. Those who were secondary-level students at the time of their displacement were seriously disadvantaged because of lack of access to schools, difficulty enrolling in French-speaking classrooms in neighboring Guinea or Ivory Coast, or because the options available to them during displacement were not up to the educational level they were enrolled in when they had to flee. Education during displacement is also problematic due to variations in school curricula. A number of international NGOs have been attempting to provide alternative educational opportunities for youth and adults who cannot return to the standard secondary-school classroom but require basic numeracy and literacy skills to secure a livelihood. PLAY AND RECREATION In a video distributed by an international NGO during the war years, intended to generate further funding for relief and assistance programming in Liberia, children were shown performing hand-games and stepdances. Many of the games that children play are passed along in the school yard or, in the case of displaced populations, in refugee camps. A number of such games contribute not only to social skills but also handeye coordination. As is often the case, many of these games are forgotten once a child grows up; however, the games continue in settings like primary schoolyards where children just 1 or 2 years older incorporate
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younger children into their play circle. Such games tend to stay in a horizontal age band that children meet when they reach a certain age range and grow out of as they reach an age beyond that age band. By far most of the international NGOs responding to children’s need for play and recreation in IDP and refugee camps for Liberian children provided soccer balls and volley balls for organized team sports. Both sports are very popular, especially with children of an age that need energetic and active engagement. When responding to the play and recreation needs of the children affected by war, either as victims and/or perpetrators of violence; however, it may be far more appropriate to engage children in play that rehearses prosocial behaviors and rewards cooperation and mutual success rather than the kind of competition that competitive team sports engender. Although many kids can thrive in competitive team sports, there are those, perhaps already stigmatized or marginalized, who need more inclusive and noncompetitive group recreation. Not enough research has been done on the kind of play children develop when left to their own devices, but examples do exist to show that they often draw on and continue to feed into the very precariousness their situation has dictated, rather than promoting the kind of socializing and healing bonds and cooperation that could likely bring children to an improved psychosocial well-being more quickly. CHILD LABOR During the war, children were used not only as messengers, cooks, helpers, and porters, but also as soldiers and as ‘‘wives’’ to combatants. They experienced the worst forms of child labor and even with demobilization, they continue to be at risk for gender-based violence and sexual exploitation. As in so many other sub-Saharan countries, children are expected to contribute to a household’s productivity and children from rural communities may live with extended family or distant relatives in urban settings where there is better access to schools. All too often, the kind of ‘‘jobs’’ children engage in involve a heavier burden than appropriate or place children at greater risk to their health. There is not the same kind of evidence of systematic child labor exploitation in Liberia as in the cocoa plantations elsewhere in West Africa, but it is likely that there are a great number of children subjected to the worst forms of labor in the mining, timber, and rubber industries. Increased household economic and food security and keeping children in school until they reach 18 years of age are protective factors. FAMILY In much of Liberia, the family structure primarily encompasses the extended family. Historically there were both matrilineal and patrilineal
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groups that practiced matrilocal and patrilocal settlement, respectively. Families that were historically matrilineal have increasingly intermarried with or adopted patrilocal patterns by settling with the husband’s family rather than the wife’s family. In urban areas, nuclear families predominate and they maintain ties to extended family in the rural areas. During the war, family settlement patterns were dramatically disrupted, however. A recent household food security and nutrition survey (FAO et al. 2006) found that 86 percent of all households were displaced at least once since 1989. Displaced families are still returning in counties in the north that were particularly affected by the war. Many households (the exact percentage is not known) are headed by a single parent. The majority of households lack seeds, tools, financial capital, household labor, and adequate storage capacity to reach independence from food aid. Children suffer the most from household food insecurity, especially in postconflict settings. HEALTH The 14-year civil war in Liberia had significant consequences for the health of its population. Not only did children’s health suffer as a result of conflict and displacement, but the infrastructure and human capacity of the government to provide health and social services were badly damaged. Upon their return in 2003 and 2004, many displaced households had to start again to rebuild their livelihoods. In some counties, particularly in the north-west, return migration is still ongoing. Children are the most affected. The estimated under-5 mortality rate (i.e., the probability of dying between birth and exactly 5 years of age expressed per 1,000 live births) is estimated currently at 235, the infant mortality rate (up to 1 year of age) 157, and the neonatal mortality rate 66 per 1,000 live births (UNICEF 2007 statistics). Although antenatal care coverage is not bad at 85 percent, the percentage of births attended by skilled health personnel (e.g., a doctor, nurse, or trained midwife) is only 51 percent. Perhaps a reflection of the numbers of births that take place without the presence of a trained or skilled attendant, the adjusted maternal mortality ratio is relatively high at 760. Liberia is divided into 15 counties that are further subdivided into districts. The government supports a decentralized approach to social service delivery through County and District structures. Although county health teams continued to operate throughout the war, where possible, the capacity and quality remains uneven. As part of the Liberia Interim Poverty Reduction Strategy, the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare (MoHSW) developed a multi-year plan and budget to complement their new National Health Strategy and Policy. The plan supports a decentralized approach to implementing a basic package of health services. The
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destruction and displacement of households caused by the civil war are still apparent in the single-parent, female-headed, and child-headed households. The MoHSW is committed to a policy of health care with no fee-forservice so that everyone can have access to health services. Individual communities, however, have expressed a willingness to pay fees in order to keep their community health services functioning. Currently, the MoHSW and international donors and NGOs are negotiating a transition from structures put in place as part of relief efforts and the development of a sustainable system of quality health care and access. In a 2006, food security survey (FAO 2006), 11 percent of households were found to be food insecure, and 40 percent were highly vulnerable to food insecurity. A total of 15 percent of households rely primarily on food crop production. 14 percent rely on palm oil production, 12 percent on petty trading, and 10 percent on casual labor. With the infrastructure still not up to pre-war capacity, and with high unemployment and low government resources to contribute to a healthier economy, it is likely that most households will continue to be vulnerable to food insecurity. 72 percent of urban households and 52 percent of rural households are lacking access to improved water sources and 50 percent of households in urban areas and close to 90 percent of households in rural areas do not have access to adequate sanitary facilities. Severe malnutrition during a child’s crucial early childhood years shows up as low height for age or stunting. Moderate and severe among children 6 to 59 months (younger than 5 years) has been reported at 39 percent and severe underweight (low weight for age) at 8 percent (UNICEF 2007 stats). These statistics reflect a level of vulnerability that could easily lead to increased child mortality if not corrected and, in the long run, could dislodge the country’s trajectory toward recovery and usher in increased fragility and insecurity instead. Poor nutrition and disease caused by poor hygiene, water-born diseases, and various other illnesses, such as malaria, pneumonia, measles, and others, are the greatest killers of children and also affect a household’s ability to recover, because money to travel to a health facility and to purchase medicines, in addition to time spent away from other household economic activities further deplete a family’s resources. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Liberia’s legal system is a dual system of statutory law based on AngloAmerican common law for the modern sector and customary law based on local practices (largely unwritten) for the indigenous sector. International donors are working directly with the government and the new President’s office to improve the quality, equity, access, and transparency within the judicial system.
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RELIGIOUS LIFE About 40 percent of Liberians are Christian, 20 percent are Muslim, and the remaining 40 percent follow local belief systems. The reality is not so clear cut as this would suggest, however. Many families and individuals engage in practices that belong to different belief systems concurrently. Children are encouraged to engage in religious practice at a level appropriate to their age. Many social service and educational opportunities are provided by local and international faith-based organizations, which also expose children to religious beliefs and practices. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT President Johnson-Sirleaf has demonstrated a commitment to human rights and women’s rights specifically in her work even prior to becoming Liberia’s President (Jones 2006). The courts, however, may still be too weak or inadequate to handle protection laws that exist on paper. For example, the rape of a minor carries a life sentence without bail but a recent gender-based violence plan of action has noted that perpetrators of violence toward women and girls go unpunished or receive light sentences (IRIN 2007). According to a report by MSF (Medicins sans Frontieres), an estimated 85 percent of the 658 rape survivors reporting to a hospital run by MSF were under 18 years of age. 48 percent were between 5 and 12 years (IRIN 2007). Many children were inducted (most often by force) into the fighting forces during the war. They were often assigned to the front lines and given drugs such as ‘‘brown-brown’’ (a form of cocaine cut with substances such as gunpowder, according to some sources), cocaine or marijuana, for example, to make them more malleable and fearless. The legacy of such abuse will have lasting and far-reaching consequences for Liberia, as most of the youth who were demobilized reintegrate into their former or new community with difficulty. Many youth end up on the street in urban settings often without the educational, vocational, or social skills to create a livelihood even if there were more jobs. Unemployment in the formal sector in Liberia currently runs about 80 percent (U.S. Department of State 2007). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY At the moment, there is much optimism and a very positive outlook for Liberia. Because of the state’s fragility, however, having come out of the civil war and transitioning from relief to development, this optimism may be tempered by the reality. There is so much to do so that children can have the food, health, education, and social resources necessary to bring them into a productive adulthood. The geographical size and the many
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potential resources in Liberia, along with the strong new leadership set the stage for positive, dynamic growth. By engaging children and youth in the country’s growth, the future outlook will be very positive indeed. NOTES 1. Preliminary results from the 2007 Demographic and Health Survey should be available in May or June 2007 and a final report issued by the end of 2007. With the publication of this new DHS, up-to-date statistics on the population, its health status and demographic profile will be available.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Fleischman, Janet and Lois Whitman, editors, and Human Rights Watch. Easy Prey: Child Soldiers in Liberia. Human Rights Watch Children’s Rights Project. New York: Human Rights Watch; 1994. http://www.hrw.org/reports/pdfs/ c/crd/liberia949.pdf. This publication provides a timeline and details of many of the outrageous abuses of making children into soldiers in the Liberian civil war. Moran, Mary H. Liberia: The Violence of Democracy (The Ethnography of Political Violence). Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press; 2005. Moran provides an insightful look at the complex interaction of democracy and violence as shaped by the rich ethnography of Liberia. ——. Civilized Women; Gender and Prestige in Southeastern Liberia. Ithaca: Cornell University Press; 1990. This book unpacks cultural constructions of civilization and gender. In the process, readers gain a perspective on localized versions of personhood, womanhood, and a mother’s role in guiding her children and family in the world. Yoder, John C. Popular Political Culture, Civil Society, and State Crisis in Liberia. Symposium Series, Number 77. New York: Mellen Press; 2003. This book explores issues of civil responsibility, political culture, ethics, the historical roots of Liberia’s political culture, power and patronage, and issues faced in the country’s rebuilding following the civil war. An abundance of anecdotal material (e.g., pop songs, folk tales, a village soccer club) and its utilization of methods from anthropology, theology, and folklore reach deep into the cultural values of Liberian society.
Nonprint Resources Liberia: The Love of Liberty Brought Us Here. 2004. Barclay, Gerald K., Director. This raw documentary is a personal journey by Gerald K. Barclay whose family fled Liberia after a coup in 1980. The filming and his search for a relative among the refugee camps, he captures the horrors of war as well as stories of survival. One interview brings us face to face with a notorious killer (now a born-again preacher), General Butt Naked. Liberia: America’s Stepchild. 2002. Bright, Nancee Oku. In the series, World Story, WGBH Boston’s ongoing series of specials on modern world history for PBS.
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Produced by Nancee Oku Bright, Jean-Philippe Boucicaut, and Arnoud Hekkens. Boston: WGBH and Grain Coast Productions. This documentary looks at recent events in light of the history of Liberia from its beginnings in 1821. Liberian film-maker Bright hopes that, by looking at the history of Liberia, we can ‘‘learn not to repeat the destructive lessons of the past.’’ Liberia: An Uncivil War. Stack, Jonathan, Producer/Director. New York: Gabriel Films. Produced with the Discovery Times Channel. This film documents the two sides of the conflict in Liberia after Charles Taylor’s refusal to leave the country after being indicted as a war criminal for his role in neighboring Sierra Leone’s civil war. Filmed in Monrovia in the last months of President Taylor’s regime, the camera follows the Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy rebel group as they march into Monrovia.
Web Sites The Analyst (‘‘Liberia’s most analytical newspaper’’). http://www.analystliberia.com/ This online paper is published by the Liberia Analyst Corporation and owned and operated by two Liberian journalists. Its goal is to provide thoughtful, balanced news and encourage civil society participation in governance and the press. Daily Observer. Liberian Observer Online. http://www.liberianobserver.com/news/ categoryfront.php/id/28/Health.html This is an online news service of The Liberian Observer Corporation, founded in 1981 in Monrovia. It is an independent newspaper with the goal of informing the Liberian population and keeping the government accountable. Healthcare Industry Today: Liberia Health News. http://health.einnews.com/ liberia/#related This online source of news for the healthcare industry provides up-to-date, countryspecific news items on health. Liberia Online. http://www.liberianonline.com An online source of Liberian news and discussion forums. Site built and managed by Liberians of all backgrounds. SeaBreeze, A Journal of Contemporary Liberian Writings. http://www.liberiaseabreeze. com ‘‘An international quarterly online journal devoted to publishing nonfiction and original short fiction narratives, poetry, interviews, reviews, and social and political articles, analyses, criticism, commentary and essays arising out of Liberian life by Liberian writers . . .’’ Based in Louisville, Kentucky.
Organizations and NGOs Association for the Advancement of Liberian Girls A nonprofit organization assisting girls through education and school and social activities, with scholarships for women. Based in Gaithersburg, Maryland, U.S. http://www.liberiangirls.org.
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Association of Female Lawyers of Liberia (AFELL), a leading advocacy group. Friends of Liberia. Founded in 1986 by former Peace Corps volunteers, diplomats, missionaries, business people, relief workers, and Liberians. Includes information on the Communities Nurturing Children project. Based in Rosslyn, Virginia. http://www.fol.org/; contact: [email protected] The Liberian Federation of Women’s Organizations University of Liberia, Monrovia. Coordinates and networks between women’s organizations. The Liberian NGOs Network (LINNK) Established as an umbrella NGO, LINNK promotes the coordination, collaboration, and cooperation among national NGOs, aims at building capacity of member NGOs, and advocates for, and on behalf of national/local NGOs. Liberian Studies Association Nonprofit academic organization that aims for effective cooperation among persons interested in furthering research in all scholarly disciplines, including the sciences, social sciences, and humanities, on topics relevant to the Republic of Liberia and adjacent areas. The Liberian Studies Journal is sponsored bi-annually at http:// www.onliberia.org/lsa_index.htm Women’s Development Association of Liberia (WODAL) P.O. 3899, Monrovia, Liberia Phone: 223504; 271867 Objectives: Developmental activities for improving the standard of living of Liberian women.
Selected Bibliography Analyst, The. 2007. Liberia: GoL Adopts Strategy for Domestic Debts. Monrovia, Liberia: The Analyst. http://allafrica.com/stories/200703051558.html. Anonymous. 1998. History of Liberia: A Time Line. http://memory.loc.gov/ ammem/gmdhtml/libhtml/liberia.html. Boley, G.E. Saigbe. 1983. Liberia: The Rise and Fall of the First Republic. New York: MacMillan Publishers. Cassell, C. Abayomi. 1970. Liberia: The History of the First African Republic. New York: Fountainhead Publishers, Inc. CIA. 2007. The World Factbook, Liberia. Washington, DC: Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/li.html. Dunn, Elwood D., and Svend E. Hails. 1985. Historical Dictionary of Liberia. African Historical Dictionaries Series. Metuchen: Scarecrow Press. FAO, UNICEF, WFP, WHO with the Liberia MoA, MoHSW, MPEA, and LISGIS. 2006. Republic of Liberia Comprehensive Food Security and Nutrition Survey, March-April 2006. Monrovia, Liberia. Vulnerability and Assessment Mapping and SENAC (Strengthening Emergency Needs Assessment Capacity). http:// www.reliefweb.int/library/documents/2006/wfp-lbr-oct.pdf. Human Rights Watch. 2004. ‘‘How to Fight, How to Kill: Child Soldiers in Liberia,’’ Human Rights Watch, 16 (2004). http://hrw.org/reports/2004/liberia0204/.
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IRIN (International Regional Information Networks). 2007. Liberia: Government, women’s groups decry post-war sexual violence. New York: UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. http://www.irinnews.org/report. aspx?reportid¼64306. Johnston, Harry. 1906. Liberia. London: Hutchinson. Jones, Rochelle. 2006. Liberia elects Africa’s first woman President—what does this mean for women? New York: Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, United Nations Office. http://www.peacewomen.org/resources/ Liberia/Sirleaf_AWID.html. Liebenow, J. Gus. 1987. Liberia: The Quest for Democracy. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Nelson, Harold D., ed. 1985. Liberia: A Country Study. Washington D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. Shick, Tom W. 1980. Behold the Promised Land: The History of Afro-American Settler Society in Nineteenth-Century Liberia. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. Smith, James Wesley. 1987. Sojourners in Search of Freedom: The Settlement of Liberia of Black Americans. Lanham: University Press of America. Staudenraus, P.J. 1961. The African Colonization Movement, 1816-1865. New York: Columbia University Press. Reprint, New York: Octagon Books, 1980. Stone, Ruth. 1982. Let the Inside Be Sweet: The Interpretation of Music Events among the Kpelle of Liberia. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. UNICEF. 2007. At a Glance: Liberia. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ liberia_statistics.html. U.S. Department of State. 2007. Background Note: Liberia. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State, Bureau of African Affairs. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ ei/bgn/6618.htm.
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MADAGASCAR Jennifer Cole NATIONAL PROFILE Lying between the Mozambique Channel and the Indian Ocean, just off the southeast coast of Africa, Madagascar is the fourth-largest island in the world. The bulk of Madagascar’s population is both young and rural. In 2005, Madagascar’s population was estimated at 18.6 million, with an annual growth rate of 2.7 percent (http://web.worldbank.org/WEBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/AFR). Like many developing countries, the life expectancy in Madagascar is low; in 2001 life expectancy at birth was 51.9 years for men and 54.2 years for women. Between 1992 and 2002, the annual population growth rate was 2.9 percent, with an average fertility rate of 5.8 births per woman. In 2005, approximately 45 percent of the population of 18.6 million was younger than 15 years of age, and approximately 80 percent of the population lived in rural areas. In Madagascar, to be young and rural is also to be poor, a phenomenon that is exacerbated by the fact that Madagascar is among the poorest, most indebted countries in the world. Between 1983 and 2000, an estimated 49 percent of the population lived on less than US$1 day, and 83.3 percent of the population lived on less than US$2 a day. During the course of the late 1970s and 1980s, Madagascar suffered increasing debt and the subsequent the erosion of the state infrastructure. Beginning in 1991, Madagascar abandoned the state-socialist regime that had governed the country since the mid-1970s. The government committed itself firmly to a World Bank– and International Monetary Fund–led policy of economic privatization and liberalization. In the first years of the changes, the economy suffered; in 1991 there was a 6.3 percent decrease in the gross national product (INSTAT 2000). Since around 1996, however, the economy has improved, thanks in part to growth in light industry (particularly textiles) and tourism. The estimated average income increased 2.1 percent in 1996 and 4.8 percent in 2000.
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Yet this growth relies on Madagascar’s political stability, which was severely compromised in 2002. In December of that year, presidential elections were held in which the incumbent, Didier Ratsiraka, who had governed Madagascar since the 1970s, faced off against Marc Ravalomanana, the former mayor of Antananarivo and owner of Tiako, a dairy company that is one of the most successful businesses in the country. In the first counting of the ballots, Ratsiraka appeared to have won. Ravalomanana, however, accused Ratsiraka of electoral fraud and declared himself the rightful president of Madagascar. Ratsiraka and his allies responded by blockading Antananarivo, the capital of Madagascar, which is located in the center of the island, thereby preventing it from receiving resources (like petrol) delivered to the ports. For several months, the island hovered at the brink of civil war. In a recount of the ballots, Ravalomanana was declared the legitimate president. Peace was restored, though only after Ravalomanana sent military expeditions to pacify the renegade provinces. The year of political chaos took its economic toll, including a 12 percent decrease in the national growth rate for 2002–2003. Although economic growth returned with political stability, the changes that have taken place since the early 1990s have accentuated social inequality, both between the countryside and the cities, and within cities. Between 1993 and 1999, poverty decreased by approximately 11 percent in urban areas but increased in rural areas by about 2.2 percent. The difference between the richest and the poorest parts of the population has also grown. In the province of Antananarivo, for example, which is the largest and most populated province in the country, the richest 10 percent of the population earns about 4.4 times more than the poorest 10 percent. Approximately 18 percent of households in Madagascar are headed by women. The global activity rate, which measures the number of people who work against the total number of people who are of working age, is 73.2 percent for men and 62.4 percent for women, although this number hides high rates of under- and unemployment in urban areas (INSTAT 2000). Agriculture, including fishing and forestry, is a mainstay of the
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economy, accounting for more than one-fourth of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and employing 80 percent of the population. In addition, the secondary sector (light industry, such as clothing manufacture) makes up about 12.5 percent of the GDP and the tertiary sector (services) about 50 percent. In urban areas, it is those families in which the head of household enjoys formal employment that may have access to a pension and health benefits and are better off than those families that rely primarily on the informal economy.
KEY FACTS – MADAGASCAR Population: 19,448,815 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 57.02 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 62.14 years (2007 est.) Internet users: 90,000 (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 140,000 (2003 est.) Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 66 Sources: CIA World Factbook: Madagascar. https://www.cia.gov/ library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ma.html. June 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Madagascar. http://hdr.undp.org/ hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_MDG.html. June 29, 2007.
OVERVIEW To understand what it means to be a child in Madagascar, one has to realize not only that childhood is culturally and historically constituted but that it is profoundly shaped by economic conditions as well. In Western Europe, a protected childhood promoted in national and international legislation emerged out of a specific class-based set of professional and parental interests and visions in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Similarly, the definition of a child as anyone younger than 18 years of age, promulgated by the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, reflects an extension upward of the protected sphere of childhood that has been taking place in Western Europe and the United States since the turn of the century (Fass 2007). In contemporary Madagascar, only a minority of urban elites aspire to the predominantly Euro-American vision of childhood that extends to 18 years of age. The great majority of inhabitants continue to be guided by indigenous visions of both how to define a child and what childhood should be like. This is not to say that rural Malagasy do not ideally want some aspects of what might be considered a modern childhood, such as access to schooling or state-sponsored vaccination programs. One would be hard pressed, even in rural areas of the country, to find a parent who does not think these goals worthy ones, but it is important to realize that the differences in conceptions of childhood mean that parents may embrace some aspects of state-promoted childhood and not others. At the same time, because Madagascar is poor, there is a sharp gap between the ideal of childhood, enshrined in legal doctrine and government policy, and the reality of what children have access to in practice. The future
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of Madagascar’s children may well be one in which these social-economic and cultural divisions become more pronounced. The constitution stipulates free primary education to all citizens, and education is compulsory for all citizens from 6 to 14 years of age. In practice, schools are unevenly distributed throughout the country, and only 50 percent of all primary-school aged children were enrolled as of 2003 (Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 2003). Enormous disparities exist in terms of access to medical care as well. While there are an abundance of both private and public clinics in the major towns, an estimated 60 percent of the population lives about 5 kilometers, or about an hour by foot, from a primary medical center and 37.2 percent of the population has to walk more than ten kilometers to find a medical center (Ravaozanany et al. 2002). Because most people are poor, they often cannot afford to buy the medicine that they need, even when a clinic is located close by. The constitution of Madagascar has numerous laws in place that are supposed to protect children from exploitation by adults, including a section of the constitution that states that the government has an obligation to provide for the welfare of children through the appropriate institutions (article 21), and a clause that states that all children have a right to be given an education under the guidance of their families (article 23). In addition, Madagascar has ratified the various international conventions intended to protect children, including the Convention of the Rights of the Child (1989). But, as with the case of schooling, there is a significant gap between the intentions of the law and the reality of its application. For the most part, this gap results from parental demands and cultural expectations on the one hand and economic realities on the other. In many poor households, a child’s labor contributes to a child’s value in the household, and may in fact ensure the child’s greater access to household resources. At the same time that it ensures a valued place in the household, the need for a child’s labor may deprive a child of other opportunities, such as keeping a child out of school. At other times, instances of actual abuse (sexual abuse of minors, for example) can take place because a combination of poverty and social inequality tears at the social fabric of families. A recent New York Times article started a story on sexual abuse of female children across Africa with an example from Madagascar, in which a young woman had been raped by her uncle and suffered enduring physical damage as a result (Lafranciere 2006).1 It is difficult to judge how common such cases are. Nevertheless, these examples suggest that any assessment of the state of children in Madagascar needs to look carefully at the gap between public policy statements and practice in daily life. EDUCATION Children’s access to Western forms of schooling has historically been a contentious topic in Madagascar. Many urban Malagasy, in particular,
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remain acutely aware that education ensures that some children gain access to new opportunities whereas other children do not. The patterns of access that characterize schooling today find their roots in Madagascar’s precolonial and colonial history. As a result, it is impossible to understand contemporary patterns of schooling without knowing a little bit about the past. During the precolonial period, specialists in Madagascar used an Islamic script for magic-religious and political purposes. It was not until around 1820, with the arrival of the London Missionary Society on the island and their subsequent transliteration of Arabic script into Roman script and creation of schools, that literacy and schooling were widely introduced. To gain access to the country, the British missionaries aligned themselves with the Merina monarchy, the group that controlled the central part of Madagascar and sought to conquer other areas of the island as well. Although the nineteenth-century missionaries wanted children to go to school so that they could read the Bible and become Christian, Merina officials used schools as a way to recruit young people into the army or into forced labor. Mission schools also provided the means through which many elite Merina were incorporated into the Merina state bureaucracy. When the French colonized Madagascar, one of their major goals was to break the power of the Merina monarchy and to present themselves as liberators of the coastal peoples who had been under Merina dominion. In contrast to the Merina monarchy’s close alliance with the Protestant missions, many of the French governor generals who determined colonial policy were secularists who fiercely protected the separation of church and state. Governor General Joseph Gallieni, the first governor general of Madagascar, who was responsible for conquering the island and setting up the colonial administration, founded a number of regional schools. His goal was to build a coastal elite that was supposed to counterbalance Merina power. At the turn of the century, however, many of these schools were closed by Gallieni’s successor, Victor Augagneur, because of a lack of funds. Throughout the colonial period, a bipartite system characterized schooling. In elite schools, which were modeled after French schools, teaching took place in French and according to a curriculum created in France. In the second-tier Malagasy schools, teaching took place in Malagasy. These schools offered practical and vocational training but were not intended to groom students for positions of leadership. The importance of language in terms of social mobility was further underscored by the fact that to accede to French citizenship—which in turn meant that an individual was exempt from certain taxes and demands imposed on colonial subjects and gained access to certain privileges—one had to be judged fluent in the French language. Although primary education in Madagascar has been widespread since the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, opportunities for
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secondary education, higher education, or job training have been fairly limited by comparison. The French, however, did create several regional schools, including the elite Le Myre de Villiers, which trained interpreters, functionaries, and teachers. They also created a medical school, Befeletanana, which trained indigenous doctors. Nevertheless, as late as 1955, there were only two high schools and modern ‘‘colleges’’ (roughly the equivalent of junior high school) in the capital city. This is considerably less than what was offered in Dakar at the same time, for example, where, from 1949 on, students could complete their License, the French equivalent of a Bachelor of Arts degree (Rahanivoson and Raison-Jourde 2006, 10). By the end of the colonial period, Malagasy began to accede to positions within the government. Nevertheless, when Madagascar gained formal independence in 1960 under Philibert Tsiranana, many colonial structures were left in place. In the education system, French teachers and professors continued to fill the highest posts and the degrees granted by French versus Malagasy schools did not have the same value. These inequities in the school system, and the fact that Tsiranana’s government had decided to revoke a newly established examination system that would have allowed students access to public secondary schools on the basis of merit rather than pay, were some of the primary grievances behind the downfall of the First Republic in May of 1972. When Ratsiraka’s state-socialist Second Republic took power in 1975, it instituted a policy of malgachization. This policy meant that the language of instruction in schools was now Malagasy rather than French. ‘‘Malgachization’’ was also supposed to indicate changes in the content of the educational curriculum. Despite the aim of the educational policy to foster national development and to right past inequalities, a doubletiered education system continued to operate. As Madagascar became increasingly indebted and poor over the course of the 1980s, schools were emptied of the most basic supplies, and teachers, particularly in rural areas, would abandon their posts for days at a time to go pick up their paychecks, which rarely arrived on time. While children from less privileged backgrounds attended government schools with scarce resources, elite and well-off middle-class urbanites were able to place their children in private French-language schools. Beginning in the early 1990s, Malagasy students were subject to yet another policy shift when the government decided that, once again, French would be the language of educational instruction. As this brief historical overview suggests, access to free primary schooling may be enshrined in the constitution, but education has long been a mechanism for reproducing social distinctions and hierarchies. Inhabitants of the central region and those who live in cities have more access to schools than those who live on the coasts or in rural areas. Most families find it extraordinarily difficult to fund their children’s education. In
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fact, one of the major reasons that children drop out of school is because their parents cannot afford to pay the school fees and supplies. Literacy rates reflect these divisions. Although 70 percent of the population has at least a primary school education, this shifts dramatically if one accounts for income; only 54.2 percent of the population in the poorest quintile has a primary school education as compared with 88.1 percent in the richest quintile (Ravaozanany et al. 2002). One recent study suggests that girls leave school more often and earlier than boys, although the inequities in investment in schooling for boys as compared to girls are minor when compared to other countries (UNICEF 2005).2 This study explains the difference as caused, in part, by the fact that parents rely more heavily on female children to complete household chores. Another explanation, particularly given that many parents need to send their children to live in larger towns or the city to gain access to secondary education, is that girls may be too vulnerable in such circumstances. Parents fear that their daughters are likely to fall pregnant and thereby place an even greater burden on an already burdened household when sent to larger towns or cities for schooling. Contemporary Malagasy youth, and particularly urban youth, regard schooling with ambivalence. Although they recognize that schooling provides access to important resources and knowledge, they are also keenly aware that recent changes in the economy mean that even students who have a college degree may not be able to find work. At the same time, urban youth are pulled between the desire to participate in a rapidly burgeoning consumer youth culture that requires immediate expenditures and the knowledge that even if they undergo privations in order to finish school, they may not end up with a job equivalent to their diploma. As a result, many young people seek resources outside of school in ways that further compromise their ability to successfully complete schooling (Cole 2004). PLAY AND RECREATION Like schooling, the kinds of play and recreational activities that children and youth have access to vary tremendously according to where they live (in the country or the city) and their families’ socioeconomic status. For the majority of youth who spend at least their early years in the countryside, there is little formal structuring of ‘‘play time’’ and very few toys in the sense of specialized objects intended only for play. A corn cob or even a small chicken can easily serve as a doll (to be tied to a young girls’ back in the manner of an infant, for example) and young boys often create makeshift soccer balls out of plastic bags tied together. Young children play alongside their parents as their parents work. If the parents are working in the fields, children may ‘‘play’’ at planting rice alongside their parents, and their parents may occasionally correct them in proper
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planting technique. If children play in the village courtyard, they often build pretend houses called ‘‘not a house house’’ (tsy trano trano), or play at cooking and washing the dishes using empty coconut shells and bits of plastic as bowls in a game called ‘‘to make good dirty water’’ (mahasoaranomaloto). In urban contexts, adults organize youth recreation in a variety of different ways. Churches, the Ministry of Sports and Recreation, and various local-level government organizations offer frameworks within which youth can organize sports teams and engage in competitions. The effectiveness of these efforts often is hampered by lack of funds, because stadiums are dilapidated and there is little equipment that youth can use. Unlike Senegal, where youth involvement in basketball has become a major activity through which urban youth seek to improve their situation and perhaps travel abroad, in Madagascar sports are primarily how unemployed or underemployed urban youth pass the time. Radio remains the form of media to which the majority of youth and children have access; a recent study conducted by the Minister of Communication revealed that 76 percent of all households in the country listen to the radio, although consistent access to batteries remains a problem for rural inhabitants (Sheikh 2004). In 40 percent of the households surveyed, children reported listening to the radio. Their favorite programs included music shows, drama series, and the news.3 In a study of the seven largest cities of Madagascar (Antananarivo, Antsiranana, Toamasina, Toliara, Antsirabe, Mahajanga, and Fianarantsoa), one of two households reported having a television, but this number hides considerable differences according to region. In the port-town of Antsiranana (Diego Suarez), for example, 61 percent of households have a television, whereas in Toliara (Tulear), only 10 percent of households have a television. Unlike parts of East and West Africa, and partly because of the difference in language, there is little access to South Asian– or Nigerianproduced movies or videos. Rather, the liberalization of the media that took place in the early 1990s has created an influx of foreign shows that are usually dubbed, mainly coming from the United States and France. Soap operas imported from Mexico and Brazil are popular with both young people and adults. Many children and youth also attend video parlors, which show a range of action videos, including kung fu videos and Rambo. In recent years, many of these video parlors also show X-rated films, which children are not prevented from watching. Formal studies of the impact of media on children and youth in Madagascar are not available. Nevertheless, anecdotal evidence suggests that in urban areas consumption of Western media is one factor in driving youth’s increasing desire to attain Western kinds of lifestyles. Children and youth avidly consume Western media, ‘‘studying’’ it for new ideas about how to dress, how to conduct romantic relationships, or how to interact with their parents.
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CHILD LABOR The issue of child labor in Madagascar is contentious and provides a prism through which competing visions of childhood—and eventual adulthood—refract. In rural areas, it is considered completely normal and desirable for children from the age of about 6 years onwards to work. Children help their parents in the fields, fetch and carry water, gather kindling, herd livestock, care for younger siblings, or cook meals while other family members are working in the fields. Sometimes parents will designate the crop from a certain rice paddy as ‘‘belonging’’ to a particular child, so that once the crop is harvested and sold, the money earned can be used to buy a new outfit for Independence Day or Christmas. Children’s participation in household labor increases their ideals of intergenerational reciprocity, which means that parents are much more likely to favor children who contribute to the household’s well-being than those who do not. Parents value their children’s labor, and they share that labor and foster interconnections among their kin through practices of child fosterage or by sending their children to help other kin in the fields, for example. Madagascar’s Labor Code prohibits the employment of children younger than the age of 14. The Code also makes it illegal for children to engage in work that is harmful to their health and normal development. Children younger than the age of 18 are also not supposed to work at night or on Sundays, or in excess of 8 hours a day or 40 hours a week. The Labor Code also forbids the forced or bonded labor of children. In theory, the Ministry of Civil Service, Social Laws, and Labor is supposed to enforce these child labor laws through inspections. Violations of labor laws are punishable with fines, imprisonment, or closure of the workplace. In 2004, there were about 60 labor inspectors in the country, but most of their efforts were focused on the free-trade zones and export zones around Antananarivo. Labor inspectors, however, are not responsible for enforcing laws in the informal sector, which is where most children work. Nor do they have the resources to enforce the laws properly. This lack of enforcement means that although many children work in culturally appropriate ways to contribute to their family’s well-being, many other children work in less favorable conditions. In 2004, a U.S. Embassy report stated that the Embassy was not aware of instances of forced or bonded labor, coerced sweatshop labor, forced marriage, or other slavery-like conditions (U.S. Embassy 2004). According to the government of Madagascar, the worst forms of child labor in Madagascar are domestic service, stone quarry work, gemstone mining, hazardous and unhealthy work in the rural and urban informal sectors, and the commercial sexual exploitation of children and related activities (Bureau of International Affairs [ILAB] 2007).4 Of these various activities, two bear
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special mention because of their ubiquity: domestic service and prostitution. Throughout the towns and cities of Madagascar, it is extremely common for middle-class families to employ young girls from the countryside to work as maids and domestic assistants. Typically between 10 and 20 years of age, these girls and adolescents work exceedingly long hours. They often rise before dawn to prepare food for the family and stay up late at night washing and cleaning after the rest of the family has gone to bed. They have extremely low social status and are at the beck and call of their employers. They are paid extremely low wages; in Antananarivo in 2006, the equivalent of US$25 to 30 was the typical monthly salary in addition to room and board. For the most part, domestic workers have no access to health and medical benefits of any kind, other than the largesse of their employers. Although they endure extremely difficult working conditions for little pay, it is important to stress that, for the most part, these young girls do in fact keep their pay, as opposed to giving it to a parent or older relative. Sometimes, these young women seek to build up enough capital to return to the countryside and start businesses. At other times, they may meet young men in the area and set up temporary unions, thereby establishing a tenuous foothold in the city. Conflicts between employers and their maids are frequent, and rates of turnover quite high. The issue of children’s involvement in the sexual economy is more difficult to address, in part because it is all too easy to let Western preconceptions of children’s sexuality and prostitution shape interpretations of young people’s sex work in Madagascar. In Madagascar, in many social milieus, it is considered normal for postpubescent girls to enter into sexual relations with men. It is also considered normal and respectful for men to give gifts and money in return for sex. For young women, it is considered part of the expected route to adulthood that they will use their sexual and reproductive capacities to obtain resources over which they retain control. As a result, the activities that appear as ‘‘prostitution’’ to outside observers, including nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) engaged in child protection and development work, are often interpreted as normal behavior for young women by the local population. Young women engage in these activities of their own initiative rather than by force (U.S. Embassy 2004). However, the true nature of ‘‘initiative,’’ and whether or not young women have exercised a choice or been coerced, given the structural conditions in which they live, could be further debated. Today, in cities throughout Madagascar, one finds that young women from the age of about 14 years or older engage in roughly two kinds of sexual and economic exchange, although these categories are not mutually exclusive. First, some young women seek older Malagasy men or European men, with whom they can forge enduring liaisons (Cole 2004). These young women are motivated by a combination of factors,
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including the difficulties their parents face in paying for their continued schooling, their fear that schooling will not succeed in helping them find adequate employment, and a long cultural tradition in which women expect to use their sexuality to forge relationships with men toward social and economic ends. Many of these young women go to nightclubs or frequent bars and cafes where they are likely to meet foreign men. Although some of these young women are younger than 18 years of age, most are not. However, there are also large numbers of young women who are less well off, who engage in short-term, hand-to-mouth kinds of prostitution. A recent study found that children were more likely to be drawn into prostitution when they had friends who were involved in it and when they accompanied their parents to sell snacks near nightclubs. They also found that, for the most part, parents condoned the practice because the children contributed money to the household. Although the majority of children who engage in prostitution are female, a growing number of boys have begun to engage in the practice. Prostitution itself is not a crime in Madagascar, although pimping and solicitation of minors are. In recent years, the government has become increasingly aware of the problem of sexual tourism and prostitution, in part because of the threat of sexually transmitted disease and HIV/AIDS in particular. The government has led a campaign against sexual tourism on the island and there are numerous NGOs aimed at reducing young people’s participation in what the International Office of Labor calls ‘‘one of the worst forms of child labor.’’ However, until young women are offered other ways to fulfill their economic needs, their participation in the practice is unlikely to diminish. FAMILY Patterns of family and kinship structures in Madagascar vary both among the different ethnic groups that inhabit the island and according to socioeconomic strata within groups. Exceptions notwithstanding, the majority of inhabitants believe that the world is hierarchically ordered between the living, the dead, and a higher supreme being, referred to as Zanahary by non-Christians and Andriamanitra by Christians. According to this system, all prosperity and well-being comes from the ancestors, who have superior hasina, a word that can be roughly translated as force or efficacy, which is then channeled to the living through ritual. Elders have more hasina than do juniors, and men are said to have more hasina than women. Historically, this system for ordering authority has underlain both centralized polities like the Merina Kingdom of the high plateau, in which descent groups were ranked hierarchically in relation to the monarchy, and decentralized, lineage-based systems like the Bestimisaraka of the central east coast.
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Ancestorhood is a socially achieved state that can never be guaranteed, but parenthood is one of the requisite steps that make it more likely to happen. Throughout the island, the birth of a first child, regardless of sex, gives the parent a teknonym, which means that from that point on the parents are called the ‘‘Mother of X’’ or the ‘‘Father of X.’’ Many groups throughout the island recognize that every person has ‘‘eight ancestors’’ from whom they trace descent. Although some groups like the Sakalava of the northwest coast prioritize kinship traced through men and, as a result, children are more likely to live with their father’s kin, in general children are considered highly valued members of both their mother’s and their father’s kin groups. In central Madagascar, a traditional marriage blessing is ‘‘May you have seven sons and seven daughters,’’ suggesting that both male and female children are highly valued. Among the Southern Betsimisaraka of the east coast, villagers often say that parents desire boys because ‘‘they make many people’’ and strengthen the descent group by bringing their wives to live with them and the children their wives bear. Another Betsimisaraka proverb states that ‘‘girls don’t have an ancestral land, yet they have an ancestral land,’’ reflecting the idea that although girls are less connected to their ancestors than boys because they will follow their husbands when they get married, they nevertheless do have important ancestral connections. Generally, parents throughout Madagascar value both male and female children for the different kinds of labor and resources they represent. Ideally, the conception of intergenerational relations, which guides daily life, is one of balanced reciprocity. Just as ancestors are supposed to bless their descendents, and descendents are supposed to respond with gifts and sacrifice, so too parents are supposed to care for and nurture their children, and children are supposed to reciprocate by honoring their parents in turn. In practice, however, the desires of parents and children often conflict. In part this conflict stems from the fact that traditionally, a father’s wealth and prestige was understood in terms of the children he gathered around him, whereas a son was expected to seek his fortune. Local conceptions of the life course recognize that ‘‘youth’’ is a period when young people should seek access to material resources—whether a new piece of land for farming, a European husband who will provide access to wealth, or a school diploma that will enable a job—through which they can build up a power base of their own. Divorce and remarriage is common throughout the island, with the exception of some families who are deeply Christian. Customary law with respect to divorce and the division of assets varies. In the central highlands, for example, women traditionally received one third of the combined household wealth in the case of divorce. Among the Sakalava of the northwest coast, if the couple divorces before a year, the man keeps any children that have been born and the money and gifts that he and his family used to contract the marriage must be returned to him. If the
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marriage ends after a year, the man can usually claim the children, but the wife gets to keep her bridewealth (Feeley-Harnik 1991, 286). Often, in these cases, fathers will leave the children with their mothers while the children are young and claim them when they are old enough to contribute to the household. Inheritance rules reflect a similar gender bias; although both males and females usually inherit, typically brothers are given more land than their sisters, because of the expectation that women will follow their husbands. It is important to note that the customary laws regarding divorce, which privilege father’s rights to claim children, are premised on an economy in which children’s labor is valuable. For those Malagasy who move from rural to urban areas and who want their children to attend school so as to be able to find employment, children become a more long-term investment and a potential short-term financial burden. As a result, it is increasingly common to find that men may leave their children with their mothers after a divorce and do not contribute to their upkeep. In rural areas, children who are not wanted by their fathers are likely to quickly be absorbed into their mother’s families. In urban areas, these children are much more likely to lack access to the kin networks through which care and resources are distributed. HEALTH The poverty endemic to Madagascar means that health care is a major issue facing almost all children on the island; the statistics tell a story of enormous suffering and deprivation. Child mortality rates remain high, with an average of 76 deaths per 1,000 live births and 122 deaths per 1,000 for children under five years of age (http://web.worldbank.org/ WEBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/AFR). It is estimated that one third of the country’s children younger than the age of 5 are moderately to severely underweight, despite the fact that almost all women breastfeed. About 50 percent of births are attended by skilled birth attendants, but childbirth is still a dangerous event in a woman’s life, and an estimated women 550 of 100,000 die giving birth every year. In 2004, only 59 percent of children between 12 and 23 months were immunized for measles, and about 41.9 percent of children younger than 5 were underweight for their age (http://web.worldbank.org/WEBSITE/EXTER NAL/COUNTRIES/AFR). In 2000, only about 53 percent of the population had access to clean drinking water. At this point, exposure to harmful chemicals or carbon monoxide is not a major problem in urban or rural settings. The major causes of morbidity and death for children are malaria and respiratory diseases, which often go untreated. Young children also frequently suffer from diarrhea. During the course of the 1980s and 1990s, outbreaks of cholera and bubonic plague also took place throughout the
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island. Although these diseases are more likely to be fatal in rural contexts where medical help is scarce, they regularly occur in the cities as well. It is not uncommon to meet families from middle-class, urban contexts who have lost a child either at birth or to a disease like cerebral malaria. Health care in Madagascar is offered by both public and private providers. About 59 percent of sick people seek medical care in state facilities, whereas 26.2 percent go to private clinics. Many families also still rely on traditional healers. During the last several years, there has been an increase in the amount of money allocated to health care by the state. In 1998, only 5.2 percent of state monies went towards health care, while in 2000 this number increased to about 9.8 percent. Between 1990 and 1999, there were 11,000 doctors per 100,000 people. Given the paucity of primary health care, it comes as no surprise that there are few services offered to disabled children or those who suffer mental illness. Of those children who suffer from disabilities, about 10 percent are sent to regular school, and a fraction—1,677 children— receive special education. For the most part, mental illness is diagnosed and treated by traditional healers. Given local beliefs about ancestors and the practice of spirit possession that is widespread throughout the island, many Malagasy interpret mental illness as either the result of possession by malevolent spirits or the sick person’s failure to recognize, and ritually propitiate, a spirit who is trying to possess them. Alternatively, some families seek cures in the exorcism camps offered by Lutheran and Pentecostal churches. The first case of AIDS in Madagascar was detected in 1987. During the 1990s, rates of AIDS remained extremely low, although the numbers increased towards the end of the 1990s. Today, the rate of AIDS among adults is approximately 1.7 percent. In 2003, there were approximately 8,600 children living with AIDS and 30,000 AIDS orphans. These rates remain low, especially in comparison with countries like Botswana where there are approximately 120,000 AIDS orphans. However, rates of sexually transmitted diseases, including gonorrhea and syphilis as well as other sexually transmitted diseases, are high and local mores permit multiple sexual partners. As a result, experts fear the spread of the disease. There are currently numerous NGOs, including the popular Top Reseau, funded by Population Services International, working in partnership with the Malagasy government to increase awareness of how HIV/AIDS is spread and to change behavior to prevent its spread. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The Convention on the Rights of the Child, the United Nations standard minimum rules for the administration of juvenile justice, provides children and young people with important rights under juvenile justice. These rights include basic procedural safeguards for juvenile offenders,
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such as the presumption of innocence, the right to be notified of the charges, the right to remain silent, the right to counsel, the right to the presence of a parent or guardian, and the right to appeal to a higher authority, that no child shall be detained with an adult person, that the detention center shall have a separate wing for girls, and that every case shall be handled expeditiously and without unnecessary delay. Although little information is available that deals specifically with children, there is evidence that Madagascar fails, by all international standards, to protect the rights of children who come within the purview of the legal system. Prison conditions are harsh and life-threatening, with inadequate food and medical care. Women in prisons were abused, as are children sometimes confined with mothers. Gender segregation is not absolute, and there have been reports of rapes committed by other prisoners. Data on crimes committed by young people are only available for the province of Antananarivo. These data suggest that the majority of young people are arrested for theft (Comite des Droites de l’Enfant).5 RELIGIOUS LIFE Malagasy family life and religious beliefs and practices are deeply intertwined. The great majority of Malagasy, particularly in rural areas, continue to participate in the ancestral rituals and practices that together comprise traditional religion. At the same time, many of Madagascar’s inhabitants, particularly in the high plateau area and in the cities, are Christian. Of the Malagasy inhabiting the seven major cities of Madagascar, 40.3 percent claim to be Catholic, 35.5 percent are Protestants belonging to the FJKM (Fiangonan’I Jesosy Kristy eto Madagasikara), which is the descendant group of the nineteenth century Protestant missions to Madagascar, and about 8 percent are Lutheran. There are also a small number of Muslims, particularly in the north and northwest of the island. Anthropologists have often observed that the life course in Madagascar is structured as a journey from the womb to the tomb where one will eventually be interred as an ancestor. Although there is considerable variation throughout the island, this pattern is often marked by different rituals that link the child to the land in which his or her ancestors are buried. For example, many groups bury a child’s umbilical cord either under the door of the house or in a river, as a way of symbolically rooting the child to the land (Wooley 2002). There are no elaborate rites of passage for young women, but several ethnic groups circumcise young boys and hold elaborate rituals in which they ask ancestral blessing. In addition, young men and women whose ‘‘mothers and fathers are still living’’ often play an important role in ancestral rituals as symbols of generational continuity (Bloch 1986). Children remain a crucial, albeit ambivalent, symbol of vitality in many ancestral practices.
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Christianity plays an important role in the lives of many urban children. The legacy of the nineteenth-century Merina kingdom’s involvement with the Protestant missions, followed by colonization by the French, established a pattern such that the inhabitants of central Madagascar are mainly Protestant, while the inhabitants of the coastal cities tend to be Catholic. Throughout the twentieth century, the children of aspiring urbanites have been sent to Catholic and Protestant schools and participated in church youth groups. Today, it remains common for Catholic and Protestant children to undergo the different rites of passage (communion, confirmation, etc.) that structure movement through the church, to participate in Boys and Girl Scout activities, and to attend youth camps. Throughout the twentieth century, the different churches played an active role in offering services to children, ranging from orphanages to parochial schools to medical dispensaries. This is particularly true for the Catholic Church, which was very actively involved in charity efforts throughout Madagascar. During the course of the 1980s, services offered by the Catholic Church became even more important. As the national government became increasingly poor during this period and unable to offer the most basic services, it was widely recognized that Catholic schools offered a better education than that provided in state schools. Meanwhile, Catholic dispensaries had access to medicines that were impossible to obtain from government nurses and doctors. The Catholic and Protestant churches that have been active in Madagascar since the nineteenth century continue to provide an important context in which urban children grow up. However, during the last 15 years, Madagascar has seen an influx of large numbers of independent evangelical churches that have come from South Africa, the United States, France, and Germany. These new churches are not as active in the provision of schools and medical dispensaries as either the Protestant or Catholic churches. Instead, they focus their efforts on the performance of healing through prayer and exorcism and Bible study. These churches also offer an ideology that emphasizes the importance of rejecting ancestral practices through which traditional authority is constituted, and adhering to a strict moral discipline. They have proven powerfully attractive to some youth. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Unlike some other African countries, there is no tradition in Madagascar of using children as soldiers. Moreover, with the exception of the anticolonial rebellion of 1947, there have been no major armed conflicts. Nonetheless, there is a long history of youth involvement in riots and political skirmishes. Youth have been both the pawns of political elites, who have attempted to buy them off and use them to their own ends, and
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political actors who have fought for change. During the 1970s, for example, President Ratsiraka was known to give money to a group of kung fu enthusiasts who acted as strong men for his regime. Currently, it is common in the run up to elections for political deputies to pay and underand unemployed young men to work for them distributing propaganda or tearing down the posters of the opposition party. After the disputed elections of 2002, youth in many of the coastal cities were actively organized into militias that terrorized the local population. Although the scale of violence is nothing like what has taken place in some African countries, the threat of youth becoming involved in violent activities remains real. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Any predictions for the changing nature of childhood, tenuous though they might be, are best placed in the broader context of growing social inequality that currently characterizes Madagascar. One might propose that childhood in Madagascar is moving in three directions. For those children who continue to inhabit rural areas, childhood will likely be marked by lack of access to the modern amenities of childhood, they will continue to grow up as subsistence farmers, and their livelihood and opportunities will be determined by how able they are to contribute to household income. For a large number of children who live in urban areas or in large towns, or who move between the country and the city, childhood will be characterized by a partial and uneven access to schooling and medical care. It is this group who feel most acutely the gap between their aspirations and their abilities to realize them, and who are thus most open to engaging in certain kinds of activities such as exchanging sex for gifts or money to acquire valued commodities, or participating in the militias that politicians fund in their efforts to obtain votes. Finally, a tiny minority of children of the very rich are likely to increasingly move between Madagascar and France or the United States, and to enjoy all the privileges that are commonly associated with a so-called modern childhood. NOTES 1. ‘‘Sex Abuse of Girls Is Stubborn Scourge in Africa,’’ New York Times, December 1, 2006. 2. ‘‘Girl-to-girl strategy helps girls stay in school in Madagascar,’’ UNICEF. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/madagasar-26048.html. 3. UNICEF. http://www.unicef.org/media/media_24106.thml 4. ‘‘Madagascar: Incidence and Nature of Child Labor.’’ Bureau of International Labor Affairs—U.S. Department of Labor. February 20, 2007. http://wwww.dol. gov/ilab/media/reports/iclp/tda2004/madagascar.htm. 5. Comite des Droites de l’Enfant: Responses Ecrites du Gouvernement de Madagascar a La Liste Des Points a Traiter a l’Occasion de L’Examen Du Dieuxieme
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Rapport Periodique de Madagascar Par Le Comite des Droites de l’Enfant, Reponses Rec¸ues le 28 ao^ ut 2003.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Allen, Philip. Madagascar: Conflicts of Authority in the Great Island. Boulder, CO: Westview Press; 1995. This book offers a concise history of Madagascar, focusing on the political conflicts that have taken place in the last 50 years. Bloch, Maurice. From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merina. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 1986. Based on long-term fieldwork in highland Madagascar, the author offers an interpretation of the circumcision ritual of the Merina of central Madagascar, which includes observations on the symbolic practices relevant to children. Cole, Jennifer. 2004. ‘‘Fresh Contact in Tamatave, Madagascar: Sex, Money and Intergenerational Transformation.’’ American Ethnologist, 31 (2004), 571– 586. Drawing on fieldwork in the east coast port of Toamasina (Tamatave), this article analyzes contemporary practices of transactional sex and the continuities and disruptions that such practices entail. Covell, Maureen. Madagascar: Politics, Economics, and Society. London and New York: Frances Pinter; 1987. Although published in 1987, this book offers an excellent history of twentieth-century Madagascar, including the events leading up to the fall of the First Republic. Fee, Sarah, ed. ‘‘Rethinking ‘la femme malgache’: new views on gender in Madagascar.’’ Special Issue of Taloha. Institut de Civilisations Musee d’Art et D’archaeologie. Antananarivo, Madagascar; 2000. This special issue of Taloha, a journal produced by the Museum of Archaeologie in Madagascar, offers several different articles on women and gender relations in Madagascar, including insights on practices that are relevant to children. Feeley-Harnik, Gillian. A Green Estate: Restoring Independence in Madagascar. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press; 1991. Drawing on years of fieldwork in northwest Madagascar, this ethnographic study of the Sakalava in the Analalava region give an excellent portrait of social and ritual practices in the northwest of the country. Gogul, Anne-Marie, Roselyne Rahanivoson, and Francoise Raison-Jourde. Aux Origines du Mai Malgache: D e sir d’ecole et competition sociale 1951–1972. Paris: Karthala; 2006. Written by a woman who spent years living in Madagascar as a teacher, this volume traces the growing tensions between educational practice and social hierarchy in Madagascar, which eventually led to the political events of 1972, and the fall of the First Republic. INSTAT. L’Emploi, Le Chomage et Les Conditions d’Activit e Des M e nages dans les Sept Grandes Villes de Madagascar. Ministere Des Finances et de L’Economie: Antananarivo; 2000.
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This pamphlet provides numerous useful statistics on the living conditions in the seven major cities of Madagascar. Wooley, Oliver. The Earth Shakers of Madagascar: An Anthropological Study of Authority Fertility and Creation. London: London School of Economics; 2002. Drawing on long-term fieldwork in southeastern Madagascar, this book analyzes a system of divine kingship that has emerged in this area and provides a wealth of information about local kinship and political ideology, including ideas and practices that are relevant to children.
Nonprint Resources Angano Angano: Tales from Madagascar. 1989. VHS only. 64 minutes. Produced by. Marie-Clemence Blanc Paes. Directed by Cesar Paes. In Malagasy with English subtitles. This movie offers various retellings of folk tales from around Madagascar. It is available from California Newsreel. http://www.newsreel.org/nav/title.asp Quand Les Etoiles Rencontrent La Mer. Directed by Raymond Rajaonarivelo in French and Malagasy with English subtitles. Also available from California Newsreel, this movie offers a surreal retelling of a Malagasy folktale about a child’s search for his destiny.
Web Sites INSTAT (Institut National de la Statistique) (National Institute of Statistics), http://www.cite.mg/instat/index.htm. Kates, Jennifer, and Alyssa Wilson Leggoe. ‘‘HIV/AIDS Policy Fact Sheet: HIV/ AIDS in Madagascar.’’ The Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation, October 2005, http://www.kff.org/hivaids/upload/7358.pdf. Madagascar Country Profile. iRIN PlusNews: The HIV/AIDS News Service, http://www.plusnews.org/AIDS/madagascar.asp. UNICEF: Info By Country. Madagascar, http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ madagascar.html.
Selected Bibliography Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. Madagascar: Country Report on Human Rights Practices. 2003. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/ 2003/27736.htm. Bureau of International Affairs, U.S. Department of Labor. February 20, 2007. http://www.dol.gov/ilab/media/reports/iclp/tda2004/madagascar.htm. Comite des Droites de l’Enfant. Aot^ u 2003 Responses Ecrites du Gouvernement de Madagascar a La Liste Des Points a Traiter a l’Occasion de L’Examen Du Dieuxieme Rapport Periodique de Madagascar Par Le Comite des Droites de l’Enfant.
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Fass, Paula S. Children of a New World: Society, Culture and Globalization. New York University Press: New York; 2007. INSTAT, L’Emploi, Le Chomage, et Les Conditions d’Activite des Menages dans les sept grandes villes de Madagascar. Second Trimestre. Madagascar: Ministere des Finances et de l’Economie Institut National de la Statistique Projet Madio II, 2000. Lafranciere, Sharon. ‘‘Sex Abuse of Girls Is Stubborn Scourge in Africa.’’ New York Times, December 1, 2006. http://www.nytimes.com/2006/12/01/world/ africa/01Madagascar.html. Rahanivoson, Roselyne, and Franc¸oise, Raison-Jourde. 2006. ‘‘Preface’’ in AnneMarie Goguel. Aux origines du mai malgache: D e sir d’ e cole et competition social 1951–1972. Paris: Karthala; 2006. Ravaozanany, Noroarisoa, Leon N. Razafindrabe, and Geneve Liliane Rakotoniarivo. ‘‘Madagascar: Les Enfants Victimes de l’Exploitation Sexuelle a Antsiranana, Toliary et Antananarivo: Une Evaluation Rapide.’’ Bureau International du Travail, Programme International pour l’Abolition du Travail des Enfants (IPEC): Geneve; Juin 2002. Sheikh, Misbah. ‘‘Children: the new media consumer in Madagascar.’’ UNICEF; 2004. http://www.unicef.org/media/media_24106.html. UNICEF. April 15, 2005. ‘‘Girl-to-girl strategy helps girls stay in school in Madagascar.’’ http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/madagasar-26048.html. U.S. Embassy. February 2004. U.S. Embassy-Antananarivo Political and Economic Section. ‘‘Madagascar Trafficking in Persons Report.’’ http://www.usmission .mg/MADTP04eng.htm.
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MALAWI Alastair Ager and Charlotte Ager NATIONAL PROFILE Malawi is a small land-locked country of 118,480 square kilometers, bordered to the north by Tanzania, the west by Zambia, and the south by Mozambique. Lake Malawi, the third-largest lake in Africa, covering a total area of 22,490 square kilometers, defines much of the border to the east. Malawi has a subtropical climate with a rainy season from November to May and a dry season from June to October. The land was settled through the fourteenth to eighteenth centuries by the Bantu, with Ngoni tribes (made up of Yao and Zulu groups) subsequently invading. During the nineteenth century, more than 800,000 Malawians were sold into slavery or killed. In the latter half of the nineteenth century, the Scottish Missionary David Livingstone traveled to Malawi and encouraged other missionaries to settle in the area, hoping their presence would promote the abolition of the slave trade. In 1907, the British claimed Malawi as a colony and set up plantations on which many Malawians were forced to work. Malawi gained its independence in 1964. Its first President, Dr. Hastings Banda subsequently declared himself ‘‘Life President’’ and, under his dictatorial rule, Malawians faced much oppression until his defeat in 1992 by a coalition of national and international opposition. Since 1993, Malawi has been a multiparty democracy, with the first elected President, Bakili Muluzi, succeeded by President Bingu wa Mutharikai in 2004. Malawi’s population was estimated in 2005 to be close to 13 million, with the southern region more densely populated than the central and northern regions. More than 5 million (i.e., 40 percent) of the population are younger than the age of 18. Currently, the life expectancy for both men and women is 43 years of age (World Health Organization [WHO] 2007). The main causes of infant mortality are preventable diseases such as malaria, diarrhea, and malnutrition-related causes. It is
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estimated that 49 of every 100 children in Malawi are malnourished. The country is battling the devastating effects of HIV/AIDS, which has left more than 937,000 children without one or both parents and left an estimated 83,000 of the child population under 15 infected with HIV. The official languages of the country are English and Chichewa, and the national currency is the kwacha. The majority of the population is Christian (predominantly Protestant, but with a significant Catholic minority). Some 20 percent of the population—concentrated in the east and the south—is Muslim. The profile of Islam, through the premiership of Bakili Maluzi and a range of other factors, has increased substantially in recent years. Traditional African religion continues to have a significant influence, particularly in rural areas. Average income is the equivalent of approximately ten cents per day. Malawi regularly ranks within the five poorest countries in the world on per capita income (United Nations Development Programme [UNDP] 2007). The economy is heavily agricultural in its focus, with a continuing dependence on tobacco as a basis for foreign exchange earnings. Smallholder farming remains the foundation of the rural economy, with an estimated 75 percent of land labor provided by women. There is a long history of men serving as labor migrants in other countries in the region in such industries as mining. This, and the impact of AIDS, leads to a greater prevalence of female-headed households. The government of Malawi has recently announced significant investment in science and technology as part of a renewed attempt to diversify the economy. With a social-sector spending heavily dependent upon international financial assistance, there are a wide range of international agencies active in the country. Prominent actors include intergovernmental agencies such as United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) and UNDP, international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) such as Save the Children and World Vision, and a wide range of local NGOs, including the active women’s-focused Banja La Mtsogolo (Marie Stopes International Worldwide 2007).
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OVERVIEW
KEY FACTS – MALAWI
One in five children in Malawi Population: 13,603,181 (2007 est.) does not survive to the age of 5 Life expectancy at birth: 42.98 years (2007 est.) years. Across the varying cultural Literacy rate: 62.7 percent (2003 est.) and ethnic groupings of Malawi, Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 82 percent (2000–2005) children are widely cherished Internet users: 52,500 (2005) and valued. But severe poverty, People living with HIV/AIDS: 900,000 (2003 est.) underdeveloped infrastructure, Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 83 and major constraints on the quality and accessibility of pubSources: CIA World Factbook: Malawi. https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/mi.html. June 29, 2007; lic services, such as health UNICEF. At a Glance: Malawi–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ and education, render childhood infobycountry/malawi_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; United in Malawi a harsh experience. Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Malawi. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ Increased urbanization and the countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_MWI.html. June 29, 2007. development of telecommunications over recent years have contributed to a significant influence of modernization on children in the country. Clothing, language, and gestures reflect an increasing awareness of global culture. However, with limited economic development, and a crippling burden of disease associated with AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria, and other preventable diseases, the life expectancy and per capita earnings that can be anticipated by today’s children are little better, and in some instances worse, than those of children two decades ago. EDUCATION Free primary education has been available for both girls and boys since 1999. Although distance from school and cost of materials continue to prevent many children from attending school, the abolition of fees has led to increased enrollments, particularly among girls, who had previously been under-represented in schools. However, because of their limited resources, schools have generally been unable to cope with such expansion. In consequence, general schooling standards are very low. Didactic teaching by untrained teachers in huge classes is a common feature of the system, with high repetition rates due to poor academic progress or illness. Just over half of Malawian teachers are qualified. Similar issues of quality are faced by the secondary education sector. Although liberalization of the sector in the 1990s created a significant expansion of available secondary places, standards of tuition across an increasing range of private providers have been poorly regulated. The proportion of candidates attaining good passes in a number of MCSE (Malawi Certificate of Secondary Education) subjects has as a result declined significantly. Despite expansion, there remains a severely limited
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national pool of candidates gaining credit passes in science subjects and thereby meeting admissions criteria for medical and health-related tertiary training. Gender Issues There has been much attention paid in recent years to the development of ‘‘gender-sensitive’’ education (Maluwa-Banda 2003). The aim is to address a wide range of factors that sees girls: i) disproportionately likely to withdraw from primary school before completing their JCE (Junior Certificate of Education); ii) disproportionately unlikely to complete secondary school; and iii) under-represented in higher education. Lower representation of girls at secondary and tertiary levels of education levels is particularly influenced by the likelihood of pregnancy and/or marriage and increased responsibilities in the home supervising younger siblings and/or caring for a sick parent. In addition, limited job availability restricts opportunities for girls developing strong, income-earning careers (e.g., beyond nursing and teaching) and creates little incentive for enrolling in tertiary education. Measures have included the abolition of requirements for school uniforms (which continued to be a barrier to education for some low-income families who had to prioritize between boys’ and girls’ attendance at school) and regulations to ensure that school-aged mothers can return to school after giving birth. Children with Disabilities Another consequence of stronger enrollment in the primary sector has been an increase in the number of disabled children attending school. To address the challenges that this has brought about, the Special Needs Education Unit of the Ministry of Education, Sports, and Culture was established as a full Department in 2005 with an enhanced remit (Malawi 2001, 2004). Current policy seeks to comply with article 23 of the Convention of the Rights of the Child in assisting disabled children to ‘‘enjoy a full and decent life in dignity and achieve the greatest degree of self-reliance and social integration possible.’’ The policy seeks to support integrated Resource Centers in mainstream schools, staffed with teachers trained in special needs education; place itinerant SNE teachers to assist in mainstream schools (one such teacher normally serving up to fifteen schools); and place special needs education teachers in designated special schools. Despite this recent initiative, there are still very real barriers to children with disabilities (estimated at more than 4 percent of all children) accessing school (Salmonsson 2006). Transport to school can be very difficult, with parents often having to carry disabled children long distances to reach school. Cultural beliefs that disability is a curse remain prevalent
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and can limit opportunities for integration into community life, including schooling. The Ministry of People with Disabilities and the Ministry of Gender, Youth, and Community Services, working with the Malawi Council for the Handicapped (MACOHA), established under the 1971 Handicapped Person’s Act, are the major governmental and parastatal agencies tasked with addressing the needs of disabled people. Working with a range of NGOs, such as the Parents of Disabled Children Association of Malawi (PODCAM), they coordinate provision of rehabilitation services, vocational skills training, loans to families with disabled children, and campaigns to increase awareness of the rights of children with disabilities.
PLAY AND RECREATION Outside of the formal education system, there has been a growing awareness of the potential value of work supporting early child development (ECD). Other than in major urban areas there has been little tradition of preschool and nursery education. However, there are now numerous projects addressing support to preschool children and their caregivers, particularly those offering education to facilitate healthy growth and development among the ever growing and vulnerable population of AIDS orphans. The ECD policy finalized in 2003 recognizes that ‘‘poverty reduction must start with children.’’ The policy identifies the key development stages in a child’s life up to eight years necessary for their survival and growth. Children’s opportunities to learn through play and recreational opportunity are recognized in this recent policy development. Sports are a major source of recreational activity, with soccer the most widespread. In the main urban areas, there have been attempts to promote other sports. There has been investment in tennis coaching for children and youth, for example, with some success in representation in tournaments in southern Africa. However, at the village level, soccer is by far the most common form of sporting activity. Most villages witness impromptu soccer games, with a ball improvised from multiple layers of plastic bags being a common feature, although more organized and better equipped matches are often arranged through schools. Soccer remains predominantly a boys’ activity, although there have been successful initiatives to involve a larger number of girls. Such initiatives are often motivated by clear development and health promotion goals. The founder of Nkhata Bay United Sisters, for example, notes: A lot of the girls around here have nothing to do. They don’t go to school and they end up going to bars at night and sleeping with men for less than two dollars. The men promise to help them but the girls end up by getting HIV/AIDS. We need to stand up for each other. We can run and we can play football. (International Platform on Sport and Development 2007)
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The improvisation with materials displayed in village soccer games is also frequently in evidence in local toys. Galimoto—metal cars made from scrap wire and sometimes often steered with a bamboo pole—are highquality productions that are sold to tourists and others in many areas of the country, although simple versions of such toys can often be found in villages. Steel hoops and tires, rolled along with a small stick, are other scrap materials used as popular toys. Traditional games continue to be played in many areas, with singing games particularly popular. CHILD LABOR Work is a central feature of childhood in Malawi. Given widespread poverty and heavy reliance on household agricultural production, children are an important labor resource. For girls, this is most commonly reflected in responsibilities for sibling care (which releases mothers for other tasks) and water and firewood collection. For boys, care of livestock or, in lakeshore areas, support of fishing activities are the most common means of contributing to household productivity. Such informal household labor is widely accepted as a feature of rural livelihoods. Such patterns are generally only considered harmful to the extent that girls’ increasing responsibility for household labor is a major factor in their increased rates of dropout from school in the later years of primary school. Children are, however, also frequently employed outside such informal roles within the household. The Employers Consultative Association of Malawi—an affiliate member of the Geneva-based International Organization of Employers—has recognized the need to address in a more focused manner issues of child labor prevalent in Malawi (International Labour Organization [ILO] 2006). Government legislation broadly reflects the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and ILO Convention 138. The Malawian government defines child labor as any economic activity that employs a child under the age of 14 and/or any activity that exploits a child, prevents him/her from going to school, or that negatively effects his/her health, social, cultural, psychological, moral or religious development. However, enforcement is difficult, with few inspectors to ensure children are not being illegally employed In 2002, the Malawi National Statistics Office estimated that 36 percent of children in Malawi aged between 5 and 14 years were working outside the household and anticipated this figure to continue to increase. Although there is some evidence of children being employed in fields such as child prostitution, the major sources of employment appear to be domestic service (particularly among girls) and (among both sexes) work in the estate sector. The latter includes work on tea estates in the southeast of the country and, more widely, the commercial tobacco estates. The majority of children working in such circumstances are from poorer families and, disproportionately, from female-headed households. Child
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labor brings risks of physical abuse by employers and exposure to hazardous working conditions. Girls appear to be at particularly high risk of abuse, especially sexual abuse from employers, which places them at further risk of unwanted pregnancy, sexually transmitted infections, and other outcomes. Various aspects of poverty and limited alternatives for securing household income are at the core of child labor in Malawi. Children may work to generally supplement inadequate family income or to meet particular costs (e.g., schooling or food). In times of famine, in particular, children are drawn into paid work. Studies have found that children themselves often feel they should contribute to household income in times of great food shortages. Parents who have not gone to school do not necessarily appreciate its importance and may encourage their child to work instead of staying in school. The spread of HIV/AIDS has left many children orphaned and as a result without any form of income. In desperate times children need to work just to survive. Added to these factors ‘‘pushing’’ children into employment, there is also a range of ‘‘pull’’ factors. Liberalization of tobacco farming, for example, encouraged many rural farmer workers to abandon local estates and work on the more profitable tobacco plantations. This has left local estates with a depleted work force and an interest in employing children to make up the deficit. Employers find employment of children attractive if they can offer them lower rates of pay. Children are reported to be more likely to be obedient to their employer and, in some jobs, such as those in the tobacco industry requiring speed, may perform better than adults. Given the aforementioned situation, combating child labor in Malawi requires a combination of actions. In the long term, it will be important to reduce the poverty-related pressures that draw children into the workforce. In the shorter term, there are a number of measures that are being addressed to restrict child labor: encouraging children to remain in school by indicating longer-term benefits of completed education; working with traditional leaders to ensure orphans receive appropriate property inheritance from deceased parents so that they can remain engaged in their school work and not feel the need to find paid work; and encouraging community members to be vigilant to signs of child labor and be willing to report it. FAMILY Family units in Malawi tend to be large, with extended family members living close by. It is estimated that 52 percent of children live in a household with both parents present, 22 percent with only their mothers present, and 2 percent with only their fathers present. The remainder lives with neither parent, in a range of different care arrangements. Patterns of family structure, and resulting child-care arrangements, are shaped by traditions of patrilinearity in the north and far south and
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matrilinearity (particularly amongst Yao and Lomwe tribes) in central Malawi. In patrilineal areas, a wife moves to her husband’s village at the time of marriage. Responsibilities for the provision for children, after the death of the husband, for example, lie with the husband’s family. In matrilineal areas, the husband goes to live in the wife’s village at marriage, and the wife’s brother has control over, and responsibility for, the children of the marriage. Among some ethnic groups, for example the Chewa, there is evidence of a gradual shift from matrilineal towards patrilineal practices resulting from the influences of migration and modernization. Family obligations have a strong influence on social behavior and economic practices (such as providing for school fees or housing construction for extended family members) across both systems. However, the impact of HIV/AIDS is severely affecting the system of relationships and mutual obligations suggested by these traditional systems of family organization. With high rates of sickness and death attributable to the disease, the resultant poverty means there are few resources available to provide for the immediate family let alone the extended family.
Memory Books Makungula Village, just outside the town of Zomba. As with the majority of villages across Malawi, HIV/AIDS continues to steal the young and leave the old to pick up the pieces to raise a parentless generation. In the local preschool in the heat of the midday sun, orphans and their grandparents meet in the shade of the thatched roof on the cool stone floor. Huddled close in family units are the grandmothers, regal in their colorful chitenjes, with their bright-eyed grandchildren sitting obediently at their side. The grandparents are often accompanied by three of four children. The use of ‘‘memory books’’ (originating from work in Zimbabwe) was conceived of by a group of local women who met regularly to help the orphans in their village. For children who lose their parents, the fear of forgetting them risks the child’s own loss of identity and history. Memory books encourage children through words and art to create a personal record of their memories from early childhood. This includes recognizing not only the hardships—e.g., ‘‘my saddest memory’’—but also happy memories—e.g., ‘‘my happiest day.’’ It also prompts children to look to the future; for example, ‘‘when I grow up I want to be . . .’’ Memory books thus encourage children to reflect on their past and, with the help of grandparents, bridge the gap between the generations, ensuring that stories and lessons of a lost generation can still mold and shape their Malawian children today.
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The AIDS pandemic is resulting in a breakdown not only of expectations of social and economic support, but also of traditional practices of orphan care. In matrilineal areas, as noted previously, orphans are traditionally cared for by the mother’s relatives. It is the uncle (the mother’s brother) who takes on the decision-making role for the child on the father’s death. If it is the mother that dies, the father will often return to his own village and have little to do with the children. In patrilineal areas the expectation is that orphans are cared for by the father’s relatives. However, with the scale of deaths caused by AIDS, extended families increasingly lack the capacity to fulfill such traditional obligations. In many communities, for example, the burden of caring is falling upon an elderly generation ill-equipped for sustained support of large numbers of children. This has seen an increase in projects providing alternatives to traditional forms of child care. It is generally accepted that keeping orphans in their communities is favorable compared with institutional care. There have been a number of attempts to provide care arrangements that, while outside traditional family care practices, seek to avoid the problems historically associated with orphanage provision. SOS Children’s Villages, for example, is an NGO that aims to provide children with a safe environment and a ‘‘family-like’’ structure with house mothers, brothers and sisters (SOS Kinderdorf International 2007). Each ‘‘family’’ lives in a house of its own. Integration back into local communities is fostered through skills training for income generation and other attempts to rebuild broken relationships with the child’s biological family. Living in child-headed households is another increasing pattern of care in the context of the current AIDS crisis. This may be an appropriate form of care when it enables orphaned children to stay within a familiar setting and community. However, if older children take on the role of ‘‘parent’’ for their younger siblings, they are likely to have to withdraw from school. Early termination of their education puts the whole household at greater risk for longer-term poverty. Effectively supporting child-headed households therefore remains an important challenge in helping children through the current crisis in care brought about by AIDS. Faith-based organizations play an important role in such work; for example, members of a church may distribute food to ‘‘vulnerable households’’ (that is, households headed by children, elderly caregivers, or where sickness restricts the capacity of parents or other relatives to provide for dependent children). Additionally, many community-based organizations—often funded by large intergovernmental organizations like UNICEF or serving as implementing partners for international NGOs (Oxfam 2006)—are involved in not only providing for physical needs but also encouraging orphans’ engagement in small businesses through the provision of loans. Given the scale of need, however, there have been calls for greater integration between the efforts of NGOs, government, and local
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communities. Local leaders need to reliably identify vulnerable children in their communities and draw upon the resources of NGOs to support them. In turn, NGOs need assistance from the Malawian government to set up sustainable services that not only provide for orphans’ survival but also their rights to education, health, and an active role in Malawi’s future. Street Children With historically low levels of urbanization, the issue of street children has only relatively recently been a phenomenon in Malawi. There are now, however, a number of children living on the streets of the main cities Blantyre, Zomba, Lilongwe, and Mzuzu. In 1999, a UNICEF study found more than 2,000 children younger than 14 years of age living on the streets in these cities (not counting those in smaller townships). This count was considered at the time likely to be an underestimate and, with subsequent trends in urbanization and the breakdown of extended family care networks, the current figure is likely to be significantly in excess of this figure. A range of factors encourage children onto the street. These include poverty, being orphaned, disability, family disputes, domestic abuse, and economic difficulties following a family’s migration to town. Risks to children living on the street include physical harm, sexual abuse, substance abuse, contracting sexually transmitted infections, and disadvantages stemming from a lack of access to education. Girls living on the street are at significant risk of unwanted pregnancies and HIV infection. There is presently no government legislation addressing the needs and circumstances of street children. NGOs are taking much of the responsibility for protecting these children. This is done though services such as drop-in centers which, in addition to providing for their basic needs, also give street children some formal education or vocational and life-skills training and seek to assist, where appropriate, with reunification and reintegration with their families. HEALTH The health sector in Malawi is facing unprecedented challenges through the combination of a high burden of disease, a weak infrastructure for services, and a major human resources crisis. The latter sees many health worker posts unfilled, with many skilled workers (including doctors and nurses) having moved to work overseas or into private sector jobs within Malawi to secure better conditions of service. Deaths caused by AIDS also have a major impact on the pool of skilled personnel available in the public service in Malawi. The British government is currently supporting a major investment in the health sector to address this human
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resource crisis. Measures include salary supplementation to encourage workers to remain in public service and a major growth of training provision, particularly for posts such as medical assistants, clinical officers, and nurses. In addition to having an impact on the quality of services, such challenges clearly constrain the collection of reliable information on health indicators. However, figures generally indicate an infant mortality rate of between 100 and 112 per 1,000 births, and an under-5 mortality rate of between 178 and 200 per 1,000. These indicators reflect a high burden of disease, though there is some suggestion of progress in recent years. Polio, measles, and tetanus are almost completely eliminated, with UNICEF and other partners having provided much-needed vaccines for preventable diseases. More than 30 percent of pregnant women and children under 5 are now estimated to sleep under insecticide-treated bed nets to protect against malaria. Since 1994, all pregnant women are tested for HIV. There remain, however, significant challenges to the health of children. For those living in rural villages, access to clean and safe drinking water is an increasing problem following years of low rainfall. Additionally, poor harvests have led to increased rates of malnutrition. Of those younger than 5 years of age, 22 percent are estimated to be underweight and 45 percent stunted in their growth. Despite investment in the health sector, per capita health expenditure remains very low at an estimated US$16 per person. HIV and AIDS Malawi has one of the highest rates of HIV infection in the world. Nearly 20 percent of the population ages 15 to 49 is estimated to be infected by HIV. HIV/AIDS is now the leading cause of death in this age group. Nearly one in three pregnant women receiving antenatal care in urban centers is found to be HIV-positive. Risk of mother-to-child transmission of HIV is thus high, although less than 3 percent of pregnant women receive treatment to reduce such risk. It is estimated that there are almost 100,000 children living with HIV, whereas somewhere between five and ten times this number have been orphaned as the result of their caregivers having AIDS. Among youth between the ages of 15 and 24, more girls than boys are infected, with a greater prevalence in urban compared with rural areas. In this age group, typically less than 50 percent remain unable to identify ways of preventing the spread of HIV, suggesting the limited success of public health education in this area. Recognition of such failures has led to a number of innovative approaches to promoting awareness of HIV risk and means of protection. For example, the radio program ‘‘Youth Alert! Mix’’ promotes discussion
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of AIDS, reproductive health, and choices regarding education amongst youth across the country. Carol Maziya, a producer and DJ of the USAID-funded program explains, Now, I’m on air three times a week on Malawi’s two state radio stations. I talk to youth all over the country about reproductive health and life skills and encourage them to adopt safe sexual behaviors. . . . By concentrating on my future, respecting myself and being responsible, I have achieved my goals and consider myself a ‘‘Real Woman.’’ (U.S. Department of State 2007)
In one survey, 65 percent of primary school children reported having heard at least one episode of Youth Alert! Mix, which is backed up by a major campaign seeking to create effective role models for youth based on those featured on the program. In addition to a magazine, posters, and ‘‘stickers’’ advertising the show and its messages, four teams have visited more than 1,000 secondary schools promoting a message of education on HIV/AIDS, avoiding unwanted pregnancies, and encouraging children and youth to look to the future and aspire to set and reach their goals. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The Convention on the Rights of the Child was ratified by the Malawian government in 1991 (United Nations CRC 2002). The current government is pursuing a major program of legislation that builds on this foundation for the protection of children. For example, the Prevention of Domestic Violence Act 2006 addresses measures to improve legal protection of women and children from domestic violence. The Law Commission has also finalized and presented to Cabinet and Parliament draft bills on the law of succession (the Deceased Estates, Wills, Inheritance and Protection Bill) and laws governing marriage and divorce (the Marriage, Divorce and Family Relations Bill). Both of these bills promise to have significant impact on protecting the rights of children. The Law Commission is currently working on the development of a gender equality statute. Currently, the minimum legal age for marriage is 16, though there are reports that the food and economic crises of recent years have led to a shift again toward early marriage (particularly in rural areas, and involving marriage of young girls to older men) (Zavis 2006). Sexual intercourse with a child under 16 (even with a child’s consent) is a criminal offence. According to the Penal Code, the age of criminal responsibility is 7 years old, which is viewed by the Malawi Human Rights Commission as significantly too low. The Commission recently undertook a study of juveniles in prisons and found the conditions of their detention to be extremely poor. Amnesty International came to a similar conclusion
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regarding such conditions. Juveniles were in overcrowded cells that lacked basic hygiene facilities, putting children’s health at considerable risk. Serving either as a ‘‘punishment’’ by police or as a consequence of inefficient bureaucracy, lengthy detentions were common. There appears to be little communication between police and Social Welfare Officers and, indeed, parents and guardians regarding children in detention. Children, it is reported, are rarely granted bail. Children in detention are also often mixed with adults, as only three of Malawi’s prisons have juvenile wings. RELIGIOUS LIFE There is no state religion in Malawi and people have the freedom of religious belief (although some groups, such as Jehovah’s Witnesses, knew persecution during the era of President Banda) (Watchtower 1968). The current president, Bingu wa Mutharika, is a Catholic and the vice president is a Muslim. Overall, approximately 55 percent of the population is Protestant, 20 percent Catholic, and 20 percent Muslim. Animist, traditional beliefs continue to have significant influence in rural areas, including among those who are principally Christian—as reflected in practices such as consulting traditional healers in times of worry. Christianity was introduced through David Livingstone and other missionaries from overseas during the second half of the nineteenth century, with its spread facilitated by British colonialism. Islam came to Malawi in the early 1800s through Arab slave traders traveling mostly by boat. The Yao tribe and the areas around Mangochi are mostly heavily associated with Islam. Many mosques can be found in the lakeshore area around Mangochi, although there was a significant period of mosque construction in other areas during the presidency of Bakili Muluzi. In general, there has been little tension between the Christian and the Muslim populations of Malawi. Children are heavily engaged with the religious life of their communities, whether through attending Sunday School, Qu’ranic studies, or sharing in services of worship. Although children are generally encouraged to attend church services with adults, there are cultural taboos regarding young children’s attendance at funerals. Children older than the age of 10 years tend to be allowed to be involved at a parent’s funeral. They will generally be encouraged to lay a wreath or throw a fistful of sand onto the coffin to signal that they understand the parent will not return. Commonly, a coffin is passed over children’s heads as a way of saying goodbye. For Muslims, a family is in official mourning for 60 days after bereavement, and children are generally not involved in funeral ceremonies. As noted, traditional practices are commonly integrated within religious ritual. At funerals it is common for a goat to be slaughtered to feed the family and local community, who donate money to the family and share in digging the grave. In some traditions, children wear a necklace
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from the funeral cloth mixed with a traditional medicine as a charm to help them forget the deceased. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Although there is customary, and now statute, law protecting children from sexual abuse and violence, such mistreatment is still a significant risk in childhood. The most common forms of abuse are rape and ‘‘defilement’’ (sexual intercourse with a minor or a youth younger than 16 years of age who cannot, by law, give consent). With the mean age of sexual debut at 15 years, and perhaps significantly lower in some areas, sexual practice clearly operates widely outside the law. Studies have found a direct relationship between household wealth and age of first sexual experience, suggesting that children from poorer families are at particular risk of early sexual activity. With discussion of sexual matters often taboo within families, initiation rites continue to serve as a major vehicle for information on sexual behavior. There is evidence that practices such as fisi (hyena), where girls reaching puberty have sex with an unknown man visiting her at night as part of her initiation, continue in some areas. Other cultural beliefs, such as the belief that having sex with a young virgin will cure a man infected by HIV, also put young girls at risk for sexual abuse. Girls in secondary schools appear at particular risk for sexual exploitation. Power relations in schools put girls at risk of coercive sex with teachers or, in coeducational schools, male pupils, with associated risk of unwanted pregnancies and school drop-out. The wider context of poverty, and the significant costs associated with continuing in secondary school, also leave girls vulnerable to exploitation by ‘‘sugar daddies’’ who finance girls through school in exchange for sex. Child Trafficking There is little empirical data available on such issues as child trafficking, but the few relevant studies conducted indicate the problem is widespread across Malawi (U.S. Department of State 2006). For example, in 2003 the International Organization for Migration identified significant evidence of child trafficking in Malawi both domestically and into international markets. This perspective of Malawi’s population as a resource for sexual and labor exploitation has strong resonances with the slave trade of some 150 years ago, when economically powerful traders from the East exploited tribal rivalries to capture thousands of Sena, Chewa, and other groups settled around Lake Nyasa (now Lake Malawi). The dual pressure of poverty and HIV/AIDS leaves families desperate for money to buy food. This appears to be a common pathway toward the decision to sell one child for the good of the rest of the family.
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Orphans left without support may also be so desperate to survive that they choose to offer themselves for exploitation. Such decisions are encouraged by various forms of deception: attractive jobs are promised; the opportunity to continue with education is suggested; and the reality of the work the child is getting involved in is seldom revealed. When children are eventually handed over to their ‘‘master’’ they are frequently expected to engage in heterosexual and homosexual relationships with their traffickers, en route to forced labor and/or prostitution in or outside the country. Evidence suggests that Malawian children are particularly targeted for the production of child pornography for international distribution amongst pedophiles. On the basis of such trends, in May 2004 the Malawian Minister of Gender, Child Welfare, and Community Services launched a plan to elevate awareness as a preventative measure against orphans and vulnerable children being exploited by employers and traffickers (Malawi 2006). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY There are many ways in which the lives of children growing up in the twenty-first century in Malawi are distinctive from the lives of their parents and grandparents. Urbanization has taken a firm hold on the country, which, two decades ago, had less than 5 percent of its population living in towns. The road network has developed dramatically, and with public transport deregulated, traveling from one part of the country to another is accessible to many in journeys measured in hours rather than days. The liberalization of the media sees young men ‘‘touting’’ rival daily newspapers, where once there was only the one state-controlled publication. Television, absent until the 1990s, has begun to provide a window on a wider world. The mobile phone has revolutionized communications and connectivity in urban areas. Multi-party democracy is in place. More negatively, deforestation has seen much of Malawi’s native woodland stripped for fuel wood and smallholder agricultural development. Criminality has increased and, during the recent famine even traditional nkhokwe (village grain stores) were not immune to theft. Much, however, also remains familiar. Health indicators, following a positive shift, have—with the impact of HIV/AIDS—slipped backwards. Life expectancy remains barely above 40 years of age for both men and women. Economic productivity remains moribund, with Malawi heavily dependent upon overseas aid and pegged at the bottom of the ‘‘world league table’’ of gross domestic product. Educational opportunity, although increased, remains inaccessible to many because of poverty, the pressure to withdraw from school to support household livelihoods, and the poor quality of provision. Despite change and development, therefore, there remain many structural obstacles to children and young people realizing a life in the twenty-first
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century that is distinctive in its fundamental struggle with adversity from that faced by those growing up in the previous century. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Cook, Phillip, H., Sandra Ali, and Alistair Munthali. Starting from Strengths: Community Care for Orphaned Children in Malawi. Final report: Submitted to the International Development Research Centre (IDRC). http://web.uvic.ca/ iicrd/graphics/Malawi%20Report.pdf. This report represents the results of a participatory action research project carried out from 1996 to 1998 among selected communities in Malawi. The goal of the research was to elicit actionable information about the long-term effects of HIV/AIDS on children and their communities. Topics such as community capacity, local perceptions of AIDS, children’s survival and psychosocial needs, and local perceptions of children’s rights were addresses from local perspectives and in the context of local responses. Maluwa-Banda, Dixie. ‘‘Gender Sensitive Educational Policy and Practice: The Case of Malawi.’’ Prospects, 34/1 (2004), 72–84. Maluwa-Banda explores the place of gender in educational policy and practice with a case study from Malawi. Munthali, Alister. ‘‘The impact of the 2001/2002 hunger crisis on child labour and education: a case study of Kasungu and Mchinji districts in Central Malawi,’’ in Current Issues of Rural Development in Malawi, edited by Tsutumo Takane. Africa Research Series No. 12. Tokyo: Institute of Developing Economies, Japan External Trade Organization; 2006. http://www.ide.go.jp/English/ Publish/Ars/12.html. Munthali looks closely at child labor and child rights in Malawi within the context of localized agricultural production and the impact of the hunger crisis on child labor in particular. Munthali addresses such questions as: ‘‘What are the major crops grown in Kasungu and Mchinji?’’; ‘‘Are there any differences in the type of inputs used in the production of food and cash crops?’’; and ‘‘How does low food production relate to child labor?’’
Nonprint Resources Scottish Executive. 2006. Malawi Photography Exhibition: Schoolchildren from across Malawi tell the story of their daily life through pictures. http:// www.scotland.gov.uk/News/News-Extras/Malawi-photgraphy/Q/image/9 UNICEF Video: Malawi: HIV/AIDS Prevention. http://www.unicef.org/sowc02/ video.htm
Web Sites National Archives of Malawi, http://chambo.sdnp.org.mw/ruleoflaw/archives. This site belongs to the National Archives of Malawi. Their mission is: ‘‘to provide custody and preservation services for the country’s documentary heritage irrespective of the media.’’ The vision statement of the National Archives asserts the aim to: ‘‘be
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a leading custodian, preserver and provider of archival information on Malawi for posterity, reference and research.’’ http://gvnet.com/streetchildren/Malawi.htm. This website addresses offers up-to-date links to documentation and discussions on the prevalence, abuse, and exploitation of street children in Malawi. http://www.csr.org.mw. Hosted by the Centre for Social Research, the Malawi SDNP is a UNDP-supported Malawi Government Programme executed by the National Research Council of Malawi to assist with development of Internet and Information Services with an emphasis on sustainable development. http://www.malawi.gov.mw. This, the official website of the government of Malawi, provides links to relevant ministries and key documentation. http://www.nso.malawi.net. The website of Malawi official statistics. Included are links to the 2004 Malawi Behavioural Surveillance Survey and 2004 Malawi Integrated Household Survey. http://www.sdnp.org.mw/kachereseries. The Kachere Series is an initiative of the Department of Theology and Religious Studies at the University of Malawi. It ‘‘aims to promote the emergence of a body of literature which will enable students and others to engage critically with religion, culture and society in Malawi.’’ http://www.unaids.org/en/Regions_Countries/Countries/malawi.asp. UNAIDS webpage specific to Malawi HIV/AIDS data. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/malawi.html. UNICEF provides statistics and other key descriptive data at a glance, by country. http://www.who.int/hiv/HIVCP_MWI.pdf. This site provides up-to-date statistics on HIV and other health indicators for Malawi.
Organizations and NGOs Banja La Mtsogolo. Banja La Mtsogolo was established in 1987 as the Marie Stopes International Partner in Malawi. It is the leading local NGO in advocacy and development of sexual and reproductive health messages and family planning service delivery in Malawi with an extensive community-based outreach network. Banja La Mtsogolo has pioneered efforts to promote youth-friendly services in Malawi. Marie Stopes International 153-157 Cleveland Street London, W1T 6QW UK Phone: þ44 (0) 20 7574 7400 Fax: þ44 (0) 20 7574 7417
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Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.banja.org.mw Council for Non-Governmental Organizations in Malawi (CONGOMA) CONGOMA is designated as ‘‘the coordinating body for all non-governmental organizations in Malawi.’’ It is a ‘‘membership organization with the goal of ensuring effective coordination and collaboration of all the NGOs and other development partners including government.’’ Postal Address: P.O. Box 480 Blantyre, Malawi Phone/fax: þ 265 1 676 409/459 Email: [email protected] Physical Address: Chitawira, next to Chanache Coffin Workshop Waya Building Blantyre, Malawi Website: http://www.congoma.org Parents of Disabled Children Association of Malawi (PODCAM). PODCAM, with support from the Australian Aid for International Development, has been implementing programs to promote the rights of children with disabilities. Activities to improve disabled children’s living conditions, provide economic empowerment for their parents and caregivers, and build capacity for parents and caregivers to advocate for the rights and welfare of disabled children include: business skills training, loan disbursements, and community awareness campaigns. PODCAM Mr. Charles Khaula or Mrs. Namanja Box 531 Blantyre Phone: 09928573; 08877577
Selected Bibliography Heuveline, Patrick. ‘‘Impact of the HIV epidemic on population and household structure: the dynamics and evidence to date.’’ AIDS, 18 Suppl 2 (June 2004), S45–S53. International Labour Organization. Comments Made by the Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations 77th Session: Malawi. 2006. http://webfusion.ilo.org/public/db/standards/normes/appl/appldisplayAllComments.cfm?hdroff¼1&ctry¼1340&conv¼C138&Lang¼EN International Platform on Sport and Development. Dream Theatres Born in Africa. Zurich: International Platform on Sport and Development. January 9, 2007. http://www.sportanddev.org/en/news/dream-theatres-born-in-africa.htm. Kaponda, Chrissie. A Situational Analysis of Child Abuse in Malawi. Lilongwe, Malawi: Malawi Human Rights Commission; 2000. Malawi, Government of, Ministry of Education. Special Needs Education; 2006. http://www.malawi.gov.mw/Education/HomeSpecialNeeds.htm. ———. Education for All (EFA) strategy. 2004. Malawi: The Ministry of Education.
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Malawi, Government of, Ministry of Gender, Child Welfare and Community Services; 2004. http://www.malawi.gov.mw/Gender/Home%20Services.htm. ———. Policy Investment Framework. Malawi: The Ministry of Education; 2001. Malawi, Government of, National Statistical Office (NSO) and Ministry of Labour and Vocational Training. Malawi Child Labour 2002 Report. Zomba: NSO; 2004. Maluwa-Banda, Dixie. Gender Sensitive Educational Policy and Practice: The Case of Malawi. Submitted to UNESCO’s International Bureau of Education, May 2003. [Source version of Maluwa-Banda, 2004]. http://portal.unesco.org/ education/en/file_download.php/0175526204b0c2edc5a09cd0a1a4c371Gen derþsensitiveþeducationalþpolicyþandþpractice.þTheþcaseþofþMalawi.þIBE. doc. Marie Stopes International Worldwide. [2007]. Banja la Mtsogolo: Established 1987. http://www.mariestopes.org.uk/ww/malawi.htm. Martens, Jonathan, Maciej Pieczkowski and Bernadette van Vuuren-Smyth. ‘‘Seduction, Sale and Slavery: Trafficking in Women and Children for Sexual Exploitation in Southern Africa,’’ International Organization for Migration May 2003. http://www.sarpn.org.za/documents/d0001633/index.php. Munthali, Alister, Agnes Chimbiri and Eliya Zulu. Adolescent Sexual and Reproductive Health in Malawi: A Synthesis of Research Evidence. Occasional Report. No 15. New York: The Allan Guttmacher Institute; 2004. http://www.gutt macher.org/pubs/2004/12/01/or_no15.pdf. Munthali, Alister, Peter Mvula, and George Mandere. Child Protection in Malawi: A Review of Literature. Submitted to UNICEF Malawi, March 2006. Munthali, Alister, Eliya M. Zulu, Nyovani Madise, Ann M. Moore, Sidon Konyani, James Kaphuka and Dixie Maluwa-Banda. Adolescent Sexual and Reproductive Health in Malawi: Results from the 2004 National Survey of Adolescents. Occasional Report. No 24. New York: The Allan Guttmacher Institute; 2006. http://www.guttmacher.org/pubs/2006/07/25/or24.pdf. ORC Macro/Macro International. Malawi Demographic and Health Survey 2004. Zomba, Malawi and Calverton, Maryland: National Statistical Office of Malawi and ORC Macro/Macro International; 2005. Oxfam. [2006]. ‘‘Nkombezi Community Based Organisation: Communal Garden, Home Based Care and Band.’’ http://www.oxfam.org.uk/what_we_do/ issues/hivaids/malawi_chisomo.htm. Policy Project. ‘‘Orphans and Other Vulnerable Children in Malawi: An Assessment of the Policy Environment,’’ Policy Project Malawi Report, July 2004. Salmonsson, A. Disability Is Not Inability: A baseline study of steps taken towards inclusive education in Blantyre, Balaka and Machinga districts in Malawi. Stockholm: Institute of Public Management. (January 2006). Available: http:// www.eenet.org.uk/theory_practice/disability%20is%20not%20inability.doc SOS Kinderdorf International. [2007]. ‘‘Children’s Villages’ activities in [Malawi].’’ http://www.sos-childrensvillages.org/cgi-bin/sos/jsp/wherewehelp.do?cat¼/ Africa/Malawi&lang¼en&nav¼2.3&site¼ZZ. United Nations Convention of the Rights of the Child (UN CRC). Summary Record of the 766th Meeting: Malawi, 24 June 2002. CRC/C/SR.766 (Summary Record). Available: http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/(Symbol)/c9d0564ba3a3dba 2c1256e900034a0e5?Opendocument. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). [2007]. Discover Malawi. http://www.undp.org.mw/discover_mw.html.
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United States Department of State. ‘‘Malawian DJ Teaches Self Respect,’’ United States President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), Country Profile: Malawi. 2007. http://www.pepfar.gov/press/75919.htm. ———. ‘‘Human Trafficking & Modern-day Slavery; Republic of Malawi,’’ Trafficking in Persons Report, June 2006. Washington: U.S. Department of State; 2006. Extract available at: http://www.gvnet.com/humantrafficking/Malawi.htm. Watchtower, The. ‘‘Shocking religious Persecution in Malawi,’’ The Watchtower 2/ 1/1968: 71–79. Available online, The Malawi Files: http://www.jwfiles.com/ malawi.htm. World Health Organization. WHO Malawi Country Profile. Geneva: WHO; 2007. http://www.who.int/countries/mwi/en/. Zavis, Alexandra. ‘‘The plight of Malawi’s child brides,’’ Mail and Guardian Online (1 March 2006). http://www.mg.co.za/articlePage.aspx?articleid¼265661&area¼ /breaking_news/breaking_news__africa/.
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MALI Laura Arntson NATIONAL PROFILE Mali is a landlocked country in West Africa bordered by Guinea, Senegal, Mauritania, Algeria, Niger, Burkina Faso, and C^ ote d’Ivoire. It is 1.24 million square kilometers in size (about four-fifths the size of Alaska) and much of it is arid desert. Most of its population—estimated at almost 12 million—lives in its southern region, where the Niger and Senegal rivers provide water for agriculture. Mali has been involved in long-distance trade for almost 2000 years, having been a crossroads for transSaharan trade caravans. From the twelfth to the sixteenth century, the Mande (known as the ‘‘Manden-ka’’ or people of the Manden) consolidated their political, social, and economic control in what is commonly referred to as the Mali Empire. Featured in the Mande epic that provides an oral literary account of Malian history is the Mande leader Sunjata (Conrad and Conde 2004). Under Sunjata’s leadership, socioeconomic and political structures were supposedly codified and the
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identification of particular family lines with key artisanal and economic roles institutionalized. By the mid-fifteenth century, the Songhai Empire with its capital in Gao became the region’s dominant political power, taking control of the all-important salt mines of the Sahara as well as Timbuktu and Djenne, the great trading cities of the Niger Bend. In 1591, Songhay was conquered by an army from Morocco, which established a new ruling class that intermarried with local families and held nominal power until the French conquest at the end of the nineteenth century. France established a colony in 1904 that became the French Sudan in 1920, and in 1946 part of the French Union. Mali gained its independence in 1960. After independence, Mali courted the different world powers, and like other countries in the subregion played off of the Cold War competition between Western countries and the Soviet bloc and China. In 1968, the army overthrew Modibo Keita’s government and installed a military regime that would hold onto power until the 1990s. In 1991, Moussa Traore was overthrown and Mali made a peaceful transition to democracy (U.S. Department of State 2007). Alpha Konare became Mali’s first democratically elected president in 1992, and he was re-elected in 1997 after the second multiparty national elections. Konare was praised for his efforts toward economic development and leadership of ECOWAS (the 15-nation Economic Community of West African States). Upon Konare’s retirement in 2002 (constitutionally mandated after his second 5-year term), Amadou Toumani Toure, who was behind the 1991 coup that ousted the military regime, was elected president. Environmental and economic pressures in the 1980s bred dissatisfaction in the northern desert regions among the Tuareg (Tamachek) who are primarily nomadic pastoralists of Berber and Arab descent. Low-level conflict carried on through the 1990s and with a peace agreement in 1995, thousands of Tuareg refugees returned to Mali. A locust infestation and drought in 2005 severely threatened the population living in the most arid regions and brought the Tuareg into conflict again with agriculturalists who were also severely affected by the drought. A new peace treaty was signed in June 2006, which formally put an end to the Tuareg rebellion. President Toure, who was reelected in April 2007 with approximately 68 percent of the vote, has promised development programs and anti-poverty interventions for the Tuareg. In 2004 and 2007, women were significantly represented on the ballot for the first time in history, and over the last five years the number of elected women leaders has increased significantly. The Tuareg and Moorish groups comprise approximately 10 percent of Mali’s population. Mande groups (Bambara, Maninka or Malinke, and Soninke) represent about 50 percent of the population, Peul make up another 17 percent, Voltaic ethno-linguistic groups 12 percent, Songhai 6 percent, and others 5 percent.
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Growth in gross domestic KEY FACTS – MALI product has averaged more than 5 percent per year since 1994, Population: 11,995,402 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 120 deaths/1,000 live births which has facilitated a modest Life expectancy at birth: 49.51 years (2007 est.) increase in national income per Literacy rate: 46.4 percent (2003 est.) capita. Effective implementation Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 39 percent (2000– of macroeconomic stabilization 2005) and liberalization policies are Internet users: 60,000 (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 140,000 (2003 est.) helping the economy grow; Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 102 however, Mali remains one of the poorest nations in Africa and Sources: CIA World Factbook: Mali. https://www.cia.gov/library/ the world. Its primary developpublications/the-world-factbook/geos/ml.html. June 29, 2007; ment challenges are a high rate UNICEF. At a Glance: Mali–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/mali_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; United of population growth, a growing Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development child and youth population, limReport 2006–Mali. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ ited access to education and countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_MLI.html. June 29, 2007. employment, inadequate healthcare quality and access, and an insufficiently diversified economy that is vulnerable to price fluctuations and weather. Gold mining and mining of phosphates, kaolin, salt, and limestone are Mali’s main extractive industries. Mali is known to have deposits of bauxite, iron ore, manganese, tin, and copper, but these are not exploited. Cotton is Mali’s main export—it is now the leading cotton producer in Africa—followed by gold and livestock. Partners China, Thailand, and Taiwan account for about 47 percent of Mali’s exports. The reliance on gold mining and agriculture (cotton, livestock, and cereals) makes Mali’s economy vulnerable to fluctuations in world prices. About 80 percent of Mali’s labor force is engaged in farming and fishing. There is a reported 15 percent unemployment and, in 2001, 64 percent of the population was thought to live below the poverty line (CIA 2007). Mali has become essentially self-sufficient in food production but most families remain at a subsistence level.
OVERVIEW The percent of Mali’s population that is younger than the age of 15 is approximately 48 percent. Mali has the fourth-highest infant mortality rate in the world and the 13th-highest maternal mortality rate. Contributing to this are high rates of malnutrition, malaria, diarrheal disease, and communicable illnesses. The total fertility rate in Mali remains high at 6.8 children per woman—one of the highest in sub-Saharan Africa. The primary issues facing children include limited access to education and inadequate healthcare quality and access, household food and livelihood vulnerability, and child labor and trafficking.
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EDUCATION The official language is French, although most adults who did not attend school or work for colonial offices are not fluent in French. The majority of the population speaks Bambara (80 percent), which is commonly used as a market language. Bambara-language newspapers have been available for several decades now, and there are an increasing number of other Malian language programs on the radio and a smaller number in print. The most recent DHS survey (UNICEF 2007; CPS/MS, DNSI and ORC Macro 2002) found that about 27 percent of men and only 12 percent of women older than the age of 15 could read and write. The primary school attendance ratio among boys is 45 percent and 33 percent among girls. Many boys and even more girls drop out before reaching secondary school, however. The secondary school enrollment ratio is 28 percent for boys and 17 percent for girls. Not only is access a problem; the quality of education is also lacking. In the recent survey, among those who attended school, only 23 percent of boys and 10 percent of girls had learned to read a simple sentence by the end of primary school. International donor efforts to boost education, especially girls’ education, have managed to increase girls’ attendance rates by as much as 94 and 98 percent in some regions (notably the politically fragile northern regions—Timbukto and Gao). PLAY AND RECREATION Like children elsewhere, children in Mali will make opportunities for play and recreation. Soccer (football) is very popular in Mali and is perhaps the most frequently observed team sport in which boys engage. Girls are more likely to play at small group games that involve skipping, jumping, clapping, and singing and that can be enjoyed with materials that are readily available, such as a piece of string or a round pebble. With a growing middle class in the urban center of Bamako, more children have access to television, computer games, and mass-produced toys from China and elsewhere. Economic circumstances dictate much of what is available to children for recreation, in terms of time and materials. Because the right to play and develop as a child is a message that needs to be circulated among children and the larger society, various international organizations have sought out ways to promote rights education and engage children in a recreational manner. An example from UNICEF illustrates how educational opportunities for children can be recreational and communication opportunities. In August 2006, UNICEF sponsored a workshop in Mopti for about 30 children from across Mali on radio broadcasting techniques and genres under a project called ‘‘Radio for children and by children’’ (UNICEF 2006). The workshop was designed to promote mobilization for human rights promotion and encourage
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children to talk about their human rights-related experiences and to understand the concept of human rights. CHILD LABOR According to the U.S. Department of State, Mali is a source, transit, and destination country for women and children trafficked for the purposes of forced labor and sexual exploitation (U.S. Department of State 2006, 174–175). It is primarily boys who work in the rice fields, gold mines, and beg in the streets, and girls who are trafficked for servitude and sexual exploitation. Most children are trafficked internally, although there is evidence of a recent increase in trafficking between Mali and Burkina Faso, Guinea, Senegal, and Mauritania and a decrease in trafficking from Mali to Cote d’Ivoire. The U.S. Department of State reports that the government of Mali does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking, but it is making significant efforts toward curtailing trafficking. Child trafficking is punishable by 5 to 20 years’ imprisonment under Malian law, but prosecution rates are very low. Various government ministries and international and local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are engaged in educational and awarenessraising programs as well as assessments of community surveillance and protection programs. The anti-trafficking department of the Ministry of the Advancement of Women, Children, and the Family (MPFEF) conducted an assessment of the community surveillance committees established by the government and, based on these results, organized additional training workshops. The MPFEF has also completed a translation of the Malian Child Protection Code into seven local languages and drafted an action plan to address the sexual exploitation of minors. (U.S. Department of State 2006, 174–175). The MPFEF has taken a number of measures to promote the Convention on the Rights of the Child, including television programs on child labor, girls’ education, and the plight of street children, and local radio stations carry weekly programs that address the various articles of the Convention. To ensure that all children are allowed adequate access to information, numerous reading and cultural activity centers for children have been set up and traveling libraries established. Children’s associations have also created publications that they run themselves (MPFEF 1999). Increasingly, children are being engaged in efforts to combat child labor and trafficking. Children’s engagement must be appropriate and their willingness to participate in intervention efforts designed to recognize and respond to their psychosocial needs, however. A report presented at a recent workshop in Bamako on Malian street children stresses the importance of understanding the vulnerability of children who have ‘‘overadapted’’ to life on the street by forging ‘‘a protective shell, putting on the role of ‘little chief’ who needs nothing and nobody’’ (Balas et al.
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2007). In living on the street, children are at greater risk of physical violence, more vulnerable to sexual exploitation and health problems, and far less likely to have access to education and health services than if they lived at home and attended school. The study presented at the workshop found that 19 percent of street children in Bamako were younger than 13 years old. A total of 46 percent ranged from 13 to 16 years of age, and another 35 percent were older than 16. The reasons given for being on the street included conflict with family or caregiver or seeking out work. Of the boys on the street, 30 percent gave ‘‘conflict with Koranic master’’ as a cause for being on the street. Many boys who are sent to live and study with a Koranic master also work to earn their keep by doing household chores for the teacher as well as begging for money to support themselves and the master’s household (which includes a number of Koranic pupils). Another 28 percent of boys gave conflict/rupture with family as a reason of being on the street, 9 percent reported seeking out work, and 32 percent did not provide a reason. Most (78 percent) of the boys on the street were from Mali, and the others were mostly from Burkina Faso. Among the girls, almost all of whom were Malian, 32 percent reported conflict/rupture with the family as the reason for being on the street and 20 percent reported seeking work; 47 percent did not state a reason. Survival strategies on the street reflect very different gender roles: 84 percent of the boys reported begging (this would include the work they do for the Koranic master’s household support and support of their studies); 36 percent of girls reported begging, 14 percent reported street trade, and 44 percent reported prostitution (Balas et al. 2007). FAMILY Due in large part to family size and economic difficulties, households send their children out to fosterage situations or to earn money. Households are not simply nuclear families but in fact extended families that typically live in large compounds made up of the houses of different mother-child units, individual men’s houses, and outbuildings. The compound is a physical representation of the central social institution that provides economic and physical security and the heart of the social network for household livelihood. The extended family structure provides a framework for nuclear families to negotiate a degree of independence while providing a social safety net and additional possibilities for accumulating and protecting assets (Hilhorst et al. 1999). Institutions such as marriage (which provides social links for reciprocity as well as lineage continuity) and government policy and social welfare systems provide opportunities for households to manage economic gain and risk as well. In Mali, a system of endogamous occupational groups (sometimes referred to as ‘‘castes’’) directs economic and social activities to an extent. Members of specific families (known by their recognizable family names)
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can pursue leadership and political authority roles or artisanal and expressive activities, depending on their inherited family role. Divisions are drawn between a landholding and ruling elite (the horonw), blacksmith families (the numuw, whose wives make pottery), leatherworkers (garank e w), and musicians (the jeliw, known as bards or griots) who maintain the oral history of the Mande and other groups through their words and music. Traditionally, marriage is limited to partners from within the same social group, so that men from Jibate and Kuyate families (musician or jeli families) will marry the daughters of Jibate and Kuyate fathers. HEALTH Despite its economic progress, Mali is still among the bottom-most tier of countries when it comes to basic development indicators. The mortality rate for children younger than 5 years is at 218 and infant mortality (younger than 1 year) is 120 per 1,000 live births. A total of 33 percent of children younger than 5 years of age suffer from moderate and severe malnutrition, with an alarming 11 percent reported as severely malnourished and 38 percent moderately or severely stunted (UNICEF 2007). Stunting (low height for age) and underweight (low weight for age) are indicators of chronic under-nutrition. These levels show the acute problem of household food insecurity in Mali. They also reflect inadequate water, sanitation, and health service infrastructure and utilization. A total of 78 percent of urban households use improved drinking water sources, but only 59 percent use adequate sanitation facilities. In rural areas, only 36 percent of households use improved drinking water sources and 39 percent are reported to be using adequate sanitation facilities (UNICEF 2007). Women marry and begin having children at a young age in Mali as compared with other countries in West Africa (Kunzel et al. 1996). An estimated 74 percent of girls in rural areas enter marriage while still children. The implications of early marriage on morbidity and mortality indicators are great. The rate of low birth weight infants is high at 23 percent and the adjusted maternal mortality ratio is 1,200 per 100,000 live births (UNICEF 2007). Modern contraceptive prevalence is very low at only 8 percent, and antenatal care coverage (i.e., the percentage of women visiting a health facility during late pregnancy) is not adequate at 41 percent. To improve prenatal and maternal health, integrated efforts in family planning, prenatal care, and improved quality, access, and utilization of obstetric services need to be expanded. In the aforementioned study from 2007 (Balas et al. 2007), the health of street children reflects their poor hygiene and unsanitary living conditions. In the study, 55 percent of the boys and 28 percent of the girls had skin disorders. Additionally, 27 percent of the girls had transmissible sexual infections and 18 percent had malaria (Balas et al. 2007). Their health
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problems mirror the kind of living conditions, vulnerability, and exploitation/abuse they endure as a result of living and working in the streets. The estimated adult prevalence rate of HIV infection is 1.9 percent; however, among the most-at-risk populations, such as commercial sex workers and truck drivers, rates are much greater. Recent international donor input has led to HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment intervention strategies along key trade routes and trucking corridors, and notably along the route to C^ ote d’Ivoire. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Mali’s legal system is based on the French civil law system and customary law, with judicial review of legislative acts in a Constitutional Court. With decentralization, the role of customary structures such as village councils and traditional land holders (who have historically exercised control over who can farm, water, or graze their animals and where) has been challenged for more equitable and transparent outcomes. Decentralization brings with it opportunities for local control and accountability in the management of resources, but there is a risk that the most powerful groups and individuals will monopolize the process to their own advantage (Hilhorst et al. 1999). RELIGIOUS LIFE The majority of Malians are Muslim (reported at 90 percent) and those who report practicing indigenous beliefs exclusively are about 9 percent. These figures are deceptive, however, because many Malians practice a syncretic mix of Muslim and indigenous religious beliefs. Just one or two generations previously, far more families practiced indigenous beliefs almost exclusively. Children, especially male children, are brought into Islamic learning early, and many live and work for Koranic teachers/scholars. Much of their day might be spent in rote learning rehearsing and writing Koranic phrases in charcoal on a wooden tablet and in begging for money to support their studies and the household of their Koranic teacher. Increasingly, girls are brought into Koranic studies, but their roles are limited because their future obligations will be to their husband and his family. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Neglect and abuse at the hand of ‘‘foster’’ parents or care-takers who house and feed children in return for their labor is difficult to track, but it is suspected that perhaps as many as a third of all children are placed in fosterage where they are vulnerable to exploitation and neglect or are otherwise engaged in child labor (UNICEF 2007).
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Another form of abuse involves a widespread sociocultural practice that is now more widely recognized as a human rights and health issue. Approximately 93 percent of all rural women 15 to 49 years old and 90 percent or rural women have undergone female genital mutilation/ cutting (FGM/C). Although it is a sociocultural practice, FGM/C can also be understood as a form of abuse and can lead to significant health problems for women. Programs to eliminate the practice of FGM/C have begun to take root with local individuals and within local communities. The traditional practice of FGM/C among the Bamana (Bambara) of Mali is under the direction of the wives of blacksmiths—themselves from blacksmith or numu families. To change the practice, these women will have to give up this avenue of gaining social standing and remuneration. One anthropologist found, however, that the women who previously wielded the knives for FGM/C discovered ways to draw on other financial remuneration within the female patronage system (Gosselin 2000). The practice continues, however, and until there is a greater demand (internal to the society) for a halt to the practice, it is not likely to change soon.
GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Mali has enjoyed a relatively peaceful and productive decade. Although difficult challenges lie ahead, the path toward sustainable development is positive, given the level of civil society participation, transparency, good governance, and a free press. The number of radio stations, with the help of international donors, has grown during the past 13 years from 3 to 160 stations (this includes the largest number of private radio stations in any African country), which reach approximately 85 percent of the population. There is increased public investment in health and education, as well as increased political will to protect children’s rights. The outlook for Mali’s children is optimistic even thought they have a long way to go toward adequate health, education, and social infrastructure to meet the needs of a growing population.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Conrad, David C., translator/editor, with Djanka Tassey Conde. Sunjata: A West African Epic of the Mande Peoples. Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing Company; 2004. This very readable version of the Sunjata epic is rich in detail and narrative not recorded elsewhere. The depth of references here provides a backdrop toward
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understanding contemporary Mande culture in its various settings across West Africa. Dettwyler, Katherine A. Dancing Skeletons: Life and Death in West Africa. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland; 1994. This book is a sensitive look at the serious problem of malnutrition in Mali and its portrayal humanizes the experience of assessing and addressing the root causes of malnutrition. Imperator, Pascal James. Historical Dictionary of Mali, 3rd edition. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press; 1996. This provides a concise, chronological reference to Mali’s history and historical figures. Lucke, Lewis. Waiting for Rain: Life and Development in Mali, West Africa. Hanover, MA: Christopher Publishing House; 1998. Although many things have changed in Mali since the author’s experiences that went into this book, many more things remain the same. This book provides a sensitive and poignant look at issues in economic development more generally and in Mali in particular.
Nonprint Resources Bamako. 2006. Film. Directed by Abderrahmane Sissako. Produced by Danny Glover. In French with English subtitles. This film blends drama and documentary in a fictional account that challenges the World Bank, the Intentional Monetary Fund, and conventional perceptions of African poverty. Bamako Sigi Kan (The Pact of Bamako). 2002. Documentary film. 76 minutes. Directed by Manthia Diawara. In Bambara, French, and English. In his return to Bamako from his new home in New York City, the filmmaker/director reflects on the concerns and aspirations of Malians at the beginning of the twenty-first century, and youth in particular, who find selfexpression through hip hop as well as local music and dance forms. L’enfant terrible (The Mischievous Child). 1993. Animated film. 12 minutes. By Kadiatou Konate. The mischievous child in the story talks, eats, and walks on the very day of his birth. The small, ungrateful, and precocious infant drags his brother into his misadventures. Faraw, m e re des sables (Faraw, Mother of the Dunes). 1997. Film. 90 minutes. Directed by Abdoulaye Ascofare. In Songhoi with English subtitles. This is a story of a woman’s self-determination to provide for her two boys and teenage daughter in the face of seemingly insurmountable obstacles. Taafe Fanga (Skirt Power). 1997. Film. 95 minutes. Written and directed by Adama Drabo. In Kaado and Bambara with English subtitles. Distributed by California Newsreel. This film, a political satire, praises the courage of Malian women who stand up to injustices. In it, traditional practices and gender roles are mixed up in order to make a larger point about power and oppression. Yeelen. 1987. Film. 105 minutes. Directed by Souleymane Cisse. In Bambara with English subtitles. A classic and mythic tale of competition between a father and son that involves power and the secret knowledge of Komo (the men’s society).
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Web Sites Afribone, http://www.afribone.com. An online magazine with news and events of Mali. In French. Afromix.org, http://www.afromix.org/html/musique/pays/mali/index.en.html. This site offers links to discographies of Malian musicians. Dogon-Lobi, http://www.dogon-lobi.ch/index_1024.htm. A site devoted to photographs of the Dogon region of Mali has outstanding color photos of traditional dances, events, people, and places. In English and in French. Festival sur le Niger, http://www.festivalsegou.org. A website devoted to the annual Festival sur le Niger (a film festival in Segou, Mali). In English and in French. Maliweb, http://www.maliweb.net. Provides links, up-to-date news items, and commentary. In French. Mankan Te, http://mankan-te.de/photos_du_Mali/e/e_default.html. This website of a bed and breakfast named Mankan Te has a wonderful collection of photographs of people and places in Mali. c/o Jutta Ratschinske, BP 66, Sevare, Region Mopti, Mali. Phone: þ223-242-01-93; þ223-694-76-67. [email protected]. Soninkara, http://www.soninkara.com. This is a website by and about the Soninke people. In French.
Organizations and NGOs AFeDem–Association Femmes et D e veloppement au Mali BP 7029 Bamako Avenue OUA, Sogoniko Bamako, Mali Phone: þ223 220 7512; þ223 637 2134 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.courantsdesfemmes.org A woman’s development association. AIF Donkansigi–Appui aux Initiatives de Base pour le D e veloppement de la Femme BP E 3571 Bamako Quartier Hamdallaye, ACI 2000–Immeuble Diarriso, en face l’avenue Cheick Zayed Phone: þ223 229 3245 Email: [email protected] AJA Mali–Association Jeunesse Action BP E 2141, Bamako Route de Segou, Bamako Phone: þ223 673 6380 Fax: þ223 221 5813 Email: [email protected] A youth association.
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AJDES–Association des Jeunes pour le D e veloppement Endog e ne au Sahel BP 7023, Bamako Badalabougou, Sema II, Rue 131, Porte 112 Bamako, Mali Phone: þ223 223 4042 Email: [email protected] A youth association for local development projects. ^ Familial AMASBIF–Association Malienne pour la Sauvegarde du Bien-Etre BPE 1539, Bamako Immeuble Sylla, Route de Koulikoro, Djelibougou Bamako, Mali Phone: þ223 224 5344 Email: [email protected]; [email protected] Website: http://www.amasbif.courantsdesfemmes.org Association to promote the livelihood and well-being of the family. AMPJ–Association Malienne pour la Promotion des Jeunes Hippodrome Rue 375, Porte 117 Bamako, Mali Phone: þ223 221 2793 Fax: þ223 222 2359 Email: [email protected] Association to promote youth. AMSAFE–Association Malienne de Suivi et d’Appui a la Femme et l’Enfant BP 5564, Bamako Phone: þ 223 601 6653 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.courantsdesfemmes.org An association to monitor and support the mother and child. APDF–Association pour la Progr e s et la D e fense des Droits des Femmes BP 1740, Bamako Hamdallaye Avenue Cheik Zayed Bamako, Mali Phone: þ223 229 1028 Email: [email protected] APROFEM–Association pour la Promotion de la Femme et de l’Enfant Badalabougou, Sema II, Rue 156, Porte 197 Bamako, Mali Phone: þ223 222 3259 Email: [email protected] ASSAFE–Association du Sahel d’Aide a la Femme et a l’Enfant Lafiabougou, BP 6049, Bamako Hamdallaye ACI 2000 Bamako, Mali Phone: þ223 229 4084 Fax: þ223 229 1653 Email: [email protected]
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CADEF–Comit e d’Action pour les Droit de l’Enfant et de la Femme BP 2653, Bamako Quartier Badalabougou, pres de l’Energei Bamako, Mali Phone: þ223 222 5638 Fax: þ223 223 4102 Email: [email protected]; [email protected] Website: http://www.courantsdesfemmes.org Committee to promote the rights of children and women. CCA-ONG–Comit e de Coordination des Action des ONG au Mali BP E 3216, Bamako Phone: þ223 222 2112; þ223 222 8083 Fax; þ223 222 2359; þ223 223 0414 Email: [email protected]; [email protected] Website: http://www.cca-ong.mailme.org Cit e des Enfants BP E 5250, Bamako Route de Niamakoro Bamako, Mali Phone: þ223 220 4011 COMADE–Coalition Malienne des Droits de l’Enfant BP 9003, Bamako Zone Industrielle, Rue 938, Porte 409 Bamako, Mali Phone: þ223 221 1906 Fax: þ223 221 8086 Email: [email protected] CONAJM–Coordination Nationale des Associations et des Groupements de Jeunesse du Mali Mission Locale Jeunesse BP 97, Tombouctou, Mali Phone: þ223 292 1843 Email: [email protected] FeDAFF–Femmes, Droit et D e veloppement en Afrique BP 1823, Bamako Avenue Cheick Zayed, ACI 2000 Bamako, Mali Phone: þ223 229 6709 Fax: þ223 222 7126 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.wildaf-ao.org Geekcorps Mali BPE 3809, Rue 240, Porte 1085 Hippodrome, Bamako, Mali Website: http://mali.geekcorps.org/
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Geekcorps Mali’s mission is ‘‘to develop and implement information and communication technology (ICT) solutions that are sustainable and appropriate for the Malian environment.’’ J & D–Jeunesse et D e veloppement BP E 1419, Bamako Lafiabougou, Frou-Frou Carre Porte 286, St. 426 Bamako, Mali Phone: þ223 229 3240 Email: [email protected] MANSA–Mande Studies Association Website: http://www.txstate.edu/anthropology/mansa/ MANSA is an association organized to increase and encourage communication between scholars interested in all topics of study involving the Mande peoples of West Africa and the neighbors with whom the Mande interact. MANSA holds annual business meetings and sponsors panels at the annual meetings of the African Studies Association, produces a newsletter two or three times a year and the peer-reviewed Journal of Mande Studies, convenes international conferences every few years (conference sites alternate between Europe and West Africa), and maintains a membership of approximately 315 individuals and institutions worldwide. A primary goal of the organization is to promote the participation of West African colleagues. Minist e re de la Jeunesse et des Sport BP 91, Bamako, Mali Phone: þ223 222 3153; þ223 222 0133 Fax: þ223 223 6728 Minist e re de la Promotion de la Femme, de l’Enfant, et de la Famille Torokorobougoug, BP 2688, Bamako Rue 109, Porte G7, Badalabougou Bamako, Mali Phone: þ223 228 7442; þ223 223 6729 Fax: þ223 228 7504; þ223 223 3712 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.cefib.com/minifef ODEF–Observatoire des Droits de la Femme et de l’Enfant BP 6096, Lafiabougou Rue 420, Porte 446, Avenue Cheick Zayed Bamako, Mali Phone: þ223 229 0937 Email: [email protected] OMAFES–Oeuvre Malienne d’Aide a la Femme et a l’Enfant au Sahel BP 2692, Bamako Lafiabougou, Cite Goudiaby Villa B6 Bamako, Mali Phone: þ223 229 7623 Email: [email protected]
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Selected Bibliography Austen, Ralph A., and Jan Jansen. ‘‘History, Oral Transmission and Structure in Ibn Khaldun’s Chronology of Mali Rulers.’’ History in Africa, 23 (1996), 17–28. Balas, Father Laurent, Father Anselm Mahwera, Father Alberic Minani, Father Jose Morales, and Father Yves Pauwels. ‘‘The Street Children World.’’ Justice and Peace Workshops. Justice and Peace Journals, Bamako: Missionaries of Africa; 2007. http://www.mafroma.org/cahier_justice_paix2bgb.htm. Bingen, James R., David Robinson, and John M. Staatz, editors. Democracy and Development in Mali. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press; 2000. Cellule de Planification et de Statistique du Ministere de la Sante (CPS/MS), Direction Nationale de la Statistique et de l’Informatique (DNSI) and ORC Macro. Enqu^ete Demographique et de Sante au Mali 2001. Calverton, MD: CPS/ MS, DNSI and ORC Macro; 2002. http://www.measuredhs.com/pubs/ pub_details.cfm?ID¼370&ctry_id¼25&SrchTp¼country (New DHS data collection ongoing). CIA (Central Intelligence Agency). The World Factbook: Mali. 2007. https://www. cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/pu.html. Conrad, David C. Empires of Medieval West Africa: Ghana, Mali, and Songhay. New York: Facts of File; Middle School series: Great Empires of the Past. de Bruijn, Mirjam, and Han van Dijk. Arid Ways: Cultural Understandings of Insecurity in Fulbe Society, Central Mali. Amsterdam: Thela; 1995. Diarra, Abibou. 1991. Children’s Health in Mali and the Prerequisites for Promotion. Helsinki: University of Helsinki, Institute of Development Studies; 1991. Gosselin, Claudie. 2000. ‘‘Handing Over the Knife: Numu Women and the Campaign Against Excision in Mali,’’ in ‘‘Circumcisions’’ in Africa: Culture, Controversy, and Change (Directions in Applied Anthropology), edited by Bettina ShellDuncan and Ylva Hernlund. London: Lynne Rienner; 2000, 193–214. Gueye, Mouhamadou, et al. Family Structure, Education, Child Fostering and Children’s Work in the Kayes and Yeliman e Circles of Mali; Results of ‘‘Focus Groups.’’ Bamako, Mali: Centre d’etudes et de recherche sur population pour le developpement; 1993. Hilhorst, Thea, Camilla Toulmin, Karen Brock, and N’golo Coulibaly. Sustainability Amidst Diversity: Options for Rural Households in Mali. Sustainable Liveli hoods in Mali Research Programme. Institut d’Economie Rurale, Mali, the International Institute for Environment and Development, and the Institute of Development Studies, UK. Brighton: IDS, University of Sussex; 1999. http://www.iied.org/pubs/pdf/full/X185IIED.pdf. Hunwick, John O., translator and editor. Timbuktu and the Songhay Empire: Al an Down to 1613, and Other Contemporary Documents. Sa’dı’s Ta’rıkh al-Sud Leiden and Boston: Brill; 2003. Insoll, Timothy. Islam, Archaeology, and History: Gao Region (Mali) ca. AD 900– 1250. Oxford: Tempus Reparatum; 1996. Koenig, Dolores. ‘‘Political-economic Change, Cultural Traditions and Household Organization,’’ in Rural Mali; Labor in Anthropology, edited by E.P. Durrenberger and J. Marti. Society for Economic Anthropology, Monograph 22. Walnut Creek, CA: Altamira Press; 2006. ———. ‘‘Social Stratification and Access to Wealth in the Rural Hinterland of Kita, Mali,’’ in War Matters: Ethnographic Explorations of Money in the Mande World, ed Stephen Wooten. M€ unster: Lit Verlag; 2006. Kourouma, Samake Youssouf. Le Mand e de nos ancet^res: selon le Gb e lin ou tradition orale. Paris: Harmattan Publishers; 2004.
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Kunzel, W., J. Herrerro, P. Onwuhafua, T. Staub, and C. Hornung. ‘‘Maternal and Perinatal Health in Mali, Togo, and Nigeria,’’ European Journal of Obstetric Gynecological Reproduction Biology, 69 (1996), 11–17. LeGrand, Thomas K., and Cheikh S.M. Mbacke. The Existence and Determinants of Sex Differentials in Infant and Early Child Mortality in the Sahel. Bamako, Mali: CERPOD; 1992. Levtzion, Nehemia. Ancient Ghana and Mali. New York: Africana Publishing Company; 1980. McIntosh, Roderick J. The Peoples of the Middle Niger: The Island of Gold. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers; 1998. McIntosh, Roderick J., and Susan Keech McIntosh. ‘‘The Inland Niger Delta before the Empire of Mali: Evidence from Jenne-Jeno.’’ The Journal of African History, 22 (1981), 1–22. MPFEF (Ministry for the Advancement of Women, Children, and the Family, Republic of Mali). Replies by the Government of Mali to the List of Questions Concerning the Initial Report of Mali (CRC/C/3/Add.53). Bamako: Office of the Secretary General; 1999. http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu2/6/crc/ doc/replies/wr-mali-1.pdf. Niane, Djibril Tamsir. Histoire des Mandingues de l’Ouest: Le Royaume du Gabou. Paris: Karthala, Association ARSAN; 1989. Polak, Barbara. ‘‘Little peasants. On the importance of reliability in child labour,’’ in Le travail en Afrique noire; Repr e sentation et pratiques a l’ e poque contemporaine, edited by Helene d’Almeida-Topor, et al. Paris: Karthala; 2003. Randall, Sara, and Michael Winter. The Reluctant Spouse and the Illegitimate Slave: Marriage, Household Formation, and Demographic Behaviour Amongst Malian Tamesheq from the Niger Delta and the Gourma. London: Overseas Development Institute, Agricultural Administration Unit; 1986. Saad, Elias N. Social History of Timbuktu: The Role of Muslim Scholars and Notables, 1400–1900. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press; 1983. UNICEF. Mali At a Glance: Statistics. 2007. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ mali_statistics.html. ———. UNICEF Radio for Malian Children. Magic News Archive. 2006. http:// www.unicef.org/magic/users/news_archive_august_2006.html. U.S. Department of State. Background Note: Mali. 2007. http://www.state.gov/r/ pa/ei/bgn/2828.htm. Velis, Jean-Pierre. Blazing the Trail. Translated from the French by Howard Brabyn. Paris: UNESCO; 1994.
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MOZAMBIQUE Xenobia Nat e l e g e e Barrow NATIONAL PROFILE Mozambique is situated along the coast of southeast Africa, with Tanzania to the north and South Africa (and Swaziland) to the south. It also shares a border with Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe to the west. The total land area is 801,590 square kilometers, or nearly twice the size of California. The population of Mozambique is estimated at 20,905,585 (CIA 2007) with a population growth rate of 1.8 percent. This population estimate takes into account the excess mortality caused by AIDS and higher infant and adult mortality. Mozambique maintained a gross domestic product of $1,053 per capita in 2004 (WHO 2007) and $1,500 per capita in 2006 (CIA 2007). Originally a Portuguese colony, Mozambique gained its independence in 1975 but has been economically dependent on South Africa after a prolonged civil war that ended in 1992 and as a result of repeated, severe droughts as well as cyclones and flooding. When the Portuguese arrived in Mozambique in 1498 in search of gold, the enslaved Mozambicans in the new colony were sent to work in the mines. As the Mozambican mining industry expanded, private European mining corporations, mostly controlled by the British, expanded their reach over the Portuguese empire (Mandala 1983, 545).
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OVERVIEW
KEY FACTS – MOZAMBIQUE
With 44.7 percent of the population younger than 15 years of age and its low rate of domestic economic productivity, Mozambique faces significant challenges in supporting its population. Because of its health and development challenges, the average Sources: CIA World Factbook: Mozambique. https://www.cia.gov/ life expectancy has not increased library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/mz.html. June 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human much from the 1970 level of Development Report 2006–Mozambique. http://hdr.undp.org/ approximately 40 years of age. In hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_MOZ.html. June 2005, the average life expectance 29, 2007. was 42 years of age. The probability of dying between birth and 5 years of age in Mozambique is 145 per 1,000 live births (UNICEF 2007a). According to UNICEF, 49 percent of Mozambique’s children lived in poverty in 2003 and the relative poverty of rural children was 63 percent (UNICEF 2007b, 7). Mozambique’s environmental concerns are precarious with the total amount of arable land at 5.43 percent (CIA 2007) and repeated environmental disasters such as droughts and flooding. In addition to the natural disasters Mozambique has faced over the years, the prolonged civil war greatly affected the general well-being of children. As a result, there are numerous street children, former child-soldiers, and other displaced children living in conditions of food scarcity and low economic productivity. As in Zimbabwe, the national legal and social protections for children are minimal in Mozambique, although increased international attention on the plight of children affected by the war has brought a focus to the demand for international human rights legislation to ensure the protection of children. Child health and well-being are highly correlated with the status of women. Women’s rights have yet to command the attention of policymakers or produce investments in social safety and welfare. The HIV/ AIDS pandemic has also severely affected women of child-bearing age (a 2003 estimate of prevalence was at 12.2 percent among all adults). The state of the legal and physical health infrastructure is not up to meeting the challenge of the current health crisis. Educational opportunities have increased significantly over the last few years but barriers to achieving universal education remain. Population: 20,905,585 (July 2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 109.93 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 40.9 years (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 47.8 percent (2003 est.) Internet users: 138,000 (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 1.3 million (2003 est.) Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 94
EDUCATION The Mozambican government’s efforts to expand the reach of education have been tremendous during the last 10 years. The total enrollment
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in lower primary stood at 69 percent as compared with 44 percent in 1997. Nevertheless, drop-out rates are high, and the rate of primary school completion is far below the regional average. Currently, approximately 83 percent of children are enrolled in primary school. In 2005 enrollment averaged 75 percent for males and 67 percent for females. The government now subsidizes primary school education across the country and school fees were eradicated 2004. In addition to the subsidization of education, the government has also begun to recruit more teachers, approximately 3,500 annually, to work in a number of new educational facilities that have been constructed. The gains at the secondary school level in Mozambique have been less successful than at the primary school level. Currently, a low of 8 percent of young children are enrolled in high school. In 2005 enrollment of males in secondary school was 5 percent and 4 percent for females. There are few secondary schools in the country, particularly in hard-to-reach rural areas, and those children often have to travel for hours into urban areas to attend high school. Because of the distance (UNICEF 2007b, 20), as well as the densely populated schools and classrooms, some secondary schools have introduced night and evening classes where student are often still participating in classroom instructional activities until late hours. Consequently, access to daytime secondary school education is still based on income, social status, and the ability to access facilities and participate. There are many challenges that the expanding educational system in Mozambique must face. Although the number of primary schools has indeed increased threefold, the government and community organizations are concerned with the quality of educational provision at the primary level. Although education is subsidized, national resources are severely limited, which makes the delivery of quality education difficult. Although many teachers are recruited, there is still only 1 teacher for every 74 students and there is a 50 percent to 60 percent chance that a teacher does not have formal teacher’s training. Classroom space is limited, girls and boys often share restroom facilities, and access to clean and safe water is minimal (UNICEF 2007b, 21). There is a significant shortage of female teachers that can mentor young Mozambican girls in formal educational settings. Approximately 2 percent of Mozambican teachers are female. The government believes that if they can increase the number of female teachers and role models in the primary school environment, attrition rates will decrease and student retention, particularly of young girls, will increase. Currently, 39 percent of girl children from the poorest families in the country attend school, whereas more than 50 percent of boys from the same families attend school (UNICEF 2007f). Furthermore, participation in education often depends on the parental exposure to various types of educational activities. As a result, although a child might enter primary school, very few are able to complete it. For example, 28 percent of girls and 40 percent of boys graduated from
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primary school in 2004 (UNICEF 2007b, 21). In such cases, young girls are often encouraged to leave school to marry much older men to provide a Lobola, or a dowry income to her family, and a strong possibility exists that older men may be infected with HIV/AIDS. PLAY AND RECREATION The government of Mozambique is now attempting to focus on developing a child-centered framework for its growing educational system that allows for play and recreation in a context where children have had little experience with such activities because of the social impacts of war and the responsibility of caring for families. Under the Child-Friendly School initiative, the government of Mozambique is attempting to close the gap between urban and rural education disparities (UNGEI 2006, 3–4). The program stresses extracurricular activities to develop children’s socialization, particularly of vulnerable and orphaned children, as well as health and nutrition education, and community awareness. In Mozambique, opportunities have been created to engage youth in media productions, group activities, theater, and music as a way to increase children’s ability to cope with such difficulties as having lost one or both parents, dealing with their own health concerns, or the effects of poverty, war, and natural disasters. For example, Radio Mozambique in 2004 created a program of young radio personalities and broadcasters. There are at least 23 radio shows that occur on a weekly basis and the broadcasts are in more than 12 different languages. The issues that these children address over the radio are related to children’s rights, prejudices, health, sexuality, and other elements of community awareness. The radio station is currently working on cooperative programs with stations in Brazil and Angola to bring young people together in this initiative (UNICEF 2007h). UNICEF has created a child-to-child sanitation club that involves approximately 15 primary level schools and 18,000 child participants in Mozambique. The purpose of the clubs is to educate children on hygiene and sanitation issues. The clubs provide various activities to increase environmental awareness, community hygiene, and safety. In addition, the clubs use music, traditional dances, songs, games, and dramatizations to teach children about the importance of environmental awareness and safety (UNICEF 2007g). Community theater groups are growing in Mozambique. The civilians of Mozambique are also supporting these types of community education efforts as community theater groups are essential to passing information throughout the region on priority issues such as HIV/AIDS. Because the majority of regions in Mozambique have no access to internet, television, or to other types of media, community theaters represent an important social voice. UNICEF reports that, as a result of the activities of 101 different theater groups in the country, at least 65,000 people in 10
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different provinces of Mozambique have been reached with information about social concerns. The Mozambique Community Theatre Network helps coordinate the activities of such theatre groups like Teatro do Oprimido (theater of the oppressed) to inform communities about ongoing issues and facilitate increased quantities of performances when health emergencies occur in order to educate the population on solutions, prevention, and coping mechanisms (UNICEF 2007c). CHILD LABOR Although actual statistics on child labor infringements are unknown, it has been reported that approximately 37 percent of children in Mozambique participate in some economic activity and the majority of these children reside in rural areas. The majority of work that children engage in is child work, which is typically seen as work in the family that is not exploitative as opposed to abusive forms of child labor (UNICEF 2007b, 22). FAMILY The effects of the civil war, natural disasters, and HIV/AIDS have placed burdens on the traditional extended family and kinship networks. With increased household food insecurity and depletion of familial resources, child marriage has become a coping mechanism. In Mozambique, at least 56 percent of youth enter marriage at a very young age (UNICEF 2007b, 22). As children are orphaned or die early, the family has often had to transform and adapt to social challenges. After the struggle that children have faced during wartime, reintegration into community life and the creation of new communities in the midst of war-torn and lost families is difficult. The complications of locating and reuniting children with families has been particularly taxing for governments. During the 1980s, Mozambican communities took the initiative to begin a process of identifying children and contacting known family members (Charnley 2000, 112–113). By 1998, the government was providing official support for the project under the Secretariat of State for Social Action. By 1991, approximately 10,000 children that were separated from families by war were officially documented and 50 percent of documented children were reunited with guardians, parents, and other kin (Charnley 2000, 113). Other children who have not been reunited with families continue to live on the street, are in communal care facilities, or have been adopted by other families (Charnley 2000, 113). HEALTH The government spends approximately 4.7 percent of the national gross domestic product on health care in Mozambique (WHO 2007).
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Because it was under siege during a 12-year civil war from 1980 to 1992 between the Mozambique National Resistance, also known as Renamo, and the ruling national party, Frelimo, any healthcare infrastructure that was created at independence was severely damaged during the violence. The gains that had been made, particularly within the rural areas, were undone by the war; almost half of the health centers and clinics were destroyed or closed (Noormahomed and Cliff 2002, 223–224). As government spending on general health care dwindled, the preference for health care infrastructure development in urban settings grew, leaving rural health care in a state of atrophy. After the war in the 1990s, the Ministry of Health attempted to take a more aggressive stance in dealing with health care. Although the Ministry became dependent on international donor assistance during the war, the lack of resources and international aid has dulled the impact of the Ministry’s efforts, because government attention was diverted to managing unexpected and immediate disasters. Financial aid from donors meant that the national government developed a dependency on international finance rather than creating a sustainable system of national healthcare management. Since 1995, reconstruction efforts have been supported primarily by European international non-governmental organizations with a focus on developing primary care infrastructure (Noormahomed and Cliff 2002, 224–229). International organizations are currently working with the national government to combat the many challenges the nation faces. In 2005, more than 500 community-based care workers were trained in Mozambique to treat children and their families who were undernourished as the result of drought and generalized circumstances of poverty. More than 8 million children were vaccinated against measles and 4.3 million were immunized against polio. Additionally, healthcare workers distributed vitamin A supplements to more than 3.4 million children under the age of 5 years (UNICEF 2007a). The most recent natural disaster in Mozambique, Cyclone Favio, which hit in February of 2007, demonstrates the detrimental impact that climate changes can have on social health and welfare. The cyclone damaged the few public facilities and social service buildings that existed in rural areas of Mozambique that were hit. Hospitals, maternity wards, and schools were all damaged. Because of the severe level of flooding that occurred, at least 120,000 people were displaced (UNICEF 2007e). The national government’s disaster management agency (INGC) has had to provide emergency relief to displaced civilians through the form of temporary accommodation centers. The INGC and the Ministry of Health have provided at least 53 such centers nationwide. Many of the regions most affected by such natural disasters are those that already struggle with poverty, food insecurity, drought, and illness such as malaria and HIV/AIDS. The floods exacerbated the presence of water-borne disease,
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such as cholera and diarrhea, which in turn was aggravated by the incidence of HIV/AIDS. In addition, drought generally leaves no other alternative but the use of contaminated water, which increases the risk of disease among the general population and affects children younger than 5 disproportionately. HIV/AIDS is clearly a challenge for Mozambique. The Cape Town Declaration on an Enhanced Parliamentarian Response to the Crisis of Orphans and Other Children Made Vulnerable by HIV/AIDS in Africa was created in 2004 in Africa. This declaration outlines the necessary steps that parliaments of African nations must take to mitigate the impacts of the growing pandemic on the continent. Although the prevalence of the HIV/AIDS epidemic has not reached the proportions evident elsewhere in Africa, it is still very high. In 2003 between just under 1 million and 1.5 million persons were infected with HIV/AIDS in Mozambique. Maternal mortality was at a rate of 1,000 deaths for every 100,000 live births in 2000 (U.N. 2006, 278). However, UNICEF reports a significant drop to 408 deaths per 100,000 live births in 2003 (UNICEF 2007b, 10). In 2005 the estimated adult prevalence rate was just more than 16 percent in Mozambique. Mother-to-child transmission continues to be a dominant mode of HIV transmission in Mozambique. More than 90,000 children younger than 15 years of age are currently infected with HIV/AIDS, but less than 3 percent of these children actually receive appropriate care or medication in the form of antiretroviral drugs. At least 1.5 million Mozambican children are orphaned, and approximately half of these children have been orphaned by the loss of a parent or caregiver to HIV/AIDS. Because the availability of trained medical specialists is limited, less than 40 percent of the nation has access to basic healthcare facilities or clean water, which makes dealing with mother-to-child transmission difficult, particularly when the lives of mothers themselves are hardly sustainable once they have contracted the virus. HIV/AIDS is the cause of the large death toll for teens and adults, but malaria serves as an equal threat to child mortality in Mozambique. The distribution of insecticide-treated bed nets (ITNs) will help mitigate this problem. By 2006, only 10 percent of children slept under ITNs. The government has initiated a National Malaria Control Program, which promotes the consistent use of indoor residual spraying (IRS) techniques to guard homes against insect-transmitted diseases, as well as the distribution of ITNs and long-lasting ITNs. Preventable and treatable illnesses are the main threats to children. Malnutrition, malaria, measles, polio, tuberculosis, diphtheria, tetanus, and diarrhea account for the vast majority of childhood deaths (UNICEF 2007b). Progress has been made; by 2005 at least 70 to 80 percent of children had been immunized against TB, DPT, polio, measles, hepatitis B, and tetanus (UNICEF 2007a). Child mortality has improved during the last 20 years. Between the late 1980s and 2006, child mortality rates
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decreased from 235 to 145 deaths for every 1,000 live births (UNICEF 2007b). The U.N. estimates that, in the 1980s, under-5 mortality was as high as 280 children per 1,000 births and decreased to approximately 182 deaths between 2000 and 2005 (U.N. 2006, 278). The Ministry of Health is also working with international organizations and communitybased organizations to deliver the Reach Every District approach. The program seeks to provide basic immunization needs to all districts, particularly in rural areas. The program also serves as a type of triage to assess other healthcare needs in the various districts of Mozambique. Many children in Mozambique do not have a birth certificate. There is an increased risk for vulnerable children of early or forced marriages, illegal labor, sexual exploitation, or military drafting without such legal identification. In cooperation with UNICEF, a national birth registration system has recently been created. By 2005, 165,000 children had received birth certificates in Mozambique (UNICEF 2007b). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Legal protections for children in Mozambique are few, although the national government has begun to work toward developing a detailed plan of action to implement children’s rights in the form of a Children’s Act that was to be ratified in 2006 (UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs 2007). Although the national legal framework is minimal at best, international standards are in place through Articles 37 and 40 of the Convention of the Rights of the Child 1989 (CRC), the 1985 Beijing Rules for the Administration of Juvenile Justice, and the 1988 Riyadh Guidelines for the Prevention of Juvenile Delinquency (UNICEF 2007b, 21). In addition to the National Children’s Act, international organizations are advocating that an independent national body, in addition to local and provincial legal structures, be constructed to carry out the act and prosecute violators of children’s rights. The Children’s Act should also extend to the rights of children that are in the prison system. Mozambican children within prisons are not detained in separate juvenile centers and are not currently protected under national legal structures; consequently, prison and incarceration is often a debilitating experience from which there is no rehabilitation (U.S. Department of State 2002). A Save the Children/Norway study found that at least 25 percent of all prison inmates in Nampula, Sofala, and Maputo provinces were under the age of 18 (UNICEF 2007d). Incarceration puts them at even greater risk of abuse and violence. There are some community-based measures in place to assist women and children in the case of domestic or social violence and abuse. Centros de Atendimento or help centers have been established to mitigate the extensive abuse of women and children. These centers provide support with the assistance of local police stations in partnership with UNICEF.
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Although women and children have a fear of reporting the violence that they experience to the centers, which are typically housed in police stations, the presence of help centers has assisted in drawing attention to the social issue of violence. The centers use trained representatives and police officers to provide the necessary support to victims once they enter the help center. They offer services on how to report the crime, as well as referrals to obtain psychological, medical, and legal care services. Each of the 11 provinces in Mozambique maintains a help center. UNICEF reports that more than 20,000 victims, both women and children, have used the help center services, and that it has aided community advocates to raise awareness surrounding violence as well as children and women’s rights (UNICEF 2007b). RELIGIOUS LIFE Religions practiced in Mozambique are fairly equally dispersed; 23.8 percent of the population is Catholic, 17.8 percent is Muslim, 17.5 percent is Zionist Christian, 23.1 percent claim no religious affiliation, and 17.5 percent practice other religions (CIA 2007). Membership in a particular religion does not mean that historical cultural practices are no longer used in daily life. For example, traditional religious and cultural beliefs play a significant role in the day-to-day world view, including perceptions that cause children involved in warfare activities to be further stigmatized and alienated. Many Mozambicans believed that children involved in warfare have been polluted by the killing and the murders and made impure by their experiences with the dead (Honwana 2001, 136). Such spirits are termed Mipfhukwa, and the children tainted by Mipfhukwa are seen as pollutants to the surrounding communities, particularly rural areas. Belief in Mipfhukwa spans across those who maintain different religious practices. Child-soldiers that are able to return home are often required to participate in social and spiritual cleansing not only for the sake of the community but for their individual welfare. Ritual ceremonies often involve animal sacrifice, herbal remedies, the burning of clothing used in warfare, specially prepared meals, and washing the child’s body with special herbal ointments (Honwana 2001, 137–138). The reliance on such cleansing ceremonies varies depending on the presence of other religious practices, churches, and healthcare services centers, particularly in urban communities (Honwana 2001, 136). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT A variety of children’s rights issues are at the forefront of the quest to attain social development goals in Mozambique. A recent and pressing concern for international and national government agencies is the growth of sexual abuse of children through prostitution rings and sexual
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exploitation. An estimated 1,000 children and women are victims of trafficking annually in Mozambique (UNESCO 2006). Often, these children do not have guardians and are orphaned; however, there are many cases where socially vulnerable and poor families are made promises that their children will be sent abroad for education, adoption, and a good future, but are instead kidnapped (Bancroft and Pravda 2006). While international organizations such as UNICEF work in the context of Mozambique to implement human rights conventions such as the CRC, it is often difficult to see results in the midst of the poverty that leads to the increase of crimes against young children. The abuse of women goes hand in hand with the violations of children’s rights. In 2004, the Ministry for Women and Social Action in Mozambique documented that at least 35 percent of women participating in a study on domestic violence indicated that they are abused or beaten by their spouse or other male relatives internal to and external to the household (UNESCO 2006). These are only the reported cases. Under-reporting generally tends to skew such statistics and undermine the prevalence of socially accepted abusive activities towards women. In studies on the impacts of war on children in various societies, it has been noted that although many African nations are struggling with development goals, poverty, and a lack of resources, military expenditures in these same nations have doubled and at times increased seven times over in the last forty years, particularly during the wars of independence (Dodge and Raundalen 1991, 7). On the continent of Africa as a whole, military spending was $8.5 billion in 1970 and by 1987 it had increased to more than $15 billion. Healthcare expenditures for the continent were a quarter of military spending at approximately $3.7 billion (Dodge and Raundalen 1991, 7). Weapons proliferation and priority spending on war can be found in developed nations as well; however, the child welfare crisis in the African continent dictates that a shift in the ethics of government spending must occur. There is a positive correlation between war-torn countries and high infant mortality rates and low implementation of children’s rights. For example, Mozambique is ranked among the ten worst infant mortality rates globally (UNDP 2006; Dodge and Raundalen 1991, 8). The impact of generalized social trauma cannot be underestimated either. In Mozambique, the majority of child-soldiers were children who were kidnapped and forced to participate as government-supported Renamo child-soldiers in the war. At least 10,000 children were recruited into the Renamo, and approximately 300 to 400 of these child soldiers managed to escape to the Frelimo rebels or were captured (Dodge and Raundalen 1991, 57). It is important to note that some children were drawn to Renamo because of the state of poverty in which they existed. Joining the forces allowed youth to gain some sense of security and a role to play in an extremely unstable and insecure environment (Honwana 2001, 128).
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The 1989 CRC, Article 39, provides for the medical treatment and psychological recovery of children victims of war. Children affected by war might have suffered general abuse, exploitation, torture, drafting, or might have been forced to carry out such unethical acts themselves. Young girls were raped by the Renamo troops and young boys were also raped or may have been forced to commit acts of sexual violence. Some female children were also forced into the Renamo troops to cook, clean, and gather wood and water for the soldiers (Honwana 2001, 130). In addition to the CRC, the 1977 First Protocol Additional to the Geneva Convention stipulates that children younger than the age of 15 should not take part in armed struggle and warfare. Furthermore there is an African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child that was created in 1990 under the Organization of African Unity, in which a child is defined as a person younger than the age of 18 and that no child should participate in warfare (Honwana 2001, 131). Many of the children, particularly males, find themselves living on the street as a result of family displacement, household insecurity, their involvement in the war, having escaped the war or forced recruitment, or having lost parents to HIV/AIDS. The alienation from family members as well as stigma by community members that these children experience can be socially debilitating (Dodge and Raundalen 1991, 46). In general, the previous generation of teachers tended to ignore the traumatic events of the past that children had experienced because they felt that discussing trauma would not benefit the child; however, the newer generation of recruited teachers, social workers, and community advocates are promoting holistic care, not only of health issues, but of psychological concerns that children face. Social support and coping techniques that are related to the sociocultural elements of Mozambican society will greatly assist children in dealing with trauma through activities such as song, dance, oral history, story telling, drama, sports, games, religious culture, and rituals (Raundalen and Dyregrove 1991, 89). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The government of Mozambique faces an enormous task in meeting the health, livelihood, and protection needs of its children and youth. The rebuilding of health and social service infrastructure, education, and economic opportunities following the prolonged war has been further challenged by natural disasters that have a devastating effect on a population already living at the edge of subsistence. According to UNICEF, the focus on human resource development through educational development has been the cause for almost 14 percent of economic improvements in Mozambique (UNICEF 2007b, 17). Mozambican communities and children have shown resilience and an amazing ability to cope in the face of war, poverty, natural disaster, and HIV/AIDS, and it will be the value
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placed on children and youth that can guide the country through the twenty-first century. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Alden, C. Mozambique and the Construction of the New African State: From Negotiations to Nation-Building. New York: Palgrave; 2001. Alden allows the reader to see Mozambique in the context of nation-building and postwar reconstruction. This text provides a greater understanding of the precarious state of Mozambique. Couto, Mia. Sleepwalking Land. Serpent’s Tail Publishers; 2006. This is a fictional account of the experience of the socially vulnerable, a child and an elderly man, as they attempt to navigate their lives and their survival through the war in Mozambique. Ferraz, Bernado, and Barry Munslow, eds. Sustainable Development in Mozambique. Trenton, New Jersey: African World Press; 2000. The authors examine various mechanisms and tools for development within the community, through the national government and in the international arena. The text also focuses on the impact of development on social and human capital. Pitcher, A. Transforming Mozambique: The Politics of Privatization. New York: Cambridge University Press; 2002. This text discusses the impacts of economic adjustment and market-based economic policies on Mozambique. Important for the discussion of the role of the state in developing society along market lines and foreign investments in a framework of economic liberalism versus a social welfare state framework.
Nonprint Resources The Ball. 2001. Short film by Orland Mesquita, Ouida Smit and Madoda Ncayiyana. In Ximanica with English subtitles. In Volume 24 of Steps for the Future, a 25cassette series on AIDS in southern Africa. Available from California Newsreel. http://www.newsreel.org/nav/title.asp?tc¼CN0151-24&s¼mozambique. This short film addresses the use of condoms as prevention for HIV, as well as the ingenuity of children at play and their resilience in the midst of poverty and HIV/AIDS. Dancing on the Edge. 2001. Film by Karen Boswall. In Chuabo and Portuguese with English subtitles. Volume 6 of Steps for the Future, a 25-cassette series on AIDS in southern Africa. Available from California Newsreel. http:// www.newsreel.org/nav/title.asp?tc¼CN0151-6&s¼mozambique. This film, set in rural Mozambique, shows a mother’s and daughter’s painful lessons in becoming a woman in the world of traditional, rural Mozambique and the modern world of HIV/AIDS. Eclipse. 2001. A documentary by Orlando Mesquita. In Xitswa with English subtitles. Volume 9 of Steps for the Future, a 25-cassette series on AIDS in southern Africa. Available from California Newsreel. http://www.newsreel.org/nav/ title.asp?tc¼CN0151-9&s¼mozambique.
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The eclipse in this film refers to the blackout of four girls’ lives by the HIV/ AIDS pandemic. The four girls are AIDS orphans living in a Mozambican town. The documentary shows their day-to-day struggle to survive.
Web Sites Government of Mozambique, http://www.mozambique.mz. Official government web site with basic national facts. Mozambique Page. African Studies Center. University of Pennsylvania, http:// www.africa.upenn.edu/Country_Specific/Mozambique.htm. Gives general demographic information about Mozambique as well as a bibliography of online resources.
Organizations and NGOs Association of Veterans of the National Liberation Struggle St. Fulco Fabiao, Provincial Secretary CP 268, Linchinga Niassa, Mozambique Organization created to seek the welfare of war veterans in Mozambique who are injured or are in need of psychological support services. Mozambican Association for Women and Education Ms. Marta Jorge and Virgilio Mapudje Provincial Directorate of Education Lichinga Niassa, Mozambique Formed under the Ministry of Gender Affairs to develop governmental provisions for Women in Mozambique.
Selected Bibliography Charnley, Helen. ‘‘Children separated from their families in the Mozambique War,’’ in Abandoned Children, edited by Catherine Panter-Brick and Malcom T. Smith. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000, 111–130. CIA (Central Intelligence Agency). The World Factbook. 2007. https://www.cia .gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/mz.html Dodge, C., and M. Raundalen, eds. Reaching Children in War: Sudan, Uganda, and Mozambique. Norway: Sigma Forlag; 1991. Honwana, Alcinda. ‘‘Children of war: understanding war and war cleansing in Mozambique and Angola,’’ in Civilians in War, edited by Simon Chesterman. London: Lynne Rienner Publishers; 2001, 123–142. Mandala, Elias. ‘‘Gold Seekers, Prazo-Holders, and Capitalists in Mozambique.’’ Canadian Journal of African Studies, 17 (1983) 3, 545–547. Noormahomed, A., and J. Cliff. ‘‘Health and war in Mozambique,’’ in War or Health?: A Reader, edited by Ilkka Taipale et al. New York: Zed Books; 2002, 222–230.
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Raundalen, M., and A. Dyregrove. ‘‘Helping the child,’’ in Reaching Children in War: Sudan, Uganda, and Mozambique, edited by C. Dodge and M. Raundalen. Uppsala, Sweden: Sigma Forlag; 1991, 89–101. UNESCO. Human Trafficking in Mozambique; Root Causes and Recommendations. Policy Paper No. 14.1 (E), Poverty Series. Paris: UNESCO; 2006. http:// unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0014/001478/147846e.pdf UNGEI (United Nations Girls Education Initiative). National Strategic Plan for the Education of Girls and Other Vulnerable Children, 2005–2010: A Summary. New York: United Nations Girls Education Initiative; 2006a. http://www .ungei.org/infobycountry/files/unicef_GEPlanLeaflet.pdf. ———. UNGEI Forum: Child-Friendly Schools and Care Support in Schools. New York: UNGEI; 2006b. http://www.ungei.org/infobycountry/files/res_ UngeiMarch06.pdf. 6 no.1. UNICEF. At A Glance: Mozambique. New York: UNICEF; 2007a. http://www.unicef .org/infobycountry/mozambique.html. ———. Childhood Poverty in Mozambique: A Situation and Trends Analysis Summary. New York: UNICEF; 2007b. http://www.unicef.org/media/files/ Final_SITAN_English_summary.pdf. ———. HIV/AIDS: The Power of Play in Fighting HIV Discrimination. New York: UNICEF; 2007c. http://www.unicef.org/mozambique/hiv_aids_3022.html. ———. Mozambique: Child Protection. New York: UNICEF; 2007d. http://www .unicef.org/mozambique/protection.html. ———. Mozambique: Children Hardest Hit by Cyclone Favio. Press Centre. New York: UNICEF; 2007e. http://www.unicef.org/media/media_38425.html. ———. Mozambique; Education – The Picture. New York: UNICEF; 2007f. http:// www.unicef.org/mozambique/education_2043.html. ———. Real Lives. Mozambique: Children Lead the Way. New York: UNICEF; 2007g. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/mozambique_2231.html. ———. Young Broadcasters Take to the Airwaves in Mozambique. New York: UNICEF; 2007h. http://www.unicef.org/videoaudio/mozambique_24431.html. ———. The GAP Report, Part One: Gender Achievements and Prospects in Education. New York: UNICEF; 2005. http://www.unicef.org/publications/files/ GAP_Report_part1_final_14_Nov.pdf. United Nations [U.N.]. World Mortality Report 2005. New York: Department of Economic and Social Affairs Population Division; 2006. http://www.un.org/ esa/population/publications/worldmortality/WMR2005.pdf. U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. Mozambique: Legal Reform Launched to Protect Children. IRIN Humanitarian news and analysis (Saturday 21, April 2007). http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid¼45873. U.S. Department of State. Mozambique. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, 2001. Washington, DC: Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor; 2002. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2001/af/8394.htm. West, Harry. 2000. ‘‘Girls with Guns: Narrating the Experience of War of FRELIMO’S ‘Female Detachment’.’’ Anthropological Quarterly, 73 (2000), 180– 194. WHO (World Health Organization). Mozambique. 2007. http://www.who.int/ countries/moz/en/.
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NAMIBIA Wendi A. Haugh NATIONAL PROFILE Namibia is located on the southwest coast of Africa and covers 318,500 square miles. Most of the land is arid or semi-arid, and the population is relatively small at approximately 2 million people. Two-thirds, or 1.3 million people, live in rural areas; more than 230,000 people live in Windhoek, the largest city and the country’s capital. Before European colonization, most of the country was inhabited by pastoralists, who raised cattle and sheep, and hunter-gatherers. They lived in communities ranging from small kinship-based bands in the drier areas to larger groups under chiefs in the more productive central highlands. They spoke a variety of languages in the Bantu (Otjiherero) and Khoisan (Nama/Damara and San) language families. There were also Afrikaans-speaking pastoralists who had fled white settler rule in South Africa. Meanwhile, the floodplains and riverine lands of the north were home to people who combined livestock-raising with agriculture and grew drought-resistant
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crops like millet and sorghum. They lived in polities ranging from decentralized communities of several thousand people to sizable kingdoms with populations in the tens of thousands. The languages of these polities were later classified into three groups, all in the Bantu family: Oshiwambo, Rukavango, and the Caprivi languages. Because many people are multilingual, the national census determines the primary language used within each household. Nearly half the country’s households speak Oshiwambo, followed by households speaking Nama/Damara and Afrikaans (11 percent each), Rukavango (10 percent), Otjiherero (8 percent), and the Caprivi languages (5 percent). Other languages, like San and German, are spoken in less than 2 percent of the households each (Central Bureau of Statistics 2003). Germany colonized Namibia, which they called S€ udwestafrika (South West Africa), in 1884. To gain control of southern and central Namibia, the German military waged a genocidal campaign against the inhabitants from 1904 to 1907, killing 75 to 80 percent of Otjiherero-speakers and 35 to 50 percent of Nama-speakers. The survivors were confined to ‘‘native reserves,’’ and the men were required to sign labor contracts. Men from the far north, an area beyond Germany’s control, were also hired as laborers. South Africa occupied the country during World War I and received a League of Nations mandate to govern it after Germany’s defeat. The South African administration soon asserted control over northern Namibia. Because this area was relatively densely populated, it was not subject to white settlement; instead, the administration co-opted leaders who were willing to work with them and replaced those who refused. Over time, it implemented apartheid legislation, which transformed the ‘‘native reserves’’ into ‘‘ethnic homelands’’ for population groups defined by race, language, and culture. Each homeland had its own political administration and travel across their borders was strictly controlled. Men, however, could apply for passes to work at mines, commercial farms, and other economic enterprises in white-owned areas. Most of these migrant laborers were Oshiwambo-speakers from the north, and they were away from home and family for 1 or 2 years at a time. Thus women and children were largely responsible for the daily operations of farms and households, whereas men controlled the flow of cash and store-bought goods. Poverty was endemic, as wages were very low, and the natural resources in the homelands were increasingly insufficient to support their growing populations. Namibians sent hundreds of petitions to the United Nations asking for intervention because South Africa was not meeting its responsibilities under the original League of Nations mandate. United Nations efforts, first to supervise South Africa’s administration and then to terminate it, were unsuccessful. Then, in 1960, a workers’ organization founded by Oshiwambo-speaking migrant laborers was transformed into a nationalist organization named the South West Africa People’s Organization
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(SWAPO). SWAPO pursued internal mobilization and international diplomacy, and also took up arms in 1966. Most military engagements took place in the far north and in southern Angola, where SWAPO maintained military bases and refugee camps. Eventually, the nationalist struggle, United Nations pressure, and a shift in the international geopolitical terrain led to Namibia’s independence in 1990. SWAPO was elected as the ruling party in the new government with 57 percent of the vote. In subsequent national elections, the party has improved its showing, with more than two-thirds of the vote. Independence has led to positive changes in the lives of many Namibians. The SWAPO-led government has worked hard to overcome the legacy of apartheid. It created a unitary central administration and 13 new political regions, which crosscut the racial and ethnic divisions of apartheid. It has also invested a substantial proportion of the national budget in providing education, health care, safe water supplies, and other services to previously underserved populations. The number of households living in poverty has decreased from 38 percent to 28 percent, and severely poor households declined from 9 percent to 4 percent (Levine 2006). Internationally, Namibia has developed a positive reputation. Namibia’s constitution is considered one of the most progressive in the world, with protections for a wide range of human rights and political freedoms. National elections have been judged free and fair by outside observers, and the press has been rated as free also. Namibia also has a low level of corruption and good business competitiveness ranking compared to the rest of sub-Saharan Africa. Despite the positive changes, however, inequalities entrenched during the colonial era have proven difficult to overcome. Although the gross national income is US$2,370 per capita, nearly four times the average for sub-Saharan Africa (US$611) and squarely within the World Bank’s ‘‘lower middle income’’ range, Namibia also has the greatest reported income inequality in the world. The poorest 40 percent of the population earns only 4 percent of the total household income, whereas the wealthiest 20 percent earns 79 percent (UNICEF 2005, 98–101). Despite improvements, most Namibians, particularly in rural areas, still have limited access to piped water or sanitation facilities, not to mention telephones or electricity. Although access to education has been greatly expanded, the quality of education is highly uneven; those who can afford it send their children to private or church-run schools. The delivery of primary health care has been greatly improved, but the benefits as measured in the general health and longevity of the population are being undone by the AIDS epidemic, which has grown dramatically in the years since independence. Religious and secular nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have played an important role in addressing these social problems by contributing directly to government programs or complementing government efforts. Most Namibians identify as Christian, and many prominent
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Christian churches, such as the Lutheran, Catholic, and Anglican churches, actively supported the struggle against apartheid. Churches also played a major role in providing social services before independence, when they founded and ran schools and medical clinics for underserved populations. Although the primary responsibility for the provision of social services has shifted to the national government, church-based organizations still make important contributions to education and health, particularly in helping people cope with the AIDS epidemic. Since independence, they have been joined in this work by NGOs, which have also played important roles in promoting economic development, ensuring good governance, protecting the natural environment, and advocating for women, children, minorities, and other disadvantaged groups. Namibia’s constitution states that ‘‘the family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the state’’ (The Constitution of the Republic of Namibia, Article 14[3]). Families, whether nuclear or extended, need this protection, as they are burdened by the legacy of apartheid and the migrant labor system, as well as the growth of the AIDS epidemic. The migrant labor system separated men from their wives and children for long periods of time. This pattern continues because jobs are still concentrated outside the former ethnic homelands. Gender ratios are skewed as a result, with fewer men than women in six northern regions (as few as 81 men per 100 women) and more men than women in the other seven regions (as many as 115 men per 100 women) (Central Bureau of Statistics [CBS], National Planning Commission [NPC] 2006, 25). Forty-five percent of households are headed by women; the percentage is as high as 62 percent in one northern region (CBS, NPC 2006, 46). The incomes of female-headed households are, on KEY FACTS – NAMIBIA average, 40 percent lower than Population: 2,055,080 (July 2007 est.) those of male-headed households Infant mortality rate: 47.23 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) (Levine 2006). In rural areas, Life expectancy at birth: 43.11 years (2007 est.) female-headed households are Literacy rate: 81 percent Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 74 percent (2000– usually composed of an older 2005) woman who is widowed or sepaInternet users: 75,000 (2005) rated, her unmarried adult chilPeople living with HIV/AIDS: 210,000 (2001 est.) dren, and their young children. Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 57 Sometimes the adult children Sources: CIA World Factbook: Namibia. https://www.cia.gov/library/ leave home to seek work, or, publications/the-world-factbook/geos/na.html. June 29, 2007; increasingly, die of AIDS, leaving UNICEF. At a Glance: Namibia–Statistics. http://www.unicef. the grandmother to raise her org/infobycountry/namibia_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human grandchildren alone. Even intact Development Report 2006–Namibia. http://hdr.undp. families face serious problems; org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_NAM.h. poverty, alcoholism, and spousal June 29, 2007. abuse are widespread.
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OVERVIEW In Namibia, fertility rates are high and nearly half the population is 18 years old or younger. Parents hope their children develop into successful adults who can contribute to their family and community, and government officials speak of children as the leaders of tomorrow and the hope for the nation’s future. The lives of Namibian children have changed dramatically during the last few generations and particularly since independence. First, the government has actively promoted the concept of children’s rights in line with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. It has also instituted a variety of policies and programs designed to improve children’s health, safety, and education. The time children once spent working among the herds or in the fields is now, for most children, spent learning in a classroom. This shift from labor to education began well before independence, but accelerated once the constitution made primary education free and mandatory. Children living in the far north also experienced a transition from war to peace at independence. Many children played an active role in the liberation struggle; thousands of schoolchildren were involved in school strikes and other forms of protest, and thousands more fled across the border to join SWAPO in Angola. The occupying forces harassed and assaulted children who were suspected of supporting SWAPO, just as they did to adults. After independence, children could resume their lives and educations in peace. Additionally, more people left impoverished rural areas in search of opportunity in towns and cities once apartheid barriers to movement were removed. Many of these people are either raising children in squatter settlements with little infrastructure or have left them behind in the rural areas with relatives. Finally, Namibia is one of the worst-afflicted countries in the world by AIDS; in recent years, the epidemic has placed a major strain on the ability of kinship networks and government to care for the growing number of children orphaned by or suffering from the disease. EDUCATION Most Namibians value education, which they associate with economic opportunity and success. The most important contribution children can make to their families today is not to work in the fields or care for the herds, as in the past, but to get an education and then a job. People therefore expect the government to invest heavily in education. Before independence, the administration focused most of its attention and funds on the education of white children and provided little support for the school systems of the ethnic homelands. After independence, the government centralized the educational administration and worked to equalize educational opportunity. It has invested about 20 to 25 percent of the national budget each year in education and has built schools and hired
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teachers in an effort to reach more children. Mobile schools have even been provided for some semi-nomadic communities. To improve educational quality, the government has developed new curricula and textbooks suitable for Namibian students, upgraded teacher training for new teachers as well as in-service teachers, and promoted a shift from teachercentered to learner-centered methods. It has also been gathering, analyzing, and publishing the data needed to create and implement effective policies. The government has improved access to education at all levels, but the main emphasis is on providing universal primary education (grades 1 through 7), since the constitution makes education free and compulsory at this level. However, children are allowed to quit school when they reach the age of 16, whether or not they have completed their primary education. In the first few years after independence, many older children took advantage of the opportunity to attend school for the first time. In recent years, more children are at the appropriate grade level for their age. In 2001, about 40 percent of 6 year olds and 80 percent of 7 year olds were in school; among children ages 9 to 14, about 90 percent were attending school (CBS, NPC 2001, 33). Despite these positive changes, test results at all levels reveal great room for improvement. The low quality of educational results can be attributed to a combination of factors: poor preparation for school, undernourishment, insufficient books and materials, poorly qualified teachers, and the use of English in the classroom—a language that many teachers and most students do not know well (Government of the Republic of Namibia [GRN] and the United Nations System in Namibia 2004, 35–36). Moreover, a promotion policy enacted to make the system more efficient allows students to repeat just two grades during their primary school years; otherwise, they are promoted regardless of their accomplishments, except in national exam years. A study conducted in 2000 showed that only 17 percent of Namibian sixth graders could read at the bare minimum level of proficiency that was judged necessary to cope with the curriculum, and only 7 percent could read at a desirable level (Makuwa 2005, 175). In tenth grade, students take a national examination, which determines their chances of attending senior secondary school. The passing grade is set according to the number of spaces available in eleventh-grade classrooms. Each year, less than half the students who take the exam qualify to attend, whereas others drop out before taking the exam, which leaves about one-third to attend senior secondary (GRN and the United Nations System in Namibia 2004, 33). In 2005, only 20 percent of twelfth graders scored well enough on their national exams to qualify to attend the University of Namibia or the Polytechnic of Namibia (IRIN 2006). Students who have not succeeded in traditional education may enroll in the parastatal Namibian College of Open Learning, which offers courses leading to the tenth- and twelfth-grade exams.
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Although the stated ideal is to provide equal educational opportunity to all children, regardless of race, ethnicity, gender, class, disability, or other discriminating factors, the reality is that inequalities have persisted despite increased government investment. Teacher to student ratios, for example, which are closely associated with educational quality, are much worse in densely populated, largely rural Oshiwambo-speaking areas than in other areas of the country. A 2000 survey assessing literacy skills among sixth graders found little difference between boys and girls, but large differences were found between students from rich and poor families (only 5.9 percent of students from families with low socioeconomic status attained the bare minimum level of proficiency needed to succeed in school, compared with 31.9 percent of students from families with high socioeconomic status) and between urban and rural students (only 4.5 percent of rural students attained the minimum proficiency compared with 53.1 percent of urban students) (Makuwa 2005, 177). Namibia’s extreme income inequality means that a relatively small number of families—a disproportionate number of them white, and many of them living in towns or cities—can afford to send their children to private or church-run schools. At the secondary and tertiary levels, even state-run schools have fees that many families cannot afford to pay. There are no mandatory fees at state-run primary schools, but parents are expected to buy uniforms and materials and pay a fee to the school development fund; some report that they cannot afford to send their children to school, or that their children were turned away because they have not paid the fees. Because education is a constitutional right, the government has warned schools to provide exemptions for poor parents who apply for them, and it has recently begun providing grants for orphans and other vulnerable children to attend school. Slightly more girls attend primary school than boys, but girls lose ground in secondary and tertiary school, primarily as the result of high teenage pregnancy rates. The official policy is for girls to leave school for one year to care for their babies, to balance the constitutional rights of young mothers to education and young children to the care of their parents. This has provoked some controversy, in part because young fathers are not required to leave school for a year. Moreover, contrary to official policy, many girls are prevented from attending school during pregnancy, are not allowed to re-enroll, or are unable to re-enroll. Children with disabilities face more obstacles in acquiring an education than other children. As a result, more than twice as many disabled persons have never attended school compared with nondisabled persons. In rural areas, where most children walk to school, many children with physical disabilities simply cannot make the trip. Government policy calls for children with sensory or intellectual/emotional disabilities to be integrated into mainstream classrooms, but most schools have no special resources to help such children succeed in this environment. Many either
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do not attend or drop out quickly. To address these problems, private organizations run several group homes that facilitate school attendance for the physically disabled children who live there, and the state operates several schools for blind and deaf children, as well as for children with severe learning disabilities. Despite these problems, Namibia has a relatively high literacy rate. Among people at least 15 years of age, 81 percent are literate in at least one language. Literacy rates are similar for women and men, although urban-dwellers (91 percent) are more likely to be literate than ruraldwellers (76 percent) (CBS, NPC 2006, 35). The government has established literacy classes and other informal educational programs for adults who could not attend school when they were young. These efforts benefit children, too, because literate parents are better able to support their children’s educational progress. PLAY AND RECREATION The most popular team sport for boys is soccer and netball for girls (a game related to basketball). Most playing fields have only the most basic facilities. Children of all ages dance, play music, and perform in plays. In many communities in the north, girls perform highly athletic traditional dances. Standing in a circle or semicircle, they clap out a polyphonic rhythm and take turns entering the center in pairs to perform a very fast and complex series of dance moves utilizing the entire body. Each performer improvises her own movements to the rhythm, and the two girls dance so close together that it appears they will collide. Teams of girls from different villages perform at special events like celebrations for the Day of the African Child or Independence Day. Boys and girls active in religious organizations stage plays that address important issues in the community, such as AIDS, sexual abuse, and education. Some children have store-bought toys, but most make their own toys with which to play. They often imitate adult activities in their play. Young boys, for example, construct small model houses with sticks, or put a shoe on the end of a long stick and make car noises while they push it along a path. Young girls make dolls from plant materials, such as the stems of thick, fibrous plants, whose fibers can be separated and combed like hair, or the sturdy twin fruits of the fan palm tree, which can be dressed in skirts by tying bits of cloth around the ‘‘waist.’’ Most children live in households with radios, and some children also have access to television at home, at a neighbor’s house, or at boarding school. The parastatal Namibian Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) broadcasts radio programs in nine languages, including English, on separate channels. NBC produces one channel of television; this is almost entirely in English, with a very few programs in other languages. Most programming is aimed at adults, but there are some educational programs for
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children. Very few children have access to the Internet at home, but computers are slowly being introduced into the schools. CHILD LABOR The Namibian Constitution states that children younger than the age of 14 may not work in industrial settings, whereas children younger than the age of 16 may not perform any work that could endanger them or interfere with their physical, mental, educational, or spiritual development (The Constitution of the Republic of Namibia, Articles 15[2] and 15[3]). A survey of children’s activities, undertaken in 1999 to assess compliance with the constitution and with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, revealed that 16 percent of children ages 6 to 18 were working, even if just for an hour a week. Work was defined as activities performed for pay, for profit, or for the material gain of their households. Older children were more likely to work than younger children (at the extremes, 26 percent of 18 year olds worked compared with 10 percent of 6 year olds). Boys were only slightly more likely to work than girls (Ministry of Labour 2000, 42). The great majority of working children (95 percent) live in rural areas. Historically, children living in pastoral or agropastoral communities contributed significant labor to household economies by caring for livestock, working in the fields, or hunting and gathering. As formal education has become increasingly important over the last few generations, children have spent more time at school and less time working. Among rural working children, school attendance may be spotty during the busiest times of the agricultural year, whereas urban working children may miss school when financial necessity requires that they earn more money. Seven percent of working children surveyed had never attended school and 13 percent had dropped out of school. Poverty, failing grades, and disinterest in school were the most important reasons cited (Ministry of Labour 2000, 66–70). An unknown number of children, both boys and girls, are commercial sex workers in the larger towns and along the major transportation corridors. The Namibian government is participating in a program supported by the International Labour Organisation and the U.S. Department of Labor, which aims to eliminate child labor, particularly the most harmful forms. FAMILY The intact nuclear family is the exception rather than the rule in Namibia. Although child fostering has been more widely studied in West Africa, it is actually more prevalent in southern Africa, and Namibia has the highest rate of children living apart from their parents (McDaniel and Zulu 2006). Only 26 percent of children live with both parents;
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33 percent live with their mothers, 4 percent with their fathers, and 33 percent with neither parent. Some of these children have lost one or both parents, but the great majority have not. More rural households (46 percent) foster children than urban households (19 percent) (Ministry of Health and Social Services [MOHSS] 2003, 11–13); many parents leave children with rural relatives while they work or seek employment in towns or cities. In other cases, children are sent to live with grandparents to help them out or to live with relatives closer to a school. Children help out in their households and are given more responsibilities as they grow older. In addition to productive labor with the crops or herds, rural children do chores such as fetching water and gathering firewood. Girls also help prepare food and clean house. Namibia has a low marriage rate and an even lower divorce rate, relative to other countries. Only 29 percent of the adult population is married under either civil or customary law, whereas another 7 percent are in long-term informal unions; 3 percent are divorced or separated and 4 percent are widowed, whereas 56 percent have never been married at all (CBS, NPC 2006, 26).1 Both men and women marry relatively late, in part because men are concentrated in employment centers. Some women express reluctance to marry because they feel they have more power to negotiate the terms of less formal relationships. Civil law allows divorce on very few grounds, such as adultery or longterm imprisonment, and is only available through the High Court in Windhoek. If a divorce is granted, the mother usually gets custody of the children, whereas the father is required to pay maintenance. Under customary law, divorce may be sought when the wife is barren or adulterous, or when the husband is impotent or has taken a second wife without the consent of the first; other grounds include neglect, desertion, laziness, alcohol abuse, or cruelty by either party. In a customary law divorce, the children may remain with either the wife (as among Oshiwambo-speakers) or the husband (as among Otjiherero-speakers, although nursing children stay with their mother until they are weaned) (Legal Assistance Center [LAC] 2000, 9–11). Older children are usually given a say in their living arrangements. Like divorce, inheritance is determined by either civil or customary law. Under civil law, unless a will specifies otherwise, the surviving spouse and children inherit the possessions of a deceased person. Under most versions of customary law, however, when a man dies, his relatives divide the livestock and household possessions among themselves, leaving his widow and children—who helped produce much of this property—with almost nothing. Even in cases where a man has drawn up a will to protect the interests of his wife and children, the widow often lacks the means to enforce it. The LAC has been advocating changes that would protect the rights of women and children. The government agrees in principle, but has made only minor legislative reforms so far.
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HEALTH The under-5 mortality rate is a particularly important indicator of children’s health and well-being. Namibia, with a rate of 63 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2004, was ranked 68th of 193 countries, but was the highest ranked sub-Saharan African country. This rate was an improvement from the rate at independence in 1990, when under-5 mortality stood at 86 per 1,000. The infant mortality rate also improved from 60 per 1,000 in 1990 to 47 per 1,000 in 2004 (UNICEF 2005, 98). These improvements can be attributed to the work of the government, which allocates about 15 percent of the annual budget for health care. Before independence, there was an excellent health care system focused on curative care, but it was only accessible to a few. Since independence, the Ministry of Health and Social Services has emphasized primary health care, preventative measures, and community-based clinics, including mobile clinics to reach underserved populations. Religious and secular NGOs complement the government health care system by educating people about the causes of disease and providing support for ill people and their families. Some churches also operate public medical clinics and hospitals, while a small private sector caters to those who can afford to pay for the highest quality care. The most important threats to children’s health are diarrhea, malnutrition, malaria, acute respiratory infections, immunizable diseases, and HIV/AIDS (LAC, UNICEF 1995, 61). Many Namibian children are poorly nourished, which makes them more susceptible to disease. Weight-for-age is an indicator of chronic malnutrition; according to the Demographic and Health Survey conducted in 2000 (MOHSS 2003, 151–153), 23 percent of children younger than 5 were moderately or severely malnourished. Low height-for-age (stunting) is a measure of inadequate nutrition in infants up to the age of three; about 23 percent of children younger than 5 were moderately or severely stunted. Diarrhea is a common problem that both contributes to and is exacerbated by malnutrition. Its prevalence is related to the availability of clean water and proper sanitation. Between 70 and 85 percent of households have access to safe water supplies depending on the season, but more than half have no sanitation facility at all, not even a latrine or pit toilet (MOHSS 2003, 19–20). Oral rehydration salts are readily available, and almost all mothers are familiar with them, but many still do not provide enough fluids when their children are ill (MOHSS 2003, 137–141). Other preventable and treatable diseases continue to impact child morbidity and mortality. Malaria is a very serious problem during the rainy season in the north and especially the northeast, although it is uncommon in the rest of the country. The government conducts regular indoor-spraying campaigns and has begun providing insecticide-treated mosquito nets to pregnant women and children younger than 5. Measles
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was a leading cause of under-5 mortality before independence, but better vaccination coverage has greatly reduced its impact. The government funds all routine vaccinations; coverage rates range from 70 percent for measles to 81 percent for diptheria/pertussis/tetanus and polio (UNICEF 2005, 108). In 2006, an outbreak of polio sparked a massive campaign to immunize the entire population against the disease. Acute respiratory infections such as colds, flu, bronchitis, and pneumonia have been increasing among children, in conjunction with the AIDS epidemic (el Obeid et al. 2001, 65). Children are affected by HIV/AIDS in several ways. Twenty percent of pregnant women visiting antenatal clinics tested HIV-positive in 2004 (up from just 4 percent in 1992); prevalence rates ranged from 42 percent in Katima Mulilo to 9 percent in Opuwo. Fewer teenage pregnant women (10 percent) were infected than women in older age groups (MOHSS 2005, 7–9). About a third of infected women transmit the virus to their babies at birth, although new government programs, including the provision of antiretroviral therapy, have recently been implemented to reduce this rate. Older children get the virus through unprotected sex; girls are infected at greater rates than boys, because they are much more likely to have older sexual partners. Children are also affected by the disease indirectly. The AIDS epidemic has greatly increased adult mortality rates, reducing life expectancy from 57.5 years in 1990 (UNDP 1993, 136) to 48.3 years in 2003 (UNDP 2005, 221). Children suffer when their parents are too ill to care for them, or when they lose one or both parents to the disease. In 2001, 12 percent of children under 15 had lost one parent, and 1.3 percent had lost both (CBS, NPC 2001, 75). It is estimated that over half of these children were orphaned by AIDS, and this proportion is expected to rise to three-quarters of orphaned children in 2006 (Social Impact Assessment and Policy Analysis Corporation 2002, 34). Regions along the northern border have the greatest percentages of orphans, and these numbers are expected to grow rapidly as the epidemic progresses. The average age at which young people first have sex is 18 for boys and 19 for girls. Because birth control is not widely used, teen pregnancy rates are high. In the year 2000, 16 percent of 17-year-old girls, 28 percent of 18-year-old girls, and 39 percent of 19-year-old girls had given birth or were pregnant with their first child (MOHSS 2003, 55). To help young people make better decisions about sex, the government has been working with UNICEF on a program called ‘‘My Future is My Choice,’’ which operated independently for five years before being established as an after-school program in 2002. The program gives young people accurate information about sex, pregnancy, and sexually transmitted diseases, and helps them develop the skills they need to delay sexual activity, avoid HIV infection, and resist alcohol and drug use. A variety of NGOs, both religious and secular, are also working to educate young people about sex and HIV/AIDS. The most active group is Catholic AIDS Action,
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with 14 offices and 1,500 trained volunteers. In addition to running educational programs designed to reduce the rate of new infections, they provide emotional, financial, and practical support for children whose parents are ill or have died. Life is difficult for gay, lesbian, bisexual, or transgendered youth in Namibia. Officials at the highest levels of government have fostered a climate of extreme intolerance since 1995, soon after President Robert Mugabe began publicly condemning homosexuality in Zimbabwe. Boys and girls suspected of being gay are often harassed by their fellow students and even their teachers; some drop out of school as a result. Others are chased from home by their parents. Organizations like the Rainbow Project and Sister Namibia, as well as human rights organizations like the National Society for Human Rights, are working to change attitudes and influence government policy. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The constitution gives all children the right to a name, a nationality, and care from both parents (unless another arrangement is found to be in their best interest). It also protects children younger than 16 from performing work that is harmful to their development and from preventive detention. The age of sexual consent is set at 16, and participation in prostitution or pornography is illegal for children under 18. Children attain their full majority at the age of 21, although they gain certain adult rights earlier. At age 18, for example, they may begin to vote and drive. Children under 18 may marry, but only with the permission of the state and both parents; those between 18 and 21 need the permission of both parents. During the apartheid era, each population group was encouraged to develop its own customary law, whereas the white population was subject to Roman-Dutch law as developed in South Africa. Since independence, the Law Reform and Development Commission in the Ministry of Justice have worked to bring both civil and customary law in accord with the constitution and international conventions. This process can be timeconsuming and sometimes controversial. For example, a Child Justice Bill was drafted in 2002 to establish legal procedures appropriate for children accused of crimes who have been treated essentially as adults in the court system. The bill aims to create a system of restorative rather than retributive justice for child offenders. It outlines options for diverting cases from the criminal justice system, calls for the establishment of child justice courts, and provides guidelines for appropriate sentencing. It allows for the arrest and detention of child suspects only in the most serious crimes, and requires them to be held apart from adult detainees. Finally, the original draft aimed to raise the age of criminal liability from 7 to 14, with the option of proving that specific offenders between 10 and 14 were
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criminally liable; this was particularly controversial and was rejected during the revision process (Schulz and Hamutenya 2004, 1–22). As of July 2006, the Child Justice Bill had still not passed Parliament. The Children’s Status Bill has also gone through a lengthy and even more contentious draft and revision process. The version tabled in Parliament in 2006, for example, provided for equal custody and guardianship between unmarried mothers and fathers, even if the child was a result of rape; this sparked protests from many organizations and individuals (AIDS Care Trust et al. 2006). RELIGIOUS LIFE About 90 percent of Namibians identify as Christian; the rest follow one of many indigenous religions, though many are reluctant to discuss their beliefs and practices publicly. Among Christian churches, the Lutheran, Catholic, and Anglican churches have the largest congregations. Churches were once the primary providers of education and health care for non-white Namibians. Church-run schools and medical clinics are now staffed and supplied by the government, although the churches still own the buildings and, in the case of boarding schools, manage the dormitories. Churches and faith-based NGOs are active in providing support for the increasing number of orphans and vulnerable children (OVC) in Namibia; in 2004, they united their efforts under the umbrella of the Church Alliance for Orphans. Children learn about religion in their homes, their churches, and their schools. In addition to attending regular services, children may choose to attend Sunday school lessons organized by older youth or join special organizations such as Bloukring for young Catholic girls or NACAYUL for older Catholic youth. As members, they learn about the Bible and attend special gatherings where they perform songs and dances, hear speeches, and participate in discussions. Youth organizations are sometimes given the responsibility of helping run the regular Sunday church service. In state-run primary and secondary schools, Religious and Moral Education is a standard subject. The curriculum covers a wide range of religious beliefs, values, and practices, although Christian and indigenous religions are emphasized. The curriculum also includes lessons on issues such as human rights and sexuality. The goal is to encourage children to develop positive values and relationships, to understand their own religious beliefs and communities more clearly, and to respect people with different beliefs. A child’s development is marked by a series of rituals grounded in either indigenous or Christian religion. Christian children are baptized when they are babies and look forward to confirmation in their early teens. Traditional practices vary, but among Oshiwambo-speakers the naming of a newborn, the first haircut, and the donning of a necklace
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indicating membership in the father’s clan are all occasions for ceremony. Postpubescent girls used to participate in an elaborate initiation ritual called olufuko, which included sacrifices to the ancestors, fertility-enhancing foods and medicines, songs and dances on the themes of marriage and child-bearing, and tolerance tests designed to detect pregnant girls. Once initiated, girls were free to begin sexual relationships and bear children. Once the most important rite of passage in Oshiwambo-speaking communities, olufuko has been almost entirely abandoned as incompatible with Christian teachings. Marriage and, more importantly, becoming a parent (whether married or not) are the events that transform a child into an adult. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Domestic violence is extremely common in Namibia; one-third of women report having been physically or sexually abused by a partner, whereas one-fifth report having been abused within the past year (WHO 2006). Children suffer psychological harm from witnessing abuse within their families, a harm that is defined as domestic violence by law (Combating of Domestic Violence Act No. 4 of 2003, Section 2[2]). Children may also be the victims of physical abuse, emotional abuse, or neglect. Child abuse is associated with alcoholism, poverty, and unemployment, and the widespread belief that it is appropriate for men to assert their dominance within the family (Hubbard and Wise 1998, 3–6). There are few reports of employers abusing child workers; these cases usually occur in relatively isolated settings like domestic employment and commercial farm work. There are no child soldiers in Namibia, but some Namibian children were abducted or recruited by armies in southern Angola before the civil war in that country ended in 2002. Corporal punishment in schools was standard practice before independence but abolished by the new government and declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. Teachers and parents protested that children must be physically disciplined, as was the tradition both at school and home, but the government persisted in its efforts to effect change by promoting alternative forms of discipline (Wolf et al. 1999, 17–22). As a result, the incidence of corporal punishment is decreasing, but the issue still generates a great deal of public discussion, and children are occasionally seriously injured. The most serious problem is child sexual abuse and child rape, which occur with shocking frequency. Despite public discussion and disapproval, as well as protests against the most egregious cases, the problem is not diminishing. Widespread poverty and alcohol abuse are contributing factors, as is the belief that it is safer to have sex with children given the prevalence of AIDS in the adult population. Children who are poor and undernourished may be lured by food or other gifts, whereas alcoholic parents neglect children, which makes them more vulnerable to abuse;
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alcohol also removes an abuser’s inhibitions and reduces a child’s ability to resist. Moreover, despite the general public outrage, people are often reluctant to report specific cases. Girls as young as 10 years of age are routinely blamed for failing to prevent sexual abuse and even for sexually attracting their abusers. The strong expectation that women should respect men and younger people should respect older people makes it difficult for children to resist or report abuse by adults, or for mothers to protect their children from abusive men (Jewkes et al. 2005, 1812–1817). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY In the past, children in Namibia played an active role in major social transformations: they helped spread Christianity by adopting the new religion before their elders did, and they participated in the anti-apartheid struggle by holding protests and joining SWAPO. Children will continue to play an important role in Namibian society, both because of their demographic dominance and because of their cultural status as the nation of the future. Children are learning about the new rights they have gained and they are increasingly connected to an outside world denied to their predecessors during the apartheid era. The government, churches, and religious and secular NGOs are working to provide the institutions and services children need to grow into healthy, productive adults. Yet Namibian children still face incredible challenges, including persistent poverty, widespread sexual abuse, and a growing AIDS epidemic which is devastating their families and communities. Much more work remains to be done to ensure that all of Namibia’s children experience a safe and healthy childhood. NOTES 1. These figures include 15, 16, and 17 year olds, who can marry only with the permission of the state and both parents.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Gronemeyer, Reimer, and Matthias Rompel, eds. ‘‘Today It’s Your Family, Tomorrow It’s You . . .’’: Essays by Young Namibians on the Social Impact of HIV and AIDS. Windhoek: Gamsberg Macmillan; 2003. Mans, Minette. Discover Musical Cultures in the Kunene. Windhoek: Namibia Scientific Society; 2004. McKittrick, Meredith. To Dwell Secure: Generation, Christianity, and Colonialism in Ovamboland. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann; 2002. Social Sciences Division–University of Namibia, Legal Assistance Center, and UNICEF. 1995. Children in Namibia: Reaching Towards the Rights of Every Child, edited by Stephen Adkisson. Windhoek: UNICEF-Namibia; 1985.
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Web Sites Government of the Republic of Namibia, http://www.grnnet.gov.na. This official website has links to ministries such as Health and Social Services, and Gender Equality and Child Welfare, and Education. The Namibian, http://www.namibian.com.na. The largest independent newspaper in Namibia, The Namibian covers stories relevant to children’s lives; the site includes searchable archives. Namibian Educational Development and Support Network, http://www.edsnet.na. This site provides curricula, syllabi, and teaching guides for primary and secondary school teachers, as well as articles about pedagogy and key issues affecting Namibian education. NonProfitExpert.Com, http://www.nonprofitexpert.com/countries/namibia.htm. This website provides a listing of key nonprofit organizations in Namibia, with contact information and program focus areas. Included are organizations, such as the Ecumenical Women of Namibia and the National Youth Council, which include programs for children and youth.
Organizations and NGOs Catholic AIDS Action P.O. Box 11525 Windhoek, Namibia Website: http://www.caa.org.na Catholic Aids Action was founded in 1998 in response to Namibia’s HIV/AIDS crisis. It currently operates in 9 of the 13 regions of the country, with a focus on home-based care, prevention education for youth, voluntary counseling and testing, and orphan and vulnerable children care and support. Legal Assistance Center Child Justice Project Gender Research and Advocacy Project P.O. Box 604 Windhoek, Namibia Phone: 264 61 223356 Website: http://www.lac.org.na The Legal Assistance Centre’s primary objective is to protect the human rights of all Namibians and to increase access to legal advice and services through education, law reform, research, litigation, legal advice, and representation and lobbying. UNICEF–Namibia P.O. Box 1706 Windhoek, Namibia Phone: 264 61 204 6111 Website: http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/namibia.html
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UNICEF, through its country programs and national committees, is active 191 countries around the globe. Key focal areas include: child survival and development; basic education and gender equality; HIV/AIDS and children; child protection; and policy advocacy and partnerships.
Selected Bibliography AIDS Care Trust et al. ‘‘The Children’s Status Bill—Does Public Opinion Matter?’’ The Namibian, March 3, 2006. http://www.namibian.com.na Central Bureau of Statistics, National Planning Commission (NPC). 2001 Population and Housing Census: National Report, Basic Analysis with Highlights. Windhoek: NPC; 2003. el Obeid, Selma, John Mendelsohn, Marc Lejars, Norbert Forster, and Gerard Brule. Health in Namibia: Progress and Challenges. Windhoek: RAISON; 2001. Government of the Republic of Namibia and the United Nations System in Namibia. United Nations Common Country Assessment. 2004. www.undp.un.na/ 2004%20CCA%20%20print.pdf. Hubbard, Dianne, and Daina Wise. Domestic Violence: Proposals for Law Reform. Windhoek: Law Reform and Development Commission; 1998. IRIN. ‘‘Namibia: Call for Education Sector Reform.’’ IRINnews, February 2, 2006. http://www.irinnews.org Jewkes, Rachel, Loveday Penn-Kekana, and Hetty Rose-Junius. ‘‘ ‘If They Rape Me, I Can’t Blame Them’: Reflections on Gender in the Social Context of Child Rape in South Africa and Namibia.’’ Social Science and Medicine, 61 (2005), 1809–1820. Legal Assistance Center. Proposals for Divorce Law Reform in Namibia. Windhoek: Legal Assistance Center; 2000. Legal Assistance Center, Social Sciences Division, University of Namibia and UNICEF. Children in Namibia: Reaching Towards the Rights of Every Child. Windhoek: UNICEF-Namibia; 1995. Levine, Sebastian. ‘‘Namibia on Track to Meet Global Poverty Goal.’’ The Namibian, March 31, 2006. http://www.namibian.com.na Makuwa, Demus. The SACMEQ II Project in Namibia: A Study of the Conditions of Schooling and the Quality of Education. Harare: Southern and Eastern Africa Consortium for Monitoring Educational Quality; 2005. McDaniel, Antonio, and Eliya Zulu. ‘‘Mothers, Fathers, and Children: Regional Patterns in Child-Parent Residence in Sub-Saharan Africa.’’ African Population Studies, 11 (2006), 1–28. Ministry of Health and Social Services (MOHSS). Report of the 2004 National HIV Sentinel Survey. Windhoek: MOHSS; 2005. ———. Namibia Demographic and Health Survey 2000. Windhoek: MOHSS; 2003. Ministry of Labour. Namibia Child Activities Survey 1999: Report of Analysis. Windhoek: Ministry of Labour; 2000. Namibia, Republic of. The Constitution of the Republic of Namibia. 1990. http:// www.orusovo.com/namcon/ Schulz, Stefan, and Marthinus Hamutenya. ‘‘Juvenile Justice in Namibia: Law Reform Towards Reconciliation and Restorative Justice?’’ Restorative Justice Online, a project of Prison Fellowship International. 2004. http://www. restorativejustice.org/resources/docs/namibia.
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Social Impact Assessment and Policy Analysis Corporation. A Situation Analysis of Orphan Children in Namibia. Windhoek: MOHSS and UNICEF-Namibia; 2002. Social Sciences Division–University of Namibia, Legal Assistance Center, and UNICEF. Children in Namibia: Reaching Towards the Rights of Every Child. Windhoek: UNICEF-Namibia; 1995. United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund. The State of the World’s Children 2006: Excluded and Invisible. New York: UNICEF; 2005. United Nations Development Program (UNDP). Human Development Report 2005. New York: UNDP; 2005. ———. Human Development Report 1993. New York: Oxford University Press; 1993. Wolf, Joyce, Grace Lang, L. L. Bekett Mount, Diane VanBelle-Prouty. Where Policy Hits the Ground: Policy Implementation Processes in Malawi and Namibia. Washington, DC: USAID, 1999. World Health Organization. ‘‘Country Findings: Namibia,’’ from the WHO Multicountry Study on Women’s Health and Domestic Violence against Women. 2006. http://www.who.int/gender/violence/who_multicountry_study/fact_ sheets/nam/en/index.html.
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NIGER Laura Arntson NATIONAL PROFILE Niger is a landlocked country in West Africa, south of Algeria. It shares borders with Algeria, Benin, Burkina Faso, Chad, Libya, Mali, and Nigeria. At 1.267 million square kilometers, it is almost twice the size of Texas. The northern four-fifths of the country are desert and the southern portion is savannah, which can accommodate limited agriculture and livestock. The largest concentration of the population is in the south where the arable land is found (less than 12 percent of the total land mass). Historically, Niger was far less arid than it is today and it hosted a number of consolidated political-economic centers. Among these were the powerful Songhay empire, centered in Gao, which reached a pinnacle of power in the late fifteenth to early sixteenth century under the leadership of Askia Mohamed, and the Kanem and Bornou empires of modern-day Nigeria and Niger. The European scramble for Africa of the nineteenth century used local competitions for power in order to insert its own might in the
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region. France was able to establish itself as the colonial power early in the twentieth century and Population: 12.9 million (2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 116.83 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) imposed classic colonial rule up Life expectancy at birth: 44.03 years (2007 est.) through 1946, when French colLiteracy rate: 28.7 percent (2005 est.) onies gained status as Overseas Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 30 percent Territories. Full independence (2000–2005) was achieved in 1960. SingleInternet users: 24,000 (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 70,000 (2003 est.) party and military rule dominated Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 99 until multiparty elections were held in 1993. Political turmoil led Sources: CIA World Factbook: Niger. https://www.cia.gov/library/ to a military coup in 1996 but, in publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ng.html. June 29, 2007; 1999, a subsequent military coup UNICEF. At a Glance: Niger–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/niger_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; United restored democratic rule and mulNations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development tiparty elections were held. Report 2006–Niger. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ In 2000, Niger began a povcountries/data_sheets/cty_ds_NER.html. June 29, 2007. erty reduction and growth plan directed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). In 2005, Niger received multilateral debt relief from the IMF—a forgiveness of approximately US$86 million in debt. The major linguistic-ethnic groups in Niger include Hausa (55 percent), Djerma-Songhay (21 percent), Tuareg (or Tamachek at 9 percent), Peul (8.5 percent), and the Kanouri Manga (4.7 percent). Niger’s population is estimated at 12,895,000, with 47 percent of the population younger than 15 years of age. KEY FACTS – NIGER
OVERVIEW The issues facing children in Niger stem primarily from poor economic circumstances and recurrent loss of agricultural livelihood from drought and locust infestations that sweep through the area periodically. The majority of the population lives at the edge of subsistence. With such a large proportion of the population younger than the age of 15, the dependency ratio (i.e., dependent household members made up of individuals younger than the age of 15 and older than the age of 65, to economically productive members) is quite high, which places a burden on individual families as well as government social services. EDUCATION Niger’s education system is patterned on the French system, with curriculum changes to reflect local needs and world view. School is compulsory for children 7 to 15 years of age, but as the result of impoverished households and incidental fees, only 36 percent of males and 25 percent of females of primary-school age attend school (UNICEF 2007). Adult
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literacy reflects an even greater gender gap, with male literacy at 43 percent and female literacy at only 15 percent. There are two institutes of higher education: Abdou Moumouni University (AMU; formerly University of Niamey, founded in 1973) and The Islamic University of West Africa at Say (inaugurated in 1987). A study in 2003 showed that only 2 percent of students enrolled in AMU were in teacher training and of those, less than 1 percent were female (Souley 2003). A study was conducted in 2004 by the Association Nigerienne de Lutte contre la Corruption (ANLC/TI 2005) to analyze the scale of corruption in Niger’s educational system. The perception is that corruption occurs primarily in connection with examinations. In the survey, only 28 percent reported being victims of corruption—respondents either did not want to admit that they had been involved in corruption or the perception of corruption is much greater than its actual extent (ANLC/TI 2005). Nonetheless, it is disturbing that 28 percent personally experienced corruption and that more than a third (36 percent of respondents) consider education the most corrupt sector in Niger. With such low levels of literacy and poor access to education, children are likely to continue at a subsistence level, engaged in agricultural activities in an environment that is continuing to degrade. PLAY AND RECREATION Although most children engage in unorganized play activity, a number of international relief agencies that came in with the famine response of 2005 have organized play and recreation activities for children. Expressive activities also provide an opportunity to mobilize children and communities for child rights advocacy. Plan International, for example, began implementing a child media program in 2006 as part of a regional radio project, ‘‘Kids Waves,’’ that focuses on the rights of the child. Each show is hosted by children. The 30-minute program visits different localities weekly, where children from the local community participate. CHILD LABOR It is estimated that 70 percent of boys and 65 percent of girls are engaged in child labor overall. With 73 percent of Niger’s population living below the poverty line, many households seek out small-scale economic activities, including artisanal or semi-industrial mining, which is Niger’s most dangerous informal sector activity. Commonly, child labor is used in the extraction and processing of trona, salt, gypsum, and gold in Niger (Soumaı¨la 2000). Children work long days with no remuneration because mining is a family activity. The risks to children are many. In trona mining, children are exposed to dust inhalation, injury from work-tools such as hoes, axes, and machetes, and burns from the hot water or fire used during processing
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(Soumaı¨la 2000). More children than adults are involved in salt extraction. They suffer the caustic effects of salt on their skin as well as severe pneumonia and ear, nose, and throat infections attributable to dust exposure, and injury from the tools used to extract the salt. Because of the long hours involved, children engaged in salt mining do not attend school. Children comprise 60 percent of the work force in the collection and transport of gypsum, which is collected from the surface or through light digging (Soumaı¨la 2000). Children must carry their loads of gypsum for several dozens of kilometers daily. Dangers associated with gold mining that carry a high level of risk include falling blocks of ore, collapsing tunnels, wounds caused by extraction tools, asphyxiation, and dust inhalation. Children younger than 18 years of age are prohibited from digging in shafts, trenches, or drifts because of the dangers but, in reality, children younger than 18 dig as well as engage in crushing and grinding the ore so that the gold can be panned. Younger children are used in the less arduous but more dangerous task of carrying waste products and gold ore to the surface. They pass sacks that weigh on average 5 to 10 kilograms in a human chain up a rope ladder. Small children are secured by a rope to prevent them from falling as they stretch to reach the next child in the chain (Soumaı¨la 2000). Gold-panning sites generate a booming economy around them, which attracts prostitutes and places female children at an increased risk of being prostituted. FAMILY Average family sizes in Niger are quite large; 18 percent of urban and 19 percent of rural families include nine or more persons. The total fertility rate is greater than 7 percent and contraceptive prevalence is very low (14 percent). Antenatal care coverage is low (41 percent) and the presence of a skilled attendant at delivery at only 16 percent. These figures explain, in part, the reported maternal mortality ratio (MMR) of 590 or an adjusted MMR of about 1,600 per 100,000 live births. A total of 13 percent of children (live births) are born with low birth weight and with such a high MMR and large family sizes, there is a potential for a large number of orphans—the 2005 estimate was 560,000 orphans due to all causes (UNICEF 2007; INS and Macro International 2007). Girls marry very early in Niger; child marriage is reported at 46 percent in urban settings and an astounding 86 percent among the rural population. This reflects both sociocultural practices as well as economic circumstances that push girls into marriage. Child marriage contributes to early pregnancies and increased maternal mortality. HEALTH Children carry a high degree of risk from food or water-borne diseases in Niger, including bacterial and protozoal diarrhea, hepatitis A, and
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typhoid fever. Malaria is endemic to some areas and meningococcal meningitis shows up on an annual basis. However, perhaps the single greatest underlying factor to the high rates of morbidity and mortality (256 per 1,000) is malnutrition. Niger regularly experiences periodic droughts, but the drought of 2005, compounded by an infestation of locusts, led to an extremely poor harvest of the staple grain, millet. As a result, an estimated 25 percent of the population (some 3.3 million people, including an estimated 800,000 children younger than 5) required emergency food relief. A high percentage of children were severely malnourished. A number of international relief organizations set up therapeutic feeding centers for the severely malnourished children. Since the famine, efforts have been underway to address the needs of a population living at the edge of subsistence, but the continuing loss of arable land to desert makes this a formidable challenge. In surveys conducted at the time of famine relief, 15 percent of children between 6 and 59 months of age were suffering from global acute malnutrition, 72 percent had suffered from a fever (including malaria), and 49 percent had reported diarrhea (Aguayo et al. 2006). In addition, only about 65 percent had been vaccinated against measles. The immune systems of malnourished children are compromised, which makes measles a much more severe threat. With so many families having fled to relief centers, overcrowding in poor conditions exacerbates the threat of measles spreading to children ill equipped to fight infection. UNICEF estimates that 40 percent of children younger than the age of 5 are moderately or severely underweight and stunted. In rural areas, only 36 percent of households use improved drinking water sources, which accounts for the high rate of diarrheal disease reported. The severe lack of adequate sanitation also contributes to poor health. Only 4 percent of the rural population and 43 percent of the urban population reported using adequate sanitation facilities. This means that the potential for fecal–oral transmission is extremely high and with poor drinking water sources, the risk of diarrheal infection and various watershed diseases for children is alarmingly high. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Although the government of Niger has formally recognized the need for child rights and protection and has enacted laws to protect children from the worst forms of child labor, for example, there is a marked lack of enforcement due to a low level of resources and capacity. It is likely that significant change will come only with increased efforts by international actors to advocate for improved enforcement of child protection laws, improved household livelihoods, and concerted efforts to change behaviors and attitudes so that families can better afford to send their children to school.
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RELIGIOUS LIFE The majority of Nigerians are Muslim (80 percent), and the remaining 20 percent consider themselves Christian or practitioners of indigenous beliefs. In reality, most Nigerians practice a blend of indigenous and Muslim or Christian practices. The various healing and possession cults among populations of Niger have captured the interest of various anthropologists (Erlmann 1982; Lewis et al. 1994; Masquelier 2001; Rasmussen 1997, 2001; Stoller 1989, 1995) because of the powerful symbolism utilized. Less is known about the role of children in religious practices, although their role is limited until they come of age for an initiation into the wealth of esoteric knowledge and practices in the religious beliefs among the different ethnic groups. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The children of Niger have a difficult path ahead, especially with the continued threat of global warming and the deterioration of their environment. To break out of the emergency food relief trap, households will have to be able to move beyond their precarious subsistence levels. Children will require better educational opportunities and alternative livelihoods so that their reliance on a pastoral way of life or on subsistence agriculture is overtaken with more viable, long-term options. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Claudot-Hawad, Helene. Touaregs, apprivoiser le d e sert. Paris: Editions Gallimard; 2002. An account of the Tuareg in Niger; their history and political-economy. Fuglestad, Finn. A History of Niger 1850–1960. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 1983. Provides a focused historical account of this key period in Niger’s history. Masquelier, Adeline. Prayer Has Spoilt Everything. Durham: Duke University Press; 2001. Masquelier, an anthropologist, presents an in-depth and sensitive account of the Bori cult and its implications for identity, social interactions, and articulation of a world view. Rasmussen, Susan J. Healing in Community: Medicine, Contested Terrains, and Cultural Encounters among the Tuareg. Westport, CT: Bergin & Garvey; 2001. Rasmussen provides a rich look at Tuareg identity, knowledge, and healing practices based on substantial research and a deep understanding of the Tuareg in Niger. Salifou, Andre. Le Niger. Paris: Editions Harmattan; 2002. This book provides a definitive history of Niger as well as an analysis of contemporary events and politics.
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Stoller, Paul. Embodying Colonial Memories: Spirit Possession, Power and the Hauka in West Africa. New York: Routledge; 1995. In this book, Stoller explores the Hauka—Songhay spirits that mimic European colonial characters—as a window into understanding the colonial experience in Niger. ———. Fusion of the Worlds: An Ethnography of Possession among the Songhay. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press; 1989. This book provides a rich ethnography of spirit possession among the Songhay people of Niger.
Nonprint Resources Agadez Nomade FM. 2004. Film. 74 minutes. Directed by Christian Lelong and Pierre Mortimore, produced by Christian Lelong. This is a documentary of the daily life of residents in Agadez, Niger, a town dominated by the mosque and an FM radio tower. Arlit: deuxi e me Paris. 2005. 75 minutes. Directed and produced by Idrissou Mora Kpai. In French, Bariba, Hausa, and Tamashek with English subtitles. Available from California Newsreel. http://www.newsreel.org/nav/title.asp?tc¼CN0 180. This is a hard look at environmental racism. Arlit, a uranium mining town in the desert of Niger, suffers from radiation contamination, sickness, and unemployment. In place of narration we hear the words of Arlit’s inhabitants themselves, ‘‘reflecting on their dreams and frustrations.’’ Beckwith, Carol, and Marion van Offelen. Nomads of Niger. London: Harper Collins; 1983. A beautifully done photographic essay. Comment vont les enfants: Hassane. 1993. By Ciro Duran, Euzhan Palcy, Jean-Luc Godard, and Anne-Marie Mieville. In French. Part of a 6-film documentary series sponsored by UNICEF that looks at the lives of individual children. Hassane is a malnourished child in Niger who is caught between international relief agencies and village traditions.
Web Sites ANFANI FM, http://www.ned.org/grantees/anfani/index.html Radio Anfani is an FM-station based in Niamey, Niger. It was created in 1995 as ‘‘the first independent radio station in Niger. Its aggressive political reporting has made it the most popular radio station in the country.’’ L’Institut de Recherche pour le D e veloppement au Niger, http://www.ird.ne In French. Includes updates on research and publication activities, as well as full-text documents, partner links, etc. Niger Portal, http:www.nigerportal.com. In French. Updated regularly, this site provides news items, radio and audio clips, and numerous links. TamTam, http://www.tamtaminfo.com In French. A comprehensive list of newspapers and updates from Niger.
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Organizations and NGOs ^ ANBEF–Association Nigerienne pour le Bien-Etre Familial B.P. 13174 WY Niamey Phone: þ227 20 75 3801 Fax: þ227 20 75 3516 Email: [email protected] An association to promote training and research for family health and development. ANLC-TI–Association Nigerienne de Lutte contre la Corruption B.P. 10423, Niamey Phone: þ227 20 73 3181 Fax: þ227 74 0461 Web site: http://www.transparency.org An organization actively engaged in information gathering and advocacy against corruption. ANPJ–Association Nigerienne pour la Promotion des Jeunes B.P. 12907 Niamey Stade Seyni Kountche, Porte 1024/1028, Niamey Phone: þ227 20 72 3779 Email: [email protected] A community service organization for youth CAONPEM–Collectif des Associations et ONG Nigerienne pour le Protection de l’Enfant et de la Mere B.P. 156, Niamey Phone: þ227 20 73 2414 An umbrella organization of NGOs focused on mother and child protection. CNOJ–Coordination Nationale des Organisations des Jeunes B.P. 10.663, Niamey Phone: þ227 20 73 6948 A coordinating body of youth organizations. CONIPRAT–Comite Nigerien sur les Pratiques Traditionnelles Ayant Effet sur la Sante des Femmes des Enfants B.P. 11613, Niamey Phone: þ227 20 75 3472; þ227 20 72 4207 Email: [email protected] A national committee to promote or traditional practices beneficial to women’s and children’s health. FEMJES–Femme-Jeunesse-Environment-Sante B.P. 10271, Niamey Phone: þ227 20 75 3587; þ227 20 73 3014 Fax: þ227 74 2634 Email: [email protected] An organization focused on women, youth, the environment, and health.
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JEDD–Jeunesse-Environnement-Democratie-Developpement B.P. 10663, Niamey Phone: þ227 21 79 7948 Fax: þ227 20 73 6482 A youth organization focused on environmental issues, democracy-building, and development. LUCOFVEM–Lutte Contre les Violences Faites aux Femmes et Enfant Mineurs B.P. 2566, Niamey Phone: þ227 20 75 2013 Fax: þ227 20 75 2837 An organization formed for the purpose of eliminating abuse against women and children. Ministere du Developpement Sociale, de la Population, de la Protection de la Femme et de l’Enfant B.P. 11286, Niamey Phone: þ227 20 72 2330/3505 Fax: þ227 20 73 6165 Website: http://www.niger-gouv.ne Government ministry of social development, population, and women and child protection.
Selected Bibliography Aguayo, V., N. Zagre, K. Koumbe, B. Tomczyk, C. Blanton, and A. Reza. ‘‘Nutritional and Health Status of Children during a Food Crisis—Niger, September 17–October 14. 2005.’’ MMWR Weekly, 55, No. 43 (November 3, 2006), 1172–1176. http://www.cdc.gov/nceh/ierh/Publications/NigerNutrion Study_2005.pdf. ANLC/TI (Association Nigerienne de Lutte contre la Corruption). [Niger] Corruption in Higher Education: People’s Perceptions, Summary. Niamey: ANLC-TI; 2005. Available to download at the Transparency International website: http://www.transparency.org. CIA. The World Factbook: Niger. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/theworld-factbook/geos/ng.html. Accessed June 2007. Erlmann, Veit. ‘‘Trance and Music in the Hausa Boorii Spirit Possession Cult in Niger.’’ Ethnomusicology, 26 (1982), 49–58. INS (Institut National de la Statistique) and Macro International Inc. Enqu^ete Demographique et de Sante et a Indicateurs Multiples du Niger 2006. Calverton, MD: INS and Macro International Inc; 2007. http://www.measuredhs .com/pubs/pub_details.cfm?ID¼660&ctry_id¼29&SrchTp¼country. Lewis, I. M., Ahmed Al-Safi, and Sayyid Hurreiz. ‘‘Women’s Medicine: The Zar–Bori Cult in Africa and Beyond.’’ Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, 64 (1994), 418–420. Rasmussen, Susan J. Spirit Possession and Personhood Among the Kel Ewey Tuareg. New York: Cambridge University Press; 2006. ———. The Poetics and Politics of Tuareg Aging: Life Course and Personal Destiny in Niger. DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press; 1997.
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Souley, Abdoulaye Niandou. ‘‘Niger,’’ in African Higher Education: An International Reference Handbook, edited by Damtew Teferra and Philip. G. Altbach. Bloomington: Indiana University Press; 2003, 487–491. Extracted for Country Higher Education Profiles online: http://www.bc.edu/bc_org/avp/soe/ cihe/inhea/profiles/Niger.htm. Soumaı¨la, Alfa. ‘‘Child Labour in Small-scale Mines in Niger,’’ in Child Labour in Small-scale Mining: Examples from Niger, Peru & Philippines, edited by Norman S. Jennings. Geneva: International Labour Organization; 2000. http://www .ilo-mirror.cornell.edu/public/english/dialogue/sector/papers/childmin/137e1 .htm#Niger.
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NIGERIA Simon Heap NATIONAL PROFILE The Federal Republic of Nigeria is the most populous country in Africa and the ninth-largest country in the world, at an estimated 140 million people. Nearly half of the nation’s population (more than 68 million) is composed of children. Its citizens are split evenly between urban and rural areas. Abuja is Nigeria’s centrally located capital, but approximately 15 million people live in Lagos, Africa’s largest city and the commercial heart of Nigeria. Nigerian women typically give birth to six children during their lifetime on average, and 5.4 million babies are born each year. Nigeria’s population is predicted to be more than 300 million by 2050 despite the fact that life expectancy at birth is a very low 44 years (fourteenth worst in the world) and that an exceedingly high mortality rate means 1 in 10 children do not survive past their first birthday and a fifth of children die before their fifth birthday. Nigeria covers 923,768 square kilometers, with a density of 142 people per
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square kilometer. The country stretches across a series of climates and landscapes from rainy tropical rainforest in the south to dry Sahel in the north. Benin neighbors Nigeria to the west, Niger to the north, Chad and Cameroon to the east, and 850 kilometers of Atlantic coastline to the south. Nigeria was under British colonial rule for a century until independence in 1960. Civilian, democratically elected governments have been interspersed with periods of military dictatorship. Since 1999, Nigeria has been a democracy, administered in 36 states, made up of 774 local government areas. A total of 50 percent of Nigerians are Muslims, 40 percent are Christians, and others follow indigenous beliefs. Nigeria has more than 250 ethnic groups, with varying languages and customs, which creates a country of rich ethnic diversity. English is the official language, and other national languages include Edo, Efik, Fulfulde, Hausa, Idoma, Igbo, Kanuri, and Yoruba. A total of 521 languages are listed for Nigeria (Bendor-Samuel and Hartnell 1989; Blench 1998, 2004; Crozier and Blench 1992; Connell 1998; and Siebert 1998) and, of these, 510 are considered living languages. Nigeria is a land of contrasts. It is the most populous country in Africa, an influential political player, and one of the world’s largest producers of crude oil, with an economy totaling US$175 billion dollars. However, poverty remains rife and children in particular face widespread and serious abuses. With a low rating in the Human Development Index, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) classifies Nigeria as a poor country. The World Bank calculates annual income per capita at only US$390, making it the 29th lowest in the world. Despite its immense wealth in natural resources, two-thirds of the population, or 93 million people, lives in absolute poverty. Nigeria has a very poor record on corruption, constantly being near the bottom of international league tables on the issue. The whole country suffers frequent water and electricity cuts, often for hours or even days at a time. Government Support and Agencies Given the economic difficulties facing Nigeria, caused in part by widespread corruption and the generally uneven distribution of resources, its welfare system is under a tremendous strain. There is a severe lack of financial resources allocated to the protection and promotion of children’s rights. The government’s relatively low budget allocations to the health and education sectors are even worse when actual expenditure is measured. Investment in children’s welfare and protection is close to nonexistent. The Federal Government of Nigeria ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) in 1991. The government has presented two reports about its implementation of the UNCRC in
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Nigeria in 1995 and in 2005. As a demonstration of its commitment to the UNCRC, Nigeria has developed a National Plan of Action for Children (NPA). The NPA also acts as a catalyst for the preparation of plans of action by the lower tiers of government at state and local levels. In addition to the NPA, there are also several plans of action by the various sectors (such as health, education, and information) to address specific issues of child welfare—infant-friendly initiatives, child-friendly schools, national programs on immunization, poverty eradication programs, Universal Basic Education (UBE), and a child-friendly cities initiative, for example. That said, the NPA is limited and does not cover all areas of the UNCRC. In 2000, Nigeria became one of the first African countries to sign the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography and also the Optional Protocol on the involvement of children in armed conflict. Both Protocols have yet to be ratified, however. Nigeria also signed the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child in 2001. The Department of Child Development, located within the Ministry for Women and Youth Affairs, is responsible for child protection and welfare. There is a National Child Rights Implementation Committee (NCRIC). Both are underfunded, however, and the state-level social welfare departments have no programs, resources, or capacity to protect children from abuse or exploitation. A Children’s Act was passed in May 2003. Furthermore, some states on their own have promulgated laws that protect children. For example, the Ebonyi, Niger, and Sokoto state governments have passed legislation to ensure that children are not withdrawn from school, especially girls. Anambra has also passed a bill making it an offence for any child of school age to engage in hawking KEY FACTS – NIGERIA (that is, informal commercial activity, such as selling cigaPopulation: 140 million rettes, lighters, soap, shoe polInfant mortality rate: 95.52 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 44 years ish, sunglasses, or other items Literacy rate: 67 percent often sold from a portable disNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 60 percent (2000– play box) during school hours. 2005) There is a National Human Internet users: 5 million (2005) Rights Commission (NHRC) People living with HIV/AIDS: 4 to 5 million and a Special Rapporteur on Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 76 Child Rights within the NHRC. Sources: CIA World Factbook: Nigeria. https://www.cia.gov/library/ However, there are concerns publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ni.html. June 29, 2007; that the mandate of the NHRC UNICEF. At a Glance: Nigeria–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ does not provide for sufficient infobycountry/nigeria_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development resources to deal with children’s Report 2006–Nigeria. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ rights and individual complaints. countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_NGA.html. June 29, 2007. A Child Rights Information
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Bureau (CRIB) was established by the Ministry of Information. CRIB publishes the Progress of the Nigerian Child (PONC) with data from the Federal Office of Statistics. PONC is a Nigerian version of UNICEF’s State of the World’s Children annual publication. Nigeria has made serious steps in the past few years to combat child trafficking, including establishing bilateral antitrafficking agreements and introducing joint border controls. There is a law prohibiting human trafficking, a National Agency for Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP), and a Presidential-appointment of the Special Assistant for Human Trafficking and Child Labour, all begun in 2003. Nigeria ratified the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime in 2002, and signed the Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution of Others in 2003. OVERVIEW Child mortality, life expectancy, HIV prevalence, and overall human development indices put Nigeria in the worst 25 countries in the world. Nigeria also faces human rights, governance, and serious child protection issues. In 2005, Nigeria’s under-5 child mortality rate was 194 per 1,000 live births, the fourteenth worst in the world. Access to Free Public Education The Education Master Plan, approved in 1994, has not been fully implemented. This plan, when implemented, would make UBE available to every Nigerian child. This underscores the necessity for follow-up and monitoring of policies once adopted. Primary school enrolment/attendance is 62 percent, the twenty-ninth worst in the world (UNICEF 2004). War There is long-standing ethnic, religious, and civil strife in Nigeria. Communal conflicts impact children. Several studies have confirmed children’s involvement in communal or political violence either as victims or, unfortunately, as perpetrators of acts of murder, arson, burglary, and theft. In some parts of the northern region, Almajiri children have been used to foment trouble and act as human shields in such situations. Unfortunately, for many children, such communal conflicts have resulted in the loss of their parents, abandonment, disabling injuries and, in many more cases, loss of life and property and displacement. As a result of displacement, children easily end up living like refugees and in the process
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lose educational opportunities. There are reports of indiscriminate extrajudicial killings in these conflicts, where children as well as adults are routinely killed, shot to death, and burnt. This violence directly affects children, including child combatants, and inflicts severe physical and psychological trauma upon them. Nonetheless, there are current initiatives to foster conflict resolution mechanisms in communities by NGOs such as the African Refugee Foundation, the Federation of International Women Lawyers, and an ECOWAS Child Protection Unit to enhance the protection rights of children and women during communal conflicts. Issues of Refugees and Immigration Communal clashes linked to political, religious, and ethnic differences have led to a large population of internally displaced persons in the country, and Nigeria is host to a large group of refugees from neighboring countries such as Chad, Sierra Leone, and Liberia. As a result, there are many refugees and internally displaced children living in camps, where reports have come to light about the sexual exploitation of refugee girls and women within and outside of the camps, including female teenagers who are forced into prostitution. The incidence of teenage pregnancy is high in the camps. The National Commission for Refugees cares for the welfare of children in refugee camps. Guidance and counseling services, improved training for teachers, as well as entrance training for staff are being stepped up in schools. Schools, recreational facilities, and medical facilities have either been established in the refugee camps or are available in the neighboring communities, but there is some segregation of refugees and displaced children in schools separate from other children. Legal Protections against Exploitation While acknowledging that the minimum age of marriage is set federally at 18 years, the legislation of most states and the customary law allows for early marriages, and girls can be forced into marriage as soon as they reach puberty. The age of sexual consent is between 13 and 18 years. In the west zone, the age of marriage varies from 16 to 19 years, but in the north, particularly in the northeast where the Islamic religion is widely practiced, sexual consent is not allowed (Toyo 2006). The age of criminal responsibility in most states is 18, but in some states the age is still 18 years of age or younger, for example 7 to 12 years in the southeast, 12 to 18 years in the north-central and 14 to 21 years in the northwest. There are reports of a large number of young women suffering cases of vesico-vaginal fistula, a condition caused by giving birth when the cervix is not well developed. In Nigeria, there are national, zonal, and local government task forces on girls set up to remove any discrimination against them. Other policies
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that relate to nondiscrimination include the National Policy on Education, the UBE program, establishment of more schools for girls, and the provision of scholarship schemes in favor of girls. Also in existence are various state laws and edicts relating to harmful traditional practices, hawking, and withdrawal of girls from school and early marriage. Despite the laws, in practice girls, and in some areas boys, children born out of wedlock, disabled children, children of outcasts, children from a minority, and children from other states often experience discrimination. The number of children who fall victim to sexual exploitation is on the increase. There are reports that sexual assaults and rape of young girls is on the increase, especially in the north. Child victims of sexual exploitation often do not receive adequate protection and/or recovery assistance, and may even be treated as perpetrators of a crime. In Nigeria, cultural attitudes focus on the child being seen and not heard. Deeply entrenched cultural, traditional, and religious attitudes and practice, such as female circumcision, early marriage, child betrothal, tribal marking or scarification, rigid autocratic child-rearing practices, boy child preferences, and the attitudes of policy-makers to change all contribute to an environment that can endanger children. Traditional and discriminatory attitudes and behavior towards women and children contribute to violence, abuse (including sexual abuse), neglect, killing, torture and extortion. There appears to be a generally high level of acceptance of domestic violence among law enforcement officials and court personnel, as well as a lack of adequate measures taken by government to prevent and combat violence, abuse, and neglect of women and children. It takes a long time to change traditional attitudes towards children, especially in cultures in which age is the cultural measure for respect. Children, particularly girls, are at the bottom of the social order, and beating of children is common even for small misdemeanors (SCF 2004–2005). EDUCATION In many parts of Nigeria, free, compulsory, and universal primary education is unavailable, despite a constitutional guarantee. An estimated 12 million Nigerian children are out of school. With the relaunching of the UBE program in 1999, the government signaled its intention to overcome the lack of political will that stalled the original 1992 program. The program seeks to address the issues of access, retention, quality of service delivery, and infrastructure. It also takes into account the educational needs of underserved groups. The program also has as a key goal the raising of citizen consciousness towards the value of education. Basic education in Nigeria is provided through formal and nonformal education. The formal aspect comprises 6 years of primary schooling and 3 years of schooling at the junior secondary level. Nonformal education includes functional literacy classes for adults and adolescents who have
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dropped out of school or those who never enrolled, with an emphasis on girls. The curriculum is flexible and also covers numeracy and life skills. It is when quality is considered that the Nigerian school—especially the primary school—presents a disturbing picture. In a 1997 study of primary-four pupils, the national mean average in each of three key achievement tests was as follows: numeracy, 32 percent; literacy, 25 percent; and life skills, 37 percent. In each of the test areas, private school pupils outperformed their counterparts in public schools whereas students in urban schools did better than those in the rural areas. The low pupil achievement levels cannot be separated from such factors as infrastructural facilities, teacher morale and frequency of supervision. The nonformal education initiatives, which are part of the objectives of UBE, target young people, especially girls, who dropped out of school and women who may never have had any schooling. Other potential beneficiaries are children of nomads and other migrant workers, children receiving a Koranic education, such as Almajiris, and disabled children. In several states, a safety net is provided for the completers of nonformal education to enable them to enter the formal school system. According to UNICEF (2007b), 40 percent of children in Nigeria do not attend school, and only 30 percent of the children who attend school are girls (SCF 2004–05). High levels of absenteeism and school dropout rates are in part the result of school fees, which constitute a burden to parents in sending children to school. Nigeria has an adult literacy rate of 67 percent—the thirty-first worst in the world—with men at 74 percent and women at 59 percent, and only a third of boys and a quarter of girls enroll in secondary schools (UNICEF 2004). Besides being a signatory to the UNCRC, Nigeria also endorsed the Declaration adopted at the Dakar World Education Forum (2000) which, among other things, set as one of its goals expanding and improving comprehensive early childhood care and education, especially for the most vulnerable and disadvantaged children. The government’s Blueprint on Basic Education (1999) emphasizes the importance of early child care as a prerequisite for a child’s physical, cognitive, and psychosocial development. Equal Opportunity for All Children Girls are more disadvantaged in attending school than boys. This disadvantage is likely influenced by the perception of parents that a male child is the better investment and will ensure family support as well as continuity when a parent dies (Okpukpara and Chuklwuone 2005). In the eastern states, boys drop out in large numbers to take up apprenticeships. There are inadequate numbers of schools for disabled children in Nigeria. The level of support for those in existence should be increased while training programs for teachers in such special schools should be stepped up.
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PLAY AND RECREATION The Nigerian Constitution provides for freedom of association, and in practice there are girl guides, boys’ brigades, boy scouts, child rights clubs, debating clubs, frequent interschool sporting activities and assemblies of Nigerian children. Parks and recreational gardens established with the objective of promoting children’s leisure and recreation are increasingly springing up in many states of the Federation and even at the community level. Various communities in Nigeria have diverse well– organized and coordinated cultural festivities that attract people from both rural and urban areas. The usual practice is for parents and guardians to take children to such festivities, which are staged mainly during vacation and school-free periods. CHILD LABOR An estimated 15 million Nigerian children work. Of this huge number, 6 million are not in school and 2 million are exposed to very long working hours. Child labor has been rampant in the country for a long time. For instance, the practice of keeping children as house boys or maids has been common in many Nigerian families. Because of poverty and a cultural acceptance and even expectation that children work as domestic workers (‘‘housegirls’’ and ‘‘houseboys’’), Nigeria has a very significant child labor rate of 39 percent among 5 to 14 year olds, despite the fact that Nigeria ratified the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Convention No. 138 concerning Minimum Age for Admission to Employment and the ILO Convention No. 182 concerning the Prohibition and Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labor in October 2002. In urban areas, children work as domestic servants, street hawkers, vendors, beggars, scavengers, shoe shiners, car washers/ watchers, and bus conductors, as well as on plantations and in the mining and quarrying sector. Deep and increasing poverty is pushing millions of children into dangerous and exploitative work, including sex trafficking. Sexual abuse of very young girls working on the streets is widespread (SCF 2004–2005). In Nigeria, children as young as 4 or 5 years old are sometimes taken into families as domestic helpers because their parents are poor or in debt. These children are especially vulnerable to sexual abuse and exploitation. When ill treated, they are likely to run away and end up in the streets where they are vulnerable to commercial sexual exploitation. Children who are especially disadvantaged include those who are not living with their biological parents, orphans, and those who are subjected to hazardous work. Qualitative and quantitative studies in Nigeria as well as media exposes have indicated gross abuse of children’s rights and widespread recourse to corporal punishment. The problem of domestic abuse
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has been exacerbated by urbanization and growing poverty, which have not only increased the strains on families’ caring capacity, but have eroded the traditional extended family mechanisms for providing mutual support and checking abuse. Child trafficking and sexual exploitation of children and minors are on the increase. Public enlightenment and sensitization programs on the situation of children, particularly with regard to abuses and exploitation, have been stepped up by the government, NGOs, and the media. Child rights–monitoring centers as well as legal aid for social services units are in all the states of the Federation. Several states have passed laws and acts that provide stiff penalties for violations against children, including trafficking, prostitution, sexual abuse, withdrawal of girls from school, and hawking. The economic situation in the country, arising mostly from the effects of the structural adjustment program, the high rate of urbanization, and the resultant breakdown in the extended family system, has resulted in an unprecedented increase in the number of children in especially difficult circumstances. These children generally engage in hawking wares, load carrying, car washing, shoe shining, petty trading, refuse clearing, begging, and prostitution (Omokhodion et al. 2005). There is also an increase in the number of children endangered by abuse and neglect. These include sexually abused female children and children of prostitutes living with their mothers in brothels (ECPAT 2006). HEALTH Nigeria has the lowest per capita health budget in Africa, and as a result, most children do not get proper health care. Child survival in Nigeria is threatened by nutritional deficiencies and illnesses, especially malaria, diarrheal diseases, acute respiratory tract infections, and vaccinepreventable diseases, which account for the majority of morbidity and mortality in childhood. Malaria accounts for 30 percent of illness and deaths among Nigerian children, whereas more than half of all childhood deaths have malnutrition as an underlying factor. Nigeria currently has 6 million undernourished children. Nigeria, like many developing countries, also suffers from a polio crisis as well as periodic outbreaks of cholera, malaria, sleeping sickness, guinea worm, onchocerciasis, and tuberculosis. There are marked regional differences, with the north recording poorer figures than the south, the northeast being the worst and the southwest the best. Although HIV prevalence rates are much lower in Nigeria (at 5.4 percent) than in other African countries such as South Africa and Zambia, the huge size of Nigeria’s population means that by 2006 an estimated 4 to 5 million people were living with HIV and AIDS in Nigeria—10 percent of the world’s total. This is the largest number in the world after India and South Africa. The numbers of people living with HIV and
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AIDS has increased dramatically in some states. A total of 240,000 children up to 14 years of age are living with HIV. According to UNAIDS estimates, there are 1.8 million children orphaned by AIDS, making Nigeria the country with the greatest number of such children worldwide. Poor infrastructure and ineffective delivery systems mean HIV treatment, voluntary testing, and counseling and community support to children living with HIV significantly challenged. HIV and AIDS control has been integrated into Primary Health Care by the president, and the National Agency for Control of AIDS (NACA; formerly the National Action Committee on AIDS) has been established to ensure multisectoral, multilevel participation of relevant stakeholders. An interim action plan was developed and more resources allocated for HIV and AIDS. Awareness and enlightenment campaigns have been stepped up. Harmful traditional practices exist in all the states of the Federation, particularly at community level. Female genital cutting, early and forced marriage, female disinheritance, tribal marks, and tattooing are common practices. Efforts to eliminate these harmful traditional practices are gathering momentum in the country. The Federal Ministry of Women Affairs and Youth Development, with the support of UNDP and other U.N. and donor agencies, has concluded a national survey on harmful traditional practices. Results from the survey have been widely disseminated in the country and have given impetus to various advocacy and sensitization programs at various levels aimed at tackling the problem. The mass media, NGOs, community-based organizations, and religious organizations are also contributing to the fight against harmful traditional practices. Constraints encountered in implementing the measures include weak capacity of the healthcare system to meet the basic needs of children and women. Low capacity is attributed mainly to poor funding, lack of community involvement in programs, inadequate human capacity programs, poor intersectoral cooperation, and lack of integration of vertical programs, all of which weaken the Primary Health Care system. There is a high incidence of substance abuse by children in Nigeria, including the use of cannabis, psychotropic substances, heroin, cocaine, and volatile organic solvents, as well as abuse of local plants. There are reports of the increasing involvement of young people in drug-related crimes. There is also a concern over the lack of specific legislation prohibiting the sale, use, and trafficking of controlled substances to children, and also of treatment programs in this regard. Children are not encouraged to consume alcohol and other substances and, in fact, alcohol is forbidden in Islam. Infant and Child Mortality Nigeria’s under-5 child mortality rate (U-5MR) is the thirteenth worst in the world (2004 data) (UNICEF 2007b) at 197 per 1,000 live births.
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Southern Nigeria fares better than the north; there, the infant mortality rate (IMR; the probability of dying between birth and exactly one year of age expressed per 1,000 live births) is as high as 117 per 1,000 live births in the northeast and lower than the 2000 target of 45/1,000 in the southwest. There are no noticeable gender differences, but there were marked urban/rural differentials: 83 and 113/1,000, respectively. Unlike IMR, U-5MR has shown a marked decrease between 1990 and 1999, although this is still a far cry from the Summit goal target stated previously. U-5MR decreased from 191/1,000 in 1990 to 159/1,000 in 1999. When similar data sources are compared (the UNICEF Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey [MICS]), the rate increased from 147/1,000 in 1995 to 159/1,000 in 1999. The rates for males and females were 148 and 167/1,000, respectively. Differentials by region and rural/ urban location follow a similar pattern as with IMR: 119/1,000 and 147/1,000, respectively. Figures for the north are poorer than for the south. Nigeria’s immunization coverage rates are among the worst in the world (UNICEF 2001, DHS 2003); DPT3 coverage is between 25 percent and 20 percent of children up to 12 months of age; poliomyelitis 19 percent,1 measles, 35 percent, and tuberculosis 43 percent. Full immunization rates were as low as 12.5 percent in 2003. Despite a National Water Supply and Sanitation Policy adopted in 2000, only 60 percent of Nigerians have access to safe drinking water. There are also marked urban/rural differentials: 71 percent in the urban areas and 48 percent in rural areas. Poor access to safe drinking water exposes children to water-borne illnesses, including amoebiasis, dysentery, giardia, hemolytic uremic syndrome, hepatitis A, and dracunculiasis (guinea worm). Little or no access to safe water also exposes children to other diseases transmitted by vectors associated with water, such as onchocerciasis (river blindness) and schistosomiasis. The incidence of reported diarrhea, however, decreased from 18 episodes per child for the 10-year period to 15 episodes per child for the same period. The number of children treated with oral rehydration therapy increased from 27 percent in 1990 to 47 percent in 1999. Only 38 percent of Nigerians have access to improved sanitation facilities. Compounding the lack of safe water is the lack of awareness of the health consequences of unhygienic behaviors, such as defecating and urinating in bushes outside houses, poor refuse disposal, and infrequent hand washing. Another problem is the use of the same water source for feeding cattle as well as bathing and washing.
1. UNICEF reports 39 percent coverage for Polio3; http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/nigeria_statistics.html
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Care for Disabled Children Some efforts are being made in Nigeria to provide for the realization of the full development and enjoyment of life by disabled children. Rehabilitation departments or units that handle and coordinate programs for the disabled are included in the State Ministry of Social Welfare. At the federal level, government has implemented a community-based rehabilitation program that de-emphasizes institutionalization and encourages the disabled to learn, work, and live in the same environment with their ablebodied counterparts. Most states have established rehabilitation centers and schools for handicapped children where they are also taught vocational skills. Many of these centers and schools receive government subventions and grants for their upkeep. In some states, local television stations relay programs and news in sign language. Also, various aids and appliances are donated to disabled children. Many of the special schools in Nigeria are established and managed by NGOs and philanthropic organizations, although most of them receive government backing and subventions. Gender Issues and Pregnancy Nigerian girls are subject to widespread genital cutting, with an overall rate of 19 percent recorded in 2004. Some individual Nigerian states, like Cross Rivers, Delta, Edo, and Rivers state have prohibited circumcision locally. In addition, there is a high level of teenage pregnancy in Nigeria. Child-bearing begins early in Nigeria, with nearly one-half of women of the reproductive age becoming mothers before 20 years of age. Teenage childbearing is greater in rural than in urban areas and has negative demographic, socioeconomic, and sociocultural consequences. These young mothers are more likely to suffer from severe complications during delivery, resulting in higher morbidity and mortality for both themselves and their children. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The age of criminal responsibility for children in Nigeria is very low at 7 years. Nigeria has undertaken a reform of its child laws to bring the country in line with the principles and rights contained in the UNCRC through a Child Rights Act. It is a comprehensive piece of legislation encompassing all aspects relating to the welfare and care of the child, as well as child justice (Toyo 2006). Part of the law reform process is the Juvenile Justice Project, which is looking at Juvenile Justice Administration with a view to implementation issues and the development of a juvenile justice policy for the country. This project was born out of a collaborative effort between the National Human Rights Commission and Constitutional Rights Project.
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Imprisonment and the Courts A Constitutional Rights Project study found some children had been detained for periods of between four and eight years. Approximately 60 percent of children in police cells were there for truancy and being beyond parental control, whereas only a small percentage of child offenders had committed serious offences. A large proportion of children were not legally represented during their trials. Most children are found in juvenile detention centers, but a large number are found in prisons where they are detained and tried with adults. Juvenile detention centers have educational and vocational facilities but lack adequately trained personnel and learning materials. Prisons are seriously overcrowded and police cells are generally in very bad condition. Several cases of abuse by the police officials at the point of arrest have been reported. Children deprived of their liberty after criminal actions are placed in remand homes, juvenile detention centers, reform schools (borstal institutions), or approved schools, but such institutions are grossly inadequate to cater to the increasing number of children who require such facilities. It is also on record that these childcare institutions are in dire need of modern equipment and facilities, while the social workers who manage and care for the children require training and refresher courses, as well as better remuneration. The laws that protect children are found in various laws: the Criminal Code, the Penal Code, the Labour Act, the Universal Basic Education Act, the Beverages and Alcoholic Drinks Act, the Cinematographic Act, various laws of the states, the Evidence Act, the Contract Law, the Matrimonial Cause Act, the Wills Act, the Age of Customary Marriage Law, the Births and Deaths Registration Act, the Children and Young Persons Law, as well as the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999. Children, like adults, suffer from an excessive length of time before their cases are heard. Children are often tried in adult courts, and they are often not legally represented during their trials. Some children are detained for ‘‘status offences’’ such as vagrancy, truancy, or wandering, or, at the request of parents, for ‘‘stubbornness’’ or for being beyond parental control. Juvenile offenders frequently are subjected to physical assaults by the police and custodial officers. There is serious overcrowding, and the poor conditions of homes and juvenile centers abound for persons younger than 18 in conflict with the law. Children are placed in prisons alongside adult offenders, and staff working in such institutions are poorly trained. Article 12 of the Child and Young Persons Act and article 319(2) of the Criminal Code, as well as the Shariah Penal Codes in 12 northern states, allow for imposition of death penalty on persons younger than 18. Shariah laws are at odds with universal views on the rights of children, as Shariah courts allow sentencing of persons younger than 18 years to cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment such as stoning, flogging, whipping, and amputation. The Committee
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is further concerned that, under section 95 of the Shariah Penal Code, persons ages 7 to 18 years can be subjected to the punishment of confinement in a reform institution, or 20 strokes of cane, or with fine, or both. Article 18 of the Criminal Code, however, provides for whipping, and Article 55 of the Penal Code provides for the use of physical corrective measures, sometimes applied to children. Shariah law prescribes penalties and corporal punishment, such as flogging, whipping, stoning, and amputation. Shariah law can also apply the death penalty to children. Such legal provisions tolerate, if not promote, corporal punishment at home—in particular, article 55(1)(a) of the Penal Code and article 295 of the Criminal Code. With regard to giving testimony in court, a child can give evidence but not in open court—only in the judges’ chambers—and the court must be satisfied that the child understands the questions put to him or her and can answer. However, the evidence of the child, by reason of his or her tender age, usually requires corroboration (as in sexual offences) in both civil and criminal cases. Although noting that the Child Rights Act provides a clear definition of the child, it remains a concern that a wide variety of minimum ages exist in the states of Nigeria, including unclear definitions of the child, and that many of these minimum ages are too low by an internationally acceptable level. In Nigeria, there is no uniform agreement as to the age of majority of a child. Laws affecting children are scattered in different legislation such as the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, which provides for voting at 18 years of age but not standing for election. The Immigration Act stipulates that any person younger than 16 years is a minor, whereas for the purpose of criminal responsibility the Criminal Code provides for 7 to 12 years of age. For medical treatment or surgery without parental consent, the stipulated age is 21. The end of compulsory education is 15 years of age. For admission to employment, including hazardous work, the law recognizes apprenticeship at 16 years and 18 to 21 for regular jobs. The age of marriage is a highly controversial issue, and it varies from place to place. In northwest and north-central Nigeria, 14 years is the age of marriage. In the north-central part the age of marriage is between the second and third menstruation, while in the southern states it varies from 16 to 18 years of age. Protection from Sexual Exploitation In Nigeria, child marriage is widespread—a rate of 27 percent in urban areas and 52 percent in rural areas, according to UNICEF in 2004—and the government reports that this practice will be placed in the category of sexual abuse and exploitation. Child sexual exploitation is rife in Nigeria but the phenomenon is often concealed because of the social stigma attached to it (ECPAT 2006).
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Commercial sexual exploitation of children is reported to be a serious problem in Nigeria and evidence suggest that the phenomenon is on the increase because of instability, poverty, economic crisis, urbanization, unemployment, and the breakdown in family, social, and cultural values. The problem is compounded by Nigeria’s huge population, the bulk of which lives below the poverty line (ECPAT 2006). Treatment by Gender, Ethnicity, Race, and Socioeconomic Status There are provisions for inheritance at birth, but in some states of the Federation, tradition and religion still deprive girl children and women the right of inheritance. For instance, in the Ibo culture, only male children inherit. In some parts of the south, women or girls do not inherit and are themselves objects of inheritance. Under Islamic law, an adopted child cannot inherit except by a will, and he gets only one-third of the estate of the deceased, even where a will gives him more. Furthermore, where there is a dispute over paternity in a divorce under Islamic law, the child cannot inherit from the father but he can inherit from the mother. For the purpose of transactions in property, the person must have attained the age of 21 years. Regarding creating or joining associations, rights are guaranteed in the constitution but the norm is to form or join these associations under parental guidance or professional and/or religious supervision. For the purpose of choosing a religion or attending a religious school, the age of 18 years obtains in most states in terms of choice of religion except in the Islamic-dominated states of northern Nigeria. In practice, a child’s religion is decided by his/her parents until a child attains majority, marries, and leaves home. Homelessness The number of children who live and sleep on the streets has been on the increase in most major urban areas in Nigeria. Destitute street families can be found living under bridges, in public toilets, and in markets. Their children too are in an extremely precarious condition and urgently require intervention and assistance. In Lagos alone there are more than 100,000 boys and girls living on the streets. The Child Life Line opened centers to rehabilitate street children in Lagos based upon its findings and, in 1999, hosted a workshop to help other NGOs set up effective street children–focused programs. Many other NGOs, such as the Child Project, Galilee Foundation, Kingi Kids, the Friends of the Disabled, and the Samaritans, are also involved in efforts to rescue and rehabilitate street children. One notable case is the Peoples’ Bank’s rehabilitation of male and female juvenile delinquents, so-called ‘‘Area Boys’’ and ‘‘Area Girls,’’ beginning in the 1990s. Area Boys (‘‘Area Boys’’ in the south and the ‘‘Almajiris’’ in the north) are groups of armed street youth on the
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rampage in the streets of Lagos, harassing motorists and pedestrians and extorting money from them. RELIGIOUS LIFE In Nigeria, children usually follow parental guidance in the choice of religion. Islamic law goes further, forbidding change of religion. The challenge is to socialize children towards religious tolerance. Nigeria is a secular nation with provision for much ethnic, cultural and religious diversity of the citizens. In this regard, there are unity schools, two in each state, where children from certain religious and ethnic backgrounds go. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The Nigerian calendar recognizes International Women’s Day and the Day of the Family (March 8), Children’s Day (May 27), the Day of the African Child (June 16), and National Youth Day (August 12). A Directorate on Child Rights nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and a National Council of Child Rights NGOs have also been set up. Nigeria has a vibrant civil society and many NGOs and community-based organizations have a child focus. The Planned Parenthood Federation of Nigeria (PPFN) and Action Health are NGOs that offer adolescent reproductive services. Nigeria hosts a regional monitoring center for child rights violations, supported by the African Network on the Prevention and Protection against Child Abuse and Neglect in Nigeria (ANPPCAN). International bodies like UNICEF and Save the Children work in the country on aspects of educational enrollment and completion, child rights and protection, nutrition and immunization, health care and HIV and AIDS, all in partnership with government and local community groups. They also contribute to the elimination of the worst forms of child labor, the reduction of child trafficking, and the protection of children from sexual exploitation and female genital cutting. The gains that have been recorded in Nigeria during the past decade in the efforts to ensure the survival, protection, and development of the child have been considerable, but some daunting challenges remain. Social indicators show a desperate situation facing children, particularly in the north, where basic services are either nonexistent or in a state of collapse (SCF 2004–2005). RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Hollos, Marida, and Philip E. Leis. ‘‘Becoming Nigerian in ijo society,’’ in Adolescents in a Changing World, edited by Beatrice B. Whiting and John W. M. Whiting. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press; 1989.
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This ethnographic work on Nigerian ‘‘adolescence,’’ although almost 20 years old, still provides a richly contextualized look at a crucial stage in a child’s social development and in negotiating many of the same issues children still encounter. Ibe, Ochiawunma. Child Survival in Nigeria: Situation, Response, and Prospects. Washington DC: Policy Project/Nigeria; 2002. Implemented by Futures Group International in collaboration with Research Triangle Institute and the Centre for Development and Population Activities and funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) under Contract No. HRNC-00-00-00006-00. http://www.policyproject.com/pubs/countryreports/NIG_ CSrevised.pdf. Ibe draws on a wide range of data sources (survey reports, academic articles, and policy, budget, and development program documents) to present an overview of the major child survival issues in Nigeria, with the goal of positively influencing Nigerian policy and national priorities. Okpukpara, Benjamin C., and Chuklwuone, Nnaemeka, A. Child Schooling in Nigeria: The Role of Gender in Urban, Rural, North and South Nigeria; 2005. http://www.saga.cornell.edu/saga/educconf/okpukpara.pdf. This paper derives from a statistical analysis of data obtained from a Child Labor Survey done by the Nigeria Federal Office of Statistics in conjunction with the International Labor Organization, 2000–2001. The study is an investigation of children’s economic roles in the household and the impact of household and community economic activities and characteristics on the rising dropout rate among school children.
Nonprint Resources Film Black Gold. 2006. Filmed, directed, and produced by Marc Francis and Nick Francis. http://www.blackgoldmovie.com. Distributed by Speak It Films in association with Fulcrum Productions and The Doc Factory. http://www.speak-it .org. Black Gold addresses the economic inequalities and conditions of the Ethiopian coffee farmers as compared with those who control the coffee markets. Monday’s Girls. 1993. 50 minutes. Produced by Lloyd Gardner, Directed by Ngozi Onwurah. United Kingdom/Nigeria. Distributed by California Newsreel (VHS and DVD). http://www.newsreel.org/nav/title.asp?tc¼CN0060&s¼nigeria. This film, another of several directed by Ngozi Onwurah, explores the tensions between tradition and individualism as experienced by two young women as they go through initiation in the Niger delta region.
Radio Junior Magazine, Nigeria This is produced for Nigerian radio by Kemi Ogundeko. This program features the story of Linda, which illustrates how parents sometimes severely hurt the feelings of their children without noticing. This program is dedicated to reminding parents, society, and governments of the importance of respecting children’s rights.
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Our Circuit This is a 1-hour information and entertainment program broadcast live on EKO 89.75 FM Lagos, Nigeria, on Saturday lunchtimes. Three kids present the program in segments: one of the child presenters reads news interesting to children; the other two read the messages from request cards and later spice it up with nice and beautiful music, depending on the messages on the card; then a talk segment that has to do with the lives of young people; and one of the child presenters tells an interesting story that teaches morals that listeners can benefit from and learn some useful lessons. The audience is both kids and adults. The program is heard in 16 states of Nigeria. So occasionally, when calls are entertained, listeners from different parts of the country call in and make their contributions on the program. For example, they make requests like sincere wishes and greetings to their friends, relatives, and loved ones. Radio Nigeria K-Zone (Kiddies Zone), Nigeria This is a series of programs about children’s issues, produced by children and for children. On K-Zone, different program formats are used to look at places, people, events, and things that affect children positively or negatively. For example, it provides an opportunity for children to discuss the effects of HIV and AIDS on children in Nigeria. This program was broadcast on Metro 97.6 FM, Radio Nigeria.
Web Sites Nigeria Direct, http://www.nigeria.gov.ng. The ‘‘official information gateway of the Federal Republic of Nigeria’’ provides background information on the country and news on the government, reforms, and the economy. Nigeria World, http://nigeriaworld.com. Nigeria World offers a wealth of current and archived news from Nigeria as well as useful links. Servicom, http://www.servenigeria.com. Servicom describes itself as ‘‘a social contract between the Federal government of Nigeria and its people.’’ Servicom charters are available in all government agencies where services are provided to the public. The charters inform the public about redress when services fail or fall short of expectations.
Organizations and NGOs ActionAid Nigeria http://www.actionaid.org/nigeria. ActionAid has been in Nigeria since 1999. This NGO works in reproductive and sexual health rights, HIV/AIDS, education, conflict resolution, peace building, poverty reduction, and emergencies, as well as in the cross-cutting thematic areas of good governance and gender and women’s rights. African Network for the Prevention and Protection against Child Abuse and Neglect–Nigeria Chapter (ANPPCAN) No. 43 Lumumba Street
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New Haven, Enugu Nigeria Phone: 00234 42 257923 Fax: 00234 42 450112 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.crin.org/organisations/viewOrg.asp?ID¼2264 ANPPCAN is part of the global network to disseminate information on the Convention on the Rights of the Child—the Child Rights Information Network (CRIN). The network is supported by Save the Children Sweden, Save the Children UK, UNICEF, Plan International, the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and World Vision International. Center for Communication Programs, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health 111 Market Place, Suite 310 Baltimore, MD 21202, USA Website: http://www.jhuccp.org/topics/hiv/africa.shtml#nigeria The Center for Communication Programs (CCP) is active in youth HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment services in Nigeria. In Lagos, CCP provides technical assistance to a 24-hour Youth Empowerment Foundation hotline on HIV/AIDS and other reproductive health issues. CCP launched a mass media campaign to promote the hotline program and also supports voluntary HIV testing and counseling through media campaigns and training. Defense for Children International–Nigeria Ana House 26 Oladipo Labinjo Crescent off Akinsemoyin Street off Bode Thomas Street Surulere Lagos, Nigeria Website: http://www.defence-for-children.org Defense for Children international is an independent NGO begun in 1979 with a focus on practical international action specially directed towards promoting and protecting the rights of the child. Family Health International/GHAIN National Office Plot 1073/Godab Plaza J. S. Tarka Street Area 3, Garki, Abuja, FCT, Nigeria Phone: 234-9-461-5555 Fax: 234-9-461-5511 and Family Health International/SNR Program 2nd Floor Wing A, Coscharis Plaza Plot 1070, Egbe Close off Faskari Street Area 3 Garki Abuja, Nigeria Phone: 234-9-234-3125
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Fax: 234-9-234-2239 Website: http://www.fhi.org/en/CountryProfiles/Nigeriaþmainþcountryþpage.htm Family Health International (FHI) in Nigeria works with international and local partners in HIV/AIDS prevention, care, and treatment. FHI supports two care and treatment centers in Nigeria (Massey Street Hospital in Lagos and Murtala Mohammed Specialist Hospital in Kano) that integrate pediatric and adult services. Helen Keller International Nigeria No. 1A, Akilla W. Machunga Road opposite National Library P.M.B. 6661 Jos Plateau State, Nigeria Phone: þ 234 73 464291 Fax: þ 234 73 462672 Website: http://www.hki.org/network/Nigeria.html Helen Keller International has been active in Nigeria since 1999 with five programs in three states—Adamawa, Borno, and Akwa-Ibom. Activities include onchocerciasis control, vitamin A distribution, trachoma control, ChildVision, and the Cataract Project. Nigeria Network of NGOs 25 Ogunlana Drive Surulere, Lagos State Nigeria Phone: þ234 8033483421 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.nnngo.org/membership/mlist.htm The Networking for Development website (copyright held by the Nigerian Network of NGOs) lists 820 different organizations, over 100 of which address children and youth issues. Save the African Child Initiative P.O. Box 1297 Saabo Yaba, Lagos State, Nigeria Phone: þ 234 01 8712726 or 234-8035306608 Email: [email protected] This organization provides children’s TV and radio programming as well as seminars on child rights and responsibilities in society. The Society for Family Health 8 Port Harcourt Crescent Area 11 Garki Abuja, Nigeria Phone: 011 234 9 461 8821 or 011 234 9 461 8822/8829 Fax: 011 234 9 461 8830 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.psi.org/where_we_work/nigeria.html PSI and its local affiliate, the Society for Family Health (SFH) provide malaria, reproductive health, child survival, and HIV products and services in collaboration with
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DFID, USAID, National Action Committee on AIDS, the Nigerian Ministry of Public Health, Action Aid, Crown Agents, and other international and local organizations and public entities.
Selected Bibliography Akande, Jadesola O. Legal Status of Children in Nigeria. Lagos: International Federation of Women Lawyers; 1979. Anonymous. The International Child and Youth Care Network, 59 (December 2003). http://www.cyc-net.org/cyc-online/cycol-1203-Nigeria.html Anonymous. ‘‘Child justice reform in Nigeria.’’ Article 40, 5 (October 2003). Bendor-Samuel, John, and L. Rhonda Hartnell, eds. The Niger-Congo Languages: A Classification and Description of Africa’s Largest Language Family. Lanham, MD: University Press of America; 1989. Blench, Roger. ‘‘Archaeology and language: methods and issues,’’ in A Companion to Archaeology, edited by J. Bintliff. Oxford: Basil Blackwell; 2004, 52–74. ———. 1998. ‘‘The status of the languages of Central Nigeria,’’ in Endangered Languages in Africa, edited by M. Brenzinger. Cologne: K€ oppe Verlag; 1998, 187–206. Connell, Bruce. ‘‘Moribund languages of the Nigeria-Cameroon Borderland,’’ in Endangered Languages in Africa, edited by M. Brenzinger. Cologne: R€ udiger K€ oppe; 1998, 207–225. Crozier, David, and Blench, Roger, eds. An Index of Nigeria Languages. Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics; 1992. ECPAT. Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children database. 2006. http://www .ecpat.net/eng/Ecpat_inter/projects/monitoring/online_database/index.asp. Ehiri, J. E., A. E. Oyo-Ita, E. C. Anyanwu, M. M. Meremikwu, and M. B. Ikpeme, ‘‘Quality of Child Health Services in Primary Health Care Facilities in Southeast Nigeria.’’ Child: Care, Health and Development, 31 (2005), 181–191. Ethnologue, http://www.ethnologue.com/show_country.asp?name¼NG. Government of Nigeria. ‘‘The Nigerian Child: Challenges of the 21st Century, A New Commitment.’’ National Summit on Children, Abuja; 2000. ———. Second periodic report to UN Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC), 30 January 2003. http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/898586b1dc7 b4043c1256a450044f331/c1ae7cbf48bff70cc1256f7700577cb9/$FILE/G044 3705.doc. Ibe, Ochiawunma. Child Survival in Nigeria: Situation, Response, and Prospects. Washington DC: Policy Project/Nigeria; 2002. Implemented by Futures Group International in collaboration with Research Triangle Institute and the Centre for Development and Population Activities and funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) under Contract No. HRNC-00-00-00006-00. http://www.policyproject.com/pubs/countryreports/NIG_ CSrevised.pdf. Nigerian Vanguard. ‘‘The Nigerian Child: A Future so Bleak.’’ Nigeria Vanguard, 14 (June 2005). http://www.onlinenigeria.com/articles/ad.asp?blurb¼77. Okpukpara, Benjamin C., and Nnaemeka A. Chuklwuone. Child Schooling in Nigeria: The Role of Gender in Urban, Rural, North and South Nigeria. 2005. http://www.saga.cornell.edu/saga/educconf/okpukpara.pdf. Omokhodion, F. O., S. I. Omokhodion and T. O. Odusote. ‘‘Perceptions of Child Labour among Working Children in Ibadan, Nigeria.’’ Child: Care, Health and Development, 32 (2005), 281–286.
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Save the Children Federation. SCF Nigeria Country Brief, 2004–2005. http://www .savethechildren.org.uk/cb/Nige.pdf. Siebert, Uwe. Bibliography on Minority and/or Endangered Languages in Nigeria. 1998. http://www.terralingua.org/Bibliographies/NigeriaBib.html Toyo, Nkoyo. ‘‘Revisiting Equality as a Right: The Minimum Age of Marriage Clause in the Nigerian Child Rights Act, 2003.’’ Third World Quarterly, 27 (2006), 1299–1312. UN Committee on the Rights of the Child. Concluding Observations: Nigeria, 13 April 2005. http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/898586b1dc7b404 3c1256a450044f331/b06804b33ec4eadbc1257018002c82db/$FILE/G054 1053.pdf. UNICEF. Children’s and Women’s Rights in Nigeria: A Wake Up Call: Situation Assessment and Analysis. New York: UNICEF; 2001. ———. The State of the World’s Children. New York: UNICEF; 2006. ———. Country Summary. 2007a. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ nigeria.html. ———. Statistics on Nigeria. 2007b. www.unicef.org/infobycountry/nigeria_ statistics.html#.
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RWANDA Jen Westmoreland Bouchard NATIONAL PROFILE Rwanda, officially known as the Republic of Rwanda, is a landlocked country located in the Great Lakes region of Central Africa. Rwanda is bordered by Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Tanzania, and Uganda. The Rwandan terrain consists of mostly grassy hills and uplands, with a mountainous relief descending from west to east. Rwanda has four seasons: a short and dry season in January and February, a rainy season from March to May, a longer dry season from June to September, and another rainy season from October to December (CIA 2007). The population is estimated at 9,907,509, with 42 percent between the ages of 0 and 14 years (CIA 2007). Life expectancy is at 48 years for males and 50 years for females, and the population growth rate is just less than 3 percent (CIA 2007). Rwanda’s official languages are Kinyarwanda (Bantu) and French. Swahili is commonly used in economic interactions with neighboring countries, and English is used in business transactions (Cultural Profiles Project 2006).
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Rwanda’s population has been severely affected by the events leading up to and following the 1994 genocide. This history began well before the period of Belgian colonization. Tensions over competition for access and control of resources, including land, had existed between the Hutus and the Tutsis before the Belgians arrived in 1916. However, it was the Belgian colonists’ issuance of ethnic identity cards, which inflated differences, and their practice of privileging Tutsis over the Hutus with better educational and employment opportunities that inflamed tensions. Growing resentment bred extremist viewpoints and in a series of riots in 1959, more than 20,000 Tutsis were killed (BBC 2004). Some 150,000 were driven into exile in bordering countries (CIA 2007). After two years of conflict, the United Nations (U.N.) supervised national elections. The Rwandan people voted to abolish the Tutsi monarchy, and Rwanda became a republic. Rwanda achieved its independence from Belgium in 1962. The Hutus dominated the government, and although many people of Hutu and Tutsi descent were living side by side and even intermarrying, undercurrents of politico-economic tensions fueled by perceived differences between the two groups led to certain prominent Tutsis being expelled. In 1973, the government was overthrown during a military coup led by a Hutu, Juvenal Habyarimana, who stayed in power for 21 years (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). In 1990, the Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF), a group organized by the children of Tutsi refugees and moderate Hutus who had fled to Uganda in the 1960s, invaded Rwanda and began a civil war. After three years of conflict, on August 4, 1993, the government of Rwanda and the RPF signed the Arusha Accords, a protocol for ending the civil strife. Originally intended as a strategy for power sharing between the RPF and the Rwandan government, the talks culminated in an agreeKEY FACTS – RWANDA ment that favored the goals of the Population: 9,907,509 (2007 est.) RPF. Specifically, the Accords Infant mortality rate: 85.27 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) removed many of the president’s Life expectancy at birth: 48.99 years (2007 est.) powers and transferred them Literacy rate: 70.4 percent (2003 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 73 percent (2000– to the transitional government. 2005) Even after the Accords were Internet users: 38,000 (2005) signed, Hutu nationalists in supPeople living with HIV/AIDS: 250,000 (2003 est.) port of President Habyarimana Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 67 strongly opposed sharing power Sources: CIA World Factbook: Rwanda. https://www.cia.gov/library/ with the former rebel group publications/the-world-factbook/geos/rw.html. June 29, 2007; (Khadiagala 2002). UNICEF. At a Glance: Rwanda–Statistics. http://www.unicef The catalyst for the 1994 gen.org/infobycountry/rwanda_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; ocide was the suspicious death of United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Rwanda. http://hdr.undp.org/ President Juvenal Habyarimana, hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_RWA.html. June whose plane was shot down near 29, 2007. the Kigali airport on April 6,
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1994. Immediately after the incident, the Presidential Guard initiated a retribution campaign from Kigali. Within hours, the mass slaughter of Tutsis and moderate Hutus began. It is estimated that between April and July 1994, 800,000 Rwandans were killed (BBC 2004). On July 19, a multiethnic government was formed with Pasteur Bizimungu, a Hutu, as president. However, approximately 2 million Hutu refugees, many fearing Tutsi retribution, fled to Burundi, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zaire. Many have since returned to their native Rwanda (CIA 2007). Despite substantial international assistance and political reforms, including Rwanda’s first local elections in March 1999, the country continues to struggle to foster reconciliation and rebuild its economy (CIA 2007). OVERVIEW The effects of the 1994 genocide on youth are various and widespread throughout the country. Some of the most important issues facing Rwanda’s youth population are the separation from or death of parents, a lack of educational resources, and poor health care. More than 810, 000 Rwandan children have been orphaned, largely as the result of events surrounding the genocide. More than 100,000 children live in child-headed households (UNICEF 2007b). As a result of displacement and poverty, the majority of Rwandan children do not have access to state-run educational programs or adequate health care. Approximately 250,000 of Rwandans between the ages of 15 and 49 have HIV/AIDS, and children have extremely limited access to antiretroviral treatments. Rwandan infant and maternal mortality rates, which were already among the highest in Africa, have rapidly increased since 2000 as the result of poor nutrition and maladies such as malaria, severe gastrointestinal disorders, and respiratory infections. EDUCATION Catholic missionaries introduced formal education to Rwanda in the early twentieth century. The Tutsis dominated the education system until Rwandan independence in 1962, at which time the country’s new leaders declared the need for education for all Rwandan children. Thus, primary education was made compulsory and free (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). The 1994 genocide largely disrupted the Rwandan school system. School buildings were looted and destroyed, and two-thirds of Rwanda’s qualified teachers were either killed or exiled, thus drastically limiting educational opportunities for Rwanda’s children (Voluntary Services Overseas [VSO] 2007). Many of the schools that survived are in poor condition, and teachers are often inadequately trained. In 2000, the government reinstated educational fees for all children wishing to attend primary school, further limiting educational access.
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Within the past two years, the government has eliminated school fees. This action has increased primary school enrollment and completion rates. A ‘‘catch-up’’ program has been instituted in several provinces to assist children who had never gone to school or who had dropped out along the way (UNICEF 2007a). The government has developed a ‘‘child-friendly’’ school model that will be applied to more than half of all schools in the coming year. Primary education enrollment increased from 950,000 in 1994 to 1.67 million in 2007. As a result of these changes at the primary level, secondary education has increased five-fold to 200,000 and higher education registration went from 2,800 in 1994 to 20,000 today (VSO 2007). University education is available to only a select few Rwandans. Fewer than 0.5 percent of Rwandan adults have college degrees. Rwanda’s universities graduate only a few thousand students each year, nearly all of them wealthy and male (Orphans of Rwanda 2007). Students must take a rigorous entrance exam to gain admission to university. The main university is The National University of Rwanda in Butare, established in 1953. PLAY AND RECREATION Soccer is Rwanda’s most popular sport. The most popular teams are Rayon Sport, Kiyovu Sport, and the Rwanda Patriotic Army team. Many children emulate their favorite players by kicking and running after balls made of leaves and held together with twine (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). Many children also enjoy running. From a young age, they compete in informal running and high-jumping competitions. Recreational wrestling is also enjoyed by many boys of all ages. Children who live near lakes are avid swimmers. A traditional pastime is the game mancala. It is played using 48 dried peas and a board with two rows of six hollowed out cups and two cups on either end. The peas are distributed evenly around the board and players must redistribute them so as to collect as many peas as possible. Other favorite games are hide and seek, hopscotch, and skipping (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). Anther favorite pastime among Rwandans is story-telling and poetry recitation. The elders tell stories of the heroism of kings and ancestors to the children of the family. These story gatherings are often impromptu and serve an important purpose; they provide an occasion for bonding as well as a time to pass down important information to the younger generations. Poetry recitations are typically done at births and wedding ceremonies. Older children enjoy listening to music. Most of the country has access to Rwanda’s one national radio station that plays mostly Zairian and Kenyan pop music, American rock, and Caribbean reggae (Cultural Profiles Project 2006).
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FAMILY A rugo (in Kinyarwanda means a traditional Rwandan-style homestead) is typically made up of several mound-shaped houses within in a larger fenced community. The houses are constructed out of woven branches and grasses and then covered with clay. Because of the lack of running water, women and children are required to fetch water for the household every day. There is some western-style housing in the major cities; however, the majority of Rwandans live in small self-constructed units with corrugated iron roofs (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). In the Kinyarwanda language, inzu means family, household, and house. An inzu consists of husband and wife, children, and close elderly relatives. Relatives from several inzus who are able to trace their origins to a common male ancestor are called a umuryango. The oldest and most respected male is called the umukungu and he is the head of the umuryango (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). After Rwanda’s civil war, many people lived in resettlement camps run by foreign peacekeeping organizations. Others fled to refugee camps in neighboring countries. During the war, rugos and families were torn apart. Presently, many people are still in the process of returning to Rwanda, including those who left in 1959. Villages are being reconstructed, and umuryangos are being re-established (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). Rwanda is planning to limit the number of children born to a family to three. At current fertility rates (between 5.8 and 6.1 percent), Rwanda’s population will double by 2030. Since the 1994 genocide, the Rwandan population has seen a very sharp increase, and the population is growing at an average of 3.3 percent per year. On average, a Rwandan woman gives birth to six children during her lifetime (Rugambwa 2007). HEALTH Before the war, the formal healthcare system in Rwanda was made up of a network of hospitals and health centers. More than half of these establishments were run by non-governmental organizations such as the Catholic Church and UNICEF. However, the government set regulations and provided staff and training for the centers (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). During and after the war, many medical facilities were destroyed. In 2002, less than half of the population has access to health care. During the past five years, hospitals have reopened and new staff has been trained. Educational programs have been put in place by UNICEF to educate women and children about the prevention of transmission of HIV/AIDS. UNICEF and other organizations have procured immunization vaccines for measles, polio, and tetanus as well as essential vitamins for children (UNICEF 2007b).
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The leading causes of death are malaria, tuberculosis, and intestinal disease. Many Rwandans living in poverty suffer from malnutrition. The under-5 mortality rate is 203 children per 1,000 (CIA 2007). An underlying cause of most deaths of children under 5 is malnutrition. Coupled with diseases such as dysentery, hepatitis, measles, and tuberculosis, malnutrition can lead to kwashiorkor (a disease caused by lack of protein in the diet) and death (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). Contaminated water sources and lack of sanitation services contribute to the spread of disease and further exacerbate malnutrition. During the next 15 years, the Rwandan government plans to spend nearly one billion dollars to increase rural access to safe water and sanitation—an initiative that will significantly improve the health of its children. The AIDS epidemic has been a constant concern to the people of Rwanda. HIV/AIDS prevalence in the 15 to 49 age group is at 3.6 percent for females and 2.3 percent for males (UNICEF 2007b). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS There are seven political parties represented in the Government of National Unity of the Republic of Rwanda. They are Front Patriotique Rwandais (FPR), Parti Social Democrate (PSD), Parti Liberal (PL), Parti Democrate Centriste (PDC), Parti Democratique Ideal (PDI), Parti Socialiste Rwandais (PSR), and Union Democratique du Peuple Rwandais (UDPR) (CIA 2007). All regions, ethnic groups, and religions are represented in the Government of National Unity. Women make up at least 30 percent at the cabinet level, in parliament, the civil service, and in local and regional government as the result of a clause in the 2003 constitution assuring women’s participation in politics (Human Rights Watch 2004). The President of Rwanda heads the executive arm of the government. The President is the Head of State, and he also heads the cabinet (the body of ministers responsible for the conduct of national affairs). Ministers are appointed by the President upon consultation with leaders of political parties in the Government of National Unity (CIA 2007). The post-genocide Government of National Unity made it among its highest priorities to apprehend perpetrators of genocide-related crimes. During the past 10 years, tens of thousands have been arrested and await trial. Others have already been tried and were either released for lack of evidence or convicted and sentenced. The Government of National Unity feels that it is essential to the reconciliation process that the people of Rwanda feel that justice has been served (Human Rights Watch 2004). The 2001 Gacaca Law provides guidelines for the prosecution of those who have committed genocide-related crimes, including rape crimes (which would apply specifically to cases of sexual violence against young girls). Gacaca made it possible for perpetrators to drastically reduce their
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sentences by confessing outright. In addition, overcrowded jails necessitated an early release program for criminals who demonstrated good behavior or provided leads on other criminals. As a result, many rapists and child murderers have been released from prison before their sentences were originally scheduled to end. There is anecdotal evidence that, after being released back into their communities, they often seek out the young women they had raped or the families of children they had killed as an act of revenge. Even where this is not the case, young girls constantly relive moments of trauma when they see their rapists living among them in the community (Pitsch 2002). RELIGIOUS LIFE More than 50 percent of all Rwandans are Christians. Most are Catholic, and there are several Protestant denominations. Less than 5 percent of the population is Muslim. The rest of the population follows indigenous beliefs and spiritual systems (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). The foundation of Rwanda’s traditional religion is the god Imana, who both creates and preserves life. Within each human being, animal, and object there exists a special life force which is also referred to as imana. At the moment of death, the imana is transformed into an abazimu, or spirit of the dead. When the abazimu are unhappy, they cause problems for the living, including sickness and crop failure. To avoid these types of problems, all family members pray to their ancestor’s abazimus. Ryangombe is the most powerful male ancestral spirit. In northern Rwanda, certain people worship Nyabingi, a female spirit similar to Ryangombe (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). Some believe that the small round stones found in streams hold the power of Imana and bring good fortune. Children collect these stones and place them in a special hut called a ndaro, which is located at the border of the family compound. The family brings offerings every day to the hut to show their thanks to Imana. After the death of a family member, his or her body is buried near the ndaro (Cultural Profiles Project 2006). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT As is the case in other war-torn countries around the globe, the abuses that surround the recruitment, training, and deployment of child-soldiers have been at the forefront of children’s issues in Rwanda. The use of child soldiers was most prevalent during the genocide; however, there have been reports of the Rwandese government recruiting children as young as 14 years old as recently as 2003 (Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers 2004). According to official reports by the Rwandan government, some children younger than the age of 18 were enrolled during the war and
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genocide of 1994 but were immediately demobilized after the end of the war. Conversely, according to individual testimonies, the active recruitment of child soldiers in Rwanda may have come to an end, but children younger than 18 are still serving in the armed forces. Authorities have responded by stating that these children worked only as servants and not in actual combat. As studies have shown, children who work as servants in the military, especially girls, are forced to work as sex slaves. These children engage in ‘‘survival sex’’ and are required to engage in sexual activities with military trainers, adult soldiers, other servants, and police (Human Rights Watch 2004). Partly as a result of systematized sexual violence such as this, between 2000 and 2004 complaints of rape sexual violence from girls far outnumbered those of adult women (Human Rights Watch 2004). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Two of the largest problems concerning Rwandan children are the lack of educational opportunities and isolation of the Rwandan orphan population. The current Rwandan government has shown itself to be committed to improving both of these areas in the twenty-first century. Upon entering office, the Government of National Unity immediately instituted a meritocracy in the education system (to combat widespread racial injustices) and put measures in place to address the country’s educational deficit. Many more resources have been made available by the government to build new schools and rehabilitate old ones. The Government of National Unity has instituted a universal elementary education system. In addition, an examinations board has been put in place to oversee the uniformity of standards in education (Hodgkin 2006). Particularly relating to the education of girls, a new campaign promoting gender parity in Rwandan schools was launched in the spring of 2007 by the First Lady of Rwanda and the Rwandan Ministry of Education. The 5-year campaign will encourage communities and schools to take control of the existing gender imbalance by creating programs that encourage girls to enroll and stay in primary and secondary school (UNICEF 2007a). In addition, the problem of orphans has been addressed by both the government and international organizations. The government of Rwanda and UNICEF initiated the Child Protection Project as part of their 2001–2006 Program of Cooperation (UNICEF 2007a). The goal continues to be an allocation of resources toward building an environment that allows communities to establish a system for the protection of all children. Concrete objectives include establishing legislative, administrative, and social measures for protecting the rights of vulnerable children, as well as strengthening the capacity of children, especially of those in
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high HIV/AIDS risk groups to recognize and contribute to the realization of their own human rights (UNICEF 2007a). Five local nongovernmental organizations in four provinces have been given financial and administrative support to address the socioeconomic reintegration of street children. This support has included staff development, locating families of lost children, income generating activities, job training, educational support, and health care (UNICEF 2007a). RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Barnett, Michael. Eyewitness to a Genocide: The United Nations and Rwanda. Ithaca: Cornell University Press; 2003. Barnett discusses the role of the U.N. in the Rwandan conflict. Blomqvist, U. ‘‘The Protection of Unaccompanied Children in Large-scale Refugee and Repatriation Emergencies: Experience from Tanzania and Rwanda.’’ Refugee Participation Network Newsletter, 1997. A study of at-risk child refugees and the challenges of repatriation. Briggs, J. ‘‘Genocide’s Children.’’ Emerge, 1999. An article on the effects of genocide on the children of Rwanda. Cantwell, N. ‘‘Starting from Zero: The Promotion and Protection of Children’s Rights in Post-Genocide Rwanda.’’ Innocenti Insight, 1997. An article on the major issues facing Rwandan children immediately following the genocide. De Smet, J. ‘‘Child Marriages in Rwanda Refugee Camps.’’ Africa, 68 (1998), no. 2. This article examines the phenomenon of marriages among displaced children. Engelhard, F. ‘‘Child Health in Rwanda.’’ The Lancet, 346 (1995), 777. A general assessment of child health issues during and immediately following the genocide. Geltman, P. ‘‘Genocide and the Plight of Children in Rwanda.’’ Journal of the American Medical Association, 277 (1997), 4. This article focuses on the psychological and physical ramifications of the genocide on Rwandan children. Gourevitch, Philip. We Wish to Inform You That Tomorrow We Will Be Killed with Our Families: Stories from Rwanda. New York: Picador; 1999. The stories of hundreds of families who were killed or displaced during the Rwandan genocide. Ilibagiza, Immaculee. Left to Tell: Discovering God Amidst the Rwandan Holocaust. New York: Hay House; 2007. Based on Ilibagiza’s diaries, this is the story of a woman’s survival amidst the Rwandan holocaust. Rutazigwa, Alphonse. ‘‘Culture and Dynamism Inseparable.’’ The New York Times, May 16, 2007. An article on cultural preservation and modernity in Rwanda. Singer, P. W. Children at War. Los Angeles: University of California Press; 2006. This study focuses on the effects of war on children in a variety of contexts. It contains useful information on child soldiers.
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Spry-Leverton, J. ‘‘Rwanda’s Boy Soldiers: Out of Limbo and Into School.’’ UNICEF, 1996. An article on the rehabilitation of child soldiers after the Rwandan genocide.
Nonprint Resources 100 Days. 2001. Film. 96 minutes. Directed by Nick Hughes. In English. Distributed by ArtMattan Productions, New York. http://www.AfricanFilm.com. This fictional drama follows two youth whose lives are changed forever when the Rwanda civil war breaks out.
Web Sites Official website of the government of Rwanda, http://www.gov.rw Through the Eyes of Children: The Rwanda Project, http://www.rwandaproject.org Through the Eyes of Children began as a photographic workshop in 2000, led by photographer David Jiranek and inspired by the founder of the Imbabazi Orphanage, Rosamond Carr. Using disposable cameras, the children took pictures to share with others, exploring their community and documenting the process as the country rebuilds itself.
Organizations and NGOs Catholic Relief Services Website: http://www.crs.org Catholic Relief Services is the official international relief and development agency of the U.S. Catholic community. Center for Victims of Torture Website: http://www.cvt.org The Minneapolis-based Center for Victims of Torture works to heal the wounds of torture on individuals, their families, and their communities and to stop torture worldwide. They have a number of teams working in west and central Africa at present. Orphans of Rwanda Website: http://www.orphansofrwanda.org ORI is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization dedicated to helping orphans and vulnerable children in Rwanda work toward university degrees and ultimately become leaders in their communities. ORI provides holistic support, including school fees, health care, and housing, to ensure that students have everything they need to excel. Save the Children Website: http://www.savethechildren.net Ranging from emergency relief to long-term development, Save the Children is committed to helping children have a healthy and secure childhood. Save the Children takes children’s opinions very seriously. The organization involves children in its policies and ensures their views are taken into account. They work to protect children’s rights, including adequate nutrition, shelter, health care, education, and freedom from violence, abuse, and exploitation.
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Voluntary Services Overseas (VSO) Website: http://www.vso.org.uk VSO is an international development and charity organization. They strive to promote innovative approaches to globalizing volunteering. They provide a fact sheet as part of their 2007 report on conditions in Rwanda. World Food Programme Website: http://www.wfp.org World Food Programme is an organization dedicated to ending hunger. The Agency also provides the support necessary to get food aid to the right people at the right time in crisis situations. WFP also promotes national and international policies, strategies, and operations that directly benefit the hungry. World Health Organization Website: http://www.who.int/countries/rwa The World Health Organization works closely with national ministries of health to provide technical assistance for key health interventions and epidemiological surveillance. World Vision Website: http://www.rwanda.worldvision.org.nz A nonprofit Christian organization dedicated to ‘‘building a better world for children.’’
Selected Bibliography BBC. ‘‘Rwanda: How the Genocide Happened.’’ BBC News, April 1, 2004. http:// news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/1288230.stm. CIA World Factbook. Rwanda Factsheet. 2007. http://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/rw.html. Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers. Child Soldiers Global Report. 2004. http://www.child-soldiers.org/document_get.php?id¼791. Cultural Profiles Project. Rwanda. 2006. http://www.cp-pc.ca/english/rwanda/ index.html. Hodgkin, Marian. ‘‘Reconciliation in Rwanda: Education, History and the State.’’ The Journal of International Affairs, 2006. http://neveragain.epov.org/ Reconciliation_in_Rwanda:_Education,_History_and_the_State. Human Rights Watch. ‘‘Struggling to Survive: Barriers to Justice for Rape Victims in Rwanda.’’ Human Rights Watch, 16 (2004), No. 10. http://www.eldis.org/ static/DOC18160.htm. Mbabazi, Linda. ‘‘Children Under Threat.’’ The New Times (Kigali), May 16, 2007. http://allafrica.com/stories/200705160404.html. Pitsch, Anne. The Gacaca Law of Rwanda: Problems and Possibilities in Adjudicating Genocide Suspects. 2002. http://www.cidcm.umd.edu/ICT/papers/gacaca_ assessment_journal.pdf. Prunier, G. The Rwanda Crisis 1959–1994: History of a Genocide. Kampala: Fountain Publishers; 1995. Rugambwa, Bob. ‘‘When Three Children Are Enough.’’ The New York Times, March 15, 2007.
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UNICEF. A Child in the Family: Protection of Orphans and Vulnerable Children. 2007a. http://www.unicef.org/childfamily/index_24543.html. ———. Rwanda: Facts and Figures. 2007b. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry. Voluntary Services Overseas (VSO). 2007. Rwanda Fact Sheet. http:// www.vso.org.uk World Vision. ‘‘Child-headed Households in Rwanda: A Qualitative Needs Assessment.’’ 1998. http://www.crin.org/resources/InfoDetail.asp?ID¼447.
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SENEGAL Laura Arntson NATIONAL PROFILE Senegal, located on the Atlantic coast of West Africa, covers an area of 196,840 kilometers (about the size of South Dakota). Senegal’s northern border with Mauritania is defined by the Senegal River. To the east is the border with Mali, defined in part by the Faleme River, and to Senegal’s south are Guinea and Guinea-Bissau. The Gambia, a country of approximately 11,295 square kilometers along the Gambia River, is entirely within Senegal’s borders. Senegal is a former French colony, whereas Gambia is a former British colony. Senegal’s coastal lowlands experience seasonal flooding. Most of the country is characterized by a gently sloping plain with low relief. Periodic droughts threaten household livelihoods in most of the country, especially in the arid regions north of the Gambia River. The total estimated population is approximately 12 million. Children younger than 15 years of age make up 42 percent of the total population. The largest linguistic-ethnic group is the Wolof, who make up about
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43 percent of the population, followed by Pular at about 24 percent, Sereer at about 15 percent, Mandinka at 3 percent, Soninke at 1 percent, Europeans and Lebanese at 1 percent, and various others making up the remainder. As early as the eleventh century, there was a centralized consolidation of political and economic power by the Tekrur. When the King of Tekrur converted to Islam, most of his Tukulor subjects did too and Tekrur became associated with the Almoravid Empire that reached across northwest Africa into Spain. With the establishment and expansion of the Mande (Mali) Empire in the thirteenth century, Tekrur became part of Manden. At about this time, the Wolof and Sereer people, who were not yet Islamized, established the Jolof Empire in western Senegal. The Portuguese had begun trading with Islamic slave traders in northern Africa in the 1400s. In 1441, they reached the Senegal River and found they could acquire slaves more directly than through the transSaharan trade. The Portuguese established slave trading stations along the Senegal River and the coast, including the first ‘‘house of slaves’’ built in 1536 on the island of Goree. By the mid-seventeenth century, other European powers had begun to explore the region also and forcefully crowded out Portuguese interests. The French established a trading station at the mouth of the Senegal River in 1638, which they moved to Saint-Louis in 1659, where they established the first French settlement. The French expanded their control over the slave trade in the area by seizing the island of Goree from the Dutch in 1677. In the meantime, the British had established a slave-trading fort, Fort James, on the Gambia River. With the Atlantic slave trade as its economic base, a Senegalese aristocracy formed in the commercial centers developing around the trading posts. For the next 150 years or so, the French and British were engaged in ongoing warfare over control of the slave trade in the larger region. In 1840, the French had possession of what is now Senegal, and the British had established their presence on the Gambia River and settled Bathurst (now Banjul). After Britain abolished the slave trade in 1807, Bathurst became Britain’s base for raiding the slave ships of other European powers. While the Europeans were fighting over control of the slave trade, primarily from their bases along the coasts and coastal rivers, various Islamic brotherhoods were building followers and establishing Islamic theocracies. In the mid-nineteenth century, the Tukulor marabout Umar Tall of the Tijani brotherhood began to build an empire that stretched across Senegal, Guinea, and Mali. At the same time, Almamy Samori Toure was consolidating his power base in Guinea and seeking control of the trade routes from the interior to the coast at Freetown. The French and the British, in the great scramble for Africa, focused their efforts on eliminating competing interests and establishing European control in the interior. The French made Senegal part of French West Africa in 1895.
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In 1946, along with other KEY FACTS – SENEGAL parts of French West Africa, Senegal became an overseas territory Population: 12,521,851 (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 56.69 years (2007 est.) of France. Senegal merged with Literacy rate: 39.3 percent (2003 est.) the French Soudan and gained Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 66 percent independence from France in (2000–2005) 1960, but Soudan broke away Internet users: 540,000 (2005) within 4 months to declare its People living with HIV/AIDS: 44,000 (2003 est.) Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 84 independence and rename itself the Republic of Mali. Senegal Sources: CIA World Factbook: Senegal. https://www.cia.gov/library/ elected Leopold Sedar Senghor publications/the-world-factbook/geos/sg.html. June 29, 2007; as its first President in August of UNICEF. At a Glance: Senegal–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/senegal_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; United 1960. In 1980, President SenNations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development ghor retired and hand-picked his Report 2006–Senegal. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ successor, Abdou Diouf, who countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_SEN.html. June 29, 2007. was in office until 2000. Multiparty elections held since then have placed Abdoulaye Wade in office. Senegal, with a strong Islamic heritage, is a secular republic. Although it is considered to have a strong presidency, its legislature and judiciary are weak. It is one of the few African states in which there have been peaceful transfers of power since independence. The political stability and independent media provide a positive climate for policy change, such as policies affecting children. In 1994, the Senegalese currency, the CFA franc, which had been linked at a fixed rate to the French franc, was devalued as part of economic reforms. This led to a temporary setback but the economy has since made a recovery. Real growth in gross domestic product has averaged over 5 percent annually in the last 10 years (CIA 2007). Senegal’s export products are fish, groundnuts (peanuts), petroleum products, phosphates, and cotton, which come to almost 3 billion francs. Its main export partners are Mali (16.9 percent), India (13.1 percent), France (9.5 percent), Spain (6.1 percent), Italy (5.5 percent), and The Gambia (4.6 percent) (2005 data, CIA 2007). Despite reforms and an International Monetary Fund debt relief program, the poor economy still places a heavy burden on the majority of households. A total of 77 percent of Senegal’s labor force is in agriculture but agriculture makes up only 18 percent of the country’s gross domestic product. Unemployment is estimated at 48 percent, with urban youth unemployment at 40 percent; 54 percent of its population is living below the poverty line (CIA 2007). OVERVIEW The primary issues facing children stem primarily from the difficult economic circumstances of the country and of the sub-region. A weak
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economy means that the health, education, and social service infrastructure cannot reach the level of coverage and quality to meet the needs of its population and increase utilization rates. Household economic insecurity also leads to greater reliance on children’s labor, whether in the urban labor market, through fosterage, or through trafficking and ‘‘voluntary’’ separation from the household. Another form of fosterage or voluntary separation includes attachment to the household of Koranic teachers, some of whom unfortunately exploit children. Senegal, with its majority Muslim population and a strong heritage of Islamic learning, has a large population of boys supporting their Koranic teachers. They work in the streets to raise money for the teacher’s household, often through begging and this makes them vulnerable to other risks of the street. Although Senegal has not experienced the level of conflict and displacement that other countries in the subregion have, some children have been exposed to violent conflict and displacement. There are a number of refugees and internally displaced persons within Senegal’s borders. In 2006, Senegal was hosting an estimated 19,700 refugees from Mauritania (CIA 2007). As a result of the escalation of violent clashes between the Casamance separatists and government troops, including cross-border raids from The Gambia and Guinea-Bissau, thousands of people have been displaced on both sides of the border with Guinea-Bissau. During the course of the conflict in the Casamance, many landmines were planted. Children are often the ones disabled or killed by landmines. EDUCATION A recent study (Montgomery and Hewett 2005) showed that urban children have an advantage over their rural counterparts when it comes to school attendance. Girls, however, are at a disadvantage in both urban and rural settings in their: i) having ever attended school; ii) having completed 4 or more years; and iii) currently attending school. Among urban households, girls from households with greater economic means are more likely to attend school on an equal level as boys. In rural Senegal, household economic status was not as significant a factor as initially anticipated. In rural settings, opportunity costs (i.e., loss of valuable child labor) have an effect on both boys’ and girls’ schooling. Senegal’s adult literacy rate for males is at 51 percent whereas the adult literacy among females is only 29 percent. The primary school attendance ratio is closer at 71 percent male and 67 percent female attendance. Secondary school enrollment is very low, with a gross enrollment ratio of 22 percent for boys and 16 percent for girls. Various international donors are contributing to basic education in order to promote secondary school enrollment and improved attendance by girls in rural areas in particular. The government of Senegal has increased primary education expenditures in the last few years and with
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the assistance of international donors is improving the quality and access of secondary school education. Several declarations have been achieved within the last two decades in an effort to provide all children with the right to education in Senegal. These include i) Jomtien Declaration (1990)—Education for All; ii) Salamanque Declaration (1994)—Inclusive Education; iii) Programme Decennal de l’Education et de la Formation (PDEF) 2000; iv) Terms of Reference of the Sub-component, ‘‘Education Speciale et Integratrice’’ (2001); and v) Bamako Declaration 2002—Education for All by 2015. Despite these acknowledgments of children’s rights to education, many children are disadvantaged. One approach, with World Bank funding, has been to take the model of Inclusive Education, that is, ensuring access and active participation in regular classrooms for all children, regardless of gender, age, ability, ethnicity, impairment, or HIV status (AslettRydbjerg 2003). The implementation of this model will require a stronger role by the government in improving the primary school curriculum and formalizing the accreditation of teacher training programs and certification of teachers. A key to greater participation and utilization of a social service such as education is to build quality along with access. The law provides for free education and calls for compulsory schooling for children 6 to 16 years of age, but in reality, many families cannot pay the incidental fees required for schooling (books, uniforms, shoes, other school supplies). The president has established a number of kindergartens for children in an effort to encourage increased school enrollment, but the greater need may be in providing economic assistance and improving the quality of education so that secondary school is more accessible, especially in rural areas. PLAY AND RECREATION Children in Senegal carry a heavy burden of child labor, whether in family agricultural labor or as a talib e , a domestic worker, or in other exploitive situations. School attendance, especially secondary school, and particularly in rural areas is low. Opportunities for dedicated play and recreation time may be limited. In an effort to address this as well as educate the public and advocate for children, various nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have initiated programs that combine play, learning, and communications. Plan International has introduced a radio program—Radio Gune-Yi (RGY)—that is produced by children for children. This offers children and youth a chance to voice their opinions on key topics, promote the Rights of the Child, and reach out to other children around the country. Children, despite not having scheduled or reserved time for free play, can find opportunities all the same. They also create or find materials to amuse themselves (Bloch 1984). Sometimes the results of their
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imagination inspire a tourism industry, as in the case of the ingenious cars, trucks, and even helicopters constructed out of scrap pieces of wire and bits of tin, plastic, and paper. Such items of ‘‘folk art’’ have found their way into various art collections. CHILD LABOR The U.S. Department of State (2006) has identified Senegal as a source, transit, and destination country for women and children trafficked for forced labor and sexual exploitation. Boys are engaged in forced labor, and girls most often go into domestic servitude or are trafficked for sexual exploitation. Whereas boys are trafficked almost entirely within Senegal and to neighboring countries, women and girls are known to be trafficked to the Middle East and Europe as well as within Senegal and to neighboring countries. Many of the boys in child labor in Senegal are what are known as talib e s. They spend most of their days begging on the streets to contribute to the livelihood of their Koranic teacher and his household. Begging on the street puts them at increased risk to further exploitation and abuse. Most boys come from poor rural households and are held in conditions of involuntary servitude. This exploitive practice draws in children from neighboring countries, such as Guinea and Guinea-Bissau as well (U.S. Department of State 2007). UNICEF estimates that Senegal has up to 100,000 child beggars on the street (IRIN 2007), a large percentage of whom are likely talib e s. The government of Senegal has passed a comprehensive anti-trafficking statute and ratified the UNC Children’s Rights Council and International Labour Organisation children’s rights charters. Compliance in meeting standards to eliminate trafficking is falling short of expectations because of a lack of capacity and funding. Particularly disconcerting is the lack of prosecutions under the new law. Another challenge that Senegal faces is a very low level of awareness of children’s rights and anti-trafficking legislation. NGOs working with street children in Senegal have formed a Collective Network of Agencies for Children and Youth in Difficulty to coordinate activities and advocacy strategies and they are working to educate the public on children’s rights. FAMILY In Senegal, the total fertility rate has decreased to 4.8 from 6.5 in the last 10 to 15 years. A relatively large family (previously 6 to 9 children per woman) (Ainsworth 1994) is still valued, however. Children are part of a family’s labor pool and a means for extending marriage and lineage networks. Extended families in a father’s clan will often live in the same compound or vicinity of one another, especially in rural areas and support other
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family members through various obligations and reciprocity. Many children who are fostered are sent out to extended family members who live in urban settings or who can provide educational or economic opportunities the child cannot access in his/her immediate extended family compound. Families experiencing economic insecurity may manage the household’s risk by utilizing children’s labor in a reciprocal arrangement with another household. The arrangement should ideally benefit both households. The net affect, however, can be a loss for the family whose children are fostered out and less likely to have positive health and education outcomes. HEALTH Children face a very high risk of infectious diseases, including food- or water-borne diseases such as bacterial and protozoal diarrhea, hepatitis A, and typhoid fever. There are numerous vector-borne diseases as well, such as malaria, yellow fever, dengue fever, Crimean-Congo hemorrhagic fever, and Rift Valley fever. Schistosomiasis is endemic in some areas and reports of meningococcal meningitis come in almost on an annual basis. Senegal’s under-5 mortality rate has not improved as much as anticipated in the last 15 years. It is currently at 136 per 1,000 live births and the infant mortality rate is at 77 per 1,000. The level of moderate or severe malnutrition (as measured by low weight for age) is 17 percent and the level of moderate or severe stunting (low height for age) is 16 percent. Both of these reflect chronic under-nutrition, particularly between 6 and 36 to 59 months. Children in urban settings have greater access to adequate water and sanitation than children in rural settings. Access to improved drinking water sources is estimated at 92 and 60 percent for urban and rural populations, respectively, and 79 and 34 percent of the urban and rural populations, respectively, use adequate sanitation facilities (UNICEF 2007). Senegal has been identified as one of the countries supported by the president’s Malaria Initiative. Interventions to reduce malaria-related morbidity by 50 percent include the provision of artemisinin-based combination therapies for the treatment of malaria; a combination of insecticidetreated mosquito nets and indoor residual spraying to prevent malaria; and intermittent preventive treatment of pregnant women. The adult prevalence rate of HIV is still relatively low at 0.9 to 1.0 percent; however, the number of children affected by HIV/AIDS will continue to grow. Landmines in the Casamance region present a risk to children. Children who survive a landmine incident are severely affected physically and psychosocially. A major environmental issue concerns desertification and soil erosion caused by overgrazing and deforestation. Wildlife is being depleted by poachers and over-fishing is a growing concern. For households without a lot of buying power, the depletion of natural resources can push them from
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subsistence to severe food insecurity. When there is no food on the table, children, who need nutrition to develop and grow, are the first to suffer. With a loss of household resources and/or food, older children may be sent out of the house to provide for themselves, girls may be married off at an earlier age, or children may be sent into less than desirable fosterage situations. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Senegal’s legal system is based on French civil law with judicial review of legislative acts in Constitutional Court and a Council of State audits the government’s accounting office. There are efforts underway to address children’s rights and appropriate responses to children’s needs within the legal system. For example, the Senegalese government, in cooperation with the government of Mali and IOM, agreed to repatriate 54 child trafficking victims from Senegal to Mali. Under the new trafficking law, children who have been victimized by trafficking cannot be punished for unlawful acts that are a result of their being trafficked. NGOs are continuing to advocate for improved responsiveness to children’s needs in the legal and penal system. RELIGIOUS LIFE Most of Senegal’s population practices Islam (95 percent). Islam came into the Senegal River valley with trade activities in the eleventh century when War Jabi, the king of Tekrur, converted to Islam. As discussed previously, many boys are brought into religious learning and practice through attachment to a Koranic teacher. This form of apprenticeship and learning often involves exploitation of the boys who end up begging for money in the streets. The Ministry of Education, in collaboration with UNICEF, has plans to modernized Koranic schools in order to help stop the exploitation of boys by religious leaders. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT A growing number of children suffer abuse and neglect as a result of their families’ poor economic circumstances, which drive them into exploitive labor situations or living/working on the street. The circumstances that push them onto the street show a level of neglect, but the kind of abuse they risk as a result of that initial neglect is great. Anecdotal information gathered from NGOs working with street children in Senegal estimates that 71 percent of street children have been victimized by violence and that many of them have had some exposure to drugs (including glue-sniffing, marijuana, and others). Another form of abuse that girls face involves the traditional practice of female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) in the transition into
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adulthood. Although progress has been made, 22 percent of urban and 35 percent of rural women (15 to 49 years old) report having undergone FGM/C (UNICEF 2007). Various international NGOs are working with local organizations to promote behavioral changes to support human rights and dignity, including the elimination of FGM/C practices. One group in particular, Tostan, a local organization supported by UBS, uses traditional expressive genres such as song, dance, and theater to inform the public. Tostan also includes training for community members in leading discussions on difficult topics like FGM/C for a more open dialogue about the harmfulness of such practices and ways to promote behavioral change in order to eliminate FGM/C. More than a thousand rural communities have already publicly declared their intention to stop the practice, but a sustained and comprehensive effort will be required for the practice to be abandoned in Senegal. Another practice that disadvantages girls is early marriage. Children in rural areas are far more likely to marry young; 53 percent reported child marriages in rural areas as compared with 15 percent in urban settings.
GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Efforts are underway in collaboration with international donors to improve the business environment to promote increased investment and make Senegal competitive internationally. This could help the overall economy, which could aid individual households and provide for a more positive outlook for children. Efforts to reach a lasting peaceful resolution to the conflict in the Casamance region are ongoing. With greater security, transparent governance, and a political class that is accountable, the willingness of foreign and domestic businesses to expand investments in Senegal should improve, and the opportunities for individual and household economic opportunities should increase greatly. Senegal has been one of the most stable countries in Africa, but to continue to develop and respond to children’s needs, the economy will need to catch up and health and education coverage improve.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Balonze, John (editor) and Shannon Delaney (translator). Street Children in Senegal. GYAN France; 2007. This book looks at the world that street children of Senegal deal with on a daily basis.
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Beverley, Elizabeth A., and Robert D. Whittemore. ‘‘Mandinka Children and the Geography of Well-Being.’’ Ethos, 21 (1993), 235–272. This interesting article explores, through children’s own representations and perceptions, the sociogeographical world that Mandinka children of Senegal inhabit and through which they define themselves. Galvan, Dennis C. The State Must Be Our Master of Fire: How Peasants Craft Culturally Sustainable Development in Senegal. Berkeley: University of California Press; 2004. This book looks at the complex system of land tenure practiced by the Sereer in Senegal as a backdrop to an evaluation of Western-style economic development policy and the results for local agricultural development. Gioanni, Alain. Ballel: A Child of Senegal. San Diego: Blackbirch Press; 2005. An introduction to the world of a child in Senegal. Keita, Maghan. A Political Economy of Health Care in Senegal. African Social Studies Series. Leiden: Brill; 2006. Keita looks historically at traditional, Islamic, and European health systems and their impact on the way people negotiate the health care system, as well as implications for contemporary healthcare policy in Senegal.
Nonprint Resources Almodou. 2002. Film. 85 minutes. Directed by Amadou Thior. In Wolof and French with English subtitles. Distributed by ArtMattan Productions, New York. http://www.AfricanFilm.com. In this film, Modou, a talib e , escapes his abusive teacher in order to have a better life in Dakar. Colobane Express. 1999. Film. 52 minutes. Directed by Khady Sylla. In Wolof with English subtitles. Distributed by ArtMattan Productions, New York. http:// www.AfricanFilm.com. This docu-drama provides a glimpse into the daily life of the youthful trainees and drivers who operate the public transportation vans between the outskirts and downtown Dakar. Moolad e . 2004. Film. Directed by Sembene Ousmane. Moolad e is set in a village in Senegal. When a mother decides she does not want her only daughter to undergo female genital cutting as part of an initiation ritual, the entire village becomes involved. Four other girls demand protection as well. The two opposing groups in the village confront each other: those who support the traditional female genital cutting and those interested in changing this practice. Souls in the Sun. 1982. Directed by Safi Faye. Executive producer, Pierre Desbonnet. United Nations Promotion and Distribution Unit, Radio and Visual Services Division.
Web Sites Archives du Senegal, http://www.archivesdusenegal.gouv.sn Based in Dakar. In French. The Senegal National Archives holds documents from Senegal’s colonial period (1816–1958) as well as archival documents from other parts of the sub-region. Also included are documents from the OAF (1895–1959), the Mali Federation (1959–1960), and documents since Senegal’s independence.
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AuSenegal.com, http://www.ausenegal.com/cartes-postales In French. This link off the main Au-Senegal site contains scanned copies of 70 historical postcards of former French West Africa (Senegal, Cote d’Ivoire, Mali, Burkina Faso) contained in the National Archives of Senegal and maintained in a Microsoft Access database that contains 1,515 postcards and a citations database. Baaba Mal, http://www.palmpictures.com/artists/baabamaal.html Senegalese musician Baaba Mal’s website. Enfants et jeunes en Action (Children and Youth in Action), http://eja.enda.sn In French and English. A website for ‘‘working children, children that have broken away from their families [street children] as well as adult-run organizations that are helping these children to live better lives. . . .’’ Based in Dakar, Senegal. Minist e re de la Jeunesse, http://www.jeunesse.gouv.sn Official website for the Ministry for Youth, Government of Senegal. Senegal Images, http://www.peterlanger.com/Countries/Africa/Senegal/index.htm This site contains numerous, high-quality photographic images of Senegal, primarily of Dakar, Goree Island, and St. Louis. Universit e Cheikh Anta Diop, http://www.ucad.sn In French. Official website of Cheikh Anta Diop University. West African Research Association, http://www.africa.ufl.edu/WARA In English and French. The official website of the West African Research Association, an academic association founded in 1989 to enhance collaborative research and scholarly exchange between U.S. and West African scholars, educators, and institutions. Based in Dakar. Youssou N’Dour, http://www.youssou.com In English. Senegalese musician Youssou N’Dour’s website. Music excerpts (in Wolof and French) available for listening.
Organizations and NGOs AAJCA–Association Africain de Jeunesse Agricole et Culturelle B.P. 15 Sehdiou Phone: þ221 936 6401 Fax: þ221 936 6402 Email: [email protected] African youth association established for agriculture and cultural development. ADFES–Association pour le D e veloppement des Femmes et de l’Enfant au S e n e gal B.P. 191 Dakar Phone: þ221 836 4611 Fax: þ221 836 3374 Association to promote development for women and children.
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AISED–Association Islamique pour le Secours de l’Enfance D e sh e rit e B.P. 7732, Dakar Phone: þ221 827 2768/2763 Fax: þ221 961 1943 Islamic association to provide security for children who have been disinherited. AJED–Association des Jeunes pour l’Education et le D e veloppement B.P. 12035, Dakar 3, Jardiparc, Cite Faycal Camberene Phone: þ221 835 0320 Fax: þ221 824 1989 Email: [email protected] Youth association to promote education and development. ^ Familial AJPEBEF–Association des Jeune et Pikine pour l’Education et le Bien Etre B.P. 18140, Dakar Icotaf, Zone Artisanal, Dakar Phone: þ221 834 1743 Child and youth association for education and family well-being. AJUPENS–Association des Jeunes Urbains pour la Promotion de l’Emploi non-Salari e B.P. 12128, Dakar-Colobane Sicap, Amitie 1, villa no. 3089, Dakar Phone: þ221 824 4116 Fax: þ221 825 6573 Urban youth association to promote engagement that is not child labor. ANPPCAN–African Network for the Prevention of and Protection against Child Abuse and Neglect B.P. 497 AV 9 Pt. Lamine Gueye Dakar Phone: þ221 821 1616 Website: http://www.anppcan.org An association to help combat child abuse and neglect through advocacy and collaborative projects. APDJ–Association pour le Promotion et le D e veloppement de la Jeunesse B.P. 111 Diourbel Quartier Tierno Kandji Diourbel Phone: þ221 971 1716 Email: [email protected] Association to promote youth and development. ASAPE–Association S e n e galaise d’Aide pour la Protection de l’Enfance B.P. 17045, Dakar Rue 13 x P, Villa n 26/27 Castors, Dakar Phone: þ221 825 4997 Senegalese aid association for child protection.
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^ Familial ASBEF–Association S e n e galaise pour la Bien-Etre B.P. 6084, Dakar N 5 Route de Front de Terre, en Face de College Notre Dame du Liban, Dakar Phone: þ221 824 5261/þ221 824 5272 Email: [email protected] Senegalese association for family health. ASDEFE–Association S e n e galaise pour le D e veloppement de la Femme et de l’Enfant B.P. 3175 Thies Quartier Nguenthe Diakhao Thies, Senegal Phone: þ221 951 4532 Website: http://www.didier.krumm.free.fr/asdefe or http://planet-hosting.ht.st/ asdefe Senegalese development association for mothers and children. ASPF–Association S e n e galaise pour la Promotion de la Famille B.P. 5029, Dakar Km 7, Bd de la Commune, Hann-Ferrailles, Dakar Phone: þ221 832 7819 Senegalese association to assist families. COFDEF–Collectif des Femmes pour la D e fense de la Famille B.P. 3098, Thies 57 HLM SMDR Villa n 20, Route de Dakar, Thies Phone: þ221 646 9241 Email: [email protected] Women’s cooperative to aid families. COSEPRAT–Comit e S e n e galais sur les Pratiques Traditionnelles Ayant Effet sur la Sant e de la M e re et de l’Enfant B.P. 3001, Dakar H^ opital Aristide de la Dantec Phone: þ221 822 2420 Email: [email protected] A Senegalese committee to promote or traditional practices that are beneficial to women’s and children’s health. DEI–D e fense des Enfants International B.P. 3422, Dakar RP SICAP Liberte IV, Villa N 5009, Dakar Phone: þ221 822 4073 Fax: þ221 822 0702 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.defence-for-children.org An international child protection organization. FAOR–Fondation d’Assistance aux Orphelins Reseau des femmes entrepreneurs de Senegal, B.P. 10532, Dakar Phone: þ 221 825 5165
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Fax: þ221 826 0090 Email: [email protected] A foundation to assist orphans. PPJ–Projet Promotion des Jeunes Immeuble Dieze Gueule Tapee, Dakar Phone: þ221 822 1299 Fax: þ221 821 8507 Email: [email protected]
Selected Bibliography Ainsworth, Martha. Socioeconomic Determinants of Fertility in Sub-Saharan Africa [A summary of the findings of a World Bank research project]. Washington, DC: World Bank Policy Research Department; 1994. Excerpted in ‘‘Population policies for Sub-Saharan Africa.’’ World Bank Policy Research Bulletin, Vol. 5, No. 5. http://www.worldbank.org/html/dec/Publications/Bulletins/ PRBvol5no5.html. Aslett-Rydbjerg, Carlton. Inclusive Education – Early Lessons Learned from Senegal (L’Etude de Faisabilite - Education Speciale et Integratrice). Nordic Development Fund working paper, No. 306, 2003. Bloch, Marianne N. ‘‘Play materials: considerations from a West African setting.’’ Childhood Education, 60 (1984), 345–348. CIA (Central Intelligence Agency). The World Factbook: Senegal. 2007. https:// www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/sg.html. Cruise O’Brien, Donel B. The Mourides of Senegal: The Political and Economic Organization of an Islamic Brotherhood. Oxford: Clarendon; 1971. Dumas, Christelle, and Silvie Lambert. Children Education in Senegal: How Does Family Background Influence Achievement? 2005. http://www.inra.fr/inter net/Departements/ESR/UR/lea/documents/wp/wp0503.pdf. Garenne, Michel. The Age Pattern of Infant and Child Mortality in Ngayokheme (Rural West Africa). Philadelphia: African Demography Program, Population Studies Center, University of Pennsylvania; 1981. Gellar, Sheldon. Senegal: An African Nation between Islam and the West. Boulder, CO: Westview Press; 1995. Glick, Peter, and David E. Sahn. Cognitive Skills among Children in Senegal: Disentangling the Roles of Schooling and Family Background. Ithaca: Cornell University; 2006. http://www.cfnpp.cornell.edu/images/wp189.pdf. Gutman, Marta, and Ning de Coninck-Smith, eds. Designing Modern Childhoods: History, Space, and the Material Culture of Children. Foreword by Paula S. Fass. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press; forthcoming. History World. History of Senegal. 2007. History world online: http://www.history world.net/wrldhis/PlainTextHistories.asp?historyid¼ac64. IRIN. ‘‘Senegal: Marching for Street Kids,’’ IRIN Humanitarian News and Analysis. UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs; 2007. http:// www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId¼71734. Mbaye, Serigne Mor, and Abdou Salam Fall. ‘‘The disintegrating social fabric: child labour and socialization in Senegal,’’ in The Exploited Child, edited by Bernard Schlemmer, translated by Philip Dresner. London and New York: Zed Books and St. Martin’s Press; 2000.
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Montgomery, Mark R., and Paul C. Hewett. Poverty and Children’s Schooling in Urban and Rural Senegal. Population Council Population Research Division, Working Paper No. 196. New York: Pop Council; 2005. http://www.pop council.org/pdfs/wp/196.pdf. Pison, Gilles, Kenneth H. Hill, Barney Cohen, and Karen A. Foote, eds. Population Dynamics of Senegal. Working Group on Senegal, Panel on the Population Dynamics of Sub-Saharan Africa, Committee on Population, Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education. National Research Council. Washington, DC: National Academy Press; 1995. Rosetta, Lyliane, and John O’Quigley. ‘‘Mortality among Serere children in Senegal.’’ American Journal of Human Biology, 2 (2005), Issue 6: 719–726. http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/cgi-bin/abstract/110503985/ABSTRACT? CRETRY¼1&SRETRY¼0. Timmons, Robert, J., and William D. Drake. Food Aid in Senegal: Can Targeting Provide Increased Benefits to Children in Need? Ann Arbor, MI: Community Systems Foundation; 1984. UBS. Human Rights in Senegal: Bringing an End to the Mutilation of Young Women. Zurich: UBS Optimus Foundation; 2004. http://www.ubs.com/optimusfoundation. UNICEF. Analyse de la situation des femmes et des enfants au Se e ne e gal. [Dakar]: Government du Seeneegal and UNICEF; 1995. ———. Senegal. At a Glance: Statistics. 2007. http://www.unicef.org/infoby country/senegal_statistics.html. U.S. Department of State. Senegal Background Notes. 2007. http://www.state.gov/ p/af/ci/sg/. ———. Trafficking in Persons Report: June 2006. 2006. http://www.state.gov/g/ tip. van de Walle, Etienne, ed. 2006. African Households: Censuses and Surveys. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, Inc. Villalon, Leonardo Alfonso. Islamic Society and State Power in Senegal: Disciples and Citizens in Fatick. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press; 1995. World Bank. Lives of Street Children in Senegal to Improve through New Campaign. 2007. http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/ AFRICAEXT/SENEGALEXTN/0,,contentMDK:21218879menuPK:296321 pagePK:2865066piPK:2865079theSitePK:296303,00.html. Wright, Donald, et al. The Atlantic World: A History, 1400–1888. Wheeling, IL: Harland Davidson; 2007.
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SIERRA LEONE Laura Arntson NATIONAL PROFILE Sierra Leone is on the west coast of Africa and is bordered by the Atlantic Ocean on the west and southwest, Guinea to the north and east, and Liberia to the southeast. It is 71,740 square kilometers, which is slightly smaller than South Carolina—a state with which it has historical ties through the slave trade in rice agriculture. Its natural resources include diamonds, titanium ore, bauxite, iron ore, and gold. In the past, Sierra Leone was capable of producing enough surplus rice for export (both swamp rice and upland rice). The geography is diverse and although population growth, overharvesting of timber, and the widely practiced slashand-burn agriculture have exhausted the soil in many areas, if given a chance to recover, the land is relatively fertile and well-watered. Sierra Leone’s population is estimated at 6,144,562 (CIA 2007), with about 45 percent of its population younger than 15 years of age. The total fertility rate is approximately 6 percent (UNICEF 2007; 2005 statistics), which means the
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numbers of children younger than 15 years of age will continue to grow. Sierra Leone is home to at least 20 different African ethnic groups, with the dominant groups being Temne (30 percent), Mende (30 percent), and others, including the Kono, Kuranko, Limba, Pular comprising 34 percent (Ethnologue 2005). The Krio, who are descendents of freed slaves who settled in the Freetown area in the late eighteenth century and who speak a dialect of English (called Krio), number about 10 percent. Portuguese navigators venturing down the coast of West Africa landed on the mountainous peninsula off the coast of modern-day Sierra Leone in 1460 and named it ‘‘Serra Lyoa’’ (Lion Mountains). From about 1500 onward, there began a steady trade in cloth and metal goods for ivory, timber, and slaves. With the pull of trade on the coast and the push of population and environmental factors from further inland, various Mande-speaking people began to move in to the coastal regions and hinterlands. From about 1670 until its closing in 1808, the British slave castle on Bunce Island (located in the large natural harbor of modern-day Sierra Leone) exported tens of thousands of African captives to North America and the West Indies. During the 1750s, a strong link was formed between one of the businessmen operating Bunce Island and Henry Laurens, one of the richest rice planters and slave dealers in the Colony of South Carolina (Opala 2004). In 1787, the British government, in an attempt to resettle freed slaves who had been on the side of Britain during the American Revolutionary War, delivered 330 blacks from Great Britain, Nova Scotia, and America and 70 white prostitutes to the Sierra Leone peninsula on land purchased from the local Temne landholders near present-day Freetown. Although most died in the first year, in 1792 another 1,100 freed slaves were delivered to the ‘‘Province of Freedom’’ landing or ‘‘Freetown,’’ and another 500 free blacks from Jamaica were settled in 1800 (Columbia University 2007). With Britain’s abolition of the slave trade in 1808, the new colony was used as a naval base for antislavery patrols. From 1808 to 1864, another 50,000 slaves liberated from slaving vessels carrying slaves from various parts of West Africa were settled in Freetown. The British, faced with competition from the French in the great scramble for Africa (Pakenham 1991), proclaimed the interior as part of the Sierra Leone Protectorate in 1863 and ruled through indirect rule— that is, through local paramount chiefs. Sierra Leone gained its independence from Britain in 1961. The next 30 years included military coups, political transitions, and unrest. The All People’s Congress ruled in a one-party system from 1978 (under President Siaka Stevens) until 1992 when a military coup led by young officers overthrew President Momoh, Stevens’ handpicked yet ineffectual successor, and placed Capt. Valentine Strasser in power. Strasser was thrown out early in 1996 and elections were held with Ahmed Tejan Kabbah of the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) taking
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power, but the Revolutionary KEY FACTS – SIERRA LEONE United Front (RUF) continued its terror attacks. In 1997, a Population: 6,144,562 (2007 est.) Infant mortality rate: 165.23 deaths/1,000 live births military junta headed by Lt. Col. Life expectancy at birth: 40.58 years (2007 est.) Johnny Paul Koroma allied with Literacy rate: 35.1 percent (2004 est.) the RUF in ousting the elected Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 41 percent SLPP government and con(2000–2005) structed their own government. Internet users: 540,000 (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 170,000 (2001 est.) Soon after, the United Nations Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 95 imposed sanctions against the military government, the EcoSources: CIA World Factbook: Sierra Leone. https://www.cia.gov/ nomic Community of West Afrilibrary/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/sl.html. June 29, can States sent in Nigeria-led 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Sierra Leone–Statistics. http:// www.unicef.org/infobycountry/sierraleone_statistics.html. June forces, subdued the rebel forces, 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and returned President Kabbah Human Development Report 2006–Sierra Leone. http:// to office. The fighting continhdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/ cty_ds_SLE.html. June 29, 2007. ued, however, and horrific atrocities continued to be carried out on civilians. In 1999, President Kabbah and Foday Sankoh of the RUF signed a peace accord allowing rebels seats in the new government and a general amnesty, but much of the country was still in rebel control. The United Nations sent in peacekeepers in 1999 and 2000 to help restore order and disarm the rebels but it wasn’t until 2002 that the fighting calmed down, some 45,000 fighters surrendered their weapons, and elections were held. The United Nations demobilization, disarmament, and rehabilitation program lasted another two years. OVERVIEW Various scholars have attempted to understand the roots of Sierra Leone’s civil war and its violence. The legacy of the war’s brutality has a significant aftermath in the lives and opportunities of Sierra Leone’s children and youth. The government and individual households face significant economic challenges, which translate into poor health and livelihoods for children. Not only was a weak infrastructure further damaged, but the ability to rebuild agriculturally, economically, educationally, and socially was severely set back with the brutality of the war, such as the ‘‘short-sleeve’’ or ‘‘long-sleeve’’ amputations, for example, and the destruction or compromise of land, seed crops, livestock and wild game, timber, and other key resources. Sierra Leone’s health indicators are among the worst in the world. The health and educational infrastructure were greatly deteriorating even before the war. Now the country must rebuild while continuing to recover from the damage to its health and social welfare sectors. Children are the ones who suffer most when access to sufficient food, a safe and
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healthy environment, and opportunities for growing developmentally and socially are challenged. As mentioned previously, 45 percent of Sierra Leone’s population is younger than the age of 15. The high fertility, coupled with a very low contraceptive prevalence rate (i.e., the percentage of women in union ages 15 to 49 years currently using contraception) at 4 percent will continue to contribute to a ‘‘youth bulge’’ that will likely feed instability in this already fragile state. Most youth did not attend school during the war, and some 10,000 youth were forced into service during the war. The youth have been demobilized and reintegrated into society to an extent and the National Committee for Demobilization, Disarmament, and Reintegration reported more than 6,774 children entering the Demobilization, Disarmament, and Reintegration program (Truth & Reconciliation Commmission of Sierra Leone 2007) but in areas of the northwest, many youth are idle, without jobs and without a lot of options to apply what they might learn, given a chance to attend numeracy, literacy, and/or vocational programs for out-of-school youth. EDUCATION English is the official language, although far more people speak Krio, which is not always mutually intelligible with standard British or American English. Written publications are available in Krio, Mende, Temne, and Arabic. However, the adult literacy rate (defined as the percent of the population older than 15 years who can read and write English, Mende, Temne, or Arabic) is very low at approximately 30 percent (40 to 47 percent male and 20 to 24 percent female) (CIA 2007, UNICEF 2007, UNESCO ‘‘Education for All’’ 2000 assessment). With so many youth having missed out on educational opportunities and many households unable to afford the minimal expenses associated with sending a child to school, alternative educational and communication programs will be required to fill the gap. Radio listenership is high, and local language programming is reaching large numbers of youth and young adults. International donor-sponsored radio programs as well as local programming are able to reach a wide populace in promoting better understanding of various civic issues. PLAY AND RECREATION Children’s experiences during the recent civil war and displacement interrupted and shaped their notions of play and opportunities for recreation. International response to the psychosocial toll has included a ‘‘right to play’’ initiative for community-based re-integration activities funded by UNICEF (UNICEF 2004, 20). Many donors and local and international organizations have recognized the need to encourage age-appropriate play
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and recreational activities as part of community-based efforts to address psychosocial needs and contribute to the social development and functioning of children and youth affected by the war. Many children were displaced from settings where they had time and space for both organized and unorganized play and recreational activities, such as a school yard at recess or a familiar soccer field and homemade soccer ball after household and farm chores were completed. With the war, not only were many children forced into roles and new tasks, the idea of play and recreation as an optional activity may have been dampened. The physical, social, and imaginative outlet that children gain from play activities is a necessary part of development and should be nurtured. Protective spaces with age-appropriate props or simply a responsible older youth or supportive adult present to promote children’s imagination and sense of safety can recreate the spaces where children can enjoy the circle-, singing- and clapping-games, for example, that travel horizontally across the generations of children that grow into and out of such age-localized knowledge. Given a chance, children can usually create positive play activities. Some children will need more focused guidance in response to their psychosocial needs, however. An increasing number of international and local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have begun to address these needs during relief and in the development phase of humanitarian response. CHILD LABOR As in other parts of sub-Saharan Africa, children are expected to contribute to the household by performing domestic chores (e.g., doing laundry, hauling water, collecting firewood, caring for younger siblings, sweeping, scrubbing, cleaning, etc.) and serving as apprentices and/or household assistants to distant relatives or respected families. Such labor conditions can put children, especially young girls, at risk of abuse and gender-based violence. During the war, children suffered from the harshest forms of child labor as combatants, fighters, bush wives, sex slaves, childcare providers, food finders, spies, laborers (Sanin and Stirnemann 2006), and porters to rebel and government forces. Children were also used as laborers in the diamond mines (Fofana 2003). Even with the war over and improved management in the diamond mining sector, many children continue to work in the diamond mines, which not only puts them at a disadvantage through lack of education, but also places them at greater risk to their health because of the environment in which they work and the potential for abuse because they live away from the protection of family and traditional social structures of rural communities. Many parents as well as children and youth themselves see opportunities in gaining money from such wage labor. The BBC (Fofana 2003) has reported that the Ministry of Gender and Children’s Affairs, in collaboration with international NGOs,
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have registered 1,200 child miners, only 50 of whom have been placed in schools. Most continue to work in the mines. With no real incentive to leave the mines where money can be made, although at a great cost, even those children rescued from laboring in the mines are likely to return. FAMILY Many extended families were broken apart and destroyed during the fighting and displacement, which led to a significant increase in the numbers of female-headed as well as child-headed households. Although exact numbers do not exist, UNICEF has estimated that there are approximately 340,000 orphans (due to all causes) in Sierra Leone (UNICEF 2007) and large numbers of female-headed households. Many husbands were killed, and their widows face specific forms of discrimination (Amnesty International 2006). Extended families and social networks serve as an important safety net in times of hardship, but with the destruction of families and disappearance of resources, many more children are vulnerable to malnutrition and poor living conditions. HEALTH Sierra Leone’s under-5 mortality is among the worst in the world at 282 of 1,000 live births (UNICEF 2007; 2005 data from the United Nations Population Division and United Nations Statistics Division). Infant mortality (i.e., the probability of dying between birth and 1 year of age) is at 165 per 1,000 live births. A total of 23 percent of children have low birth weight, which reflects the mother’s poor health and nutritional status. Nine percent of children under 5 suffer from severe malnutrition (low weight for age), 10 percent suffer from moderate and severe wasting (low weight for height), which is a measure of acute malnutrition, and an alarming 34 percent suffer from moderate and severe stunting (low height for age), which is a measure of chronic under-nutrition during the key formative 6 to 36 months of life. Although a truly accurate adult prevalence rate for HIV/AIDS is not known, many have anticipated a rate as high as 5 percent due to the vulnerability of a displaced and war-affected population, and the presence of Nigerian-led United Nations peacekeepers (the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone [UNAMSIL]), whose greater rate of HIV infection and estimated low utilization of condoms very likely contributed to higher rates of transmission than in neighboring countries. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Sierra Leone’s legal system is based on English law but also includes customary laws indigenous to local socioethnic groups. The government
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is a constitutional democracy and functions as a republic with an executive president, a multiparty system of government, and a 124-seat parliament (112 elected members and 12 paramount chiefs) (CIA 2007). Presidential and legislative elections are scheduled for August 2007, after parliament completes its 5-year term, and local elections are slated for 2008. These elections represent a return to a constituency-based system, as called for in the 1991 constitution (CIA 2007). The judicial system includes a Supreme Court, Court of Appeals, High Court of Justice, and magistrate courts. Justices are appointed by the president and approved by parliament. Customary law is administered by local chieftaincy courts and appeals from these lower courts are heard in the superior courts. Magistrate courts in all 12 judicial districts exist even if they do not have sufficient resources to function as effectively as desired. Attempts such as the Anti-Corruption Act and national awareness-raising activities are underway to battle endemic corruption and bring justice to the populace. Youth are especially vulnerable in an under-resourced and inefficient legal system. The Lawyers Centre for Legal Assistance (LAWCLA) in Freetown as one of the first legal aid centers dedicated to protecting the rights of the poor in Sierra Leone and is one of the few places where disadvantaged youth can seek legal assistance. LAWCLA defends the rights of children and are involved in cases such as defending street children arrested for breaking curfew and representing youth sent to the Central Prison at Pademba Road instead of a juvenile detention center (NicolWilson 2004). Another case involved a 16-year-old girl estranged from her mother who threatened to force her to undergo genital mutilation as part of the initiation into the female ‘‘secret’’ society. In response to the atrocities committed during the war and the need for justice in light of the truth and reconciliation process, a Special Court for Sierra Leone was created. It was the first international tribunal to explicitly oversee jurisdiction of juveniles between the ages of 15 and 18 and to prosecute individuals for the crime of recruiting child-soldiers. Child witnesses came forward in the Special Court (Sanin and Stirnemann 2006) as part of the proceedings.
RELIGIOUS LIFE Approximately 60 percent of the Sierra Leone population is Muslim, 10 percent is Christian, and 30 percent adheres predominantly to indigenous beliefs. The practice of religion is very fluid, however, and most people practice a combination of indigenous beliefs and Islam or Christianity. Early Christian missionaries promoted educational opportunities, including Fourah Bay College, founded in 1827 as an Anglican missionary school by the Church Missionary Society.
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Indigenous beliefs continue to support traditional practices rich in artistic and expressive culture, notably the masks and objects associated with female and male secret/initiation societies that have interested art historians for some time. Although usually kept out of view from outsiders, over the years, items such as the Bundu ‘‘helmet’’ mask of the Sande female society (Boone 1990) have found their way into museums and private collections.1 CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Clearly the greatest abuse and neglect in recent years in Sierra Leone has occurred because of the war. Coerced involvement in fighting forces, as perpetrators of violence themselves or as porters, ‘‘wives,’’ cooks, and other roles is among the worst forms of abuse. Additionally, girls and young women were either forced into service of rebel or government forces or taken advantage of when rebel movements swept through an area. There is evidence of drugs being used to control or influence children coerced into fighting. Youth report having smoked marijuana, sniffed ‘‘brown-brown’’ (a form of powdered cocaine that, according to some, has been cut with gunpowder), or taken various narcotics or amphetamines as part of their initiation into fighting (Beah 2007). Girls tell stories of having been abducted by the rebels and had the letters ‘‘R U F’’ cut into the skin on their chests so that they would be less likely to escape (Page 2002). In the refugee camps in Guinea, stories circulated about young women with RUF scars being unable to enter into refugee and IDP camps because of their scars and abandoning their infants to let others carry the children into the camps where they had a better chance of survival. Sanin and Stirnemann report that, according to a UNICEF Child Protection Officer, an estimated 15,000 to 30,000 children were involved in combat activities during the conflict in Sierra Leone (Sanin and Stirnemann 2006, 6). Another outcome of the war is the kind of abuse and neglect children suffer when their parents are absent, dysfunctional, or suffering from severe depression or other mental illness. When communities break down or are dispersed, it is much more difficult to address the breakdown and dysfunctionality of families. Psychosocial programming in refugee and internally displaced person camps can reach a number of children and their families, but far more could be missed if the health and educational infrastructure of a country is not able to provide the kind of recognition, referral, and response to such needs. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Sierra Leone was an extremely poor nation even before the war. Although it has substantial mineral, agricultural, and fishery resources,
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there is a marked inequality in income distribution. Most families get by on subsistence agriculture. The diamond mining that fueled arms during the war continues to be the major source of hard currency earnings, accounting for nearly half of Sierra Leone’s exports (CIA 2007). Efforts are currently underway, with funding from the U.S. Agency for International Development, to establish community-based land-use and diamond mining, valuation, and management structures. By encouraging civil society participation and bringing local communities into the structures linked to international markets so that diamonds can be tracked from the earth to their export, greater economic development and sustainability is encouraged. Additionally, a Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility program by the International Monetary Fund is in place to help stabilize economic growth and reduce inflation. The rehabilitation of infrastructure and the bauxite and rutile mining for manufacturing will be key to Sierra Leone’s recovery. With real economic recovery and development and local community and civil society participation in the transition into sustainable development, families and children can look forward to a more positive future. Sierra Leone has the capacity to feed its own families and its neighbors, but the structures and political will must be in place, with sufficient capital and capacity to function effectively. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This chapter benefited from insightful comments by Susan Shepler, Assistant Professor of International Peace and Conflict Resolution, American University School of International Service. NOTES 1. See, for example, the Armand Arman collection featured on the Rand African Art site (Rand African Art 2007) and the Bryn Mawr College Art & Archaeology collection (Bryn Mawr College 1999).
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Boone, Sylvia Ardyn. Radiance from the Waters; Ideals of Feminine Beauty in Mende Art. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press; 1990. Boone’s book provides a rich ethnographic description and understanding of the Mende female Sande Society and the way Mende perceptions of beauty, personhood, the human body, and gender relations are encoded in the Bundu masks worn by Sande Society members.
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Conteh-Morgan, Earl, and Mac Dixon-Fyle. Sierra Leone at the End of the Twentieth Century: History, Politics, and Society. New York: Peter Lang Publishing; 1999. This concise political history of Sierra Leone from the precolonial period up through the 1990s provides a context for works that attempt to understand the civil war and its chaos. Ferme, Mariane C. The Underneath of Things; Violence, History, and the Everyday in Sierra Leone. Berkeley: The University of California Press; 2001. Ferme’s in-depth research spans the period before and after the civil war. This work attempts to understand perceptions of the self, social interactions, and violence through a close look at local communities, their traditions and history, change, secrecy, and discourse. Jackson, Michael. In Sierra Leone. Durham, NC: Duke University Press; 2004. This book captures the complexity of social life and political violence in an attempt to understand Sierra Leone’s violent civil war. Jackson returned to Sierra Leone, where he had conducted ethnographic research in the 1970s, to ghostwrite the autobiography of an old friend, politician S. B. Marah and to understand common people’s perceptions of power, violence, and recovery. Jackson’s writing is insightful and meditative and reaches deep into difficult subjects. Richards, Paul. Fighting for the Rain Forest: War, Youth & Resources in Sierra Leone. Oxford and Portsmouth, NH: The International African Institute in association with James Currey and Heinemann Publishers; 1996. This book is a critique of the rather narrowly focused ‘‘new barbarism’’ thesis that many writers have used in an attempt to understand the small but violent wars in Africa that have erupted following the Cold War. Shaw, Rosalind. Memories of the Slave Trade: Ritual and the Historical Imagination in Sierra Leone. Chicago: University of Chicago Press; 2002. This study, based on extensive fieldwork and archival research, looks specifically at the memories of the slave trade and the way these memories have shaped and been influenced by the experience of colonialism and post-colonialism. The slave trade out of Sierra Leone has strong historical and kin ties to the United States, especially the lowlands and sea islands of Georgia and the Carolinas. Singer, P. W. Children at War. Berkeley: University of California Press; 2006. Singer takes a hard look at the intersection of policy, the hard choices people face during war, the many faces survival takes, and the reality of ‘‘modern’’ warfare and children’s involvement in war.
Nonprint Resources Family Across the Sea. 1991. Directed by Tim Carrier. Produced by South Carolina ETV. Available from California Newsreel. http://newsreel.org/nav/title .asp?tc¼CN0029. This film traces the emotional journey of Emory Campbell, Director of Penn Center on St. Helena Island, South Carolina, and a group of South Carolinians from the Sea Islands (referred to as ‘‘Gullah,’’ for their language and traditional heritage) to Sierra Leone, from whence they trace their roots. An early impetus to the research behind the connection between Sierra Leone and the Gullah of the South Carolina and Georgia Sea Islands came from the research of Lorenzo Turner, an African-American linguist who, in the 1930s, found over 3,000 words of African origin in the Gullah dialect.
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Going Home. 1999. Directed by Emily Marlow. Distributed by Bullfrog Films. This film follows Mohammed, a youth who was forced into fighting with rebel forces in the forests of Sierra Leone, his escape to Guinea, and the experience of the UNHCR refugee camps in Gueckedou and elsewhere. The Refugee All Stars. 2006. Sierra Leone’s Refugee All Stars. Music CD and film documentary (co-directed by Zach Niles and Banker White and aired on PBS in March 2007). http://refugeeallstars.org/v3/index.html The wonderful music on the CD and in the film incorporates traditional Sierra Leone/Mende musical styles as well as the popular Palmwine guitar style of the 1960s and other popular music elements. The lyrics and the documentary speak to the hardships of life as a refugee.
Web Sites Friends of Sierra Leone, http://www.fosalone.org Friends of Sierra Leone is a nonprofit organization founded in 1991 by ‘‘a small group of returned Peace Corps Volunteers, soon joined by their Sierra Leonean friends and other volunteers who had served in Sierra Leone.’’ Sierra Leone Encyclopedia 2006, http://www.daco-sl.org/encyclopedia This is a core project of the Sierra Leone Information system and managed jointly by the United Nations and the government of Sierra Leone. Now in its fifth edition, its goal is ‘‘to enable better and more informed coordination, development planning, decision-making and policy formulation.’’ Sierra Leone Web. Peter C. Anderson, http://www.sierra-leone.org This website, which is not affiliated with the government of Sierra Leone, provides up-to-date information on events in Sierra Leone as well as a collection of photos, useful links on its history, government, law, cultures, and people.
Organizations and NGOs Anti-Corruption Commission, Republic of Sierra Leone Website: http://www.anticorruptionsl.org/main.html The government of Sierra Leone, concerned with corruption and its adverse effect on nation building, passed an Anti-Corruption bill. This organization (and its website) serves as a Resource Centre and a vehicle for the public to learn about the activities of the Commission, as well as anonymously report corrupt practices without fear of reprisal. Centre for Coordination of Youth Activities 55 Campbell Street, Freetown, Sierra Leone Phone: 232 22 7660 6419 Contact: Ngolo Katta Email: [email protected] The Centre for Coordination of Youth Activities (CCYA) is affiliated with the National Forum for Human Rights and was founded in 1998 with the goal of providing skills training in leadership, peace building, community development, HIV prevention, and positive reproductive health choices. CCYA coordinates activities
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for youth organizations in Sierra Leone for educational, advocacy, and policy activities. The Community Action for Rural Empowerment – Sierra Leone (CAREM-SL) 143, New Gerihun Road, Bo Bo District, Southern Province Sierra Leone Phone: þ23276 655408 or þ23233 890250 Contact: Mohamed Lamin Mansaray Founded in 2002, CAREM-SL is a registered national NGO working with rural communities in post-conflict rehabilitation and development. It was first established to create essential linkages between the civil society, the government, and international organizations in the transition from relief to development. CAREMSL partners with the government and other organizations to build capacity, socioeconomic infrastructure, and human development. Independent Youth Forum 3A Jomo Kenyatta Road, Freetown, Sierra Leone Phone: 232 22 241 781 Email: [email protected] Contact: John Paul Bai The Independent Youth Forum was founded in 2002 and is affiliated with the Global Youth Action Network. It is a non-profit, non-sectoral umbrella organization with the purpose of coordinating the activities of youth organizations in the country. It provies training, support, and advocacy for youth participation in development. Nenneh’s Children Fund for Sierra Leone 92 Campbell Street Freetown, Sierra Leone c/o 49 Crown Street, Suite 5B Brooklyn, NY 11125, USA Phone: 24 20 70 or (718) 774 6367 Cotnact: Remy Saunders Nenneh’s Children Fund for Sierra Leone was founded in 1990 and is affiliated with African Action on AIDS Inc. The purpose of this organization is to ‘‘take care of children who have lost their families and houses because of war or HIV/AIDS.’’ The Refugee All Stars Foundation Website: http://www.refugeeallstarsfoundation.org The Refugee All Stars Foundation is a non-profit organization with the aim of assisting refugees and other victims of war rebuild their lives and become self-reliant through music and the arts. The Foundation donates musical instruments and equipment, develops educational programs, and creates opportunities for musicians and artists to share their knowledge with others. Sierra Leone Association of Non-Government Organizations (SLANGO) 14 J Wilkinson Road Freetown, Sierra Leone Phone: 232 22 233 680 Email: [email protected]
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SLANGO was founded in 1992 for the purpose of fostering mobilization and integration of effective NGO interventions by providing a mechanism for coordination. Sierra Leone Youth Empowerment Organisation (SLYEO) 24 Main Motor Road, Congo Cross Freetown, Sierra Leone Phone: 232 22 234 537/234 547 Contact: Charles B.P. Lahai Email: [email protected] SLYEO was founded in 1995, is affiliated with the National Youth Alliance for Peace and Development, and aims at increasing the capacity of young people and providing opportunities for self development. It seeks to combat anti-social behavior and to promote positive citizenship.
Selected Bibliography Amnesty International. Sierra Leone Women Face Human Rights Abuses in the Informal Legal Sector. 2006. http://web.amnesty.org/library/index/engafr510022006. Beah, Ishmael. ‘‘The making, and unmaking, of a child soldier.’’ International Herald Tribune, 2007. http://www.iht.com/articles/2007/01/14/america/ web.0113soldier.nytMAG.php?page¼3 Bryn Mawr College. Mende Sande Society: Helmets from the Helen and Mace Neufeld Collection of African Art. Bryn Mawr, PA: Rhys Carpenter Library for Art, Archaeology, and Cities; 1999. http://www.brynmawr.edu/collections/ Exhibitions/exh-mende.shtml CIA. The World Factbook: Sierra Leone. 2007. https://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/ factbook/geos/sl.html Columbia University. The Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia, 6th ed. New York: Columbia University Press; 2007. http://www.infoplease.com/ce6/world/ A0861084.html Gordon, Raymond G., Jr., ed. ‘‘Languages of Sierra Leone,’’ in Ethnologue: Languages of the World, 15th edition. Dallas: SIL International; 2005. Online version: http://www.ethnologue.com/show_country.asp?name¼SL. Fofana, Lansana. ‘‘Children Working in Sierra Leone Mines,’’ BBC News. August 28, 2003. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3189299.stm. Fyfe, Christopher. History of Sierra Leone. London: Oxford University Press; 1962. McIntyre, Angela. ‘‘Reinventing Peace; Challenges for a Young Continent.’’ African Security Review, 11 (2002), No. 3. http://www.iss.co.za/ASR/11No3/ McIntyre2.html. Nicol-Wilson, Melron. Fighting for Rights in Sierra Leone. Open Society Initiative for West Africa. 2004. http://www.osiwa.org/en/news/field/melron_ nicol-wilson. Opala, Joseph. Bunce Island: Historical Summary. New Haven, CT: Gilder Lehrman Center for the Study of Slavery, Resistance, and Abolition, Yale University; 2004. http://www.visitsierraleone.org/BunceIslandHistory.pdf. Page, Kent. ‘‘Scared, Scarred and Scorned No Longer: Children in Sierra Leone,’’ UNICEF Relief Web. 2002. http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/rwb.nsf/AllDocs ByUNID/7d4bf19a238f237649256c2b000338d5.
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Pakenham, Thomas. The Scramble for Africa: White Man’s Conquest of the Dark Continent from 1876 to 1912. New York: Avon Books; 1991. Rand African Art. African Faces, African Figures: The Arman Collection, The Mende Collection. 2007. http://www.randafricanart.com/Armand_Collection_photos .html. Sanin, Kyra, and Anna Stirnemann. Child Witnesses at the Special Court for Sierra Leone. Berkeley, CA: University of California War Crimes Studies Center; 2006. http://ist-socrates.berkeley.edu/warcrime/ChildWitnessReport_000 .pdf.pdf. Truth & Reconciliation Commission (TRC) of Sierra Leone. The Final Report of the Truth & Reconciliation Commission of Sierra Leone. 2007. http:// www.trcsierraleone.org/drwebsite/publish/index.shtml. UNICEF. At a Glance: Sierra Leone. 2007. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ sierraleone_statistics.html. ———. Sport, Recreation, and Play. New York: UNICEF; 2004. http://www.unicef .org.uk/publications/pdf/5571_SPORT_EN.pdf. U.S. Department of State. 2007. Background Note: Sierra Leone. http://www.state .gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/5475.htm.
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SOUTH AFRICA Linda Richter, Andrew Dawes, Sharmla Rama, and Upjeet Chandan NATIONAL PROFILE South Africa covers an area of 1.4 million square kilometers1 and is geographically and administratively divided into nine provinces. The population is about 47 million. The country is culturally and linguistically diverse and has 11 official languages. Although considered a middleincome economy, South Africa has one of the highest rates of income inequality in the world. The dual economy comprises a vibrant formal sector, with the majority of the population engaged in informal income-generating activities. Since colonial times, the population has been divided into four so-called race groups: African, Colored, Indian, and White.2 These ‘‘population groups’’ were constructed historically and served to underpin White domination, as well as racial and political separation. The formal policy of Apartheid prevailed from 1948 to 1994. Today, the same groupings remain in official use as a means to track social transformation. Africans are in the majority, constituting about 79 percent of the total
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population, whereas the White and Colored groups each comprise about 9 percent, and the Indian/Asian population less than 3 percent. The overall population structure is that of a developing country with the largest proportion of people younger than 20 years of age. Children (those younger than 18 years) constitute a significant group, at about 37 percent of the total, whereas the elderly (65 years and older) constitute the smallest proportion. The distribution of the child population by sex and population group mirrors the distribution of the total population. When one examines the population structure within the four race groups, we find two worlds, as it were. The majority African population structure resembles that of many developing countries—a large proportion of children narrowing upwards to a small number of elderly people—whereas the age distribution of the minority White population resembles that of a highly industrialized country (an inverted pyramid). The majority of South African children live in different kinds of extended families (Amoateng and Richter 2003). More than half (54 percent) live in rural areas in traditional African households and villages. A significant proportion (15 percent) lives in urban informal settlements (tin and wooden shacks) (Monson et al. 2006). Before 1994, the policy of Apartheid resulted in deep-rooted inequalities across all spheres of life, as well as the marginalization and impoverishment of the majority of African people. Since the unification of the country and the first democratic elections in 1994, the government has introduced a large number of policies aimed at achieving equitable development, human rights for all, and a nonsexist and nondiscriminating society. These goals and principles are enshrined in the South African Constitution, which was adopted in 1996. Unique in the world, the Bill of Rights of the Constitution contains a specific section that defines the rights of children to education, shelter, health, and freedom from maltreatment, among other provisions. The Bill is informed by the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), which South Africa ratified in 1995, and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (African Charter), ratified in 2000. A range of commitments to children’s rights and well-being were made by the post-Apartheid government. They included the implementation of a National Programme of Action for children. The first government structure set up to coordinate children’s rights, in 1995, was the National Programme of Action Steering Committee (NPASC). The NPASC was mandated to oversee the National Programme of Action and ensure that the concerns of children were included in broader development strategies. In 1998, the Office on the Rights of the Child (ORC) was established in the President’s Office. A number of development programs (such as free health care for women and preschool children and a national school feeding scheme) have been introduced, and laws relating to children’s rights have either been passed and are currently being considered by Parliament.
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Despite concerted efforts by national, provincial, and local governments, and civil society organizations, many challenges remain for the majority of children and their families. The depth of poverty is profound, with some 11 million children being supported by less than US$1 a day (Richter and Desmond 2007). The many years of Apartheid policy require enormous effort to improve the lives of the majority of children. A particular challenge is limited capacity for service delivery to children in overstretched and under-capacitated health, education, social, and judicial services (Cassiem et al. 2000). Although the estimates vary, at least 40 to 50 percent of South Africa’s population is living in poverty (Development Bank of South Africa 2005). The figure for children is most likely to be in the region of 50 to 75 percent depending on the poverty line used (Coetzee and Streak 2004). Child poverty is fundamentally linked to adult unemployment. Although the most recent official statistics put unemployment at 27 percent, there are concerns that the official figures mask the actual extent of the problem, and it may be higher than 30 percent. In addition, official figures exclude those who have been discouraged by the lack of prospects and have given up trying to find work. Recent studies show that increases in the unemployment rate are fueled by the growth in the number of young unemployed people. As educational access has improved, significantly larger numbers of young people are entering the labor market (Morrow et al. 2005). Thus, the number of labor market entrants exceeds job creation, and it can take several years for some job seekers to find employment (Altman 2003). Decades of male migrant labor have led to a large number of households being presided over by women; this contributes to poverty and has implications for child care. In 2001, only 38 percent of female household heads ages 15 to 65 years were employed, which related directly to the number of children living in poverty. An explosive, generalized HIV and AIDS epidemic compounds the impact of poverty on children’s lives. In 2005, it was estimated that of the 5.5 million people in South Africa living with HIV, 18.8 percent were adults aged 15 to 49 years—the age range most likely to be economically active, reproductive, and responsible for dependants (UNAIDS 2006). Children living in families and communities affected by poverty, unemployment, and HIV and AIDS face increasing vulnerability and exposure to risk. Children may experience the death of their primary caregivers and other members of the household, which can result in food insecurity, loss of income, high burden of care for the ill, and reduction in educational opportunities (Richter and Rama 2006). Responding to the needs of orphaned and vulnerable children in countries most affected by the AIDS pandemic has become a matter of national and international concern. In South Africa, the government’s cash transfer–based social protection system is the primary mechanism to assist families and households. The social security grants relevant to the
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support of children include old age pensions, care dependency grants (for adults caring for chilPopulation: Approximately 47 million Infant mortality rate: 59.44 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) dren with disabilities), child supLife expectancy at birth: 42.45 years (2007 est.) port grants (for carers of Literacy rate: 86.4 percent (2003 est.) children younger than 14 whose Internet users: 5.1 million (2005) income is below a specified People living with HIV/AIDS: 5.5 million threshold), and foster care grants Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 53 (for those who awarded the care Sources: CIA World Factbook: South Africa. https://www.cia.gov/ of children by the courts). In library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/sf.html. June 29, addition, the government’s Inte2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human grated Plan for Children Infected Development Report 2006–South Africa. http://hdr.undp.org/ hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_ZAF.html. June and Affected by HIV/AIDS out29, 2007. lines measures to identify, support, and refer orphans and vulnerable children in the community. This program is strongly underpinned by faith-based, community-based, and nongovernmental organizations. The level of the support provided ranges from material (food/clothing) assistance, psychosocial and counseling activities, as well as assisting families and caregivers to access social security grants. Social grants are playing a major role in supporting vulnerable families and children. In 2006, the South African government spent close to 3.5 percent of its gross domestic product on social grants, the highest of any developing country. Close to 70 percent of the caregivers of eligible children receive the Child Support Grant. KEY FACTS – SOUTH AFRICA
OVERVIEW In 1976, school children in Soweto township near Johannesburg revolted against the introduction of Afrikaans medium instruction in their schools where previously it had been English. This event triggered a final phase of resistance against Apartheid which, in many instances, was spearheaded by teenagers in secondary school as well as university students. Children and youth suspected of being involved in the resistance were killed or abducted, raped, tortured, poisoned, imprisoned for long periods without trial, denied rights (granted in law) while imprisoned, and harassed mercilessly for actions taken. It is estimated that as many as 24,000 children were held in prison without trial during the period 1976–1994 (Reynolds and Dawes 1999, 10–11). Violence remains a significant factor in the lives of South African children, with the poor being most affected. High rates of political violence have been replaced by criminal, community, and household violence (Barbarin and Richter 2001). There are few reliable figures on the prevalence of children’s exposure to violence. Injury mortality studies for 2001 indicate that 36 percent of all non-natural deaths occurred in the 15- to
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29-year-old group (Matzopoulos 2001). Stabbings accounted for 37 percent of homicides in this age group, and many who perpetrated this violence were themselves of school-going age or young adults. A recent representative national survey (Leoschut and Burton 2006) revealed that 41 percent of adolescents and youth (12 to 22 years old) were victims of crime (16 percent violent assault and 4 percent sexual assault). Among children 10 to 14 years of age, road traffic accidents are the leading cause of death, followed by homicide. Suicide also features prominently as one of the top ten causes of death in this age group (Bradshaw et al. 2003). South Africa has exemplary laws protecting refugees and asylum seekers (e.g., the Constitution and The Refugees Act 130 of 1998), but their implementation is inconsistent. A recent report by Human Rights Watch notes that many refugees and asylum seekers experience harassment, mistreatment, and extortion (Mbelle 2005). Although provisions in the Refugees Act allow for unaccompanied children to seek asylum in South Africa, children without identity documentation have difficulty in accessing social services and schooling, and are susceptible to labor exploitation. The Children’s Bill, which is currently being reviewed by Parliament, includes the recognition of the right of refugee children, including asylum-seeking children, to social services. EDUCATION Under the Apartheid regime, education, like all other sectors in South African society, was racialized. The Apartheid government’s expenditure on education was highly unequal, and African children were the most disadvantaged. At this time, for example, the subsidy for a White learner was, on average, three times that of an African learner (South Africa Department of Finance 1999). Such historic inequalities pose significant challenges for equalizing quality and outcomes in the current integrated education system. The Constitution and Bill of Rights guarantees the right to basic education, including adult basic education. Although it does not guarantee free access to education, in the last 2 years, a progressive number of schools in the poorest areas have been designated by government as non-fee schools. Education in South Africa is divided into three broad bands: General Education and Training (from a reception or preschool year to grade 9), Further Education and Training (grade 10 to 12, including technical and vocational training), and Higher Education (diplomas and degrees). Early Childhood Development, Education for Learners with Special Needs, and Adult Basic Education and Training fall under General Education and Training. National figures for 2004 indicate that there are approximately 26,000 schools in South Africa, and that more than 12 million children are enrolled at both public and independent schools (South Africa Department of Education 2005). Education is compulsory from
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age 7 (grade 1) to age 15 or the completion of grade 9. Although it is the Department of Education’s goal to make access to the reception year (grade R) universal by 2010, to date more than 70 percent of South African children enter grade 1 without grade R or any other pre-primary experience. Public schools are partly state-funded. The Department of Education provides a basic subsidy and parents contribute through school fees, which vary widely across the country. To mitigate the heavy burden that school fees exact on poor households and communities, in 2007 the Department of Education will support 40 percent of the poorest schools to eliminate school fees. South African data on school enrollment is contested. Although Department of Education Statistics for 2005 suggest that school attendance for children ages 7 to 15 years is near universal (98 percent), the fourth annual Education for All Monitoring Report suggests that more than 10 percent of primary school-aged South African children (aged 7 to 13 years) are not enrolled in school (UNESCO 2005). Regardless of enrollment rates, variable attendance and absenteeism, interrupted schooling, and dropping out are significant problems in the public school sector, particularly in impoverished communities. In 2000, it was estimated that more than 1.2 million children of school-going age were not attending school, and that about 40,000 attend school on an irregular basis (Berry and Guthrie 2003). Irregular attendance is found among those children working on farms, street children, children with disabilities, or children who leave school early for reasons related to family circumstances such as financial constraints and a high degree of mobility between urban and rural areas (Perry and Arends 2003). Irregular attendance contributes to grade repetition and large numbers of children over-age for their grade. A recent Department of Education report indicated that by grade 3, 38 percent of the learners are old for their grade, by grade 6, 46 percent, and by grade 9, 56 percent (South Africa Department of Education 2006). A contentious issue in South Africa is poor academic performance. South African children have not performed well in international comparisons. In the Trends in International Maths and Science Study 2003, which assessed grade 8 learners, South African children were placed last of 50 countries (Reddy 2006). Similarly, mean mathematic and reading test scores of learners in grade 6 who participated in the Southern and Eastern Africa Consortium for Monitoring Education Quality (SACMEQ) survey in 2003 ranked 9 of 14 countries (SACMEQ 2007). This is despite the fact that South Africa spends more per learner than any other country in the region besides Botswana (Chisholm 2005, 392–416). From 1996 to 2001 the adult literacy level rose from 83 percent to 89 percent (Policy Coordination and Advisory Services 2003).3 Although promising, it is important to note that within the population as a whole, approximately 71 percent of the population older than 20 years of age
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has not completed secondary schooling. Our own estimates, based on national household data collected by Statistics South Africa, are that, in 2005, 1 million children were living in households with no literate adults. In terms of inclusive education, legislative provision is made for learners with special education needs (including children with disabilities). Where appropriate, children can be enrolled into mainstream public schools, and schools have the responsibility for providing the relevant infrastructure. In addition, in 2004, there were 408 schools specifically for children with disabilities. Higher education was also severely affected by Apartheid. Before 1994, the 36 public institutions of higher education were racially divided; 11 universities were classified as White and 10 as Black universities (Jansen 2003). During the post-Apartheid period, higher education has undergone significant transformation. It has been deracialized and much emphasis has been placed on improving enrollment rates and access to higher education, particularly for black and female students. In 2003, about 14 percent of 18 to 24 year olds were registered for study at a tertiary education institution (Richter et al. 2005). PLAY AND RECREATION Public radio and television programming caters to all 11 official languages, as well as German, Hindi, Portuguese, and Sign. Based upon the well-known children’s series Sesame Street, South Africa’s Takalani Sesame has been designed specifically for preschool children. The program, with radio and print support materials, aims to improve children’s basic literacy, numeracy, and life skills, including children’s self-esteem and respect for others. Takalani Sesame has not shied away from controversial issues. One of its characters, Kami, is a 5-year-old HIV-positive muppet who has been orphaned as a result of parental AIDS. Soul City is a multimedia, television-anchored, health promotion and social change project that actively seeks to engage the public on a range of contemporary issues, including HIV/AIDS, child abuse, and violence against women. Soul Buddyz forms part of the Soul City series and is aimed at 8- to 12-yearold children. The main characters in the television drama series are young children. Older mentors or family members play supporting roles. At the end of the drama, children (not actors) comment on issues raised in the episode. The Soul Buddyz project uses various media to promote its messages on health and well-being, including television, radio, and print media. Soul Buddyz materials are distributed to learners in schools and via the local newspapers, and Soul Buddyz Clubs have been formed in over 2,000 primary schools and libraries. The clubs provide a platform for children to have fun, engage positively with their peers, learn more about their health and rights, and be involved in their communities (Soul City Institute 2007).
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At the national government level, the Departments of Education and Sports and Recreation share responsibility for promoting children’s sport and recreational activities. Local government is mandated to provide facilities, such as parks, playgrounds, and other recreational and sporting facilities. Although children in well-off urban areas are likely to have access to good recreational facilities at school and elsewhere in their communities, this is not the case in the rural and poor communities where most children live. CHILD LABOR South Africa was one of the first of 10 countries to ratify the International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention 182 on the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour. After ratification, South Africa developed a national Child Labour Action Programme (CLPA) to eliminate child labor, namely recruitment into prostitution, trafficking for labor exploitation, and the use of children by adults to commit offences. The key responsibility for the implementation and coordination of CLPA rests with the National Department of Labour. In 2003 CLPA was provisionally adopted by most government departments, as well as a wide range of civil society organizations (Gallinetti 2005). In addition, the Basic Conditions of Employment Act and South Africa Schools Act make it illegal to employ children until the last school day of the year in which they turn 15. Children most at risk of abuse and exploitation through child labor include children living in rural or farm areas, out-of school youth, street children, orphans, children addicted to drugs and engaged in gangrelated activities, children with disabilities, and refugee or immigrant children. More recently, child labor in towns and cities has received considerable attention, with a particular focus on children who work as car guards, street hawkers, newspaper sellers, in the taxi industry and brickyards, as domestic workers, in family businesses, or in the entertainment industry (Mturi and Nzimande 2003). It is difficult to establish the extent of child labor, largely because of the invisibility and underestimation of children’s paid and unpaid labor and economic and household work. The collection of wood, other fuel sources and/or fetching water accounts for much of children’s time doing work. The main reason children engage in these time-consuming and burdensome activities is that many households in South Africa are still without access to water and/or electricity, especially in rural areas. Such households are dependent on the contribution to household work made by children. Other types of work engaged in by children include work in the agriculture (commercial plus subsistence agriculture) sector, involving mainly children aged 5 to 17 years. One study found that of all children working in agriculture for 3 hours per week or more, 18 percent were working in the commercial farming sector (Bosch and Budlender 2003).
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In many South African communities, there is the expectation that children will assist with household work (Office on the Rights of the Child). This is not regarded as exploitation, but rather as a child’s responsibility in the household and valuable preparation for his or her future role within the family and community. Given the patriarchal nature of South African society, girls are traditionally expected to take on considerably more household work and, in most instances, are working longer hours in the home (Rama and Richter [in press]). Girls are also more likely than boys to engage in care-related or nurturing activities such as cooking, cleaning, collection of water and wood, as well as caring for siblings, the elderly and the ill. However, boys also perform tasks at home, specifically with regard to the care of animals. Another dimension to child labor, particularly for children in subSaharan Africa is that of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, as illustrated by a recent study commissioned by The International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC 2003; International Labour Organisation [ILO] 2006; Mturi and Nzimande 2003). The study found that children with one or more deceased or ill parent were more likely to be working, and some young women were engaging in survival or transactional sex for money, food, help with homework, or gifts to help them survive. FAMILY Although there are diverse household and family types in South Africa, nuclear and extended families predominate. Nuclear families are more common among white South Africans, and extended families are more typical among Africans. Colored and Indian families reflect a mixture of the two family types. The majority of children in South Africa live in households with more than one adult, but during the past decade the percentage of households that contain no children has increased from 33 percent to 41 percent (Richter and Desmond 2007). Nonmarital cohabitation (living together as partners) and nonmarital child-bearing is on the increase in South Africa (Amoateng and Richter 2003). In 2002, among South Africans aged 25 to 35, only 36 percent of men and 45 percent of women reported that they were married (Richter et al. 2003). Ninety percent of white children live with one or both of their parents, whereas only about half of African children do. In addition, father absence is high. Children in South Africa are more likely not to live with their fathers, than to live with them. In 2002, about 57 percent of all South Africa children had fathers who were absent or deceased (Posel and Devey 2006). Although the reasons for father absence are multiple and complex, many adults, particularly men, migrate from rural areas to urban centers for employment. More recently, large numbers of women have also become migrant workers, leaving children in the care of grandparents and other family members. Although gender roles are changing, girls and
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women still carry the weight of childcare and domestic work. South Africa also has high rates of sexual and domestic violence perpetrated by men with a lifetime prevalence close to 20 percent (Dawes et al. 2006a), which indicates that many children grow up witnessing violence against their mothers or becoming victims of intra-household violence themselves. The impact of HIV and AIDS on family life and well-being cannot be ignored. In South Africa HIV infection is concentrated in the sexually active population (15- to 49-year-old age group). The majority of people in this age group are parents. In the context of a father’s absence, it is women, as mothers and grandmothers who are carrying the burden of care in households and communities affected by HIV/AIDS (Desmond and Desmond 2006). During the last decade, there has been an increase in single-parent households, which tend to be female-headed, skippedgeneration households (very young children living with one or both grandparents) and, to a lesser extent, child-headed households in which there are no adults on a regular basis (Richter and Desmond 2007). HEALTH Addressing the health needs of children has been central to the process of transformation. During the past decade, the South African government has made significant strides toward building infrastructure and developing equitable health policies, strategies and programs, of which primary health care is a key tenet. The revised National Health Bill and the draft Children’s Bill prioritize children’s health, including the needs of children with disabilities and chronic illnesses. Free health care is available to children under six and to pregnant and breastfeeding women through the public sector, and free hospital care is available to children older than six with moderate and severe disabilities. Despite the development of a comprehensive set of policies and programs to address children’s health, poverty, unemployment, unequal and under-resourced services, poor access by the most marginalized groups, and the impact of HIV/AIDS hamper the government’s ability to provide services. Children living in rural areas and areas with poor access to vital services remain the most disadvantaged. Infant and child mortality rates are key indicators for assessing the health and development of a country. In 2000, the national infant mortality rate was 60 per 1,000 live births and the under-5 mortality rate was 95 per 1,000 live births (Bradshaw et al. 2003). The infant mortality rate is greater in rural areas among babies born to mothers with no formal education, among families with four or more children, and among families where the birth interval between children is less than two years (KwaZulu-Natal Department of Health 2001). Indications are that HIV and AIDS are having considerable influence on child mortality patterns. In 2000, the leading cause of mortality
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among children under 5 was HIV/AIDS, followed by diarrheal diseases, lower respiratory infections, and low birth weight—all of which are preventable (Bradshaw et al. 2003). The majority of HIV infections among children occur before and during birth, as well as during breastfeeding; about one-third of infants born to HIV-positive women are infected from their mother. However, a recent household prevalence study indicated that the HIV prevalence among 2- to 14-year-old children was 5.7 percent (Brookes et al. 2004). Teenage motherhood is high, with teenage fertility in the range of 66 per 1,000 among women aged 15 to 19 years (Makiwane and Udjo 2006). It is estimated that by the age of 19 about 37 percent of women have been pregnant. Most young women drop out of school following a pregnancy, and although there are now no legal barriers, there are also no strategies aimed at re-enrolling young mothers in school. The sexual reproductive health and rights of young men and young fathers is an area in great need of attention. One study indicated that about a third of young men who do not complete their secondary education report that the cause of their drop out was becoming a father (Richter et al. 2005). Increasing numbers of women under 18 years of age are accessing services to terminate pregnancy. In 2006, they accounted for 11 percent of the total number of women who had abortions (South Africa Department of Health 2006b). The cultural practice of virginity testing (checking by visual inspection and other signs to see if a girl’s hymen is intact) is viewed by some traditionalists as a strategy to curb the increasing rates of HIV and teenage pregnancy. The official position is that this testing is a violation of children’s rights. The new Children’s Bill prohibits the practice of virginity testing. Young men from certain cultural groups undergo ritual circumcision in initiation schools located in rural areas. Circumcision marks their transition from boyhood to manhood. They are educated in the expectations associated with becoming a man, traditions of courtship, marriage practices, and other social roles. Every year, the number of cases of young men hospitalized or who die from non-professional circumcision wounds increases. There is a move to ensure that circumcision is conducted by trained health professionals, especially because recent trials in South Africa, Kenya, and Uganda indicate that the risk of HIV infection among circumcised men is half that of men who are not circumcised (Auvert et al. 2005). The most recent data (2005) indicate that HIV prevalence peaks among young women, with a lag among men of some ten or so years. Annual surveys conducted among first-time antenatal clinic attendees indicate a prevalence rate among pregnant women using public health facilities of 30 percent (South Africa Department of Health 2006a; 2005 data). The South African government advocates the ABC (Abstain, Be Faithful, and
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Condomise) approach to HIV prevention. Radio, print media, television, and billboard campaigns have all been used to raise awareness. Environment plays an important role in children’s health; however, the effects of pollutants on children’s well-being remain under-researched in South Africa. Many South African households use fuel such as wood, paraffin, and gas on a regular basis for heating, cooking, and lighting. It is estimated that each year approximately 20,000 children accidentally drink paraffin, which is often stored in soft drink bottles (Salojee and Bamford 2006). In addition, a large percentage of households in South Africa do not have access to basic sanitation and clean water. In 2005, 8.4 million children were using pit toilets, the bucket system, or open fields to meet their sanitation needs (Monson et al. 2006). Although there has been a gradual decrease over the past ten years in the number of households using dams, rivers, and streams, and an increase in households with access to flush toilets, female-headed and other vulnerable households are least likely to have access to the most critical water and sanitation services. A 1999 study indicated that 21 percent of pregnant women in South Africa smoked during their pregnancy and 50 percent of pregnant women were exposed to environmental tobacco smoke (Guthrie et al. 2001), which increases the likelihood of having a low birth weight infant (Steyn et al. 2006). Alcohol continues to remain the main substance of abuse for children. The problem of alcohol abuse is arguably high for the total population; 1998 estimates for South Africa indicate that South Africans consume more than 5 billion liters of alcoholic beverage per year, with a preference for malt or sorghum beer (Parry 1998). The data for other drugs of abuse indicate a geographic differentiation. For example, in Durban, KwaZulu-Natal Province, and the Eastern Cape Province, the drug of choice is cannabis and mandrax (methaqualone); and in Cape Town, the Western Cape Province, and in the Gauteng Province, it is cocaine. Socio-economic status also influences the choice of drug. Use of drugs such as cannabis/mandrax and solvents (e.g., glue) are more common among children from less advantaged communities, for example (Parry 1998). Use of drugs such as cocaine and Ecstasy is more prevalent among children from middle- and upper-class communities. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Children are defined as persons younger than 18 years of age. The South African Constitution and the Bill of Rights articulate the nature and extent of the rights to which all persons are entitled. In addition, the Bill of Rights includes a specific section specifying the rights of children, including the right to basic education (until 15 years), as well as rights to health care, nutrition, water, social security, family and parental care, and protection from maltreatment, neglect, abuse, degradation, and
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exploitative labor practices. South Africa has also ratified a number of international instruments. These Charters place an obligation on government to act in the best interests of children and to harmonize national legislation with the provisions of the international instrument. The process of legislative reform has been vital to the protection of children’s rights in South Africa. Recent child law reforms include the Child Justice Bill (49 of 2002) and the Children’s Act (No. 38 of 2005), and the associated Children’s Amendment Bill (Bill 19 of 2006). The Child Justice Bill makes recommendations for: the minimum age of criminal capacity of children; the powers and duties of police and probation officers; the diversion of children away from courts and institutions; the creation of special rules for children’s courts; and the use of restorative justice. The Bill proscribes the sentencing of children to life-imprisonment. Children younger than the age of 14 years cannot be imprisoned. In keeping with the national, regional, and international child rights protocols, including treatises such as the United Nations Guidelines for the Prevention of Juvenile Delinquency (The Riyadh Guidelines) and United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Administration of Juvenile Justice (The Beijing Rules), the Bill provides for a wide range of sentencing options including restorative justice, correctional supervision, and postponed and suspended sentences and penalties. Although the Bill was introduced to Parliament in 2002, it has not yet been passed into law. Nonetheless, alternative sentencing programs have been in use for some time, in particular diversion programs that focus on the rehabilitation outside the criminal justice system rather than on incarceration. The Children’s Act and the associated Children’s Amendment Bill aim to provide a legal framework for the realization of children’s rights in terms of family care, protection from abuse and neglect, social services, and legal representation in civil matters. The legislation covers foster care, adoption, and early childhood development services. The law makes provision for a Child Protection Register (in place for some time), which includes details of the child victim as well as the convicted person. The aim is to provide a record of the incidence of reported child abuse and neglect, to track what happens to children in the welfare system, and to provide a way of monitoring those persons who have been found to present a risk to children. This legislation is currently being finalized. It has significant cost implications for an already overburdened welfare system in which social worker case loads commonly exceed 100. RELIGIOUS LIFE According to the 2001 census, the majority of South Africans, approximately 80 percent, are Christian. There are also much smaller Hindu, Muslim, and Jewish religious communities in South Africa. In 2001, 15 percent of South Africans indicated no religious affiliation (South African
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Institute of Race Relations 2004). Many African independent churches, the largest of which is the Zionist Christian Church, blend Christianity and traditional African beliefs. The South African Constitution protects the freedom of religion. Although only Christian holy days such as Christmas and Good Friday are recognized national holidays, it is generally accepted, in schools and workplaces, that South Africans of other religious faiths will also observe their religious holy days and celebrations (e.g., Diwali, Eid, Rosh Hashanah). Religious education occurs at home, in school, through community events and festivals, and through religious institutions, such as churches, temples, mosques, and synagogues. For youth in South Africa, across social categories and religious communities, religion plays an important role in their lives and has the potential to engage young people in civic and community affairs (Richter et al. 2005). A recent representative sample survey of ninth, tenth, and eleventh graders in the province of Gauteng indicated that involvement in church activities (religious and secular) was high; 62 percent of youth surveyed reported attending church services at least once a week and 38 percent reported weekly involvement in other church activities (Emmett 2004). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Despite its protective constitutional and other legal provisions for children, South Africa does not have a good record on child abuse and neglect. In large measure this is the result of the impoverished conditions in which many children live. It is well established that poverty and overcrowding increase the probability of child neglect, simply because caregivers do not have the resources to provide for the child or lack networks of support. For example, about 25 percent of children are stunted, largely because families lack financial resources or food security (Labadarios et al. 2000). Children are at risk for harsh treatment in households where the stresses of poverty reduce the capacity for sensitive parenting (Richter 2004; Higson-Smith and Richter 2004). Children are also more at risk for sexual abuse in contexts within which cultural values put women and children’s rights below those of men (Townsend and Dawes 2004). Data on child abuse incidence are very limited. No surveillance studies exist, which places a reliance on estimates from small-scale studies and information from police and welfare departments. A 2005 study found that at least 3 per 1,000 children in one South African province were referred to the courts for statutory intervention as the result of their neglect, abuse, or other problems (Dawes et al. 2006). In some areas, the rate was as high as 27 per 1,000. Police data are very inaccurate. For example, the same study found that in more than 60 percent of rape cases, the age of the victim is not recorded, which makes it impossible to determine true rates of this form of victimization.
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That said, the rate of sexual assault in South Africa is high, and it is probable that a significant number of children are amongst the victims. Given the inaccuracies in the police data, it is best to report the overall sexual assault rates, which 2004–2005 data show to be 55,000 cases (230 per 100,000 female population) (Crime Information Analysis Centre 2005). It is probable that less than 1 in 15 cases are reported. Some 40 percent of the rape cases are likely to involve female victims younger than 18 years of age. The National Child Protection Committee is developing a National Child Protection Policy—but the process thus far has taken more than 10 years and is still not finalized (Briede and Loffell 2005). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY What does the future hold for children growing up in this century? In many ways, conditions and opportunities for the majority of children are a significant improvement over the period prior to 1994 and new opportunities abound. Equal rights are guaranteed for all and a children’s rights philosophy underpins the legislative environment. Significant improvements in access to education, health care, and social security are characteristics of the early years of the century. The economy is growing and major efforts are being made to increase jobs and absorb young people into the labor market. Huge gains have been made in the provision of housing, access to potable water and electricity, all of which benefit children’s development. South Africa has joined with the rest of the continent in a number of African initiatives (such as the African Union and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development) and re-entered the world after many years of pariah status prior to 1994. Major challenges remain. First, South Africa is a middle-income developing country whose well-being is affected significantly by the behavior of the economies of the developed world. The foreign investment and exports that help drive the local economy and create opportunities for young people are subject to rapid change. The current rates of growth are by no means guaranteed. The political state is young, and democracy is not yet deeply entrenched, and neither are the social and institutional capacities fully in place for its realization (Daniel et al. 2005). It takes many years to lay down democratic culture and future generations will take this process forward. For this reason, civic education, and sensitivity to diversity are as important as numeracy and literacy in the education of children. The education system in particular will have to serve children much better than it currently does in order to prepare them for the world of work (Reddy 2006), as well as for the challenges and opportunities of the information technology revolutions that are occurring with such frequency. Indeed, access to this technology and familiarity with its use are essential if South African children are going to catch up with their counterparts in the developed world. There are no reliable data on children’s
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access to computers and the internet. In 2007, 10 percent (Internet World Stats 2007) of the population is reported to use the internet. However, only 0.4 percent has access to a broadband connection (only 1 percent of people on the continent have access to DSL compared to 30 percent of Europeans) (Africa’s Internet Gap Getting Wider 2007). The size of the young population means that jobs will not be created fast enough to absorb secondary school graduates. Various forms of selfemployment and entrepreneurship will have to be developed and encouraged. Many children will continue to grow up in poverty, and the impact of HIV and AIDS on children and families will endure for several decades. Finally, environmental degradation, including climate change, is perhaps the most difficult challenge our children will inherit from the destructive practices of their forebears, globally and in South Africa. Africa is increasingly a repository for the dangerous waste of the north, and southern Africa is set for a significantly hotter and dryer climate as the century progresses. Although the country is far better equipped from a technological point of view than some other countries to address some of the effects of climate change, current evidence suggests that the impact on food production, among other areas, is likely to be substantial. It is up to the adults of the present day, especially young adults, to take steps to ensure that South African children of the twenty-first century can meet these challenges and reap the fruits of democracy, through the enormous positive social, political, and economic changes that have occurred during the last ten years. NOTES 1. Unless otherwise noted, all statistics are from Statistics South Africa 2005, 2006. 2. These social categories have always been problematic. There is currently debate about whether or not we should continue to use these categories. The argument for dispensing with the use of these terms is the desirability of moving beyond racial categorization, whereas the case for retention rests on the importance of monitoring the pace and substance of social change in South Africa. 3. The proportion of the population older than 15 years that can read and write in one language.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Barbarin, Oscar, and Linda Richter. Mandela’s Children: Growing Up in Post-Apartheid South Africa. New York: Routledge; 2001. This book presents data on urban children (and families) participating in Birth-to-Ten, a longitudinal cohort study of children born soon after Nelson Mandela was released from prison in 1990. It poses and seeks to answer questions about the prospects, hopes, and developmental outcomes of children growing up in a time of great political and social change.
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Berry, Lizette, and Teresa Guthrie. The Rapid Assessment: The Situation of Children in South Africa. Cape Town: Children’s Institute, University of Cape Town; 2003. This report provides an overview of the situation of children in South Africa, focusing particularly at the realization, or lack thereof, of children rights as articulated in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. Chisholm, Linda, editor. Changing Class: Education and Social Change in PostApartheid South Africa. Cape Town and London: HSRC Press and Zed Press; 2004. This edited collection examines the remaking of the education landscape in South Africa since 1994. Looking at patterns of change and continuity, contributors explore the relationship between changing social classes and classrooms in post-apartheid South Africa and how education both contributes to and is a product of social change. Coetzee, Erika, and Judith Streak, editors. Monitoring Child Socio-Economic Rights in South Africa: Achievements and Challenges. Cape Town: IDASA; 2004. This resource book provides child-centered data relating to the realization of children’s economic and social rights (i.e., basic nutrition, education, healthcare) in South Africa. It includes data on what has been achieved in South Africa, within the context of government resource allocations for children, and identifies what yet needs to be done to progressively realize children’s social justice rights. Daniel, John, Roger Southall, and Jessica Lutchman, editors. State of the Nation 2004–2005. Cape Town: HSRC Press; 2005. This collection is the second issue of an annual set of essays that examine, from a developmental perspective, contemporary events and issues in South Africa. Essays are organized into four thematic areas, namely politics, society, economy, and South Africa in Africa. Dawes, Andrew, and Donald, David, editors. Childhood and Adversity in South Africa: Psychological Perspectives from South African Research, Cape Town: David Philip; 1994. This volume, the first of its kind in South Africa, focuses on the nature and consequences of adversity on the development of South Africa children. It includes chapters on, amongst other topics, poverty, malnutrition, violence and education. De la Rey, Cheryl, Norman Duncan, Tamara Shefer, and Ashley van Niekerk, editors. Contemporary Issues in Human Development: A South African Focus. Johannesburg: International Thompson Publishing South Africa (Pty) Ltd; 1997. In this book, social scientists explore questions of human development through a contemporary lens, looking at issues such as teenage pregnancy, alcohol misuse, violence, childhood sexuality, disability, HIV/AIDS, and malnutrition. Development Bank of Southern Africa. Overcoming Underdevelopment in South Africa’s Second Economy. Development Report 2005. South Africa: Development Bank of South Africa; 2005. This report brings together various perspectives on the persistence of poverty and underdevelopment in South Africa. It examines the historical underpinnings of underdevelopment, within the context of post-apartheid policies, sectoral attempts to address underdevelopment, as well as implications for government policy.
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Donald, David, Andrew Dawes, and Johann Louw, editors. Addressing Childhood Adversity. Cape Town: David Philip; 2000. A follow-up book to Childhood and Adversity in South Africa, this collection of essays focuses on how children’s adversities can and are being addressed through effective community-based interventions. Importantly, it contributes to an emerging theory of practice in the field. Jacobs, Marion, Maylene Shung-King, and Charmaine Smith, editors. South African Child Gauge 2005, Cape Town: Children’s Institute, University of Cape Town; 2005. This annual publication provides an update on children’s rights in South Africa. The 2005 issue focuses on policy, HIV/AIDs, and children’s access to social assistance and basic services. Monson, Jo, Katherine Hall, Charmaine Smith, and Maylene Shung-King, editors. South African Child Gauge 2006. Cape Town: Children’s Institute, University of Cape Town; 2006. This issue focuses on children and poverty, particularly the implementation of key government policies as they relate to the realization of children’s socioeconomic rights. Policy Coordination and Advisory Services (PCAS). Towards a Ten Year Review: Synthesis Report on Implementation of Government Programmes Discussion Document. South Africa: PCAS; 2003. This review document reflects on 10 years of democracy and evaluates the South African government’s performance on its national objectives as they relate to governance, social and economic issues, justice, crime prevention, and security, and international relations. Richter, Linda, and Robert Morrell, editors. Baba Men and Fatherhood in South Africa. Pretoria: HSRC Press; 2006. This collection of essays explores the historical, cultural, and social construction of fatherhood and masculinity in South Africa. Richter, Linda, Andrew Dawes, and Craig Higson-Smith, editors. Sexual Abuse of Young Children in Southern Africa. Cape Town: HSRC Press; 2004. This edited collection synthesizes research, treatment, and policy literature on child sexual abuse in southern Africa. It includes suggestions on how to improve policy, services, and care for children violated by sexual abuse. Richter, Linda, Saadhna Panday, Tony Emmett, Mondi Makiwane, Renette du Toit, Heather Brookes, Cheryl Potgieter, Miriam Altman, and Prudence Makhura. The Status of the Youth Report 2003. Johannesburg: Umsombovu Youth Fund (UYF); 2005. The Status of the Youth Report is a background document on the state of young people in South Africa. It consists of two components: a literature review of existing materials and data as well as a nationally representative survey of young people between 18 and 35 years of age. Survey topics include education, labour market participation, inequality, health and disability, crime and violence, and social integration.
Web Sites Child Gauge 2006, http://www.ci.org.za/site/includes/content/general/gauge 2006.html
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Child Gauge is published yearly and provides data on key socioeconomic indicators of children’s health and well-being in South Africa. South African Government Online, http://www.gov.za The official web portal of the South African government, this website contains information on government departments, documents (speeches and policy statements), and events as well as services for people, organizations, and foreign nationals. Statistics South Africa, http://www.statssa.gov.za Statistics South Africa is responsible for the collection and dissemination of official statistics, including census and national household survey data, in South Africa.
Organizations and NGOs Alliance for Children’s Entitlement to Social Security (ACESS) Postnet Suite #78 Private Bag X3 Plumstead 7801 South Africa Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.acess.org.za ACESS is an alliance of approximately 1,000 children’s organizations in South Africa that are committed to the realization of a social security system that is accessible to all poor children and provides for their socioeconomic rights. Childline Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.childlinesa.org.za See website for addresses and contact information of each regional office. Childline offers toll-free telephone crisis counseling to children and adults concerned about children’s health, safety, and well-being. Childline also runs child rights educational programs in schools and communities, and advocates for children’s rights at a policy level. It is the umbrella organization for regional and sub-regional offices located throughout South Africa. Children in Distress (CINDI) 55 Jabu Ndlovu Street Pietermaritzburg, KwaZulu-Natal South Africa P.O. Box 157 Pietermaritzburg KwaZulu-Natal 3200 South Africa Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.cindi.org.za/index.html CINDI is a multi-sectoral consortium of more than 100 nongovernmental organizations, government departments, and individuals working in the interests of children affected by HIV/AIDS in the province of KwaZulu-Natal. Child Welfare South Africa (CWSA) Umoya House, 4th Floor 2-6 New South Street Gandhi Square, Johannesburg 2001
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P.O. Box 8539 Johannesburg, Gauteng 2000 South Africa Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.childwelfaresa.org.za CWSA is an umbrella child welfare body that represents 169 branches, affiliates, and children’s organizations working in the fields of child protection and well-being and child and family care. Children’s Institute 46 Sawkins Road, Rondebosch Cape Town, 7700, South Africa Email: [email protected] Website: http://ci.org.za The Children’s Institute at the University of Cape Town is a research, advocacy, and educational department that seeks to provide evidence on the situation and lives of children in South Africa. The Institute has four key programs, namely child rights, child health services, child poverty, and HIV/AIDS. Children’s Rights Centre 1st Floor, 480 Smith Street Durban, South Africa Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.childrensrightscentre.co.za The Children’s Rights Centre is a non-profit organization based in Durban, South Africa. The organization is committed to establishing and promoting a children’s rights culture in South Africa through awareness building and advocacy campaigns, capacity building activities in the civil society and government, and facilitating children’s participation and voice. Family and Marriage Association of South Africa (FAMSA) 15 Pascoe Avenue Kempton Park, Johannesburg P.O. Box 2800 Kempton Park Johannesburg 1620 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.childwelfaresa.org.za FAMSA is an umbrella non-profit organization composed of regional and local affiliates that provides counseling, training, and education programs to strengthen families and communities throughout South Africa. FAMSA focus areas include trauma and violence, HIV/AIDS, poverty, abusive relationships, and relationship breakdown. Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) 134 Pretorius Street Pretoria South Africa Private Bag X41, Pretoria, South Africa 0001 Website: http://www.hsrc.ac.za The Human Science Research Council is a statutory research body that conducts large-scale, policy-relevant, social science research to inform the public sector, civil society, as well as international development agencies on socially relevant issues and problems. The Council consists of six multidisciplinary programs and five crosscutting research units.
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Institute for Democracy in South Africa (IDASA) 6 Spin Street Cape Town P.O. Box 1739, Cape Town, 8000 Website: http://www.idasa.org.za IDASA is an independent, non-profit organization that promotes democratic principles and institutions in South Africa as well as other countries in sub-Saharan Africa. IDASA programs focus on themes such as accountability, active citizenship, constitutional reform, elections and electoral systems, equality, government budgets, HIV/AIDS, human rights, peace building and dialogue, political governance, and safety and security. Nelson Mandela Children’s Fund 21 Eastwold Way Saxonwold, Johannesburg 2197 P.O. Box 797 Highlands North Johannesburg 2037 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.nelsonmandelachildrensfund.com The Nelson Mandela Children’s Fund is a grant-making development organization that seeks to positively change the way society treats it children and youth. Its program activities are geared toward: promoting a rights-based approach to children’s development; improving the quality of life of disabled children and youth; improving opportunities for children and youth to develop skills to enable their future participation in the economy; and promoting leadership among children and youth. Office on the Rights of the Child (ORC) Union Buildings, Room 150 Government Avenue, Pretoria Private Bag X1000, Pretoria 0001 South Africa Phone number: 012-300-5500/01 Located in the Presidency, the mandate of the ORC is to ensure that the South African government realizes its commitments to children’s rights as articulated in the Constitution and international children’s rights covenants. The core activities of the office include: mainstreaming a child-centered approach to planning, programming, and policy; monitoring children’s rights delivery through government structures and funding mechanisms; and more generally, advocating for children’s rights issues and delivery in government. Save the Children Sweden Hatfield Forum West Floor 3 1067 Arcadia Street Hatfield, Pretoria 0028 P.O. Box 13993, Hatfield, Pretoria 0028 Website: http://www.rb.se/eng Save the Children Sweden is part of the International Save the Children Alliance. The Southern African office partners with local organizations throughout the region on children’s rights issues focusing on violence and abuse, HIV/AIDS, and poverty and migration. Save the Children United Kingdom 1 St. John’s Lane London EC1M 4AR
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Website: http://www.savethechildren.org.uk Save the Children UK’s area of focus in South Africa is the care and protection of children affected by HIV/AIDS, poverty, and migration. The organization works principally in the provinces of the Free State and Limpopo. South African Human Rights Commission (SAHCR) 29 Princess of Wales Terrace Cnr York and St Andrews Street Parktown, Johannesburg Private Bag 2700, Houghton, Johannesburg 2041 Website: http://www.sahrc.org.za The SAHRC is a national institution that derives its mandate from the South African Constitution and the Human Rights Commission Act of 1994. It promotes and protects human rights by raising awareness on human rights issues, monitoring and evaluating the observance of human rights, and addressing and seeking effective redress for human rights violations. South African Medical Research Council (MRC) Francie van Zijl Drive Parowvallei, Cape Town P.O. Box 19070, 7505, Tygerberg, South Africa Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.mrc.ac.za The MRC is statutory research body whose goal is to improve the health and quality of life of the people of South Africa. Research activities are organized into six national programs, focusing on: environment and health; health systems and policy; infection and immunity; molecules to disease; non-communicable diseases; and woman and child health. UNICEF (United Nations Children’s Fund) South Africa United Nations Offices Metro Park Building 351 Schoeman Street Pretoria, South Africa Website: http://www.unicef.org/southafrica/index.html UNICEF works for the protection and promotion of children’s well-being around the world. UNICEF South Africa’s program activities are child-driven and childsensitive and focus on the following thematic areas: early childhood; young people; communities and families; girl’s education; health and nutrition; child protection; HIV and AIDS; and children and the media.
Selected Bibliography Africa’s Internet Gap Getting Wider. 2007. http://www.eweek.com/article2/ 0,1895,2091183,00.asp. Altman, Miriam. ‘‘The State of Employment and Unemployment in South Africa,’’ in State of the Nation South Africa 2003–2004, edited by John Daniel, Adam Habib, and Roger Southall. Cape Town: HSRC Press; 2003, 158–183.
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Amoateng, Acheampong, and Linda Richter. ‘‘The State of Families in South Africa,’’ in State of the Nation South Africa 2003–2004, edited by John Daniel, Adam Habib, and Roger Southall. Cape Town: HSRC Press; 2003, 242–227. Auvert, Bertran, Dirk Taljaard, Emmanuel Lagarde, Joelle Sobngwi-Tambekou, Remi Sitta, and Adrian Puren. ‘‘Randomized, Controlled Intervention Trial of Male Circumcision for Reduction of HIV Infection: The ANRS 1265 Trial.’’ PLoS Medicine, 2 (2005), 1112–1122. Bosch, Dawie, and Debbie Budlender. The National Child Labour Action Programme for South Africa. Final Draft for consideration by government departments and other stakeholders. Prepared for the Department of Labour, Pretoria South Africa; 2003. Bradshaw, Debbie, David Bourne, and Nadine Nannan. ‘‘What Are the Leading Causes of Death among South African Children?’’ MRC Policy Brief No. 3. South Africa: Medical Research Council; 2003. Briede, Megan, and Jackie Loffell. ‘‘Making Social Work Workable.’’ Children First, 9 (2005), Issue 61. Brookes, Heather, Olive Shisana, and Linda Richter. The National Household HIV Prevalence and Risk Survey of South African Children. Cape Town: HSRC Press; 2004. Case, Anne, Vicky Hosegood, and Francie Lund. The Reach of the South African Child Support Grant: Evidence from KwaZulu-Natal. Durban: School of Development Studies, University of KwaZulu-Natal; 2003. Cassiem, Shameela, Mastoera Sadan, Helen Perry and Judith Streak. Child Poverty and the Budget 2000. Are Poor Children Being Put First? Cape Town: Institute for Democracy in South Africa; 2000. Chisholm, Linda. ‘‘The state of South Africa’s schools,’’ in State of the Nation South Africa 2006–2006, edited by John Daniel, Roger Southall, and Jessica Lutchman. Cape Town: HSRC Press; 2005, 201–226. Crime Information Analysis Centre, South African Police Service. Crime in the RSA per Police Area for April to March 2001/2002 to 2004/2005. 2005. http:// www.saps.gov.za/statistics/reports/crimestats/2005/_pdf/area/rsa_total.pdf. Dawes, Andrew, Wahbie Long, Lameez Alexander, and Catherine Ward. A Situation Analysis of Children Affected by Violence and Maltreatment in the Western Cape. Report for the Research Directorate, Department of Social Development, Provincial Government of the Western Cape, South Africa. Cape Town: Child, Youth, Family and Social Development Programme, Human Sciences Research Council; 2006a. Dawes, Andrew, Zosa de Sas Kropiwnicki, Zuhayr Kafaar, and Linda Richter. ‘‘Partner violence,’’ in South African Social Attitudes: Changing Times, Diverse Voices, edited by Udesh Pillay, Ben Roberts, and Stephen Rule. Cape Town: HSRC Press; 2006b, 225–251. Desmond, Chris, and Cos Desmond. ‘‘HIV/AIDS and the crisis of care for children,’’ in Baba? Men and Fatherhood in South Africa, edited by Linda Richter and Robert Morrell. Cape Town: HSRC Press; 2006. Duncan, Norman, and Brian Rock. Enquiry into the Effects of Public Violence on Children: Preliminary Report. Sandton: Department of Justice, Goldstone Commission; 1994. Emmett, Tony. Youth Civic Engagement in a Period of Transition in South Africa. Pretoria: Human Science Research Council; 2004. Gallinetti, Jacqueline. ‘‘The worst forms of child labour—children used by adults to commit offences.’’ Article 40, 7 (2005) No. 1.
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Guthrie, Teresa, Maylene Shungking, Krisela Steyn, and Vuyiswa Mathambo. ‘‘Children and Tobacco in Southern Africa,’’ MRC Policy Brief No. 2. South Africa: Medical Research Council; 2001. Higson-Smith, Craig, and Linda Richter. ‘‘Commercial sexual exploitation and trafficking of children,’’ in Sexual Abuse of Young Children in Southern Africa, edited by Linda Richter, Andrew Dawes, and Craig Higson-Smith. Cape Town: Human Science Research Council; 2004, 143–175. International Labour Organisation. The End of Child Labour: Within Reach. Geneva: ILO; 2006. International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC). Facts on HIV Crisis and Child Labour. Geneva: International Labour Organisation (ILO); 2003. Internet World Stats: Usage and Population Statistics Africa. 2007. http://internet worldstats.com/stats1.htm. Jansen, Jonathan. ‘‘The state of higher education in South Africa: from massification to mergers,’’ in State of the Nation South Africa 2003–2004, edited by John Daniel, Adam Habib, and Roger Southall. Cape Town: HSRC Press; 2003, 290–311. KwaZulu-Natal Department of Health. Child Mortality in KwaZulu-Natal 2001. KwaZulu-Natal: KwaZulu Natal Department of Health; 2001. Labadarios, D., N. P. Steyn, E. Maunder, U. Macintyre, R. Swart, G. Gericke, et al. The National Food Consumption Survey (NFCS): Children Aged 1–9 Years, South Africa, 1999. Pretoria: Department of Health, Directorate: Nutrition; 2000. Leoschut, Lezanne, and Patrick Burton. How Rich the Rewards: Results of the National Youth Victimization Study. Cape Town: Hansa Press; 2006. Makiwane, Monde, and Eric Udjo. Is the Child Support Grant Associated with an Increase in Teenage Fertility in South Africa? Evidence from National Surveys and Administrative Data. Pretoria: HSRC; 2006. Matzopoulos, Richard. A Profile of Fatal Injuries in South Africa 2001. Third Annual Report of the National Injury Mortality Surveillance System. Tygerberg: MRC-UNISA Crime, Violence and Injury Lead Programme; 2001. Mbelle, Nobuntu. ‘‘Living on the margins: inadequate protection for refugees and asylum seekers in Johannesburg.’’ Human Rights Watch, 17 (November 2005), no. 15(A). Morrow, Sean, Saadhna Panday, and Linda Richter. Where We’re at and Where We’re Going: Young People in South Africa in 2005. Johannesburg: Umsobomvu Youth Fund; 2005. Mturi, Akim J., and Nompumelelo Nzimande. HIV/AIDS and Child Labour in South Africa: A Rapid Assessment–The Case Study of KwaZulu-Natal. Paper No. 4. South Africa: IPEC/ILO and School of Development Studies; 2003. Parry, Charles D. H. Substance Abuse in South Africa: Country Report Focusing on Young Persons: Report Prepared for the WHO/UNDCP Regional Consultation– Global Initiative on Primary Prevention of Substance Abuse among Young People, Harare, Zimbabwe, 24–26 February 1998. South Africa: Medical Research Council; 1998. Perry, Helen, and Fabian Arends. ‘‘Public schooling,’’ in Human Resources Development Review 2003: Education, Employment and Skills in South Africa, edited by the Human Sciences Research Council. Cape Town: HSRC Press and East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University Press; 2003.
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Policy Coordination and Advisory Services (PCAS). ‘‘The proportion of the population over 15 years that can read and write in one language,’’ in Towards a Ten Year Review: Synthesis Report on Implementation of Government Programmes; Discussion Document. South Africa: PCAS; 2003. Posel, Dorit, and Richard Devey. ‘‘The demographics of fatherhood in South Africa: an analysis of survey data, 1993–2002,’’ in Baba, Men and Fatherhood in South Africa, edited by Linda Richter and Robert Morrell. Cape Town: HSRC Press; 2006. Rama, Sharmla, and Linda Richter. ‘‘Children’s household work as a contribution to the well-being of the family and Household,’’ in Families and Households in South Africa, edited by Yaw Amoateng Acheampong and Linda, Richter. Cape Town: HSRC Press; in press. Rau, Bill. HIV/AIDS and Child Labour: A State-of-the-Art Review with Recommendations for Action–Synthesis Report. Paper No. 6. Geneva: International Labour Organization and International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC); 2003. Reddy, Vijay. Mathematics and Science Achievement at South African Schools: TIMSS 2003. Cape Town: HSRC Press; 2006. ———. 2006. ‘‘The state of mathematics and science education: school are not equal,’’ in State of the Nation South Africa 2006–2006, edited by Sakhela Buhlungu, John Daniel, Roger Southall, and Jessica Lutchman. Cape Town: HSRC Press; 2006, 210–226. Reynolds, Pamela, and Andrew Dawes. ‘‘Truth and Youth: Blame and Pain.’’ ISSSBD Newsletter, 2 (1999): 10–11. Richter, Linda. ‘‘Poverty, Underdevelopment, and Infant Mental Health.’’ Infant Mental Health Journal, 25 (2004), 440–452. Richter, Linda, and Chris Desmond. ‘‘Targeting AIDS Orphans and Child-Headed Households? A Perspective from National Surveys in South Africa, 1995– 2005.’’ Unpublished paper. HSRC: Durban; 2007 Richter, Linda, and Sharmla Rama. Building Resilience: A Rights-Based Approach to Children and HIV/AIDS in Africa. Sweden: Save the Children Sweden; 2006. Salojee, Haroon, and Lesley Bamford. ‘‘Key childhood health promotion and disease prevention programmes,’’ in South African Health Review 2006, edited by P. Ijumba and A. Padarath. Durban: Health Systems Trust; 2006. http:// www.hst.org.za/generic/29. Soul City Institute. Health and Development Communication. http://www .soulcity.org.za/programmes/the-soul-buddyz-series/soul-buddyz-club/. South Africa Department of Education. Education Statistics in South Africa at a Glance in 2004. South Africa: Department of Education, South Africa; 2005. ———. Monitoring and Evaluation Report on the Impact and Outcomes of the Education System on South Africa’s Population. Pretoria: Department of Education, South Africa; 2006. South Africa Department of Finance. Intergovernmental Fiscal Review. South Africa: Department of Finance; 1999. South Africa Department of Health. National HIV and Syphilis Antenatal Sero-Prevalence Survey in South Africa 2005. Pretoria: Department of Health; 2006a. ———. Saving Mothers–Report on Confidential Enquiries into Maternal Deaths in South Africa. Pretoria: Department of Health; 2006b.
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South Africa Office on the Rights of the Child. State of the Nation’s Children: 2001. South Africa: Presidency; 2001. South African Institute of Race Relations. South Africa Survey 2003/2004. Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations; 2004. Southern and Eastern Africa Consortium for Monitoring Educational Quality. http://www.sacmeq.org/indicate.htm. Statistics South Africa. Census 2001: Achieving a Better Life for All: Progress between Census ’96 and Census ’01. Pretoria: Statistics South Africa; 2005a. ———. Mid-year Population Estimates, South Africa, 2005, Statistics Release P0302. Pretoria: Statistics South Africa; 2005b. ———. Stats in Brief 2005. Pretoria: Statistics South Africa; 2005c. ———. Labour Force Survey, September 2005, Statistics Release P0210. Pretoria: Statistics South Africa; 2006. Steyn, Krisela, Thea de Wet, Yussef Saloojee, Hannelie Nel, and Derek Yach. ‘‘The influence of maternal cigarette smoking, snuff use and passive smoking on pregnancy outcomes: the birth to ten Study.’’ Pediatric and Perinatal Epidemiology, 20 (2006), 90–99. Townsend, Loraine, and Andrew Dawes. ‘‘Individual and contextual factors associated with the sexual abuse of children under 12: a review of recent literature,’’ in Sexual Abuse of Young Children in Southern Africa, edited by Linda Richter, Andrew Dawes, and Craig Higson-Smith. Cape Town: Human Science Research Council; 2004, 55–94. UNAIDS. Report on the Global AIDS Epidemic: Executive Summary–A UNAIDS 10th Anniversary Special Edition. Switzerland: Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS); 2006. UNESCO. Education for All: Literacy for Life. Paris: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization; 2005
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SUDAN Khalid Mohammed El-Hassan NATIONAL PROFILE Sudan, the largest country in Africa, covers 2,505,810 square kilometers, which measures more than one-quarter the size of the United States. Sudan’s neighbor to the north is Egypt, it borders the Red Sea, and it also shares borders with Libya, Chad, Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, Kenya, Ethiopia, and Eritrea. It is transected by the Nile River—the White and the Blue Nile meet in the capital of Khartoum. Sudan’s primary natural resource is petroleum and it also has small reserves of iron ore, copper, chromium ore, zinc, tungsten, mica, silver, and gold. Only about seven percent of its land is arable land (CIA 2007). Sudan’s population is estimated at 39,379,358 (July 2007 estimate, CIA 2007), with 14.6 percent of its population younger than 15 years. The politically and economically dominant population is ‘‘Arab,’’ which makes up approximately 39 percent of the population. About 52 percent of the population is considered
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‘‘black’’ or ‘‘African’’ (CIA 2007). A total of 70 percent of the population is Sunni Muslim, 5 percent is Christian (mostly in the south and in Khartoum), and 25 percent practice indigenous beliefs. Sudan’s name comes from the Arabic ‘‘bilad al-sudan,’’ or land of the blacks. Arabic is the official language and Islam is the religion of the state, but the country has a large non-Arabic speaking and non-Muslim population that has rejected attempts by the government in Khartoum to impose Islamic Sharia law on the country as a whole (BBC 2007). Sudan is among the most diverse countries in the world, with hundreds of ethnic divisions and language groups. The northern states cover most of the Sudan and include most of the urban centers. Most of the Sudanese who live in this region are Arabic-speaking Muslims, although the majority also use a traditional non-Arabic mother tongue (e.g., Nubian, Beja, Fur, Nuban, Ingessana, etc.) Among these are several distinct tribal groups: the Kababish of northern Kordofan, a camel-raising people; the Ja’alin and Shaigiyya groups of settled tribes along the rivers; the seminomadic Baggara of Kordofan and Darfur; the Beja in the Red Sea area and Nubians of the northern Nile areas, some of whom have been resettled on the Atbara River; and the Nuba of southern Kordofan and Fur in the western reaches of the country. The southern region is a predominantly rural, subsistence economy. It has been negatively affected by war for all but 11 years of the period after independence, which has resulted in serious neglect of the infrastructure, major destruction of existing communities and infrastructure, and a large displacement of the population. The Dinka represent the largest of the many black African ethnic groups of the Sudan. Along with the Shilluk and the Nuer, they are among the Nilotic tribes. The Azande, Bor, and Jo Luo are ‘‘Sudanic’’ tribes in the west, and the Acholi and Lotuhu live in the extreme south, extending into Uganda. Before independence in 1956, KEY FACTS – SUDAN Sudan was jointly administered by Anglo-Egyptian forces after Population: 39,379,358 (2007 est.) the capture of Khartoum in Infant mortality rate: 91.78 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) Life expectancy at birth: 49.11 years (2005 est.) 1898. The north and southern Literacy rate: 61.1 percent (2003 est.) regions of Sudan were adminisNet primary school enrollment/attendance: 58 percent tered separately until 1947, after (2000–2005) which political power was placed Internet users: 2.8 million (2005) within the hands of a northern People Living with HIV/AIDS: 400,000 (2001 est.) elite that was largely of Arab ethHuman Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 54 nicity. After independence, the Sources: CIA World Factbook: Sudan. https://www.cia.gov/library/ north and south have been in publications/the-world-factbook/geos/su.html. June 29, 2007; almost constant conflict; the first UNICEF. At a Glance: Sudan–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ civil war lasting from 1956 to infobycountry/sudan_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development 1972 and the second from 1983 Report 2006–Sudan. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ to 2005 (Parmar 2007). The countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_SDN.html. June 29, 2007. country is currently in an interim
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(transitional) period after the signing of a comprehensive peace agreement on 9 January 2005 that officially ended the civil war between the Sudanese government (based in Khartoum) and the southern-based Sudan People’s Liberation Movement rebel group. The newly formed National Legislature, whose members were chosen in mid-2005, has two chambers. The National Assembly consists of 450 appointed members who represent the government, former rebels, and other opposition political parties. The Council of States has 50 members who are indirectly elected by state legislatures. All members of the National Legislature serve 6-year terms. OVERVIEW Civil war and conflicts in Sudan have produced enormous killing and displacement of peoples living in the south and in the Nuba Mountains in central Sudan. More than 2 million people have died, and more than 4 million, particularly women and children, are internally displaced or have become refugees as a result of the civil war and war-related impacts. Khartoum, the capital city of Sudan, has a population of more than 6 million, and almost half are people displaced by the war (Human Rights Watch 1995). The ongoing armed conflict in Darfur in the western region of Sudan has added significantly to the problem of killing and displacement of children in the region. The estimated number of deaths in the conflict varies widely. According to Sudan’s government, 9,000 people have been killed; most nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) use the 200,000 to more than 400,000 estimate derived from the Coalition for International Justice that has since been cited by the United Nations. As many as 2.5 million are thought to have been displaced as of October 2006. According to a World Health Organization survey based on interviews with nearly 17,000 internally displaced people, the mortality rate from malnutrition and disease comes to 2.1 per 10,000 people per day. Extrapolating for all displaced people, it is estimated that 250,000 people have died from malnutrition and disease since the conflict began, so that the total of violent and nonviolent deaths comes to 390,000. Many people who remain in their villages have been exposed to violence and food shortages (Washington Post 2005). The children of Sudan, north and south, have been denied their basic rights by all parties to conflicts in Sudan and by the government of Sudan even in areas, such as Khartoum, where there is no war. Many who are considered street children, mostly southerners and Nuba, are removed from their families without notice. They are denied their right to identity when they are given new Arab names and denied their right to freedom of religion when they are subjected to forcible conversion; the government’s recent family reunification project may mitigate some damage done to these children. Some children have been captured in military
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raids on their villages and taken into household slavery by their captors. Dinka and Nuba children have predominated among those seized and exploited in this way. The government denies the existence of the problem and has made no effort to stop the practice or to punish those who treat Sudanese children as slaves. In addition, underage boys are forcibly recruited into the army or government-sponsored militias at the same time that the government has been attempting to focus world attention on the SPLA’s use of child-soldiers (Human Rights Watch 1995). EDUCATION The public and private education systems inherited by the Sudanese national government after independence in 1956 were designed more to provide civil servants and professionals to serve the colonial administration than to educate the Sudanese. Moreover, the distribution of facilities, staff, and enrollment was biased in favor of the needs of the administration and a Western curriculum. Schools tended to be clustered in the vicinity of Khartoum and to a lesser extent in other urban areas, although the population was predominantly rural. This concentration was found at all levels but was most marked for those in situations beyond the 4-year primary schools where instruction was in the vernacular. The north suffered from shortages of teachers and buildings, but education in the south was even more inadequate. During the condominium, education in the south was left largely to the mission schools, where the level of instruction proved so poor that as early as the mid-1930s the government imposed provincial education supervisors upon the missionaries in return for the government subsidies that they sorely needed. The civil war and the ejection of all foreign missionaries in February 1964 further diminished educational opportunities for southern Sudanese (Beshir 1969). At independence in 1956, education accounted for only 15.5 percent of the Sudanese budget, to support 1,778 primary schools (with an enrollment of 208,688), 108 intermediate schools, and 49 government secondary schools. Higher education was limited to the University of Khartoum, except for fewer than 1,000 students sent abroad by wealthy parents or on government scholarships. The adult literacy rate in 1956 was 22.9 percent and, despite the efforts of successive governments, by 1990 it had increased only to about 30 percent in the face of a rapidly expanding population. The curriculum beyond primary school followed the British educational tradition. Although all students learned Arabic and English in secondary and intermediate schools, the language of instruction at the University of Khartoum was English. Moreover, the increasing demand for intermediate, secondary, and higher education could not be met by Sudanese teachers alone, at least not by the better educated ones graduated from the elite teacher-training college at Bakht
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ar Ruda. As a result, education in Sudan continued to depend upon expensive foreign teachers (Library of Congress 1991). When the Nimeiri-led government took power in 1969, it considered the education system inadequate for the needs of social and economic development. Accordingly, an extensive reorganization was proposed, which would eventually make the new 6-year elementary education program compulsory and would pay much more attention to technical and vocational education at all levels. Previously, primary and intermediate schools had been preludes to secondary training, and secondary schools prepared students for the university. The system produced some well-trained university graduates, but little was done to prepare the bulk of students who did not go as far as university or even secondary school for technical work or skilled labor. The government’s education system had been largely reorganized. There were some preprimary schools, mainly in urban areas. The basic system consisted of a 6-year curriculum in primary schools and a 3-year curriculum in junior secondary schools. From that point, qualified students could go on to one of three kinds of schools: the 3-year upper secondary, which prepared students for higher education; commercial and agricultural technical schools; and teacher-training secondary schools designed to prepare primary-school teachers. The latter two institutions offered 4-year programs. Postsecondary schools included universities, higher technical schools, intermediate teacher-training schools for junior secondary teachers, and higher teacher-training schools for uppersecondary teachers. The hope for universal and compulsory education for children in Sudan had not been realized by the May Regime, but as a goal it led to a more equitable distribution of facilities and teachers in rural areas and in the south. During the 1980s, the government established more schools at all levels and with them, more teacher-training schools, although these were never sufficient to provide adequate staff. But the process was inherently slow and was made slower by limited funds and by the inadequate compensation for staff; teachers who could find a market for their skills elsewhere, including places outside Sudan, did not remain teachers within the Sudanese system. The proliferation of upper-level technical schools has not dealt with what most experts saw as Sudan’s basic education problem: providing a primary education to as many Sudanese children as possible. Establishing more primary schools was, in this view, more important than achieving equity in the distribution of secondary schools. Even more important was the development of a primary-school curriculum that was geared to Sudanese experience and took into account the fact that most of those who completed 6 years of schooling did not go further. The realistic assumption was that Sudan’s resources were limited and that expenditures on the postprimary level limited expenditures on the primary level, leaving most Sudanese children with an inadequate education. By the early 1990s, this situation had not changed significantly (Library of Congress 1991).
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The military regime of General Bashir announced sweeping reforms in Sudanese education in September 1990. In consultation with leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood and Islamic teachers and administrators, who were the strongest supporters of his regime, Bashir proclaimed a new philosophy of education. He allocated £Sd400 million (400 million Sudanese pounds) for the academic year 1990–1991 to carry out these reforms and promised to double the sum if the current education system could be changed to meet the needs of Sudan. The new educational philosophy was to provide a frame of reference for the reforms. Education was to be based on the permanence of human nature, religious values, and physical nature. This was to be accomplished by a Muslim curriculum, which in all schools, colleges, and universities would consist of two parts; an obligatory and an optional course of study. The obligatory course to be studied by every student was to be based on revealed knowledge concerning all disciplines. All the essential elements of the obligatory course would be drawn from the Quran and the recognized books of the Hadith. The optional course of study would permit the student to select certain specializations according to individual aptitudes and inclinations. Membership in the Popular Defence Forces, a paramilitary body allied to the National Islamic Front, became a requirement for university admission. By early 1991, Bashir had decreed that the number of university students be doubled and that Arabic replace English as the language of instruction in universities. He dismissed about seventy faculty members at the University of Khartoum who opposed his reforms (Library of Congress 1991). Many scholars consider the current regime’s education policy, which is called ‘‘Revolution in Higher Education’’ by the NIF regime, a disaster that has damaging impacts on children and higher education system in Sudan. The structure and curricula were radically changed and a massive Arabization was introduced. Arabic became the language of instruction in higher education institutions and university text books were hastily replaced by Arabic versions. The Sudan Islamic regime has its own copycat ‘‘cultural revolution’’ with similar devastating effects on the education system, and has led to almost an entire generation of inadequately educated individuals. It will take great resources and considerable effort to rebuild a balanced and sound education system in Sudan. One of the most devastating aspects of this education policy is the unprecedented degree of privatization of the whole education system, including the supposedly government-funded institutions coming under the control of local authorities or private companies and individuals. Academic freedom is drastically reduced to a nonexistent status (Elzobier 2007). The dismal plight of the higher education system in particular has been noted in Professor Mohamed El Tom’s1 study on ‘‘Higher Education in Sudan.’’ According to El Tom, ‘‘Most students enrolled in higher education today were born in the early 1980s, which means that their characters
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have been shaped under the influences of, among other factors, the value system of the totalitarian regime. Thus, the values of critical thinking, open-mindedness, tolerance, respect for truth and love for knowledge, all of which are embraced, celebrated and fostered by genuine higher education, are alien to these students. In fact these students are inoculated in an intensive way by the very opposite of these values’’ (Elzobier 2007). Girls’ education in Sudan was of the most rudimentary kind, frequently provided by a khalwa, or religious school, in which Quranic studies were taught. Such basic schools did not prepare girls for the secular learning mainstream, from which they were virtually excluded. Largely through the pioneering work of Shaykh Babikr Badri, the government had provided five elementary schools for girls by 1920. Expansion was slow, however, given the bias for boys and the conservatism of Sudanese society, with education remaining restricted to the elementary level until 1940. It was only in 1940 that the first intermediate school for girls, the Omdurman Girls’ Intermediate School, opened. By 1955, 10 intermediate schools for girls were in existence. In 1956, the Omdurman Secondary School for Girls, with about 265 students, was the only girls’ secondary school operated by the government. By 1960, 245 elementary schools for girls had been established, but only 25 junior secondary or general schools and 2 uppersecondary schools had opened. There were no vocational schools for girls, only a Nurses’ Training College, but only eleven students were enrolled as nursing was not regarded by many Sudanese as a respectable vocation for women. During the 1960s and 1970s, girls’ education made considerable gains under the educational reforms that provided 1,086 primary schools, 268 intermediate schools, and 52 vocational schools for girls. By 1970, girls’ education claimed approximately one-third of the total school resources available. Although the numbers had increased in the north by the early 1990s, the ratio had remained approximately the same in the war-torn south (Library of Congress 1991). This slow development of girls’ education is the product of the country’s traditional views. Parents of Sudanese girls tend to look upon girls’ schools with suspicion, if not fear; they think that schools will corrupt the morals of their daughters. Moreover, preference is given to sons, who by education can advance themselves in society to the pride and profit of the family. Girls, on the other hand, cannot do this; their value is enhanced not at school but at home, in preparation for marriage and the dowry that accompanies marriage. A girl is a valuable asset in the home, either in the kitchen or in the fields, until marriage takes her to her husband’s home. Finally, the lack of schools has discouraged even those who desire elementary education for their daughters. The adult literacy rate in Sudan still reflects clear gender inequities in access to education. UNICEF (2007b) reports a male adult literacy rate of 71 percent and female adult literacy at 52 percent. Primary school enrollment ratios of male to female are slightly closer, at 47 percent and 39 percent, respectively (net ratios,
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UNICEF 2007b). Secondary school enrollments are reportedly far closer, at 34 and 32 percent. PLAY AND RECREATION Most children in the northern states of Sudan, particularly in cities and towns where electricity is available, enjoy television broadcasting. Sudan was among the first countries in Africa to establish TV broadcasting facilities. TV was established first in Khartoum in 1963, followed by the establishment of the Gezira Rural TV in 1973, and was then established in the rest of the northern states. Aftah ya simsim is the Arabic version of the well-known children’s series Sesame Street. The program, with its Modern Standard Arabic, aims to improve children’s basic literacy, numeric, and life skills, including children’s self-esteem and respect for others. Janahat el Attfaal, or ‘‘Children’s Paradise,’’ is a popular TV program for children, in addition to Egyptian soap operas and other adult-based programming that also attracts children. In addition, Omdurman Radio has a variety of programs designed for children that include music, singing, and plays. At the national government level, the Ministry of Education and Ministry of Youth and Sports share responsibility for promoting children’s sport and recreational activities. State governments and local authorities are required to provide facilities, such as soccer fields, parks, and other recreational and sporting facilities. Soccer is the most popular sport among children in Sudan. Although children in well-off urban areas of Khartoum are likely to have access to good recreational facilities at school and elsewhere in their communities, such as the ‘‘Children City’’ in Khartoum, this is not the case in the rural and poor communities where most children live. CHILD LABOR The U.S. Department of State reports that Sudan is a source country for men, women, and children trafficked for the purpose of forced labor and sexual exploitation (USDOS 2006). Young boys from particular ethnic groups are trafficked to such destinations as Qatar and the United Arab Emirates as camel jockeys and Sudanese girls are reportedly trafficked within Sudan for domestic servitude, which places them at a high risk of sexual exploitation. The Lord’s Resistance Army of northern Uganda has also abducted children from southern Sudan for use as cooks, porters, or combatants in the LRA guerilla war in Uganda (U.S. Department of State 2006). During the decades of civil war in southern Sudan, thousands of Dinka and Nuba women and children were enslaved and/or sold as slaves within Sudan and beyond its borders. Many children have been captured and taken from their families during military raids on their villages by Arab militias and soldiers in the war zones where they are kept for use as
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unpaid household servants. Soldiers and militia members sometimes take these children with them when they return to their homes in western and northern Sudan, where the children continue to do unpaid labor inside the house or herding animals, on threat of beatings. There have been cases of sexual abuse of these children and there are reports that some are sold (Human Rights Watch 1995) The Committee for the Eradication of Abduction of Women and Children (CEAWC) made an effort to repatriate the thousands abducted but had not made much progress in reaching the estimated 10,000 to 17,000 total number of women and children abducted (estimated by UNICEF and Save the Children/UK; UN Commission on Human Rights 2003) before facing significant resource issues. There is evidence that the abductions continued even into 2003 as CEAWC was addressing the problem. The CEAWC chairperson had the power to prosecute those involved in the abduction of women and children but preferred to seek traditional solutions to the problem (U.N. Commission on Human Rights 2003). With no prosecution across 16 years of abductions, it is unlikely that the under-funded CEAWC could make a significant impact. FAMILY The vast majority of children in Sudan live in different kinds of extended families. More than half live in rural areas in traditional African households and villages. A significant proportion lives in urban centers and big cities, particularly in the triangle capital cities of Khartoum, Omdurman, and Khartoum North. Among all Sudanese societies, descent is reckoned according to the paternal line, but the significance of ties among kin groups differ from one society or ethnic group to another. The Azande, for example, recognize obligations to the kin of both parents, but greater importance is attached to the paternal connection. Until an Azande male marries, he is not considered to have achieved full status as a man. Marriage is a series of events, each of which is marked by the transfer of goods from one kin group to another. After a man dies, his wives are inherited by his sons or brothers. The Fur of western Sudan also observe descent patrilineally, but residence is customarily with or near the wife’s parents. Among the Humr Baqqarah, members of the smallest lineage (surra), together with their dependents form a single camp centered on the care of the group’s cattle. While members of a camp form the basic unit of cooperation for herding, the household is the main unit of cooperation in agriculture (Encyclopedia Britannica 2007). Patrilineal descent is important in determining the social identity of a person, inheritance, and rights and duties concerning marriage and bridewealth (gifts from the groom and his kinsmen to the father of the bride). Polygamy is also practiced in much of Sudanese societies and is regarded
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as a means of extending affinal (in-law) relationships and acquiring support. Although divorce is now common, a broken marriage is considered a shameful thing because it destroys the network of relationships (Encyclopedia Britannica 2007). It is unfortunate that research in Sudan by Sudanese scholars has not properly tackled the problems faced by the family and its response to them. There are no reliable data on divorce, broken homes, destitution, fertility, mortality, or population growth rates, nor are there any adequate data on family budget, consumption patterns, or changes in the standards of living related to nutritional and health status. Another neglected area is family planning, which is deliberately avoided by official institutions for religious reasons and overlooked by academic researchers (MohamedSalih and Mohamed-Salih 1987). The negative impacts of the current regime’s policy on higher education and isolation of academic and research institutions in Sudan has added significantly to the problem. HEALTH Children in Sudan face many threats to their health, including household food insecurity and malnutrition, a lack of access to safe water, poor access to health facilities, low immunization rates, and the many associated health challenges as a result of displacement and conflict due to the recent war in southern Sudan and the ongoing conflict in the Darfur states. A recent survey by the World Food Programme (WFP 2004) found that one in six households experienced a severe lack of food and that one out of every three households struggled to meet minimum levels of food intake. This has led to the significant levels of acute malnutrition among children under five years of age. According to recent data from the Sudan Demographic and Health Survey (DHS), UNICEF Multi-Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS), and other national surveys, 31 percent of Sudanese infants were born with low birth weight and up to 41 percent of children younger than 5 years of age are moderately or severely underweight for their age. A total of 16 percent showed moderate or severe wasting (low weight for height), and 43 percent were stunted by chronic malnutrition as infants (UNICEF 2007b). In some internally displaced person camps of Darfur, the rates of severe and moderate malnutrition and wasting are even greater. With many agro-pastoralist families already living at a subsistence level, recent droughts and displacement due to conflict have led to widespread food insecurity. Although the total fertility rate in Sudan has decreased since the 1970s (from 6.7 in 1970 to 5.6 in 1990), it is still relatively high at 4.2 (2005 data, UNICEF 2007b),2 which places a woman’s health and her children’s health at greater risk, especially given the level of household food insecurity in most of rural Sudan.
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The international donor community is working closely with the government of Sudan and the government of southern Sudan to bring development programming to southern Sudan and to assist in the transition from relief to development following the end of the fighting there. The war devastated what little infrastructure and resources existed. Clean water, a key resource for child health and development, has been a challenge that affects not only children’s health (children with diarrhea climbed to 40 percent in one survey) (WFP 2004) but also educational opportunities. Not only do children fall sick and miss school from waterborne diseases; in many cases, children must fetch water, either for the household or for their school (UNICEF 2007a). The challenge to bring adequate access and quantities of safe drinking water to the vast majority of the rural population of Sudan has been severely hampered by ongoing conflict, a lack of infrastructure, and low government capacity to reach the most vulnerable populations. Routine ‘‘Expanded Program of Immunization’’ vaccines financed by the government dwindled to near zero in 2005 (UNICEF 2007b). UNICEF and other international agencies have attempted to fill the gap but significant challenges remain, such as commodity procurement and delivery, and the ability to carry out immunization outreach campaigns in regions severely affected by conflict and/or hampered by poor infrastructure, especially during the rainy season when many communities are isolated for more than a month at a time. Recent data (UNICEF 2007b) suggest that less than 60 percent of all children were fully immunized by 1 year of age. A 2004 survey in Darfur showed that measles vaccination coverage for children aged 9 to 59 months was low at 66.7 percent (WFP 2004). When children are malnourished and deficient in vitamin A, they are much more likely to die from measles, and the combination of high levels of malnourished children and low immunization coverage lead to increased child mortality. Female children face another health obstacle in the female genital mutilation (FMG) that is practiced in Sudan. According to UNICEF, 92 percent of women 15 to 49 years of age in urban communities and 88 percent of women in rural communities (which would include the predominantly Christian south, where FMG is not as prevalent) reported having undergone FMG (UNICEF 2007b). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Sudan’s formal legal system is grounded in British common law and Islamic law. Sources of law are Islamic law, constitutional law, legislation, judicial precedent, and custom. In family law, judicial circulars (manshurat) issued by the Qadi al-Quda (first issued in 1916) served to institute reforms or instruct the application of particular interpretations. Sudanese criminal law includes elements from British colonial penal law,
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Egyptian civil code, and, more recently, what are known as the ‘‘September Laws,’’ otherwise referred to as Sharia law or penalties prescribed by Islamic law. The applicable criminal laws include: Criminal Act 1991 and Criminal Procedure Act 1991; as well as shari’a and local custom (Parmar 2007). According to the CIA World Factbook, as of January 20, 1991, the Revolutionary Command Council imposed Islamic law in the northern states; however, the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement established some protections for non-Muslims in Khartoum. A legal system for the government of southern Sudan is still being developed. One issue that has enormous implications on the cultivation of women’s rights and their effective participation in post-conflict southern Sudan is customary law. Although the social, cultural, economic, ethnic, regional, and religious diversity in southern Sudan does not allow for easy generalizations about its people, one can argue that customary law as practiced in the south affects women similarly, regardless of their ethnic identities and positions in society. Under customary law, women are valued and respected as mothers. They are also important as daughters because they bring wealth to the family upon marriage. Women are also seen as guardians of culture and traditions, and are charged with imparting cultural values to the younger generation. However, this accorded respect is not usually complemented by many aspects of customary law that affect women’s lives. Aspects of customary law are sometimes used to marginalize issues of women’s rights, voices, and participation in decision-making process. Cultural practices and traditions that discourage and devalue girls’ education continue to exist. Consequently, many school-age girls became victims of arranged marriages, which in turn minimizes women’s chances of pursuing educational and career-oriented opportunities. The institution of widow inheritance that is linked to the payment of bride-wealth also represents another aspect by which women are subjected to the dictates of customs. Similarly, the gendered division of labor that places a heavy burden on women’s lives and consumes much of their time further hinders women’s effective participation in activities that empower them. Furthermore, some laws in southern Sudan still discriminate against women’s right to testify as witnesses in a court of law. In short, there are many other customary law practices that are harmful to women’s lives and reproductive health still commonly practiced in the society (Edward 2007). RELIGIOUS LIFE Religion is an important aspect in the life of children in Sudan. Most Muslims, perhaps 90 percent, live in the north, where they constituted 75 percent or more of the population through the 1990s. Data on Christians is less reliable; estimates range from 4 to 10 percent of the population. At least one-third of all Sudanese were still attached to the
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indigenous religions of their forebears in the 1990s. Most Christian Sudanese and adherents of local religious systems live in southern Sudan. Islam has made inroads into the south, but more through the need to know Arabic than a profound belief in the tenets of the Quran. The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement, which in 1991 controlled most of southern Sudan, opposed the imposition of the sharia or Islamic law. The official position in respect to freedom of religion within Sudan is indicated by Article 24 of the 1998 Constitution of the Republic of the Sudan, which states: ‘‘Everyone has the right to freedom of conscience and religion and the right to manifest and disseminate his religion or belief in teaching, practice or observance. No one shall be coerced to profess a faith in which he does not believe or perform rituals or worship that he does not voluntarily accept.’’ Article 90 stipulates that the President of the Republic cannot issue decrees affecting freedom of religion. The 1998 Constitution differs from earlier Sudanese constitutions; the 1958 constitution had declared Islam to be ‘‘the official religion of the state,’’ and the 1973 constitution stated, ‘‘In the democratic republic of the Sudan the religion is Islam.’’ In addition to not specifying the religion of the state, the 1998 Constitution also renders rights according to citizenship and not religion, prohibiting the use of religion to usurp rights or to secure gain. There are no religious criteria for elected public office. This built on previous constitutional decrees, which, while affirming that ‘‘Islam is the guiding religion for the overwhelming majority of the Sudanese people,’’ stated that ‘‘revealed religions such as Christianity or traditional religious beliefs may be freely adopted by anyone with no coercion in regards to beliefs and no restriction on religious observances. These principles are observed by the State and its laws.’’ In northern Sudan, Friday is the day of worship for Muslims; it is also a day off for Christians, who are also entitled to two hours off on Sunday to attend prayers. In southern Sudan, Sunday is the day of worship (European Sudanese Public Affairs Council 2002). Religious education or indoctrination occurs at home, in school, through community events and festivals, and through religious institutions, such as mosques, khalwa, and churches. For youth in Sudan, across social categories and religious communities, religion plays an important role in their lives and has the potential to engage young people in civic and community affairs. Indoctrination is more apparent among Muslim communities than in Christian or African animist communities. There is a belief among Muslims in Sudan that parents should instruct their children to do their prayers at the age of 7 and force them to do it at the age of 10 years.3 CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Civil wars and conflicts in Sudan have had a serious impact on children. Underage children have been drafted as soldiers and into government-
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sponsored tribal militias in violation of both the Convention on the Rights of the Child and Sudanese law, which provides that only men 18 years of age and older may be conscripted. The right of non-Muslim child conscripts to freedom of conscience and religion is violated during the training period when military trainers instruct and train them as ‘‘holy warriors’’ and, for example, referred to the conflict in the south as an Islamic ‘‘holy war’’ against the south. The way in which religious studies are introduced into the training of recruits subjects the young conscripts to coercion that would impair their freedom to have a religion of their own choice. Nor are the non-Muslim recruits given an equal opportunity to manifest or practice their religion on the same basis as the Muslim conscripts (Human Rights Watch 1995) In early 1995, there was widespread military conscription of young men involving a range of abuses, including the drafting of underage boys. Army officials, helped by members of the government’s paramilitary Popular Defense Forces, set up checkpoints throughout the Khartoum area, and among others rounded up children as young as twelve. The street children’s camps became a convenient reservoir from which to draw army conscripts. Recruitment efforts were not limited to the north. The army also forcibly drafted southerners in garrison towns to fight against their fellow southerners in the SPLA (Human Rights Watch 1995). The current crisis in Darfur disproportionately affects women and children, who have been targeted for violence. Women and girls are victims of rape in their communities as well as in internally displace person (IDP) camps. There is little evidence that those who commit such violence are sought out or punished (UNICEF 2006). There is anecdotal evidence that international NGOs that report crimes against women and children are subjected to censorship or their humanitarian work jeopardized as a result. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The children of Sudan face a daunting future. Children in urban and peri-urban Khartoum face a different set of challenges from children of southern Sudan in the midst of international and national efforts to rebuild the south. The children of Darfur face a largely unknown but difficult future. The conflict in Darfur continues to take its toll on families in the region. A full 70 percent of IDP households and 20 percent of resident households in the conflict-affected areas had been receiving food aid by 2004 (WFP 2004) to ensure basic food intake levels. At the time of the WFP 2004 survey, nearly a quarter of IDP households were facing critical food shortages and food aid had not reached some families at all or in adequate amounts to stave off immediate deficiencies. Many households resident in the communities that host IDPs face serious food shortages themselves. Much of the food insecurity seen in Darfur is due to the
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impact of the conflict on livelihoods—specifically the loss of animals (39 percent of households lost animals) and grain stocks (18 percent of household lost grain stocks). With the inability to return to agriculture production areas, not only do IDP families suffer from a lack of access to the amount and variety of food, but their opportunities for wage labor are also diminished. WFP reports that the vast majority of the IDP population is entirely dependent on international assistance (WFP 2004) and the disruption in agriculture, trade, and economic livelihoods will likely be felt long after the current crisis is resolved. There are three major factors that are very critical to the future and prosperity of children in Sudan. The first and the most important factor is the realization of peace by resolving the ongoing crisis in Darfur, maintaining the fragile peace agreement in the south, and improving peace opportunities in the east. The second factor is the fact that peace can only be achieved in Sudan through a democratic federal regime that respect the needs and the rights of the people of each region or state with a level of autonomous rule and the ability to maintain the resources and wealth of their lands. The third factor is separation of religion and state, and transformation of Sudan into a secular nation of prosperity where religion will have no bearing on one’s citizenship. It is also important that children are treated equally regardless of their gender. Thus, both boys and girls should help out with household tasks in order to eliminate the differentiated understanding of work. Raising awareness of the importance of educating both boys and girls in the family is necessary. As the educational institutions in Sudan play a major role in children’s lives, there is a need to develop and promote an inclusive and gender-sensitive curriculum and teaching methods that are reflective of the diversity of the Sudanese people and that respect the rights of women and girls. It is through such actions that gradual change of attitudes, perceptions and behavior could occur (Edward 2007). Sudan as a country desperately needs to regain a sense of rationality, sanity, and wisdom. Most importantly, this sanity needs to be restored to educational systems (Alzobier 2007), and wherever possible to repair the damage wrought by conflict and start the process of promoting rational and effective civil society participation in order to build a society capable of dealing with the complexity of the world in which we live.
NOTES 1. A prominent mathematics professor at the University of Khartoum, he was made redundant in the early 1990s by the NIF regime. 2. This number represents the number of children that would be born per woman if she were to live to the end of her child-bearing years and bear children at each age in accordance with prevailing age-specific fertility rates. 3. This belief comes from the second Caliphate of Islam Omar Ibn al Khattab.
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RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Flint, Julie, and Alex De Waal. Darfur: A Short History of a Long War. London and New York: Zed Books in association with International African Institute; 2005. This book provides a concise accounting of the background to the ongoing conflict in Darfur. Khalid, Mansur. War and Peace in Sudan: A Tale of Two Countries. London: Kegan Paul; 2003. This study looks at the complex relationship between the diverse political, religious, and economic interests of north and south Sudan. Mohamed-Salih, Mohamed, and Margaret Mohamed-Salih. Family Life in Sudan. Oxford: University Press, Oxford; 1987. These authors provide a close look at the family and offer insight into the issues affecting children even today. Rone, Jemera. Children in Sudan: Slaves, Street Children and Child soldiers. New York: Human Rights Watch/Africa, Human Rights Watch Children’s Rights Project; 1995. This study tackles the difficult and complex problem of an issue that impacts so many children in Sudan.
Nonprint Resources All About Darfur. 2005. 82 minutes. Directed and produced by Taghreed Elsanhouri. In Arabic and English with English subtitles. Available from California Newsreel. http://www.newsreel.org/nav/title.asp?tc¼CN0183&s¼sudan. This portrait of Sudan takes viewers on a visit of outdoor tea shops, markets, refugee camps, elementary schools, and the living rooms of ordinary families in order to explore the deeply rooted prejudices underlying the recent and ongoing conflicts. The complexity of the Darfur conflict is brought out in visits to the town of El Fashir and the Abu Shoak refugee camp in North Darfur that highlight the issues of cultural exclusion, turmoil over increasingly scarce resources, and the changing landscape of the various groups involved in the conflict. Lost Boys of Sudan. 2004. 87 minutes. Directed and produced by Megan Mylan & Jon Shenk. In English and Dinka with English subtitles. Available at: http:// www.lostboysfilm.com. This is an Emmy-nominated feature-length documentary that follows two Sudanese refugees on an extraordinary journey from Africa to America. Orphaned as young boys in one of Africa’s cruelest civil wars, Peter Dut and Santino Chuor survived lion attacks and militia gunfire to reach a refugee camp in Kenya along with thousands of other children. From there, remarkably, they were chosen to come to America. Safe at last from physical danger and hunger, a world away from home, they find themselves confronted with the abundance and alienation of contemporary American suburbia.
United Nations Units Working with Children UN Development Programme (UNDP), http://www.sd.undp.org UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR), http://www.unhchr.ch/ html/menu2/5/sudan.htm
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UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs: UN Resident Coordinator, http://unctlists.undp.org-index.cfm?module¼Rco&page¼CountryRCO &CountryID¼SUD UNICEF P.O. Box 1358 Khartoum, Sudan Website: http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/sudan World Food Programme (WFP) 653 A Block 68 P.O. Box 913, Khartoum, Sudan Phone: þ249 183 248001 Fax: þ249 183 248003 Website: http://www.wfp.org/country_brief/indexcountry.asp?country¼736 #contact World Health Organization (WHO) The WHO Representative P.O. Box 2234 Khartoum, Sudan Website: http://www.emro.who.int/sudan
Organizations and NGOs Concern Worldwide Website: http://www.concern.net Concern Worldwide is a nongovernmental, international, humanitarian organization dedicated to the reduction of suffering and working towards the ultimate elimination of extreme poverty in the world’s poorest countries. Its mission is to help people living in extreme poverty achieve major improvements in their lives. Concern works with the poor themselves, and with local and international partners who share the organization’s vision, to create just and peaceful societies where the poor can exercise their fundamental rights. International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) The ICRC has been present in Sudan since 1978. In 1984, it launched operations relating to the internal conflict between government forces and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army in the south. Following a number of cease-fire agreements, a peace accord between the warring parties was finally signed in January 2005, bringing hope for a return to stability in this part of the country. However, the conflict that began in early 2003 pitting government forces and Janjaweed militia against the rebel forces of the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army and the Justice and Equality Movement in the western region of Darfur has necessitated the ICRC’s biggest deployment worldwide. Presence (2007): 1,960 staff, including 160 expatriates. Justice Africa UK Office 1st Floor Lancaster House 33 Islington High St. London, N1 9LH UK Phone: þ44 (0) 207 837 7888 Fax: þ44 (0) 207 837 8919
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US Office 104 East 40th Street, Room 903 New York, NY 10016 Phone: 1 212 5578000 Fax: 1 212 5578004 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.justiceafrica.org/women.html It works with a network of organizations based in different countries in Africa and has initiated and supported civil society activities for human rights, democracy, and peace in Africa. It has also implemented human rights projects with a focus on xenophobia and related intolerances and rights of political minorities. The following organizations are in partnership: Sudan’s Women’s Alliance, Sudan Women’s Association in Nairobi, New Sudan Women’s Federation, Sudan Women’s Voice for Peace. Plan Sudan Website: http://www.plan-international.org/wherewework/eastafricaeurope/sudan Plan is an international development agency working to alleviate poverty and help children in developing countries to realize their full potential in societies which respect people’s rights and dignity. Plan Sudan is one of the most important organization working for the wellbeing of Sudanese children. Sudan Human Rights Association (SHRA) Katwe Rd. (behind Capco Petrol Station) P.O. Box 7327 Kampala Phone: þ256 (41) 250586 Fax: þ256 (41) 250586 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.muklaw.ac.ug/anrpn/shra.htm The SHRA is a grassroots organization that seeks to protect the rights of refugees living in Uganda, northeastern DR Congo, and northwestern Kenya as well as internally displaced persons in southern Sudan. The organization focuses its activities on three major areas, namely monitoring, advocacy, and empowerment. It also offers advisory services to refugees and runs a resource center. Through these efforts, SHRA aspires to bring about fundamental improvements in the lives of refugees. The Sudanese Red Crescent P.O. Box 235 Al Mak Nimir Street, Gamhouria Street Plot No. 1, Block No. 4, East Khartoum Khartoum, Sudan Phone: (249) 784889 772011 Fax: (249) 83 772877 Telex: 23006 LRCS SD Email: [email protected] srcs@sudanmail Website: http://www.ifrc.org/address/sd.asp The Federation’s mission is to improve the lives of vulnerable people by mobilizing the power of humanity. Vulnerable people are those who are at greatest risk from situations that threaten their survival or their capacity to live with an acceptable level of social and economic security and human dignity. Often, these are victims of natural disasters, poverty brought about by socioeconomic crises, refugees, and victims of health emergencies.
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International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) Website: http://www.ifrc.org/where/country/cn6.asp?countryid¼161
Humanitarian Organizations Working in Sudan Funded by USAID Action Against Hunger 247 West 37th Street, Suite 1201 New York, NY 10018 USA Phone: 212-967-7800 Website: http://www.actionagainsthunger.org Adventist Development and Relief Agency (ADRA) 12501 Old Columbia Pike Silver Spring, MD 20904 USA Phone: 301-680-6380 Website: http://www.adra.org Africare 440 R Street, NW Washington, DC 20001 USA Phone: 202-462-3614 Website: http://www.africare.org Air Serv International 6583 Merchant Place, Suite 100 Warrenton, VA 20187 USA Website: http://www.airserv.org American Jewish World Service 45 W. 36th Street 10th Floor New York, NY 10018 USA Phone: 212-736-2597 Website: http://www.ajws.org American Refugee Committee 430 Oak Grove Street Suite 204 Minneapolis, MN 55403 USA Phone: 612-872-7060 Website: http://www.archq.org CARE 151 Ellis Street NE Atlanta, GA 30303 USA Phone: 404-681-2552 Website: http://www.care.org Catholic Relief Services 209 West Fayette Street Baltimore, MD 21201 USA Phone: 410-625-2220 Website: http://www.catholicrelief.org CHF International 8601 Georgia Avenue, Suite 800 Silver Spring, MD 20910-3440 USA Phone: 301-587-4700 Fax: 301-587-7315 Website: http://www.chfinternational.org
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Church World Service P.O. Box 968 Elkhart, IN 46515 USA Phone: 800-297-1516 Website: http://www.churchworldservice.org Episcopal Relief and Development 815 Second Avenue New York, NY 10017 USA Phone: 800-334-7626 Website: http://www.er-d.org Food for the Hungry, U.S. 1224 E. Washington Street Phoenix, AZ 85034 USA Phone: 480-368-0170 Website: http://www.fh.org GOAL P.O. Box 19 Dun Laoghaire Co. Dublin, Ireland Phone: þ353-1-2809779 Website: http://www.GOAL.ie International Medical Corps 1919 Santa Monica Blvd., Suite 300 Santa Monica, CA 90404-1950 USA Phone: 310-826-7800 Website: http://www.imcworldwide.org International Rescue Committee P.O. Box 5058 Hagerstown, MD 21741-9874 USA Phone: 877-REFUGEE or 733-8433 Website: http://www.theIRC.org Mercy Corps 3015 Southwest First Avenue Portland, OR 97201 USA Phone: 503-796-6800 Website: http://www.mercycorps.org Save the Children 54 Wilton Road Westport, CT 06880 USA Phone: 800-728-3843 Website: http://www.savethechildren.org USA for UNHCR Chad Emergency 1775 K Street NW, Suite 290 Washington, DC 20006 USA Phone: 202-296-1115 Website: http://www.UNRefugees.org US Fund for UNICEF General Emergency Fund 333 E. 38th Street
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New York, NY 10016 USA Phone: 800-4-UNICEF Website: http://www.unicefusa.org
Selected Bibliography Abdel Salam, A. H., and Alexander De Waal. Civil Society and the Future of Sudan. Lawrenceville, NJ: Red Sea Press; 2001. Anderson, G. Norman. Sudan in Crisis: The Failure of Democracy. Gainesville: University Press of Florida; 1999. BBC News/Country Profiles. 2007. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/low/middle_east/ country_profiles/820864.stm. Beshir, Mohamed Omer. Educational Development in the Sudan 1898–1956. Oxford Studies in African Affairs, Oxford: Clarendon P; 1969. Bixler, Mark. The Lost Boys of Sudan: An American Story of the Refugee Experience. Athens: University of Georgia Press; 2005. Burr, J. Millard, and Robert O. Collins. Darfur: The Long Road to Disaster. Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener; 2006. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The World Factbook, Sudan. 2007. https:// www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/su.html. Degu, Wondem Asres. The State, the Crisis of State Institutions, and Refugee Migration in the Horn of Africa: The Cases of Ethiopia, Sudan, and Somalia. Trenton, NJ: Red Sea Press; 2007. Deng, Frances Mading. The Dinka of the Sudan. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston; 1972. Edward, Jane Kani. ‘‘Women and customary law in southern Sudan.’’ Sudan Tribune, May 8, 2007. Eltigani, Eltigani El Tahir. War and Drought in Sudan: Essays on Population Displacement. Gainesville: University Press of Florida; 1995. Elzobier, Ahmed. ‘‘The intellectual degeneration in Sudan.’’ Sudan Tribune, April 3, 2007. Encyclopedia Britannica. The Sudan family and kinship patterns. 2007. http:// www.britannica.com/eb/article-24360/The-Sudan. European Sudanese Public Affairs Council. Religion in Sudan. 2002. http://www .espac.org/sudan_region/religion_in_sudan.asp. Flint, Julie, and Alex de Waal. Darfur: A Short History of a Long War. London: Zed Books; 2006. Garang, John. The Call for Democracy in Sudan. London; New York: Kegan Paul International; 1992. Hale, Sondra. Gender Politics in Sudan: Islamism, Socialism, and the State. Boulder, CO: Westview Press; 1996. Human Rights Watch. Children in Sudan: Slaves, Street Children and Child Soldiers. 1995. http://www.hrw.org/reports/1995/Sudan.htm. Idris, Amir I. Conflict and Politics of Identity in Sudan. New York: Palgrave Macmillan; 2005. Johnson, Douglas H. The Root Causes of Sudan’s Civil Wars. Indiana: Indiana University Press; 2003. Jok, Jok Madut. Militarization, Gender, and Reproductive Health in South Sudan. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press; 1998.
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———. War and Slavery in Sudan. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press; 2001. Library of Congress. A Country Study: Sudan. Washington, DC: U.S. Library of Congress; 1991. http://memory.loc.gov/frd/cs/sdtoc.html. Malwal, Bona. People & Power in Sudan: The Struggle for National Stability. London: Ithaca; 1981. Niblock, Tim. Class and Power in Sudan: The Dynamics of Sudanese Politics. Albany: State University of New York Press; 1987. O’Neill, Norman, and Jay O’Brien, eds. Economy and Class in Sudan. Aldershot, Hants, England; Brookfield, VT: Avebury; 1988. Parmar, Sharanjeet. ‘‘An Overview of the Sudanese Legal System and Legal Research.’’ 2007. Globalex website: http://www.nyulawglobal.org/globalex/ Sudan.htm. Rone, Jemera. Famine in Sudan. New York, NY: Human Rights Watch; 1999. Sidahmed, Abdel Salam. Politics and Islam in Contemporary Sudan. New York: St. Martin’s Press; 1996. Tesfaye, Teklu. Drought and Famine Relationships in Sudan: Policy Implications. Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute; 1991. U.N. Commission on Human Rights. Forced Labor and Slavery in Sudan. Working Group on Contemporary Forms of Slavery, 28th Session. Geneva: U.N. Commission on Human Rights, Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights; 2003. http://www.antislavery.org/archive/submission/ submission2003-sudan.htm. UNICEF. Handpumps and Education Bring Safe Water and Hygiene to Sudanese Villages. 2007a. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/sudan_38140.html ———. Sudan at a Glance; Statistics. 2007b. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ sudan_statistics.html. ———. U.N. Condemns Massive Upsurge in Rape in Darfur. 2006. http://www .unicef.org/infobycountry/media_36107.html. U.S. Department of State. Trafficking in Persons Report, June 2006. Washington, DC: USDOS; 2006. http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/66086 .pdf. ———. ‘‘Conflict in Darfur.’’ Washington Sunday Post, April 24, 2005. World Food Programme (WFP). Emergency Food Security and Nutrition Assessment in Darfur, Sudan. Rome: WFP; 2004. http://www.wfp.org/country_brief/ africa/sudan/assessments/041025_food_assessment.pdf.
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TANZANIA Nyambura Mpesha NATIONAL PROFILE In the 1880s, during the famous Berlin Conference in which the European colonial powers established so many of the modern-day boundaries in Africa, the borders of what is now the Tanzania mainland were formed (Sutton 1969). Tanganyika gained independence from Britain in 1961 under the leadership of Julius Nyerere. Zanzibar, whose political realm includes the Island of Pemba, also gained independence from Britain and raised her flag in 1963 under the leadership of Abeid Karume. On April 26, 1964, the two nations became the United Republic of Tanzania, the largest eastern African country. Tanzania borders Mozambique, Malawi, Zambia, Rwanda, Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, and Kenya. The country has had good relations with its neighbors in the region. Tanzanians participated in the liberation struggles for some and provided refuge to many displaced people from South Africa, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Angola, Namibia, Democratic Republic of Congo
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(former Zaire), Congo (Brazzaville), Rwanda, Burundi, and Uganda. More recently, Tanzania has been instrumental in peace talks with respect to ethnic conflict in Rwanda and Burundi. Apart from being a member of the African Union and East African Community, Tanzania is also a member of Southern African Development Community. Tanzania is slightly larger than twice the size of California, covering a total of 945,087 square kilometers. The terrain includes coastal plains, a central plateau, and highlands in the north and south. The country is bordered by three of the largest lakes on the continent: Lake Victoria, the world’s second largest freshwater lake, in the north; Lake Tanganyika, the world’s second deepest, in the west, and Lake Nyasa in the southwest. It is home to Mt. Kilimanjaro, the highest point in Africa and the second highest mountain in the world, and also the Great Rift Valley. The climate varies from tropical along the coast to a temperate climate in the highlands (CIA 2007). Tanzania is home to some of the oldest human settlements. Fossils of early humans have been found in and around Olduvai (Oldupai) Gorge in northern Tanzania and include bones thought to be more than 2 million years old. The oldest-known footprints of the immediate ancestors of humans, estimated to be about 3.6 million years old, also were found in Tanzania. Today, the population of Tanzania is estimated at 39,384,223, including more than a half-million refugees from Burundi, Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Rwanda. A total of 43.9 percent of Tanzania’s population is children 0 to 14 years old (CIA 2007). There are more than 120 ethnic groups in Tanzania, each with its own language and culture, and a shared common language in Swahili (Kiswahili or Kiunguja). Swahili is both a unifying language and the national language of the country, together with English. It is worth noting that Swahili is quickly becoming the lingua franca of central and east KEY FACTS – TANZANIA Africa. Rated one of the poorest counPopulation: 39,384,223 (2007 est.) tries in the world, Tanzania’s Life expectancy at birth: 50.71 years (2005 est.) economy depends heavily on agriLiteracy rate: 69.4 percent (2002 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 73 percent culture, which accounts for (2000–2005) almost half of its gross domestic Internet users: 333,000 (2005) product, provides 85 percent of People living with HIV/AIDS: 160,000 (2003 est.) exports, and employs 80 percent Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 64 of the work force. Climatic condiSources: CIA World Factbook: Tanzania. https://www.cia.gov/library/ tions, however, limit cultivated publications/the-world-factbook/geos/tz.html. June 29, 2007; crops to only 8 percent of the UNICEF. At a Glance: Tanzania–Statistics. http:// land area. The land supports a vawww.unicef.org/infobycountry/tanzania_statistics.html. June riety of cash crops, including cof29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Tanzania. http:// fee, cashew nuts, sisal, cotton, hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/ tobacco, and cloves. The country cty_ds_TZA.html. June 29, 2007. is blessed with natural resources
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that include hydropower, tin, phosphates, iron ore, coal, diamonds, gemstones, gold, natural gas, and nickel (ELCA 2007). This country is one of Africa’s premier tourist destinations, offering both beaches and wildlife safaris, with such attractions as Mount Kilimanjaro National Park, Ngorongoro Reserve and Crater, Serengeti National Park, Lake Manyara, Sealous Game Reserve, the Great Lakes, and the islands of Pemba and Zanzibar. Tourism is quickly developing into a major foreign exchange earner (Fitzpatrick 2005). OVERVIEW Tanzania is one of the few countries in the Great Lakes Region that continues to enjoy peace. It remains a poor country, however, and ranks 162 on the UNDP Human Development Index Scale (WHO 2007). With 43.9 percent of Tanzania’s population younger than the age of 15 and a low level of resources, many children miss out on educational opportunities or are in overcrowded primary schools with meager resources. Access to free education is available to all but often is elusive to disabled children. Children’s nutritional status, as evidenced by the percent of children younger than 5 who are moderately or severely stunted (38 percent) and those who have low weight for their age (22 percent), reflects the level of poverty in the country. A decrease in infant and under-5 mortality (from 102 to 76 per 1,000 and from 161 to 122 per 1,000, respectively) reflects positive efforts to immunize children and improve access to safe water, even despite the presence of the HIV/AIDS epidemic. EDUCATION Before joining politics, Julius Kambarage Nyerere became a teacher in Tanganyika after completing his graduate studies in Scotland. Known popularly as Mwalimu (Teacher), Nyerere was convinced that success for his philosophy of socialism and self-reliance was dependent on having educated citizens and that quality education would be the pillar of national development (Tanzania National Website 2007) He therefore made primary education compulsory and offered government assistance to people in rural areas to build schools. By the late 1980s, the country’s literacy rate had become one of the highest in Africa (Fitzpatrick 2005, 26). For example, according to Leslie Block (Block 1988, 113), the intake of Standard Seven (grade seven) increased twofold from 1977 to the late 1980s. The number of schools has continued to increase, but poverty still represents a barrier to many children whose families cannot afford to purchase the compulsory school uniform to send their children to school. Nyerere anticipated that, by making Universal Primary Education (UPE) compulsory, it would enable all children in the country to receive
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an education. Without enforcing UPE, dropout rates have been increasing, especially with the AIDS epidemic, which is creating a growing population of uneducated orphans. According to UNICEF, only 73 percent of children were enrolled and attended school during 2000–2005 (UNICEF 2007). In Tanzania, education is for all children irrespective of gender, ethnic, and social group, but the reality is that there are fewer girls enrolled than boys. In addition, schools have very limited opportunities for disabled children, largely because many of these schools are not designed to accommodate special-needs children. Severely handicapped children are thus locked out of the system. Attitudes toward persons with disabilities are changing, which has improved the situation somewhat. Not everyone looks at disability as something at which to be ashamed, but some parents still hide their disabled children away from the community and therefore deny them the chance to go to school. Various organizations have responded, including the Lutheran Church in Lushoto, which provides two special education schools; a boarding primary school for blind students (open to both boys and girls) and a day school (called ‘‘Rainbow School’’) that addresses the needs of the mentally handicapped children. A university college is opening its doors in 2007 to train special education teachers and to include handicapped students. Apart from resources used to teach other languages such as English, Arabic, and Hindi, government primary schools use curricular materials and textbooks written in Swahili. The situation is different in secondary school where students are taught all subjects, except languages, in English. Because of problems related to this shift in language from Swahili to English, many private schools are now using English from Standard One. Barely 5 percent of Tanzanian children complete secondary school (Fitzpatrick 2005, 26). Tertiary colleges reach out to the 95 percent of youth who do not get the opportunity to complete secondary schools by offering practical skills taught in the language students know best, which is Swahili. PLAY AND RECREATION The Tanzanian child is informed by two worlds. The traditional world that carries aspects of children’s play and recreation through folklore is especially strong in the rural areas. It is common to find a group of children engaged in traditional games such as ‘‘counting’’ or ‘‘counting out,’’ using stones, leaves, or sticks. They may play hide and seek after the chores in the house or sometimes postpone chores for awhile to play jump rope with the rope they will use to tie bunches of grass or firewood to carry home. Children enjoy playing the drum also when they get the chance, and they engage in dance songs of all descriptions. Few children have store-bought toys; most create their own using readily available materials. Children in the rural setting are particularly ingenious in
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making toys such as flutes, catapults, slings, dolls, balls, pull-along cars, and fly-it-yourself airplanes. The child’s second world is associated with school. What they learn in school is practiced at home. One of the popular games in both rural and urban settings is football (soccer). If they are lucky, they will have a real ball; if not, they will improvise by using any available material to make one. Some are made of rags (tailors are good at providing these), paper rolled into a ball and tied with string, banana fiber, or any other material. The size of the ball does not matter, so even a tennis ball will do for a match in which Yanga and Simba, the two major rival teams in the country, engage in one of their foot battles. The game begins when the children find time and ends when either the handmade ball falls to pieces or they are called home by adults to the serious world of homework, chores, or food. In the evening or during the weekends, children may enjoy storytelling and riddle exchange sessions, especially if they come from the rural areas. Urban children from more affluent homes may watch television programs, but the television is largely controlled by adults. Some parents even lock it up in a special cabinet, mainly because it is a hot item for thieves. The radio is a popular tool for entertainment and there are weekend programs designed especially for children. It is estimated that there are about 28 radios per 100 people (Fitzpatrick 2005). The few children’s programs on television are sourced largely from the west, especially the United States. In school, children engage in many types of games drawn from the two worlds, including ball games such as soccer, volleyball, netball (girls), cricket, and, more recently, basketball. As they learn about their culture, children also engage in traditional dances complete with the paraphernalia that goes with them. Younger children engage in many games, either during break times or on the way home or in the classroom as part of the learning process. Storytelling and riddling are popular in the classroom. Other games include counting, counting out, guessing games, handclapping games, hide and seek, racing games, chasing games, and tug of war. Although Tanzanian leaders and educators recognize the need for children to play, the reality for children is that they have little time to themselves especially during the school term. Many parents see play and recreation as a waste of time that is better used to do homework or helping in chores at home or in the garden. CHILD LABOR Children assist their parents at home and in the fields at a very young age and learn skills that will enable them to get employment later. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child distinguishes between child work and child labor. Child work is seen as activities that
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do not harm the child, whereas labor is harmful (Beegle, Dehejia, and Gatti 2007). The harmful effects of child labor include exploitation of their labor with very low pay; long hours of work, which deprive children of sleep and recreation; loss of educational opportunities; increased risk of physical harm; and sexual abuse and exploitation. The International Labour Organisation does not restrict child labor to only economic activities, but considers the total hours spent working in both economic activities and chores. They go further to include all labor that stunts or limits a child’s development or puts a child at risk. One of the consequences of child labor is that it affects the children’s performance in school. Child labor has also been related to girls’ early marriages (Beegle, Dehejia, and Gatti 2007). There has been some encouraging progress recently in Tanzania, and a growing political will to fight against child labor. The International Labour Organisation is working with Tanzanians to intervene in cases of child labor. In Tanzania, commercial agriculture, mining, domestic work, prostitution, and the informal sector are labor activities that place children in hazardous conditions or conditions that increase their vulnerability to abuse or exploitation. Many children work to earn money to buy a school uniform so that they can remain in school, since their families are too poor to afford them. People who engage child laborers are aware they are contravening the law, so they often do it secretly with the consent of parents (ANPPCAN 2007). One of the interventions for child laborers in Tanzania is a radio-based program called Mambo Elimu, which has been adopted nationwide to provide quality radio-based education to the child laborers and others at risk of being drawn into that life (Education Development Center 2006). FAMILY Family is important in Tanzania. It is the concept on which Nyerere based his Ujamaa (familyhood) and envisioned the nation working together as one big human and humane unit. This form of African socialism, Ujamaa, was to make people and the country self-reliant through a combination of traditional values and Western socialism. It entailed putting people in villages so they could have access to education and medical facilities. Nearly 10 million people were moved to these created villages. The whole process, especially communal farming, was not popular and Ujamaa began to crumble in the late 1970s, and was abandoned in 1980s (Tanzania National Website 2007). Although the political family did not succeed, the biological family that encompasses a network of relationships loosely called the extended family grows. Members of a family are supposed to support one another and are expected to assist in training and socializing the young. In a society where age is revered, children are expected to respect and obey all adults within the family and in the wider community.
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Tanzania has specific laws governing monogamous or polygamous marriages, based on respect for ethnic and religious differences and practices. Most families are based on monogamous unions. Within families, division of labor is based on traditional practices. Women are expected to do most of the household work, such as cooking, cleaning, fetching water and firewood if necessary, and taking care of the young. Women are assisted by the children, especially girls. Men do any heavy lifting and hauling around the home but their main work is outside the home, in the farm or in paid employment and business. In pastoral communities, boys and men and take care of the animals and graze them. There is a tendency to overwork children, especially in the rural areas but a limited amount of work is viewed a being healthy for children. HEALTH Tanzania is one of the poorest countries in the world in that 51 percent of the population lives on less than one dollar a day (CIA 2007). The government of Tanzania is aware of the vulnerability of its citizens as a result of poverty. Since independence, the Ministry of Health has been using the media, especially radio, seminars, and classrooms, to educate the people on how to take care of their health. Preventing disease, immunting children, using proper sanitation and hygiene, and treating water so that it is safe to drink are among the effective messages and behavioral changes that have improved overall health in Tanzania. Although access to safe water has improved in urban settings (85 percent of the population reports using improved drinking water sources) (UNICEF 2007), rural areas are still behind, with just 49 percent of rural populations using improved drinking water sources (UNICEF 2007). Because most villages in rural areas do not have access to safe water, many children suffer from diarrhea, hepatitis A, and typhoid. Malaria, Rift Valley fever, and schistosomiasis are endemic in some areas. The situation is made worse by the increasing prevalence of HIV/AIDS, which continues to take its toll on the country’s population and economy. The HIV prevalence rate in adults is now estimated at 8.09 percent. Information on HIV/AIDS is incomplete, as thorough research has not been undertaken throughout the country. Available data indicate the seriousness of the problem, which has left as many as 2 million orphans, mainly as a result of AIDS. Orphans are left to surviving relatives, especially grandparents, or older siblings. According to the census of 2002, some 66,617 families were headed by children (ANPPCAN 2007). Poverty is also to blame for malnutrition, which is the major cause of mortality in children under 5 years of age. Malnutrition starts with low birth weight, itself a manifestation of poor maternal health (UNICEF 2007). The situation is even more overwhelming because of a shortage of doctors. Currently, the ratio is one physician per 20,511 people and most
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of the doctors are in the urban areas (CIA 2007). The implication is that many people do not have access to health care. Often people have to travel long distances, sometimes on foot, to get medical attention. It is now accepted that local healers have a place in the health of the nation. In recognition to the contribution of such healers and with a view to gaining knowledge of the medicines they administer, a research unit of Traditional Medicine was established at the University of Dar es Salaam in Muhimbili. The unit researches the plant, animal, and mineral products used by traditional healers. Another cadre of traditional health practitioners with an important role to play are traditional birth attendants. Traditional birth attendants attend seminars and are provided with basic, sterile birthing kits to use as they help in deliveries. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS Tanzania’s legal system is based on English common law. In addition, Tanzania respects some aspects of African traditional judicial systems. Laws related to children include the national labor law of 1955 that sets the minimum age for employment at 12 years of age; and education laws, which specify the Universal Primary Education of 1974 mandating compulsory education for children between 7 and 13 years of age. The primary school compulsory education and Enrollment Rules provide penalties for parents of children who fail to comply (U.S. Department of Labor 2007). Any person younger than the age of 16 is a minor; the age of sexual consent for sexual activity is 18 years or above and the age of consent for marriage is 18 years. The Marriage Act of 1971 further states that the minimum age for marriage is 18 for males and 15 for females but courts may permit underage marriage. In the case of separation or divorce, the law stipulates that children should remain with their mother until they are 7 years old, but the court is further directed to consult the customs of the community to which the parents belong. Under the Sexual Offences Special Provisions Act, the law considers it an offense to permit a child to participate in any form of sexual activity, obscenity, or indecent exhibition or show. The term would include crimes against children using the Internet. RELIGIOUS LIFE Tanzania enjoys religious freedom. Religious affiliations on the mainland include 30 percent Christian, 35 percent Muslim, and 35 percent and indigenous beliefs, whereas the Islands are 99 percent Muslim (CIA 2007). Children are expected to follow the religion of their parents, but sometimes they are influenced to change by friends, relatives, and orientation in schools. There are cases in which family members are divided by
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religion or church denominations. When this happens, the family has to decide how to handle social functions that bring family members together. In some instances, children are rejected by their families for choosing a different faith. In the majority of cases, the different faiths live side by side, each respecting the other. It is not uncommon, for example, to find church community development projects opening their doors to non-Christians, including Muslims. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT On paper, the law of Tanzania has a provision for the protection of children, but, as discussed under child labor, the reality is different. Children trust that adults are making the right decisions about them and indeed most adults are law-abiding citizens. However, there are those who abuse children and break their trust. Often children do not know their rights and so cannot tell when those rights are being abused. There are many interventions to educate children. The Forum for African Women Educationalists, for example, promotes girls’ and women’s education in sub-Saharan Africa. Girls are taught to speak out against abuses of their rights. Even when they know they have been abused, children are afraid to report cases of abuse for fear of repercussions from the offending adult. ANPPCAN cites a survey that was carried out by the Dar es Salaam– based Legal and Human Rights Centre (LHRC) in 1996 and 1997 on the extent of child abuse. The survey found that abuses reported included defilement, sodomy, rape, dumping, abandonment, child labor, and abduction (LHRC, Human Report I Extent of Child Abuse 1997). ANPPCAN adds drug abuse and sexual exploitation to the list. In some cases, child sexual abusers happen to be the children’s caretakers, neighbors, or close relatives. They take advantage of a child’s vulnerability, closeness, and ignorance of sexual matters. Often, the stigma attached to such crimes and the subsequent embarrassment leads to secrecy and concealment of the abuse on the part of the family. Some of the cases that are handed over to authorities are prone to mishandling, either because the legal process is cumbersome or the relevant authorities are compromised by lack of power or information or through corruption (ANPPCAN 2007). GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY There are exciting possibilities for children growing up in Tanzania in the twenty-first century who have access to education. Globalization opens doors for children and empowers them to think of the contributions they can make. The electronic media is speedily gaining currency, so that with television and the Internet influencing more and more families, children can see their place in the larger world. Children who come from
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the humble families will continue to be motivated to acquire education to escape poverty, but there will also be some who lack the ability to climb out of poverty. The uneducated will continue to suffer through lack of jobs. Often, the consequence is a rise in crime and homelessness. There is also a breakdown in family ties as people scatter to find jobs in urban centers. Tanzania is rising to these challenges and is addressing them through various interventions. Governmental and nongovernmental organizations, such as the ones listed in the Resource Guide, are continuing to create a positive environment for Tanzanian children. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Mlosi, Malongo R. S. ‘‘Child Labor in Urban Agriculture: The Case of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.’’ Children’s Environments, 12 (1995), No. 2. http://www.colorado.edu/journals/cye. This article provides a close look at the issue of children’s labor in the context of urban agriculture. Mpesha, Nyambura. African Children’s Literature: A Bibliography. Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse; 2007. This bibliography is useful to scholars and teachers alike. Nyerere, Julius. Essays on Socialism. New York: Oxford University Press; 1971. Nyerere, who led Tanzania to independence from Britain, was a philosopher as well as a leader. His essays provide some insight into the thinking behind the interest in creating self-reliance through a combination of traditional values and modern socialism.
Nonprint Resources Bongoland. 2005. 105 minutes. Directed by Josiah Kibira. http://www.kibirafilms .com/index.html Bongoland is a movie about challenges faced by immigrants in foreign lands, particularly the United States. After a long struggle with unemployment, under-employment, bills, and a constant feeling of being a social ‘‘outcast,’’ Juma decides to go back to his native Bongoland. He asks himself: Would he rather be a well-fed slave or a hungry free man? He decides to be a hungry but free man. Surrender. 2000. 26 minutes. Directed by Celine Gilbert. Part of the series, Fathers. In Swahili with English subtitles. Available from California Newsreel. http:// www.newsreel.org/nav/title.asp?tc¼CN0132&s¼tanzania This is the story of two inseparable friends in their 20s—Amri, the son of a merchant, and Moshua, a poor fisherman. Amri’s father expects him to take on adult responsibilities as a father and businessman, and arranges a marriage to a friend’s daughter. The film highlights the difficulties when personal feelings and loyalties come into conflict with family and cultural expectations. Finally, Amri must ‘‘surrender’’ to society’s and his fathers’ expectations.
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Tusamehe. 2006. 108 minutes. Directed by Josiah Kibira. http://www.kibirafilms.com/index.html This film presents the story of a successful African immigrant to the United States who makes mistakes that lead to dire consequences for his family and friends. As he slowly dies from complications of AIDS, he begs for forgiveness from his family and friends. He wants to live long enough to see the birth of his child.
Organizations and NGOs AIDS Victims Support Group P.O. Box 33279 Dar Es Salaam Phone: 268219 This organization counsels both AIDS victims and their families. Its activities include dissemination of information and knowledge on AIDS and HIV. Arts and Crafts Centre (Nyumba Ya Sanaa) P.O. Box 4904 Dar es Salaam Phone: 255 022 233960/220344 Objectives: Training of women and handicapped youth in traditional crafts in order to preserve Tanzanian’s cultural heritage. Baby Care Women Association P.O. Box 6176 Dar Es Salaam The organization endeavors to raise the standard of education and play for children and assists women groups in establishing nursery schools and play grounds. Forum for African Women Educationalists (FAWE-Tz) P.O. Box 63319 Dar es Salaam Tel. 255 22 2182161 Kuleana Centre for Children’s Rights P.O. Box 27 Mwanza Phone: 255 28 2500911 Fax 255 28 2500486 Email: [email protected] Kuleana empowers communities to come up with effective responses to AIDS crisis, to address the needs and rights of children affected by AIDS, particularly children who have been forced to the streets of Mwanza. Legal and Human Rights Centre (LHRC) P.O. Box 75254 Dar es Salaam Phone: 255 22 2113177/2117767/2118353 Fax. 255 22 2113177 Email: [email protected]
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Ministry of Community Development, Women and Children P.O Box 3448, Dar Es Salaam Phone: 255 22 211 5074/255 22 211 459 Email: [email protected] National Youth Forum (NYF) P.O. Box 9354 Dar es Salaam Email: [email protected] OXFAM (UK) P.O. Box 61 Arusha Plan International Tanzania P.O. Box 3617 Dar Es Salaam Phone: 255 22 68 465/66 287 Plan provides assistance to needy children, their families, and their communities. Tanzania Girl Guides Association P.O. Box 424 Dar Es Salaam Kibasila Road, Upanga Phone: 27056 This association trains girls to develop responsible attitudes and character in preparation for their involvement in family, social, cultural, economic, and political life. Tanzania Home Economics Association P.O. Box 1125 Dar Es Salaam Phone: 255 022 27211 ext. 3671 Objectives: To maintain the interest of home economics as a profession, to promote condition of women and children, socially and economically, to promote and strengthen women groups at grassroots level. Tanzania Scouts Association P.O. Box 945 Dar Es Salaam The association helps shape boys’ character through planned and tested activities that help them become good citizens who are physically, mentally, and spiritually sound. Ukimwi Orphans Assistance Inc. (UOA) Kashozi Road P.O. Box 1074 Bukoba, Kagera UOA assists AIDS orphans to grow up and reach the age of maturity as self-reliant and responsible individuals. The organization also provides education to HIV victims on HIV prevention, AIDS management and care, and other HIV/AIDS related problems.
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World Vision International P.O. Box 6070 Arusha Phone: 3475, 3181 ext. 2342/4 World Vision helps the poorest communities in development, health, child sponsorship, and evangelism.
Selected Bibliography ANPPCAN. ANPPCAN Tanzania Chapter. 2007. http://www.anppcan.org/new/ chapter%20profiles/tanzania.doc. Beegle, Kathleen, Rajeev H. Dehejia, and Roberta Gatti. ‘‘The Consequences of Child Labor in Rural Tanzania: Evidence from Longitudinal Data.’’ Unpublished paper delivered at the Indiana University Child Labor Conference. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University; 2007. Block, Leslie. Tanzania after Nyerere, edited by Michael Hodd. London: Pinter Publishers Limited; 1988. Bureau of International Labor Affairs. 2007. CIA. The World Factbook: Tanzania. 2007. https://www.cia.gov/library/publica tions/the-world-factbook/geos/tz.html. Education Development Center, Inc. (EDC). Educating Child Laborers. 2006. http://main.edc.org/newsroom/features/tanzania.asp. ELCA. Tanzania. 2007. http://www.elca.org/countrypackets/tanzania/desc.html. Fitzpatrick, Mary. Tanzania. 3rd ed. London: Lonely Planet; 2005. Interpol. National Laws: Tanzania. 2006. http://www.interpol.int/Public/Children/ SexualAbuse/NationalLaws/CsaTanzania.pdf. Sutton, J. E. G. ‘‘The peopling of Africa,’’ in A History of Tanzania, edited by I. N. Kimambo and A. J. Temu. Dar es Salaam: Heinemann Education Books; 1969. Tanzania National Website. 2007. http://www.tanzania.go.tz/education.html. UNICEF. At a Glance—Tanzania. New York: UNICEF; 2007. http://www.unicef .org/infobycountry/tanzania_statistics.html. ———. Sport, Recreation, and Play. New York: UNICEF; 2004. http://www .unicef.org.uk/publications/pdf/5571_SPORT_EN.pdf. U.S. Department of Commerce. Population Trends: Tanzania. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Commerce; 2007. http://www.tanzania.go.tz/census .html. U.S. Department of State. Background Note: Tanzania. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State; 2007. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/2843.htm; http://geography.about.com/library/cia/blctanzania.htm. U.S. Department of Labor. Child Labor: Tanzania. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Labor; 2007. http://www.dol.gov/ilab/media/reports/iclp/sweat/ tanzania.htm.
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TOGO Esther Tabea H€ a berlein NATIONAL PROFILE The country of Togo is situated in west Africa between Ghana to the west and Benin to the east. In the north, it is bordered by Burkina Faso and its southern edge extends 50 kilometers along the Gulf of Guinea. The climate ranges from a tropical climate in the south to a semiarid climate in the north. The area of Togo extends about 56,790 square kilometers. In Togo there are nearly 40 different ethnic groups (Ewe, Mina, and Kabre are the major groups); 40.1 percent of the population lives in urban areas and 59.9 percent in rural areas. People in this small sub-Saharan economy are heavily dependent on both commercial and subsistence agriculture, which provides employment for 65 percent of the labor force. The average farm size is one to three hectares. Coffee, cocoa, cotton, and yams are the main crops, which generate about 40 percent of export earnings, with cotton being the most important cash crop. About 5 percent of the labor force is in industry and approximately 30 percent in the service sector (1998 estimate). Some basic foodstuffs must still be imported. Despite Togo’s substantial phosphate reserves and the fact that it is the world’s fourth-largest producer of the mineral, Togo is a poor country, where about 32 percent of the population is living below the
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poverty line. According to the poverty database of the United Nations, it belongs to the ‘‘least Population: 5.5 million Infant mortality rate: 60 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) developed countries.’’ Life expectancy at birth: 57.86 years (2005 est.) As in other parts of Africa, Literacy rate: 60.9 percent (2003 est.) Togo’s population is very young. Internet users: 300,000 (2005) The total population is 5,548,702, People living with HIV/AIDS: 110,000 (2003 est.) with 42.3 percent younger than Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 72 the age of 15 years. A total of Sources: CIA World Factbook: Togo. https://www.cia.gov/library/ 55.1 percent of the population is publications/the-world-factbook/geos/to.html. June 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human between 15 and 64 years old, and Development Report 2006–Togo. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/ only 2.6 percent of the populastatistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_TGO.html. tion is older than 65 years. Togo June 29, 2007. is growing by an estimated 2.72 percent each year, as women bear on average 4.96 children. The infant mortality rate stands at 60.63 deaths per 1,000 live births. The life expectancy at birth is just greater than 57 years for men and just greater than 59 years for women. The male/female sex ratio in 2006 of the population between 15 and 64 years is given as 0.95 and in the population over 64 years as 0.69 (Central Intelligence Agency [CIA] 2007). Togo’s socio-political crisis in the early 1990s resulted in the suspension of nearly all foreign assistance. This had a forceful impact on the social sectors, because the government could not absorb the loss of foreign aid in providing family support. Today, there are few nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and other international agencies supporting families and children in Togo—these include the Catholic Church, some Protestant churches, PLAN International, SOS Children’s Villages, UNESCO, and UNICEF. KEY FACTS – TOGO
OVERVIEW Increasing urbanization, increasing school rates of school attendance, and changing family structures in a globalizing world are changing children’s lives in Togo. According to the law, all children have access to public education, but it is not free. Violence erupted in Togo after the sudden death of long-time ruler Gnassingbe Eyadema in February of 2005. His son, Faure Gnassingbe, was nominated by the military but was pressured by regional leaders to hold elections in April. The political opposition and their supporters disputed his victory and clashed with security forces. About 40,000 people fled into neighboring Benin and Ghana. More than 60 percent of the refugees were women, young people, and children younger than 5. Nearly half of the refugees had already returned by the end of 2006.
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Today, the rights of the child are discussed across West Africa, especially in relation to issues of child trafficking. The laws protecting children’s rights themselves and women’s rights vis-a-vis their children can be traced back to the early 1970s, but they are hardly realized by the government even now with an appointed state secretary of social affairs, women issues, protection of the child and elderly people. EDUCATION The legal minimum age for the end of compulsory education is 16 because, according to article 2 of the Ordinance of May 6, 1975, on education reform, education is compulsory between the ages of 2 and 15. Education is not free in Togo; school fees cost from US$2.00 up to $13, depending on region and school level. The official language in Togo and also in schools is French. In addition, the two native languages of Ewe and Kabye are taught at school. In Togo, children are taught in public primary schools (59 percent); private schools, often religious-founded schools (31 percent); and an increasing number of schools founded on local initiative, situated mainly in the northern parts of Togo (10 percent) (Le Ministere Togolais 2004). Children attend primary school for 6 years, split as follows: 2 years of Cours Preparatoire, 2 years of Cours Elementaire, and 2 years of Cours Moyen. Secondary schooling is provided via a college, where students do 4 years, followed by the lycee, where students prepare for the baccalaureat. The school education rate in Togo has been improving; in 2004 the youth literacy rate was 74 percent. There are still many children, however, who cannot read or write—most notably girls. Only 30 percent of adult females are literate (UNICEF 2007). The enrollment ratio in Togo for primary school is officially 91.8 percent (83.6 percent are girls and nearly 100 percent are boys of the same age); however, a large dropout rate among girls further exacerbates the existing gender gap in formal education. Some NGOs are stating that currently 39 percent of all school-age girls in the country are not enrolled or have dropped out of school, and the disparities in education are reflected in the high gender gap that stands at 24 percent. The low effective school enrollment rates estimated at 60 percent for primary school are primarily the result of social and economic reasons. Togo is a predominantly agricultural country, where children are needed as helpers. Many parents prefer to send boys to school instead of girls. It is assumed that girls will enter into relationships at a premature age, become pregnant, and thus drop out of school. In the year 2000, the government of Togo decided to give loans to families sending girls to school and also to reduce school fees for girls to address this problem. There are regional educational disparities as well; the school enrollment rate in the more industrialized coastal region is greater than in the northern regions, where agriculture is the main income source. There is also a
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difference between urbanized areas, where the school system is better developed, and rural areas. The financial situation of public schools is generally very hard; the state is spending less than 30 percent of its budget on education and health. The public schools are not able to cover the costs of the increasing number of pupils by themselves. The classrooms must accommodate, on average, 60 pupils per class. Parents are expected to pay additional fees toward loans for the teachers. Private schools are financed with private funds and higher school fees. Schools founded on local initiative are financed exclusively on a community basis. In 2002, 54 percent of all Togolese children (42 percent of girls, 64 percent of boys) attended the first cycle of secondary school (college) and only 16 percent (7 percent girls, 24 percent boys) attended the lycee. There are 414 colleges and 73 grammar schools existing in Togo. The University of Lome enrolls 14,000 students with only 19 percent female students. In 2004, a second university was founded in Kara, which enrolls 1,500 students today. Training colleges provide another possibility for children who stop schooling after primary education to further their vocational skills (joinery, boiler making, tailoring, mechanics, etc). These institutions, however, are sometimes inaccessible to poorer children because of financial reasons. Poor children are more likely to attend public schools because they are less expensive than the private ones and new school uniforms are not required every year. Children of poorer families are completing their school career more often without a diploma and without any job-related qualifications. Education for disabled children is sometimes organized by the parents of these children with the support of certain NGOs. There are currently three schools that specialize in education of deaf-mute children, visually handicapped and blind children, as well as disabled children. These institutions are situated in Lome, Bassar, and Kara, and together they enroll fewer than 300 pupils. PLAY AND RECREATION In many communities in Togo, household incomes are often below the poverty level and children spend much of their time working at home and in the fields. Extracurricular activities are few and far between. The majority of children fabricate their own toys themselves by recycling material like tires, hardware, plastic or other trash. In the cities, tourists can purchase such fabricated toys in the shops and markets. In the cities, television and radio are widespread media. Some NGOs (for example, PLAN International) have introduced projects to promote radio, TV, and other media programs for children to children peer education and communication (e.g., Deviwo be Radio), and they have built multimedia centers to provide technical training in radio broadcasting, internet use, etc. (PLAN International). Very few children have access to
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computers or the Internet at home or at educational institutions such as school and universities. People have to go to private cyber cafes in the cities. In 2003 there were 43 Internet users per 1,000 people (UNDP 2005). This estimate is not up to date, however, because the number of Internet users is increasing, especially among youth in the cities of Togo. CHILD LABOR As elsewhere, in Togo it is useful to differentiate between child work (such as help in the household help or on the family farms) and child labor (in terms of wage labor or exploitation of child work). Child labor in Togo is regulated by the provisions of the Labor Code (Article 114), as well as by decision No. 884-55/LTLS of October 28, 1955, relating to female and child labor, and by decision No. 15/MTAS-FP of December 6, 1958, relating to child labor. These instruments prohibit the employment of a child younger than 14 years of age in an enterprise, even as an apprentice. Furthermore, work performed by a child must not exceed his physical capacity or endanger his health, education, or morals (Convention on the Rights of the Child [CRC] 1996). In 1984, Togo ratified the international convention C138 on Minimum Age for Admission to Employment, which decides that the minimum age for employment shall not be less than the age of completion of compulsory schooling and, in any case, shall not be less than 15 years. In 2000 Togo ratified the international convention C182 on Worst Forms of Child Labor, which defines all persons under the age of 18 as a ‘‘child’’ (International Labour Organisation [ILO] 1973 and 1999). It is very common for children to help their parents and other relatives to support the sustenance of the family. In the villages, where a subsistence economy prevails, children work alongside their parents in the family’s fields. In this manner, children learn about farming and agricultural practices as well as the environment. Moreover, children keep busy fetching water, herding animals, looking after younger children, doing services for grandparents, and helping in the household. In the course of exchange relations between families, it is quite usual to give a child to households of other relatives. This kind of replacement frequently transfers children from rural areas to families in towns and cities, where they grow up. Juvenile boys and girls may also leave their homes with parents’ consent in order to acquire job relevant education (e.g., handicrafts, retail trade, migratory labor on plantations in the south) or to do domestic work in the cities to earn money or goods for a trousseau or bride price before getting married. In contrast to this more normal child work is the reality of child abuse in agricultural heavy labor, in selling products in shops or markets, or in other forced work situations. Recently there has been an increased scrutiny of forced child labor and child trafficking in west Africa (see also the chapter on Benin). Child trafficking from Togo and the terrible
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conditions endured by many thousands of exploited Togolese children workers in Nigeria, Benin, Burkina Faso, and Gabon have been described elsewhere (PLAN International Togo 2005, and Human Rights Watch [HRW] 2003 and 2006). Togo adopted a specific law criminalizing child trafficking in July 2005. Prior to this law, Togo relied on related offenses such as unauthorized migration of children, forced labor, fraudulent entry into national territory, and kidnapping. Despite evidence that trafficking of girls into domestic and market labor within and from Togo is a serious problem, efforts to date to prosecute child traffickers under prior legislation have been minimal. In 2001, for example, 10 traffickers were arrested or detained, only to be released in most cases for lack of evidence. According to the new law, child traffickers and their collaborators can face up to 10 years in prison and fines of up to 10 million CFA francs (US$18,875). All those recruiting, transporting, lodging, and using children, as well as parents could potentially be prosecuted under the law. Togo’s reintegration and rehabilitation efforts rely on cooperation with local NGOs and fall short of international standards for return and reintegration of trafficked children (Human Rights Watch 2006, Child Rights Information Network [CRIN] 2005.). FAMILY Within families, the roles of men and women are rather different. This gender differentiation in society also is directed towards children, with different expectations of work and family roles. Children of both sexes are desired and mostly welcomed into families, as in other African societies. Socioculturally, the various ethnic groups in Togo are quite distinct in many respects, including views on family and gender roles. The Ewe consider the birth of twins a great blessing and offer gifts in kind as a token of luck and health. The same reverence, however, is not universal; the Bassari consider the birth of twins to be a grave misfortune. Even the current rites of passages can differ in detail, but they are quite common in some ethnic groups in which social differentiation is based on age groups. The familial contexts into which children are born can vary considerably. In polygamous extended families, for example, more than 30 children of different mothers may live in one homestead. Other households may be headed by single mothers living alone with their children because they are not married, are divorced, or widowed and do not want to marry again. In the cities—often in Christian contexts—the living arrangements of nuclear family households are becoming increasingly common. As stated previously, children are often ‘‘fostered’’ to other relatives and sometimes even to non-relatives in the west African region, according to custom. This can reflect an obligation to the older generation within families, because children given to their biological grandparents or other elders ensure their social security, care and support. On the other hand, it
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is expected by any fostering adult that children’s basic needs are satisfied (accommodation, education, food, care). It is forecasted that good (biological or foster) parents take care of their children, regardless if the children are biological or adopted (Lallemand 1993, 1994). In the majority of Togolese cultural-ethnic groups, children belong to the father’s lineage (i.e., patrilineal). That means that children born in a matrimony are to be left in the father’s homestead if the mother would leave the children’s father’s homestead, unless she had given her child away before or is still breastfeeding. There is also a reality of children living in the streets of Togo’s cities. The number of street children in Togo is very hard to estimate because of the lack of studies specifically examining this phenomenon. Estimates range from as few as 500 to as many as 3,000 in the capital Lome alone. Even less is known about the proportion of girls within this population, as they are far less visible than boys. Meanwhile, the age at which children take to the streets is for many very low—it is not uncommon to see children of 7 years old in the streets, and most of the children report living there for periods of at least 3 years, usually more (Consortium for Street Children 2004). HEALTH An effective system of birth registration does not exist in Togo. The estimated annual number of births is 233,000 and the estimated annual number of under-5 deaths is 33,000. The statistical lifetime risk of maternal death is one out of 26 childbirths (UNICEF 2005; data from 2000). Forty percent of routine EPI1 vaccines in 2004 were financed by the government of Togo. In 2005, more than 97 percent of Togo’s children aged 9 to 59 months received protection against four major childhood diseases during an unprecedented nationwide health campaign, according to a recent survey conducted by UNICEF (UNICEF 2007). Because many families often cannot afford health care, ill persons do not go to one of the medical centers but opt for (self-)medication with herbs. Malaria is the leading cause of child illness, responsible for 43 percent of medical consultations and 44 percent of the children treated in hospital. An estimated six percent of children under five die of the disease. In Togo only 51 percent of the population has access to safe drinking water and only a third to any form of improved sanitation. In Lome the majority of houses and flats use a ground-water well; only 24 percent have tap water, 17 percent must buy water from public wells. In the rainy season, there is an increased risk of infections in some quarters because of eroded latrines. In Lome, rubbish is not collected but thrown on the streets for the most part (CoopTogo.net 2003). Even in the villages where the government has installed water pumps, many people are too poor to pay the user fees and have no choice but to draw water from heavily contaminated rivers and lakes. Water-borne diseases (such as
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bacterial and protozoal diarrhea, hepatitis A, and typhoid fever) are rife and contribute to a high rate of infant mortality. The infant mortality rate (i.e., the probability of dying between birth and exactly one year of age, expressed per 1,000 live births) is 78 and the under-5 mortality rate 140 for the year 2004. The Ministry of Health states that diseases spread by contaminated water have a damaging effect on children’s education. They can lead to lack of concentration in classes, absence from school, failed exams and abandonment of studies, especially when expenditure on medicines leaves parents unable to pay for school fees and materials. Daily food is a crucial problem in poor households. Meals are not prepared on a regular basis in all households, and the diet is often unbalanced with poor micronutrient content. Many families prepare one meal per day with food products from their own fields or those that are easily found in the markets. Meat and other animal proteins are seldom prepared for a household’s consumption. Smoked fish is more frequently consumed than chicken or turkey, for instance, because it is abundant on the market. Usually, it is only during festivals that families buy meat. Poor nutrition and micronutrient or food imbalance affect young children the most. It is estimated that 5 percent of the children of Lome (3 percent for Togo) ages 4 to 9 years are malnourished. Across Togo, 7 percent of children younger than 5 years of age suffer from severe malnutrition (UNICEF 2007; based on data from 1996–2000) and approximately 25 percent of under-5 children are moderately to severely underweight for their age group. A greater percent of children between 4 and 9 years in Lome have low weight for age (UNICEF 2007). The estimated adult (15 to 49 years) prevalence rate for HIV at the end of 2003 was 4.1 percent. An estimated 9,300 children and 54,000 women between 15 and 49 years of age are living with HIV. The HIV prevalence rate in young (15 to 24 years) pregnant women in Lome is 9.1 percent. In the year 2003, there were an estimated 54,000 children (0 to 17 years) orphaned by AIDS as compared with 240,000 children orphaned due to all causes. Although there are many governmental- and NGO-financed education campaigns to prevent the transmission of HIV/ AIDS, in schools, at festivals and even on billboards in Togo, only 41 percent of men and 22 percent of women (ages 15 to 24) reported using a condom at ‘‘last high-risk sex’’ (UNICEF 2007). According to the World Health Organisation, Togo has more than 490,000 disabled people and almost 49,000 people in need of orthopedic treatment. Lome houses the first African school for training Frenchspeaking orthopedic technicians and speech therapists. In 2003, the first law was adopted to provide social protection of disabled people in Togo (Handicap International 2007). NGOs often play a role in building centers or schools for handicapped children in Togo; Handicap International, for example, has been engaged in projects in Togo since 1997. Health care for blind people is provided by certain NGOs in cities. SOS
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children’s villages in Kara and Lome also offer possibilities for handicapped children. Institutions for disabled children receive state subsidies and the Division for Families and Children has a special section to deal with disabled children. There are, however, no special institutions for seriously handicapped children or children suffering from AIDS, who were placed in existing homes (UNCRC 1997b). Girls in Togo are subjected to harmful traditional practices such as genital cutting, which is practiced among some ethnic groups even though a law exists on the books (see the discussion to follow) that prohibits all forms of female genital mutilation. Research conducted by the Demographic Research Unit of the University of Lome found that 10 percent of women in Togo have experienced female genital mutilation, mostly of type II, clitoridectomy (EFAMTO 2000). Girls are also subjected to early or forced marriage. A high rate of teenage pregnancy (19 percent, according to a health survey carried out in 1998 by the Demographic Research Unit of the University of Lome) (PLAN International, Togo 2000) contributes to the current maternal mortality rate estimated at 478 per 100,000 live births. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The government of Togo has ratified a number of important international conventions relating to the protection of children, including the UNCRC— the African Charter on the Rights and Well-Being of the Child—and ILO Conventions 138 and 182. The constitution of the Fourth Republic of Togo (Togolese Republic 1992; adopted by referendum on September 27, 1992, revised by Law No. 2002–029 of December 31, 2002) engages with the constitutional rights of children and the ‘‘Code des personnes et de la famille’’ (ordinance 80-16 of January 31, 1980) includes corresponding protection regulations. It is the duty of the state is to protect marriage and the family. Parents are to provide for and educate their children; however, families are not supported in these tasks by the state. Children have the right to the same family and social protection whether or not they are born into wedlock (article 31). The state is obligated to protect the young from all forms of exploitation or manipulation (article 36). Everyone has the right to a healthy environment and the state is obligated to ensure environmental protection (article 41). Education is mandatory for children of both sexes until the age of 15 years (article 35). The state is required to recognize the right of all children to education and to create conditions favorable to this end. The state is also expected to act progressively to assure that public education is free of charge. Sexual relations between a teacher and a student are forbidden by Law No. 84/L4 of May 16, 1984, which, among other provisions, makes it illegal to ‘‘entertain continuous sexual relations with a girl or a boy registered in a school or a training centre.’’ The law provides for
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between 6 months’ and 3 years’ imprisonment, or a fine of between 200,000 and 520,000 CFA (the equivalent of between US$365 and $950) (PLAN International Togo 2006). The Togolese Individuals and Family Code sets the minimum age for a child’s consent to marriage as the age of puberty, which is 17 for girls and 20 for boys (article 43). Those ages are established on the basis of the age of civil majority, which is 21. In the future, it will be necessary to go back to the Mandel Decree of June 1939, which set the age of puberty as 14 for girls and 16 for boys, in view of the age of emancipation, which will be 16, and the age of majority, which will be 18 (UNCRC 1996). The Law No. 98-016 of November 7, 1998, prohibits all forms of female genital mutilation (as defined), with the exception of surgical operations performed in accordance with a medical prescription. Details are given of the penalties to be imposed for offences involving female genital mutilation. Persons responsible for public and private healthcare facilities are to ensure the provision of appropriate care to victims of female genital mutilation received in their centers or establishments. As mentioned previously, Togo is a party to the UNCRC, having ratified the 11th Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1990 (UNCRC 1990). Togo’s initial report (CRC/C/3/Add.42) (UNCRC 1996) was considered by the Committee at its October 1997 session. Togo’s second periodic report was due September 1, 1997. According to the concluding observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC/C/15/ Add.83, Concluding Observations/Comments; CRC 1997a), the status of implementation was discussed. Togo acceded also to the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (Organisation of African Unity [OAU] 1990; signature February 27, 1992, ratification May 5, 1998). June 16 is the day of celebration and prevention on child’s rights in Togo (Day of the African Child). The juvenile judge and juvenile court are judicial authorities with jurisdiction in cases involving offences committed by children younger than 13 years of age. The distinguishing characteristic of the court is that it is a specialized legal body in which the judge combines the functions of examining magistrate and sentencing judge. Sanctions are imposed only in exceptional cases and are always appropriate to the age and personality of the child (in the case of children over the age of 16) (UNCRC 1996). There is, however, a persistence of discriminatory practices against some groups of children, notably girls and disabled children, as well as children living in rural areas is at hand with limited access to basic social facilities, such as health and education (UNCRC 1997b). RELIGIOUS LIFE The constitution guarantees freedom of religion and the government generally respects this right in practice. The most recent available statistics
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published by the Demographic Research Unit of the University of Lome (2004) states that the population is approximately 33 percent traditional animist, 27.8 percent Catholic, 13.7 percent Sunni Muslim, and 9.5 percent Protestant. The remaining 16 percent of the population consists of various Christian (9.8 percent) and non-Christian groups (1.2 percent), and persons not affiliated with any religious group (4.9 percent). Many converts to the more widespread faiths continue to perform rituals that originated in traditional indigenous religions (U.S. Department of State 2005). Mostly, these religions have practices to initiate children into their religious communities. In Togo, Christian and Islamic organizations engage in many activities for children, including building residential schools.
CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT In Togo, children are not generally recruited into the military. General violence against children in school, however, is a feature of the ‘‘everyday violence’’ that violates children’s human rights and causes them to suffer. Cases of corporal punishment, forced labor, sexual harassment, and abuse of children by teachers have been reported by PLAN International, Togo. Unreported cases of abuse are estimated to be even higher (PLAN International, Togo 2006). In the case of child trafficking and forced labor, Human Rights Watch estimated in 2005 that at least 313,000 Togolese children aged between 5 and 15 years of age are currently working in conditions of actual or near slavery in urban centers of Togo and in neighboring Benin, Nigeria, and Gabon. These children come from predominantly poor agricultural backgrounds and have little schooling before being trafficked. West Africa is ripe for this type of phenomenon because borders are extremely porous and there are many shared cultural ties between neighboring countries (see also the chapter on Benin; Human Rights Watch 2003, 2006).
GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Currently in Togo, there is an increased awareness of children’s issues by the government, NGOs, and general public. During the last 10 years, school enrollment has gone up slowly and laws have been signed to protect children from abuse and discrimination. Nevertheless, access to social benefits and educational rights is still highly dependent on gender, regional provenance (more so than ethnic origin) and children’s social conditions. Girls of rural areas in the northern parts of Togo have statistically much lower educational opportunities than boys of the south. Even so, good schooling and job training does not result automatically in a good job position. Childhood in Togo is very dependent on state politics and the politics of international donors and the governmental budget for children’s issues remains very low.
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NOTES 1. Expanded Programme on Immunization: The immunizations in this program include those against TB, DPT, polio, and measles, as well as protecting babies against neonatal tetanus by vaccination of pregnant women. Other vaccines (e.g., against hepatitis B or yellow fever) may be included in the program in some countries.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Kassindja, Fauziya. Do They Hear You When You Cry. New York: Random House; 1998. Fauziya Kassindja was at the center of a legal case involving asylum for a girl who wished to avoid genital mutilation. In this book she talks about growing up in a traditionalist household in Togo and the ordeals she faced when fleeing to the United States only to be imprisoned by the INS. She gained political asylum in June 1996. Although controversial, this book provides some insight from a Togolese woman’s perspective on growing up in the environment discussed in this chapter. Lange, Marie-France. ‘‘The demand for labour within the household: child labour in Togo,’’ in The Exploited Child, edited by Bernard Schlemmer, translated by Philip Dresner. London and New York: Zed Books and St. Martin’s Press; 2000. Lange addresses the economic demands of a family and household and children’s economic roles. Marguerat, Yves. ‘‘The exploitation of apprentices in Togo,’’ in The Exploited Child, edited by Bernard Schlemmer, translated by Philip Dresner. London and New York: Zed Books and St. Martin’s Press; 2000. This article highlights the ambiguity between providing youth with mentoring and skills and an exploitation of their labor.
Nonprint Resources Ashakara. 1991. 90 minutes. Directed by Gerard Louvin. Armattan Productions. French with English Subtitles. This dark comedy is set in Togo and, as told in the style of a folk tale, pits a local Togolese doctor who has found a cure for a deadly virus against a multinational pharmaceutical country.
Web Sites Human Rights Watch, http://hrw.org/doc/?t¼africa This website provides timely articles and discussions on human rights issues encountered around the globe, with an archive of numerous articles on Togo. iciLome, http://www.icilome.com In French. This site, based in Montreal, Canada, provides current news items of interests, statements from civil society organizations and diaspora organizations, yellow and white pages/directories, information for travelers, national anthem, history, photographs, the Constitution, classified ads, etc.
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IRIN, http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid¼54944 Humanitarian news and analysis for the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. This website provides up-to-date news and discussions on various human rights abuses, threats, displacement, and protection issues. Togolese Republic, official government page, http://www.republicoftogo.com In French. This site provides information on business, the economy, and other topics.
Organizations and NGOs Club des Amis du Village BP 772 Sokode, Togo Phone: þ228 551 0192 Email: [email protected] Club des Amis du Village (‘‘Friends of the Village Club’’) is a community-based organization that focuses on training, education, and media/press advocacy regarding child rights against unfair labor and exploitation. Development Junction BP 8815 Lome, Togo Phone: þ 228 905 26 23 Fax: þ 228 222 58 20 Email: [email protected] Development Junction promotes social development, education, human rights, and health. Direction de la Protection et de la Promotion de la Famille BP 342 Lome, Togo Phone: 00 228 2215 27/251371 Fax: 00 228 251850 This organization provides funding to other organizations and is active in advocacy for training and education on child rights and in undertaking legal casework on behalf of children. Fondation Des Droits De L’Enfant–Child Rights Foundation BP 07 AgouGare, Togo Phone: 00 228 471013/00 228 471057 Fax: 00 228 471042 Email: [email protected] The Child Rights Foundation promotes the Convention on the Rights of the Child through education and training of activists, provision of kindergarten and child healthcare units, nutritional advice, community development and binational negotiations, and care for orphans and abandoned children in rural and remote areas. PLAN International–Togo P.O. Box 3485 Lome, Togo Phone: þ2289039515
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Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.plan-international.org PLAN International–Togo is the local branch of an international NGO. In Togo, PLAN International is active in children’s education, health, gender equity, and rights.
Selected Bibliography Alber, Erdmute. 2004. ‘‘The real parents are the foster parents’’: social parenthood among the Baatombu in Northern Benin,’’ in Cross-Cultural Approaches to Adoption, edited by Fiona Bowie. London/New York: Routledge; 2004, 33–47. ———. ‘‘Denying biological parenthood–Child fosterage in northern Benin.’’ Ethnos, 68 (2003), 487–506. Alber, Erdmute, and Wenzel Geissler, and Susan R. Whyte, eds. ‘‘Lifetimes Intertwined: African Grandparents and Grandchildren.’’ Africa, 74 (2004)/1. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). World Factbook. Togo; 2007. https://www.cia .gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/to.html#top. Child Rights Information Network (CRIN). Togo: New Law against Child Trafficking. PLAN International–West Africa. 2005. http://www.crin.org/resources/ InfoDetail.asp?ID¼6052. Consortium for Street Children (UK). Civil Society Forum for Francophone Africa on Promoting and Protecting the Rights of Street Children, June 2–5, 2004 (Mbour, Senegal). London: Consortium for Street Children; 2004. Electronic document available online: http://www.streetchildren.org.uk/reports/Sene gal.pdf. Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). Adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession by General Assembly resolution 44/25 of November 20, 1989; entry into force September 2, 1990, in accordance with article 49. Geneva; 1990. http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/k2crc.htm. ———. Initial Reports of States Parties due in 1992: Togo. February 27, 1996. At What Age Are School-Children Employed Married and Taken to Court? CRC/ C/3/Add.42. State Party Report. Geneva. Electronic Document available online: http://www.right-to-education.org/content/age/togo.html or http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/(Symbol)/ea0880cd952d274cc125636 90041f02e?Opendocument ———. CRC/C/15/Add.83 (Article 44). Rights of the Child in Togo. 16th Session– Geneva, October 1997. The World Organisation against Torture (OMCT): Geneva: WHO; 1997a. http://www.hri.ca/fortherecord1997/documenta tion/tbodies/crc-c-15-add83.htm. ———. Summary record of the 421st meeting (CRC/C/SR.421): Togo, 10/10/ 97. Geneva: WHO; 1997b. http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/0/bf968e75 ecda480480256536005c1035?Opendocument. CoopTogo.net (La communaute d’echanges entre le Togo et le monde). 2003. http://www.cooperationtogo.net/info/75952.html. D’Almeida, D. N. ‘‘La protection de la mere et de l’enfant au regard des prestations familiales de securite sociale au Togo.’’ Penant, 105/819 (1995), 308–325. EFAMTO (Enquete, Famille, Migrations et Urbanisation au Togo). National Survey carried out by the Demographic Research Unit (URD) and the ‘‘Direction Generale de la Statistique et de la Comptabilite Nationale’’ (DGSCN). Lome, Togo, 2000.
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Flanz, Gisbert H., ed. [no date.] Constitutions of the Countries of the World. New York: Dobbs Ferry. Handicap International. Togo. 2007. http://www.handicap-international.org.uk/ page_210.php and http://www.handicap-togo.org. Human Rights Watch. Swept Under the Rug: Abuses against Domestic Workers Around the World. Vol. 18, No. 7(C), July 2006. Electronic document available online: http://hrw.org/reports/2006/wrd0706/wrd0706webwcover .pdf. ———. Borderline Slavery. Child Trafficking in Togo. 15 (2003), No. 8 (A). Electronic document available online: http://hrw.org/reports/2003/togo0403/ togo0403.pdf. International Labour Organisation (ILO). The General Conference of the International Labour Organisation. C182; Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention. 1999. http://www.ilo.org/ilolex/cgi-lex/convde.pl?C182. ———. The General Conference of the International Labour Organisation. C138; Minimum Age Convention [for Admission to Employment]. 1973. http:// www.ilo.org/ilolex/cgi-lex/convde.pl?C138. Kniel, Adrian. Echelles De Comp e tence Dans la Vie Quotidienne Pour Enfants Togolais. Lome, 1999. (Test of everyday life skills for Togolese children.) ———. Schulische Integration geistig behinderter Kinder in Westafrika. (Integration of mentally handicapped children in West Africa) DED-Brief 2, 1998, 33–35. ———. ‘‘Animistisches Weltbild und Verst€andnis der geistigen Behinderung: Die Ewe in S€ ud-Togo (Animist world view and understanding of mental retardation: the Ewe in South Togo).’’ Rundbrief Behinderung und Dritte Welt, 2 (1995), 48–60. Lallemand, Suzanne. Adoption et Mariage: Les Kotokoli du Centre du Togo. Paris: L’Harmattan; 1994. ———. La Circulation des Enfants en Soci e t e Traditionelle. Pr^ e t, don, echange. Paris: L’Harmattan; 1993. Le Ministere Togolais des Enseignements Primaire et Secondaire. Le developpement de l’education. Rapport national du Togo, pr e sent e a la 47 e me session de la Conf e rence internationale de l’ e ducation. Geneva, September 8–11, 2004. Electronic document available online: http://www.ibe.unesco.org/International/ICE47/English/Natreps/reports/togo.pdf. Organisation of African Unity (OAU). 1990. Doc. CAB/LEG/24.9/49. http:// www.chr.up.ac.za/pulp/compendium/4%20-%20Instruments%20of %20the% 20AU.pdf. PLAN International, Togo. For the Price of a Bike. Child Trafficking in Togo. Lome, 2005. Electronic document, available online: http://www.plan-international .org/pdfs/togoreport.pdf. ———. Suffering to Succeed? Violence and Abuse in Schools in Togo. Lome, 2006. Electronic document, available online: http://www.crin.org/docs/plan_ed_ togo.pdf. Togolese Republic [1992–present]. Constitution of Togo. (Multiparty draft constitution approved by High Council of the Republic, July 1, 1992, adopted by public referendum September 27, 1992. Electronic copy in French: http:// droit.francophonie.org/doc/html/tg/con/fr/2002/2002dftgcofr1.html. UNICEF. The State of the World’s Children 2006: Excluded and Invisible. (December 2005). Electronic Document, available online: http://www.unicef.org/ publications/files/SOWC_2006_English_Report_rev(1).pdf
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———. At a Glance: Togo; 2007. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/togo_sta tistics.html. Primary data sources come from: United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO); Demographic and Health Surveys; UNICEF Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys; WHO; and UNDP. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Human Development Report: International cooperation at a crossroads: Aid, trade and security in an unequal world. 2005. http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2005. U.S. Department of State. International Religious Freedom Report 2005, released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. 2005. http://www .state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2005/51500.htm.
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UGANDA Kearsley A. Stewart NATIONAL PROFILE The Republic of Uganda is a landlocked country, slightly smaller than the state of Oregon in size, and it straddles the equator just east of the center of the African continent. Located at 1 degree north and 32 degrees east, Uganda is bordered on the east by Kenya, southeast by Tanzania and Lake Victoria, south by Rwanda, west by the Democratic Republic of Congo, and north by Sudan. Mountains rim Uganda on the east and west. The highest peak is Margherita on Mount Stanley (5,113 meters), which is part of the Ruwenzori mountain range in the west. In eastern Uganda, the border with Kenya is marked by volcanic hills dominated by Mount Elgon at 4,324 meters. Approximately half of Lake Victoria (10,200 square kilometers) lies within Ugandan territory and is a significant source of water for the Nile River. The climate in most of the country is tropical and alternates between two seasons: dry and rainy. The climate in the northeast is semiarid. The terrain is mostly plateau with a rim of mountains on the west and southwest.
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The capital city is Kampala and English is the official language of the government. Uganda was declared a British Protectorate in 1894 and gained its independence on October 9, 1962. The main indigenous language groups in Uganda are Bantu-speakers in the south and Niloticand Central Sudanic-speakers in the north, roughly separated by Lake Kyoga in central Uganda. Uganda is a country of mostly rural farmers and cattle-keepers, and only 12 percent of the population lives in an urban area. Uganda has substantial natural resources, including fertile soils, dependable rainfall across much of the southern half of the country, and sizable mineral deposits of copper and cobalt. Approximately 80 percent of the working population is employed in the agricultural sector, both for subsistence and cash income. Major crops include coffee, cotton, tea, tobacco, and cocoa. Food crops include bananas, cereals, beans, and peanuts. Coffee is the largest source of revenue from exports. The gross national income per capita is US$280 per year. In 2006, the total population in Uganda was approximately 28,816,000. As with most developing countries, more than half of the total population is children and youth. Ugandans younger than 18 years of age total 16,539,000 and younger than 5 years total 5,970,000. The female fertility rate is about seven children per women, one of the highest in the world, contributing to a 3.3 percent rate of population growth per year. According to UNICEF, Uganda ranked in the bottom 10 percent of all countries in the world for under-5 mortality, a basic indicator of overall child well-being. For every 1,000 children younger than 5 years of age, 136 do not reach their fifth birthday. Almost 40 percent of all children under 5 show signs of moderate-to-severe stunting as the result of poor nutrition. Surviving to your fifth birthday as a healthy child is one of the biggest challenges facing Uganda children. For those who do survive past their fifth year, more than one-third of all children between the ages of 5 and 14 years perform at least 28 hours a week of domestic labor, whereas some are engaged in 14 hours or more per week of economic activity. And for girls, more than a third of city girls are married before age 18 and for rural girls the number is 60 percent (UNICEF 2006a). Uganda was one of the first African nations to acknowledge HIV/ AIDS as a serious health problem. The first case of HIV in Uganda was diagnosed in 1982. By the late 1980s, it appeared that Uganda had one of the highest rates of HIV infection of any country in the world. In 1986, the government of Uganda responded to the AIDS epidemic by becoming one of the first countries in Africa to collaborate with the World Health Organization (WHO) to create a national AIDS control program. Through a combination of strong government leadership, coordinated multisectoral response, and a remarkable commitment to research and prevention, the HIV infection rate decreased from its highest levels of 18.5 percent in 1995 to 6 percent in 2003. UNAIDS estimates that almost 1,000,000 people have died of AIDS in Uganda since the
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beginning of the epidemic and that, in 2003, more than 4 percent of the total population was living with the virus that causes AIDS. Young women, aged 15 to 24 years, have the highest risk of HIV transmission of any group in Uganda (Uganda Ministry of Health and ORC Macro 2006).
OVERVIEW
KEY FACTS – UGANDA Life expectancy at birth: 51.75 years (2005 est.) Literacy rate: 66.8 percent (2002 est.) Net primary school enrollment/attendance: 87 percent (2000– 2005) Internet users: 500,000 (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 530,000 (2001 est.) Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 62 Sources: CIA World Factbook: Uganda. https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ug.html. June 29, 2007; UNICEF. At a Glance: Uganda–Statistics. http://www.unicef.org/ infobycountry/uganda_statistics.html. June 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Uganda. http://hdr.undp.org/hdr2006/statistics/ countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_UGA.html. June 29, 2007.
The main causes of death for children in Uganda are malaria, pneumonia, and other preventable diseases. Other significant threats to children’s health include poor nutrition as the result of food shortage and food insecurity, minimal access to health care and social services, losing one or both parents to HIV/AIDS, and community displacement, abduction, and ‘‘night commuting’’ for children living in the north of Uganda due to a protracted 20-year civil war. Approximately 20,000 infants are infected by HIV annually through mother-to-child transmission. According to UNICEF, nearly half of the estimated 2 million orphans are orphaned due to AIDS, with the total expected to increase to 3.5 million by 2010. Children and women comprise 80 percent of the 1.4 million people forced to live in camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs). Children are particularly vulnerable to the effects of war. Since 1986, the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) has abducted more than 25,000 children. In the conflict-affected districts in the north, around 40,000 unaccompanied children—the ‘‘night commuters’’—walk every night from their homes in outlying villages to urban centers in search of protection from the threat of LRA abductions and attacks. The rate of homelessness and the number of street children continues to grow, which means that ever larger numbers of children are without the familial and social support network that provides access to health services, adequate food, education, and protection. EDUCATION Formal school education was introduced to Uganda by white European missionaries in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century with the goal of training the children of chiefs to serve as civil servants in the British colonial government. In 1963, shortly after independence from Britain, Uganda’s formal education system was expanded to include
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primary (P1 to P7), lower secondary (S1 to S4), upper secondary, (S5 and S6), and tertiary levels (3 to 5 years) of education and was theoretically open to all Ugandan children. However, secondary school education was expensive and highly selective, thereby restricting higher education to a small group of elite children. Most primary schools are governmentsupported schools, whereas secondary and higher education schools are private (either secular or religious). In 1996, President Museveni introduced the concept of education as a right for all Ugandan children through the Universal Primary Education (UPE) program. Initially UPE guaranteed free access to primary education for four children from a household (Uganda Ministry of Education and Sports 2006). In 2002 the President amended UPE to guarantee the right to primary education for all children in a household. According to the Ministry of Education and Sports, primary school enrollment increased from 2.5 million in 1996 to nearly 7.6 million in 2003. UPE has made a significant effort to educate girls, the disabled, and orphans. Gender parity in primary schools stands at 50.6 percent for boys and 49.4 percent for girls, and girls’ primary school enrollment has increased from 39 percent in 1970 to nearly 49 percent by 2001. By 2003, the Ugandan government reported that it spent more than one-third of its national budget on education (Uganda Ministry of Education and Sports 2006). Although many primary school-aged children are now enrolled in school, the challenge is to improve the quality of the education they receive in currently overcrowded, understaffed, and underfunded classrooms. A report by the National Assessment of Progress in Education discovered that the acceptable levels of math skills of P6 pupils had slipped from 41.5 percent in 1999 to 20.5 percent in 2003 (UNESCO 2006). However, there was a slight improvement in competency in literacy at the same level from 13.2 percent to 20 percent during the same period. A total of 64 percent of the P3 pupils tested were found inadequate in their performance in English reading and writing and as high as 76 percent were inadequate in oral English. At P6, 80 percent of the sample pupils tested were described as inadequate in English reading and writing, just greater than 30 percent in oral English, and greater than 80 percent in math skills. Therefore, despite the efforts of UPE, many children leave primary school unable to read, write or count. These semi-illiterate children were highly unlikely to progress to the next level of education (Acana 2006). The Ministry of Education and Sports is currently developing a strategic plan to fight AIDS and HIV infection in the education sector; however, a 2002 report sponsored by the Rockefeller Foundation (Karin Hyde) found few references to HIV/AIDS in the formal curriculum and noted that significant content appeared only during the last year of primary school. Primary school students’ knowledge about basic facts of HIV/AIDS is good and students’ knowledge is shown to increase with
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age, although it varies by gender and urban/rural location. Despite having basic knowledge about HIV, students were unsure about some common myths; for example that having sex with virgins cures AIDS. Discussion about HIV/AIDS topics between teachers and students was considered embarrassing by both sides, and guidance and counseling was an underdeveloped part of the school curriculum and needed guidelines and more personnel to make it effective. Although sexual harassment was generally not seen as a major problem, and several schools showed evidence of strict guidelines and policies to prevent teacher/student sexual harassment, students still felt vulnerable to members of the general public and non-teaching staff. The report also indicated that HIV/AIDS had a direct negative impact on student learning—notably increased student absenteeism and dropout, with approximately 43 percent of secondary students without parents having to leave school at some point. Having a father die led to fewer negative consequences than losing a mother with respect to repetition, absenteeism, and school interruption. Orphans reported feeling lonely, unloved, and financially deprived. They also expressed much anxiety about their future and their prospects for further education and career opportunities. Some reported anxiety about being vulnerable to HIV infection through sex work. Orphans reported being subject to excessive labor demands from guardians. Caring for sick parents who later die of AIDS has a lasting impact on students. Nongovernmental organization (NGO) assistance to orphans or for HIV/ AIDS education, although useful and appreciated, was perceived as ad hoc and intermittent. Major NGOs have shifted their focus from direct subsidies to assistance directed at promoting family economic self-sufficiency. PLAY AND RECREATION Most children in Uganda do not have toys or playgrounds for recreation. African children are the original recyclers; they make their own dolls and toy cars out of such materials as discarded tin cans, old clothes, and banana fibers. All children play together outside their homes with their brothers, sisters, relatives, and neighbors. They sing songs together and play sports in empty fields. Frequently, boys wrestle and girls run races. The International Red Cross, Girl Guides Association, and Boy Scouts are active in Uganda and many children benefit from youth-oriented programs offered by various religious groups in Uganda. UNICEF and UNHCR promote sports and recreation programs to help refugee children, abducted girls, and boy soldiers in northern Uganda overcome trauma and regain part of their lost childhood. Some refugee children are born and grow up in camp, often with no access to sports or recreation. Sports provide these children with a semblance of normality and some structure to their lives. Play and sports can build self-esteem, confidence, and, most importantly, trust in adults again. Organized play and sports
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provide many psychosocial benefits and give refugee children a positive outlet for their energy. Organized play and ports, when planned well and including coaching or guidance, can develop prosocial behaviors, including tolerance, cooperation, and an appreciation of rules. When inclusive, sports can also motivate refugee children to attend camp schools, which is particularly important for girls who are often absent from refugee camp schools. CHILD LABOR Child work is considered normal and acceptable in Uganda, where families have few resources. According to the International Labour Organization (ILO), child work refers to activities normally performed by children of their own will, at home, and under the close control and supervision of parents or guardians. Such work should not inflict pain or physical retardation. Child work is, therefore, positive and expected to build confidence and esteem in the child. Children in Uganda have many work responsibilities in the household and on the farm. Boys are often responsible for tending goats and cattle or keeping birds and monkeys away from their family garden plots and fields. Girls often walk far from home to collect firewood and water for their families and return to cook family meals and clean the house. While this can be a positive role for children, if girls are placed at risk of gender-based violence or sexual exploitation because of having to venture far from a protective environment, or if the work is too heavy for young girls, it can also pose a serious threat to girls’ well-being. All children help in the fields when it is time to harvest food crops, such as peanuts, beans, maize, and cassava. Both boys and girls are responsible for caring for their younger siblings at home while their parents are away at work or are in the fields. Child labor, however, is a different category and one in which working conditions are extreme and unacceptable. The Uganda government is working to eliminate child labor, although it continues to persist in different forms and in different intensities across Uganda. Uganda is a signatory to both the ILO Convention on the Worst Forms of Child Labor and the United Nations Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child. The 1995 Constitution of the Republic of Uganda protects children from exploitative and dangerous work. Currently the Ugandan Ministry of Gender Labor and Social Development is working to develop a more comprehensive child national labor policy. Of the many types of exploitative and abusive child labor identified by the ILO, Human Rights Watch (HRW) has identified three typically found in Uganda: agricultural labor, domestic labor, and forced or compulsory recruitment of children for use in armed conflict. HRW estimates that the vast majority of children engaged in child labor in Uganda are working in agriculture. Child agricultural workers frequently work long
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hours in scorching heat, haul heavy loads of produce, are exposed to toxic pesticides, and suffer high rates of injury from sharp knives and other dangerous tools. Their work is grueling and harsh and in violation of their rights to health, education, and protection from work that is hazardous or exploitative. According to HRW, domestic workers, who often make extraordinary sacrifices to support their families, are among the most exploited and abused workers in the world (HRW 2003). Although there is no official study of child labor in Uganda, the Uganda Demographic and Health and Survey 2000–2001 (Uganda Bureau of Statistics 2001) estimated that there are 2.7 million working children in Uganda. Approximately one-third of all Ugandan children are engaged in some form of domestic or economic labor and one in five of these children have no education at all. Of these children, one-third are younger than the age of 10. By far the most extreme form of child labor in Uganda is the use of children as soldiers and sex slaves. HRW has published many reports on the forced or compulsory recruitment of children for use in armed conflict in Uganda. According to HRW, children are uniquely vulnerable to military recruitment because of their emotional and physical immaturity (HRW 2001/1996). They are easily manipulated and can be drawn into violence that they are too young to resist or understand. Technological advances in weaponry and the proliferation of small arms have contributed to the increased use of child-soldiers. Lightweight automatic weapons are simple to operate, often easily accessible, and can be used by children as easily as adults. Both girls and boys are used as child-soldiers. In Uganda, a third or more of the child-soldiers were reported to be girls. Girls are vulnerable to rape or may be given involuntarily to military commanders as ‘‘wives.’’ Once recruited, child-soldiers may serve as porters, cooks, guards, messengers, or spies. Many are pressed into combat, where they may be forced to the front lines or sent into minefields ahead of older troops. Some children have been used for suicide missions, whereas some are forced to commit atrocities against their own family or neighbors. Such practices are designed to ensure that the child is ‘‘stigmatized’’ and unable to return to his or her home community. Children have suffered disproportionately in the protracted conflict in northern Uganda. The reports vary, but as many as 30,000 children have been abducted since the conflict began, for use as soldiers, sex slaves, and porters. According to Amnesty International, 7,500 of the abductees are girls and 1,000 conceived children during captivity (CSOPNU 2006). An unknown number have been killed. The prolonged war in northern Uganda has produced the tragic phenomenon known as ‘‘night commuting.’’ A 2005 Amnesty International report on northern Uganda estimated 30,000 child ‘‘night commuters’’ flee their homes at night and go to urban areas and to the center of larger camps for IDPs in search of a secure place to spend the night.1 The ‘‘night commuting’’ phenomenon
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started in 2003. A main reason for this movement is to escape attacks and the risk of abduction by the LRA. Most of the children commute without the protection of adult family members and face the threat of physical abuse, sexual exploitation, and gender-based violence, including rape. Walking several kilometers each way, many children sleep at specially established centers in towns and their outskirts. These centers, run by NGOs, provide a safe and clean place to sleep, clean water and sanitation, basic health care, and counseling. Scores of children also sleep at temporary shelters, hospital compounds, on verandas, and at other public places. According to Amnesty International, after almost two decades of conflict in northern Uganda, there are still reports of continuing violations of international humanitarian law and human rights, including killings, mutilations, torture, abductions, rape, and sexual violence perpetrated daily on children. It is important to understand the unique circumstances of the war in northern Uganda. A 1997 HRW report describes the current conflict in northern Uganda as a deeply rooted ethnic mistrust between the Acholi people who live in Uganda’s northernmost districts and the ethnic groups of southern Uganda. This mistrust has often erupted into widespread violence exacerbated by colonial rule and the social and economic inequities of the post-independence period after 1962. By the 1980s, many Acholi ex-soldiers in Sudan (the country to the north of Uganda) joined up with other opponents of the President Museveni’s administration to form a rebel alliance. The rebels made frequent incursions into Uganda to fight the Ugandan government forces. According to the HRW report, one of the rebel units, the Holy Spirit Mobile Force, was led by Alice Lakwena, who claimed to be possessed by the Holy Spirit. Lakwena was defeated in 1987, but a new leader emerged to replace Lakwena—Joseph Kony, Lakwena’s young relative. Kony claimed to be the inheritor of Lakwena’s spiritual tradition, and his small group of rebels, based in Sudan, eventually became known as the LRA. Like Alice Lakwena, Kony promised both to overthrow the southern-dominated government and to purify the Acholi people from within. The HRW report concludes that despite years of government attempts to stamp it out, the LRA (often called the ‘‘Kony rebels’’ by Ugandans) persists, never strong enough to seriously destabilize the government, but never weak enough to die out completely. One of the many tragic aspects of the conflict is that it is mostly Acholi civilians who are dying as a result of the activities of the rebels, the vast majority of whom are Acholi themselves, and it is the region’s children who have suffered the most. FAMILY Family structure differs in the many regions of Uganda and has undergone tremendous changes during the past 100 years as the result of
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colonialism, urbanization, migration, civil war, and now HIV/AIDS. Generally, in a traditional family in Uganda, children did not always live with their biological parents. Instead, children were often sent to live with the brothers of their father or the sisters of their mothers for both short and long periods of time. Aunts and uncles were responsible for their nieces and nephews as if they were their own biological children. This traditional ‘‘extended’’ family structure was a type of social safety net, which ensured that children of less-fortunate parents had the opportunity to be fostered in households with more resources. However, as the result of modernization, the nuclear family is quickly becoming the norm for elite Ugandan families living in urban areas. In addition, the HIV/AIDS epidemic has created another period of change and crisis for the traditional Ugandan family structure. The three most significant changes in family structure due to HIV/AIDS include grandparents raising grandchildren, an ever-growing population of street children in large towns and cities all over Uganda, and a heavy burden of orphans that threatens the traditional system of child fostering. Because HIV-positive adults between the ages of 25 and 40 years are no longer able to take care of their own biological children or their nieces and nephews, grandparents are now the primary caregivers for children who lose their parents to AIDS. Older people, who are no longer economically active, face the double burden of losing economic support from their own adult children and taking on the unexpected role of primary caregiving to their grandchildren. According to UNICEF, there are 2,300,000 orphans in Uganda, 1,000,000 of whom lost one or both parents to HIV/AIDS (UNICEF 2006a). These orphans are significantly less likely to be enrolled in school than children who continue to live with their own parents. Many NGOs are striving to assist these AIDS orphans and vulnerable children. HEALTH According to the WHO, Uganda has one of the highest child death rates in the world: 140 children in 1,000 die before their fifth birthday. Of infants younger than 1 year of age, 81 in 1,000 will die (WHO 2006). The expected lifespan for a child born today in Uganda is 47 years. However, according to the 2007 State of the World’s Children Report, the mortality rate of Ugandan children under 5 has decreased sharply (UNICEF 2006b). The under-5 mortality rate has reduced by 15 percent since 1990, and Uganda is now ranked 28 in the world in the under-5 mortality rate. In 1990, more than 160 in every 1,000 children were estimated to be dying before reaching 5 years of age, but by 2005 this rate decreased to 136 in 1,000. Despite these successes, Uganda is still below the United Nations Millennium Development Goal (MDG), which requires a reduction in under-five mortality rate by two-thirds (67
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percent) by 2015. Immunization rates for the major killer diseases in children (measles, whooping cough, tetanus, diphtheria, tuberculosis, and hepatitis B) reach nearly 90 percent in some parts of the country, but are significantly lower in the northern areas of Uganda, and rates have decreased overall since the 1990s as the result of civil war. More than 200,000 children younger than the age of 5 die annually. About 110,000 children younger than the age of 14 are believed to be living with HIV. Malaria is the leading cause of death for children in Uganda. The malaria-specific death rate for children younger than the age of 5 is 37 per 1,000 in high malarial endemic areas in Uganda; this translates to about 70,000 to 110,000 child deaths annually from malaria. Malaria is a serious illness for children, and most children suffer an average of six episodes of malaria per year. An acute case of malaria can kill a child within 24 hours. Other health problems for children in Uganda are anemia, chronic malnutrition resulting in stunted growth, intestinal worms, diarrheal diseases, and acute respiratory infections. Children in the northern areas of Uganda face especially difficult health challenges. For example, children living in the IDP camps are heavily exposed to parasites owing to the camps’ poor hygienic conditions. Access to safe drinking water is one of the greatest threats to the health of children in Uganda. Contaminated water results in intestinal infections that exacerbate malnutrition and contribute to the severity of other illnesses. Under the Ugandan Penal Code of June 15, 1950 (sections 136–138, 205, and 217) abortion is generally prohibited. However, abortion is permitted to save the life of the woman, to preserve physical health, or to preserve mental health. In reality, it is difficult to find a registered medical practitioner who will perform a legal abortion in sanitary conditions, and the consent of two physicians is usually sought before a legal abortion can be performed. According to a recent brief by the Alan Guttmacher Institute based on data from the Uganda Demographic and Health and Survey, unsafe abortion is a leading cause of maternal death in Uganda and one in five maternal deaths result from abortion-related complications (Alan Guttmacher Institute 2005). Only 23 percent of married Ugandan women of child-bearing age practice contraception, and only 14 percent use a modern method. On July 5, 2005, the Ugandan parliament voted for a constitutional amendment stating that ‘‘marriage is lawful only if entered into between a man and a woman.’’ The amendment further declared that it was ‘‘unlawful for same-sex couples to marry.’’ According to Amnesty International, gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgendered people suffer widespread harassment, intimidation, and violence as the result of their sexual orientation (Amnesty International 2006). Most people in Uganda are profoundly homophobic, and the conservative Ugandan Anglican Church (Episcopal) is currently threatening to break with the Episcopal Churches
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of England and the United States unless church leaders condemn homosexuality and same-sex marriages. Female genital mutilation, also referred to as female circumcision or female cutting, is not widespread in Uganda, but it is practiced by some groups in eastern Uganda, notably the Sebei. There is no law against the practice, but the Ugandan government and various Ugandan and international women’s groups are working to stop the practice. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The 1995 Constitution of the Republic of Uganda guarantees many rights for children. The Constitution notes that it is the responsibility of the state and the parents of the child to secure a basic education for each child. The Constitution further states that no child shall be separated from his or her family against his/her will, that children are entitled to be protected from social and economic exploitation, and that orphans and vulnerable children should be accorded special protections. Because of the weak enforcement of laws in Uganda, many Ugandan and international NGOs are working to secure the rights of women in children in Uganda. RELIGIOUS LIFE The 1967 and the 1995 constitutions provide for freedom of religion and the current government respects this right. Although the government requires religious groups to register as NGOs, it does not use this requirement to curtail religious activities by any group. There is no state religion, and a variety of religions are freely practiced; 66 percent are Christian (equally divided between Roman Catholic and Protestant/Anglican), 15 percent are Muslim, and the remaining practice indigenous religion or no religion. However, Pentecostal and Fundamentalist Christian churches continue to grow in popularity, especially among the young, who are leaving the Roman Catholic and Anglican churches in favor of these more youth-oriented religious organizations. Religion is an important part of the lives of many Ugandan children. Children regularly attend religious services, participate in youth religious groups, and attend religious schools. The Alan Guttmacher Institute reports that 99 percent of adolescents have a religious affiliation; of these, 9 in 10 feel that religion is very important to them and attend a religious service at least once a week (Alan Guttmacher Institute 2006). CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT As discussed previously, children in Uganda suffer disproportionately because of war and poor living conditions, primarily through the abuse
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and neglect brought on by displacement and/or kidnapping by the LRA, ‘‘night commuting,’’ household food insecurity, and limited access to health services and the poor quality of water and sanitation in many parts of the country. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The challenges facing the children and youth of Uganda at the beginning of the twenty-first century are daunting but the solutions are clear: improving access to quality education, increasing enrollment of girls in schools, reducing the vulnerability of young girls to risk of HIV transmission from older men, reducing the numbers of homeless street children, treating the mental health issues of child soldiers and other children affected by the war in the north, reintegrating child soldiers into normal society, and finding meaningful employment for all young people. Uganda’s children and young people have tremendous energy, vision, enthusiasm, and hope for their future and the future of their country; they simply need better tools and resources to achieve their dreams of a better life and a better Uganda. NOTES 1. This and other reports are available at the Amnesty International website: http://web.amnesty.org/report2005/uga-summary-eng.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Barz, Gregory. Singing for Life: HIV/AIDS and Music in Uganda. New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group; 2006. This book explores the links between Uganda’s grassroots communication and education efforts through music, dance, and drama, to contribute to the decline in the population’s HIV infection rate. Behrend, Heike. Alice Lakwena & the Holy Spirits: War in Northern Uganda 1986– 97. Oxford: James Curry; 1999. This book, translated from the original German, is a history of the Ugandan rebel movement led by its charismatic leader Alice Auma who, under the possession of a Christian spirit named Lakwena, called on the Holy Spirit Mobile Forces in her attempt to overthrow the Museveni government. Foden, Giles. Last King of Scotland. London: Faber and Faber; 1998. This book, the basis of the movie by the same name, is a blend of historical fact and fiction. Based on the experiences of a former British soldier, it is the story of a Scottish doctor who travels out to Uganda and ends up as the personal physician and confidant of Idi Amin during his brutal dictatorship in the 1970s. Fossey, Dian. Gorillas in the Mist. New York: Mariner Books (Houghton Mifflin Company); 1983.
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This is a personal account of Dian Fossey’s 13 years conducting research on the ecology and behavior of the mountain gorillas in the Virunga mountains of Rwanda. The book provides insight into both the study animals and the researcher. Isegawa, Moses. Abyssinian Chronicles. London: Pan MacMillan Publishers (Picador); 2001. This book is set in a village during the difficult years of Idi Amin’s brutal rule in Uganda. It is a compelling story that addresses brutality, wisdom, ignorance, wealth, poverty, hope and despair through the experience of a boy growing up in an extended family. Juarez, Bree, and the University Musical Society’s Youth Education Program. Children of Uganda, Teacher Resource Guide. Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Musical Society and the University of Michigan, Education and Audience Development Department; 2006. Available at: http://www.ums.org/assets/ pdf/studyguide/uganda2006-sg.pdf The teacher resource guide is designed to guide children’s experience of a performance by ‘‘The Children of Uganda’’ touring dance troupe, which includes children and youth aged six to twenty. Most of the children and youth live in homes and boarding schools in the capital city of Kampala, Uganda. They serve as goodwill ambassadors for the 2.4 million orphans living in their country who have lost parents as the result of war, AIDS, or other causes. Their performances have brought them to the White House, the David Letterman Show, the World Bank, MTV/Nickelodeon, and numerous other events. Keitetsi, China. Child Soldier. London: Souvenir Press, Ltd. 2004. This is an autobiographical book by a woman who, as a child growing up in western Uganda, was beaten by her father and grandmother and made unwelcome by her stepmother and stepbrothers. In 1986 at only 9 years of age she became a child-soldier in the guerilla war that brought Yoweri Museveni to power. Temmerman, Els De. Aboke Girls: Children Abducted in Northern Uganda. Kampala: Fountain Publishers, Ltd. 2001. This book is based on the firsthand accounts provided by a nun, government officials, and abducted girls. Girls ranging in age from 9 to 13 years were abducted from their dorm rooms in the middle of the night and forced to become soldiers or concubines to male commanders in the Lord’s Resistance Army. The book documents the journey of these Aboke girls who, through the efforts of Sister Rachel, were able to return to their homes
Suggested Readings for Children Ages 4 to 12 Appe, James. Stories from Uganda and More Stories from Uganda. Nairobi, Kenya: East African Educational Publishing Company; 1994. James Appe includes characters that are familiar to Africa folklore—Lion, Hare, Elephant, wise old women, the beautiful daughter of a spirit, and others—to create entertaining and education children’s stories. Blauer, Ettagale, and Jason Laure. Uganda. Enchantment of the World. Second Series. Danbury, CT: Children’s Press; 1997. This book, aimed at grades 4 through 7, describes the geography, history, culture, industry, and people of Uganda, known as ‘‘The Pearl of Africa.’’
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Braun, Eric. Uganda in Pictures, 2nd ed. Visual Geography Series. Minneapolis: Lerner Publishing Group; 2007. Designed for aspiring geographers and historians, this book includes full-color photographs accompanied by useful statistics, maps, facts on the geography, demography, culture, and economy of Uganda, with an annotated bibliography, a glossary, reading lists, and websites. Ellis, Veronica Freeman. AfroBets First Book About Africa. New York: Cartwheel; 2003. This overview of Africa for young readers with information on the history, geography, wildlife, art, religion, and music of Africa. Farris, Pamela J., and Valerie Gorbachev. Young Mouse and Elephant: An East African Folktale. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company; 1996. The story of a boastful mouse who, when challenged by his grandfather sets off to confront the great beast, vowing to ‘‘break Elephant apart and stomp her to bits.’’ The young mouse encounters various challenges and learns lessons in the process. Recommended for ages 4–8. McBrier, Page, and Lori Lohstoeter. Beatrice’s Goat. New York: Aladdin (Simon and Schuster); 2004. This story is based on the true account of a family in western Uganda who received assistance from Heifer Project International, an NGO that donates livestock to poor communities around the world.
Nonprint Resources A.B.C. Africa. 2005. Directed by Abbas Kiarostami. Produced by Abbas Kiarostami and Marin Karmitz. Originally released in 2001. Distributed by New Yorker Films. Filmmaker Abbas Kiarostami captures the devastation of the AIDS epidemic and the ongoing conflict in northern Uganda in the faces of a thousand orphans while on a 10-day visit to Uganda in 2001. Born in Africa. 1990. Written and directed by John Zaritsky. Produced by Virginia Storring for WGBH/Boston. Distributed by PBS Video, Alexandria, VA. Originally broadcast as a Frontline special report, this is the story of a popular 37-year-old Ugandan musician, Philly Lutaaya, who did so much to educate Ugandans about HIV and AIDS by disclosing that he was infected with the disease. The Cutting Edge: Uganda. 1997. Not the Numbers Game Series. Produced and directed by Charlotte Metcalf. Distributed by Bullfrog Films, Oley, Pennsylvania. Produced by Jenny Richards and Emily Marlow for Television Trust for the Environment. Filmed in the Kapchorway region of Uganda, this video documents a new project called REACH, which aims to persuade villagers that ritual and cultural celebrations to welcome young girls into womanhood do not have to include female genital mutilation; that symbolic gifts can be substituted for the actual genital cutting. I Have a Problem, Madam. 1995. Directed by Maarten Schmidt and Thomas Doebele. Produced by IKON/Frame Mediaprodukties, The Netherlands. In this film, we are introduced to FIDA-Uganda, the Association of Uganda Women Lawyers whose mission is ‘‘to assist women, children and other indigent groups attain effective legal protection.’’ FIDA-Uganda’s legal aid
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centers for women in trouble provide an opportunity for women to reconcile with their men in face-to-face meetings. Attitudes, challenges, and conflicts between traditional and official laws are explored. It’s Not Easy. 1991. Produced by John Riber and co-produced by the Federation of Uganda Employers and the Experiment in International Living/Uganda. Directed by Fuastin J. Misanvu. Distributed by Development through SelfReliance, Inc., Columbia, MD. This drama portrays the difficulties of a young African business executive, Suna, when he learns that he has contracted HIV and passed the infection on to his wife and unborn child. The film delivers a positive message about how neighbors and co-workers can become allies, not enemies, in the face of HIV/AIDS. Our Friends at the Bank. 1997. Directed by Peter Chappell. Produced by IBT, JBA Production, La Sept Arte Documentaries Department, Channel 4. Executive Producer Greg Lanning. Distributed by First Run/Icarus Film, New York. Filmmaker Peter Chappel traveled between Washington, DC, and Uganda to document 18 months of negotiations between the World Bank and Yoweri Museveni, President of Uganda, in order to better understand the mechanisms and implications of North–South economic relations and policy agendas. Pandemic: Facing AIDS. 2003. Directed by Rory Kennedy, produced by Rory Kennedy and Liz Garbus, written by Mark Bailey, and narrated by Elton John. Produced by Moxie Firecracker Films, HBO, and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. One of the five half-hour films in this documentary series that looks at the worldwide AIDS epidemic takes us to Uganda where one woman uses song to educate and comfort AIDS orphans. Refugees in Africa: Another Quiet Emergency. 2004. ABC News Productions. Princeton, NJ: Films for the Humanities & Sciences. Originally broadcast on August 23, 2005, hosted by Ted Koppel and narrated by Don Cheadle. The 22-minute film shows the daily struggle for dignity and survival in the IDP camps of northern Uganda. Cheadle visits a rehabilitation center where boys and girls who had been kidnapped by the LRA are now being rehabilitated. He also visits a camp for the ‘‘night commuters’’—the children and youth who ‘‘commute’’ each night to shelters and towns away from their families and homes in order to avoid capture by the LRA. Uganda: The War of the Children. 1999. Script by Walter Heinz. Princeton, NJ: Films for the Humanities and Sciences. Series Children without Childhood.’’ Produced by Thomas Jimmerthal and Christa Kofler. This film highlights the reality of the conflict in northern Uganda, with rare footage of the Lord’s Resistance Army guerrilla leader Joseph Koney and interviews with President Museveni and Acholi village and church leaders, as well as firsthand accounts by child-soldiers and their families. Eight out of ten rebels are younger than 16 years of age and some are as young as 6. Thousands of children, male and female, were forcefully conscripted into the rebel army. The film shows local communities’ efforts to rehabilitate and repatriate escaped and captured rebels. Welcome to Womanhood. 1998. Directed by Charlotte Metcalf. Produced by TVE and BBC. Hosted by Donu Kogbara. Distributed by Bullfrog Films, Oley, Pennsylvania. BBC film crew returns with Donu Kogbara to the Kapchorwe region of Uganda where ‘‘The Cutting Edge’’ was filmed in order to learn of the success or failure of a project designed to replace the practice of female genital
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mutilation with ceremonies for the exchange of cattle and gifts to welcome young girls into the adult community.
Web Sites African Access, http://www.africaaccessreview.org Founded in 1989, African Access helps schools, public libraries, and parents improve the quality of their children’s collections on Africa. The online database, Africa Access Review, contains over 1,000 annotations and reviews of books for children. African Studies Association, http://www.africanstudies.org Gives an award for Children’s Literature each year at annual meeting. allAfrica.com, http://allafrica.com/children This site provides a listing of headlines across sub-Saharan Africa as they pertain to children. http://www.musicuganda.com/musical%20instruments.htm A listing of traditional Ugandan instruments, including detailed descriptions and photos. University of Pennsylvania guide to websites on Uganda, http://www.africa.upenn .edu/Country_Specific/Uganda.html A guide including links to Ugandan news, geography, history, women’s issues, wildlife and the environment, and official government websites. University of Pennsylvania guide to websites on Uganda for K–12 teachers, http:// www.sas.upenn.edu/African_Studies/Home_Page/AFR_GIDE.html This guide helps K–12 teachers, librarians, and students locate online resources on Africa for the classroom.
Organizations and NGOs African Network for the Prevention and Protection Against Child Abuse and Neglect–Jinja District, http://www.anppcan.org The goal of the African Network is to provide a forum for the exchange of scientific information or problems affecting children in Africa. The network engages in advocacy for children’s rights and encourages and assists national organization in other African countries concerned with the protection and defense of children’s rights. Agoro Community Development Association (ACDA), http://www.romero-online. com/respect/acda/contacts.shtml Formed in 2001, ACDA empowers the Agoro community by providing education on relevant social and economic issues, and providing communication linkages between them and other local and international humanitarian organizations. As an example, one project developed by RESPECT International delivered computers to partner organizations that directly serve refugee youth.
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Association of Uganda Women Medical Doctors, http://www.auwmd.interconnec tion.org/index.html The Association of Uganda Women Medical Doctors (AUWMD) is a NGOs established in 1987 with the purpose of improving the health status of the population of Uganda, especially, women, children and adolescents. Children of Uganda, http://www.uccf.org The mission of Children of Uganda is to support and empower orphans and vulnerable children in Uganda to lead successful and productive lives through health, education, and leadership initiatives. Human Rights Watch, http://www.hrw.org/doc?t¼africa&c¼uganda Human Rights Watch provides country-specific, up-to-date news and monitoring of human rights violations and issues. International Service Volunteers Association, http://www.avsi.org/EN An international non-profit organization that promotes cultural, social, and economic development, according to Catholic social teaching, especially among the most disadvantaged. Pearls of Africa, Inc., http://www.pearlsofafrica.org/index.html This non-profit organization provides services and support for men, women, and children in Uganda who live with disabilities. Plan International Uganda, http://www.plan-international.org/wherewework/east africaeurope/uganda Plan International Uganda focuses on improving the lives of children, their families, and communities mostly in the rural areas of Uganda. The organization supports many innovative programs, including memory books for HIV/AIDS orphans, ‘‘barefoot lawyers’’ who offer legal advice to orphans and widows on their inheritance rights, and many other programs that focus on health and education for Ugandan youth. Raising Voices, http://www.raisingvoices.org Raising Voices is a small, results-oriented organization based in Kampala, Uganda. It is recognized regionally and internationally as a pioneer in research, programmatic activities, and capacity building in the prevention of violence against women and children. Refugee Law Project, http://www.refugeelawproject.org/home.htm The Refugee Law Project (RLP) was established in November 1999 as an autonomous project within the Faculty of Law of Makerere University in Uganda, with the aim of protecting and promoting refugees’ rights. Since 1999 it has grown rapidly and become an important resource for refugees and asylum seekers in Uganda. RLP combines direct service provision with research and advocacy as well as education and training. Save the Children in Uganda, http://www.savethechildren.org.uk/scuk/jsp/where wework/country.jsp?ukww¼ww§ion¼wcafrica&subsection¼uganda
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Save the Children Norway (Lead Agency of Save the Children in Uganda) is a childfocused NGO within the Save the Children Federation, with a particularly strong focus on children’s rights. Straight Talk Foundation, http://www.straight-talk.or.ug/home/index.html Straight Talk Foundation originated out of Straight Talk newspaper that was first published in 1993 with funding by UNICEF. Today, Straight Talk Foundation is a health communication NGO that produces behavioral change communication (BCC) materials for adolescents and the teachers and parents who influence them. The primary objective is to contribute to the improved mental, social and physical development of Ugandan adolescents (10 to 19) and young adults (20 to 24), with messages on HIV/STD prevention, safer sex practices and the risks of early pregnancy and how to manage challenging circumstances such as conflict and deprivation. STF produces 53 radio shows a week in 11 languages, as well as numerous publications. Uganda Child Rights NGO, http://www.kampala-city-guide.com/ngo/ucrnn Established in 1997, this is a coalition of some 58 NGOs working in the field of child rights in Uganda. UCRNN aims to uphold rights and responsibilities as set out in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, the African Charter on the Rights of the and Welfare of the Child and the Uganda’s Children Statute. Uganda Women’s Efforts to Save Orphans, http://www.uweso.org UWESO’s mission is to improve the quality of life of needy orphans by empowering communities to meet the moral, social and economic needs of these children in a sustainable manner. Activities include: child care and support, youth skills development, child counseling, advocacy and lobbying, family economic empowerment. Ugandan Society for Disabled Children, http://www.usdc.or.ug The Ugandan Society for Disabled Children (USDC) provides resources and opportunities for children with disabilities to achieve their potential. USDC’s work follows a community based approach, to education and training, referral services, and support to individual children and their families through home-based activities. World Vision–Uganda, http://www.worldvisionuganda.org World Vision is a child-focused, faith-based organization involved in community development, advocacy childcare, primary education, child health and survival, food security, and vocational training activities in Uganda and around the world.
Selected Bibliography Acana, Silvia. ‘‘Reporting Results of National Assessment: Uganda Experience.’’ Unpublished paper presented at the 32nd Annual Conference of the International Association for Educational Assessment, Singapore, May 22–26, 2006. http://www.iaea2006.seab.gov.sg/conference/download/papers/Reporting% 20results%20of%20national%20assessment%20-%20Uganda%20experience.pdf. The Alan Guttmacher Institute. Adolescents in Uganda. Facts in Brief; Protecting the Next Generation. New York and Washington, DC: The Alan Guttmacher Institute; 2006. Available at: http://www.guttmacher.org/pubs/2006/07/ 26/fb_AdolUganda.pdf.
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———. Reducing Unintended Pregnancy and Unsafe Abortion in Uganda. Research in Brief. Series No. 1. New York and Washington, DC: The Alan Guttmacher Institute; 2005. Available at: http://www.alanguttmacher.org/pubs/rib/ 2005/03/08/rib1-05.pdf. Amnesty International. Uganda: Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender People Targeted. London: Amnesty International; 2006. Available at the online documentation archive: http://web.amnesty.org/library/Index/ENGAFR590062006. Civil Society Organisations for Peace in Northern Uganda (CSOPNU). Counting the Cost; Twenty Years of War in Northern Uganda. CSOPNU and Oxfam; 2006. Available at: http://www.oxfam.org/en/files/report_CSOPNU_nuganda_ 060330/download. Human Rights Watch. Stop the Use of Child Soldiers! U.S. Congress Condemns the Use of Child Soldiers. New York: HRW and Reuters; 2001/1996. Appropriations for the Department of Defense for Fiscal Year 1999 Section 8128(a) of the Conference Report Accompanying H.R. 4103. http://hrw.org/campaigns/ crp/congress.htm. ———. Violence against Child Domestic Workers. New York: HRW; 2003. http:// hrw.org/english/docs/2007/02/20/global15343.htm. Uganda Bureau of Statistics and ORC Macro. Uganda Demographic and Health Survey 2000–2001. Entebbe, Uganda and Calverton, Maryland: Macro International; 2001. Uganda Ministry of Education and Sports. A Case Study on the Impact of UPE on the Quality of Basic Education in Uganda; A Draft Report. Carthbert Julyalya, thematic coordinator, and researchers Arach Agnes, Nantume Olivia, and Zalwango Cerinah. Kampala, Uganda: Ministry of Education and Sports; 2006. http://www.education.go.ug/upe.htm#_Toc42669667. ———. The National Report on the Development of Education in Uganda at the Beginning of the 21st Century; Report to the 47th Session of the International Conference on Education, Geneva, Switzerland, September 8–12, 2004. http://www.ibe.unesco.org/International/ICE47/English/Natreps/reports/ uganda_rev.pdf. Uganda Ministry of Health and ORC Macro. Uganda HIV/AIDS Sero-behavioural Survey 2004–2005. Calverton, MD: Ministry of Health and ORC Macro; 2006. http://www.measuredhs.com/pubs/pdf/AIS2/AIS2.pdf. UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization). Uganda–Is UPE a Raw Deal? (Education for All Global Monitoring Report). 2006. http://portal.unesco.org/education/en/ev.php-URL_ID¼37684&URL_DO ¼DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTION¼201.html. UNICEF. Information by Country: Uganda. Statistics. New York: United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF); 2006a. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/ uganda_statistics.html. ———. The State of the World’s Children 2006; Excluded and Invisible. New York: United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF); 2006b. Available at: http:// www.unicef.org/sowc06/pdfs/sowc06_fullreport.pdf. The World Bank. Uganda; Data and Statistics. 2007. http://web.worldbank.org/ WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/AFRICAEXT/UGANDAEXTN/0,, menuPK:374963pagePK:141132piPK:141109theSitePK:374864,00.html. World Health Organization (WHO). The World Health Report 2006–Working Together for Health. Geneva: WHO; 2006. http://www.who.int/whr/2006/ en/ and http://www.who.int/whr/2006/overview/en/print.html.
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ZAMBIA Rasheed Olaniyi NATIONAL PROFILE The Republic of Zambia (formerly the British colony of Northern Rhodesia) has a population of more than 10.5 million inhabitants. Zambia is a landlocked country covering 753,000 square kilometers and it shares its border with eight countries; Zimbabwe, Botswana, and Namibia in the south, Tanzania and Zaire in the north, Angola to the west, and Mozambique and Malawi in the east. The country is divided into nine provinces. Lusaka is the capital city. Zambia has a debt profile that is twice the size of its gross domestic product. The dismal economic performance has been accentuated by declining prices and output of copper (Zambia’s major export earner), increasing import prices, political instability, inconsistent adjustment programs, and environmental challenges such as droughts. In the decade after independence in 1964, the country’s development strategy was based almost exclusively on development of its copper industry, which accounted for 90 percent of its export earnings to create a
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viable manufacturing sector. Although a diversified public sector industrial base was instituted, the agricultural sector was entirely neglected. As a result, Zambia had to begin importing food after having previously been self-sufficient. The country’s main agricultural export, tobacco, also suffered as a result of the neglect. When copper prices collapsed in 1976, Zambia’s industrial and economic programs were paralyzed. The World Bank increased the rate of its lending from US$12 million per year before 1972 to US$55 million a year during 1973–1982. Zambia’s human rights record is extremely poor. According to international observers, rights are especially neglected in the following areas: election irregularities and government corruption; forcible dispersal of demonstrations and obstruction of rallies of the political opposition, labor unions, and civil society groups; violence and discrimination against women; child abuse, trafficking in persons, and discrimination against persons with disabilities; and limited enforcement of workers’ rights and child labor laws. The poor human rights situation affects families and especially children. Domestic violence against women, particularly wife-beating and rape, are prevalent. In Zambia, there is no specific law for domestic violence, and violence against women is usually prosecuted under the general assault statutes. According to the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, the police unit tasked with tracking abuses (the victim support units [VSU]) recorded 2,841 cases of assault against women in 2003 (U.S. Department of State 2005b). From this figure, there were 599 convictions and 71 acquittals in assault cases. Although the VSU was responsible for handling cases involving wife-beating, maltreatment of widows, and ‘‘property grabbing,’’ the police encouraged reconciliation rather than legal pursuit of reports of domestic violence. The Zambia law prohibits rape; rapists are sentenced to hard labor by courts. Between 2003 and 2004, 931 cases of rape and 1,374 cases of defilement were reported. Despite the prevalence of marital rape, the courts have not tried such cases. Given poor government response and traditional and cultural inhibitions, most cases of violence against women and children were usually unreported. The tradition of a ‘‘sexual cleansing’’ ritual by which a widow has sex with her late husband’s relatives persists. The government, traditional authorities/elders, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have embarked on campaigns to stop violence against women. Since its independence in 1964, Zambia has been politically unstable. A major impetus for this instability was the external threat from the apartheid regime in South Africa. As a frontline state, Zambia was a refuge for black nationalists fighting the apartheid regime in South Africa. In addition, Zambia came under attack during the wars of liberation in Mozambique and Angola, as well as during the civil war in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC; formerly Zaire). The rule of Kenneth Kaunda, the first indigenous leader, who was president for 27 years
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despite countless coup attempts, was characterized by elements of political dictatorship. After the collapse of copper prices in the 1970s, former President Kenneth Kaunda introduced one-party rule. The World Bank reform programs and austerity measures compounded the ensuing economic crisis. A nationalization of mine and industry production exacerbated the problems of corruption, mismanagement, and a bloated workforce. The liberalization policies introduced by his successor, President Fredrick Chiluba, who won Zambia’s first multi-party elections in 23 years, have not translated into improvements in the standard of living. Economic reforms have resulted in massive retrenchment of workers and a deepening poverty. Poverty has ceased to be a rural phenomenon. As a result, children end up working in the urban informal sector to survive. Many children in the towns have also dropped out school due to poverty and as a result of being orphaned. Zambia has a two-tiered economy that includes a modern/urban formal sector and a rural agricultural sector. According to Oyaide (2000, 17), Zambia’s gross national product decreased from US$500 with inflation of less than 5 percent at independence in 1964 to US$250 by 1991, with inflation soaring to 100 percent. Since the middle of the 1970s, living standards have steadily plummeted in the country. By 1985, Zambia was reclassified from a low middle-income to a lowincome country. According to the World Bank, approximately 70 percent of Zambians live in households in which chronic malnutrition affects about 45 percent of the children. Infant mortality has soared to about 107 per 1,000 births and life expectancy at birth, which was 53 years in 1987, had declined to 48 years in 1992. Despite substantial aid flows, living standards continue to decline, and the prevalence of HIV/AIDS continues to increase. Since 1992, after almost two decades of intermittent attempts at structural adjustment, the government, in collaboration with bilateral agencies, has embarked on a poverty alleviation program. KEY FACTS – ZAMBIA
OVERVIEW In Zambia, a multitude of government ministries share the responsibility of salvaging the social condition of children, but these efforts have been undermined by inadequate resources and ineffective implementation of welfare programs. About 71 percent of Zambia’s 6 million children live in poverty and social deprivation.
Infant mortality rate: 100.71 deaths/1,000 live births (2007) Life expectancy at birth: 38.44 years (2007 est.) Literacy rate: 80.6 percent (2003 est.) Internet users: 231,000 (2005) People living with HIV/AIDS: 920,000 (2003 est.) Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 87 Sources: CIA World Factbook: Zambia. https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/za.html. June 29, 2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Zambia. http://hdr.undp.org/ hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_ZMB.html. June 29, 2007.
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An estimated 1 million children younger than the age of 15 are orphaned largely as a result of HIV/AIDS. HIV/AIDS orphans face multiple risks; they are vulnerable to physical and sexual abuse, enforced labor, and a lack of access to social services and protection. In 2004, an estimated 1,400 children were sexually abused. About 75 percent of households in Zambia are responsible for the care of at least one orphan. Child-headed households are also on the increase because of the death of both parents. The government and NGOs have embarked on public awareness and advocacy campaigns to increase awareness and prevention of HIV/AIDS. Arising from traditional practices and social problems encountered by households, early marriage has become widespread. In Zambia, there is no legal prohibition against early marriage. It is also customarily accepted. In some cases, courts intervene in gross violations of child’s rights. According to the U.S. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices (2006), a local court in Kasempa, a northwestern province, terminated a marriage between a 91-year-old man and a 15-year-old girl whose father forced her into an early marriage in return for a dowry of 15,000 kwacha, or about US$3.75. The old man was fined US$50 (200,000 kwacha), and the girl’s father was fined US$125 (500,000 kwacha). She was instructed by the court to return to school. Laws prohibiting child prostitution are even less effective, and, as a result, many vulnerable children are exploited in this way. The Zambian government has continued to provide shelter and protection to street children and prostitutes. Currently, Zambia has more than 19 registered NGOs with the primary objective of alleviating the plight of HIV/AIDS orphans. However, government commitment to realizing children’s rights has been constrained by underfunding attributable to weaknesses in the budgeting system. Children’s issues have remained invisible in the budgeting process.
EDUCATION The official policy of the government provides for free (not compulsory) basic education for the first 9 years of elementary school. This is buttressed by the Zambian Education Act (Cap 234), which allows children to leave school at 16 years of age. Zambia has a three-tiered educational system comprising 7 years of primary education, 5 years of secondary schooling (2 years’ of junior secondary, 3 years’ of senior secondary), and 4 years of university education. Children in the rural areas, and their peers from poor urban households, have lower attendance rates than children from wealthier households in urban areas. There are inadequacies in the school system that pushes children into wage labor. In 2001, there were 701,700 children of primary school age (7 to 13) out of school. The prevalence of HIV/AIDS has affected the education sector in Zambia. Many teachers are lost to the epidemic each year. The
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government cannot meet the burden of recruiting new teachers and creating greater gender equity in its teachers work force. There is a low level of awareness among Zambian teachers on gender and child rights issues. Some teachers value and encourage boys’ participation in class more than they value girls’ participation. Additionally, tasks are allocated along strict gender lines. As in various other developing countries, pregnant school girls are discouraged from returning to school. In 1997, the Zambian government instituted a policy that allows for readmitting schoolgirls after they give birth, but few girls return to school as the result of social stigma. When faced with a choice, families prefer to send boys to school instead of girls, which contributes to the preponderance of girls in domestic labor (Oyaide 2000, 21). Although parents value the contributions children make to the family’s budget, they lament the inability of all their children to continue schooling. Officially, the government has done away with school fees to boost school enrollment, but many children cannot attend because school authorities and teachers demand that students wear school uniforms and pay other fees before enrollment and attendance. Additionally, some schools lack adequate facilities to accommodate all pupils. In community schools, contributions are solicited from parents to meet public school standards. School enrollment ratios for primary school have increased only slightly, from 66 percent in 1999 to 72 percent in 2004. In the mid-1990s, the Zambian government collaborated with UNICEF on a program for the advancement of girls’ education, and this had paid off with a gender balance in primary school enrollment. The program was operational in more than 1,000 schools in all 72 districts by 2002; however, few children advance beyond grade 7. Most drop out of school because of poverty. PLAY AND RECREATION There are very few recreational facilities for children because of the persistent economic crisis and inadequate budgeting for children. Residential areas lack recreation facilities, and the escalating problem of street children in Zambia has been attributed to inadequate recreation facilities. NGOs are collaborating with the government to provide more sports and recreational facilities for children in and out of school. CHILD LABOR Many children are pushed into the labor market as a result of freemarket–driven policies, increasing unemployment among adult workers, and cuts in governmental spending on the public sector, poverty, and HIV/AIDS. The ‘‘twin’’ risks of poverty and HIV/AIDS have proven to be a primary impetus for child labor. Because parents are unable to afford school fees to educate their children, they send them into the streets to
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supplement family incomes. In Zambia, child labor is prevalent in both the commercial and agricultural subsistence sectors; children work in agriculture, domestic service, hotel and catering industries, stone-crushing and construction, farming, fisheries, transportation, prostitution, and the informal sector. It is estimated that 600,000 children are in the workforce. About 87 percent of them are in the agricultural sector. In 1999, the Zambian Central Statistics Office estimated that almost 12 percent of Zambia’s 3 million children between the ages 5 and 14 years were engaged in child labor. According to the UNICEF, only 52.8 percent of the children were attending school. An estimated 11 percent of the children combined both schooling and economic activities. Children as young as 4 years of age work in rock quarries breaking stones for construction purposes. The lack of building materials and a growing demand has created a market for rock dust, gravel, and crushed stone that exploits children. Some children use thick steel to crush the rock since they cannot afford a hammer. Children also work by fetching water, portering (kuzezera), digging wells and garbage pits, cooking nshima in the markets, and cutting grass. There is a demand for child labor, especially young girls, because they are cheaper than adults, hard working, stable at work, obedient, and more trustworthy than adult workers. Child labor usually occurs with the consent of parents who are either poor or unemployed. FAMILY Zambia has large family structures and one of the highest birth rates in Africa. Following rapid urbanization, deepening economic crises, and HIV/AIDS, the traditional extended family has begun to disintegrate. Children no longer have access to the same safety nets provided by extended family networks. Family relations have been weakened by poverty, divorce/separation, and the death of one parent/guardian or both parents/guardians. As the result of stigmatization, HIV/AIDS orphans are regarded as different from the rest of the family and are therefore pushed into the street, where they are vulnerable to being overworked, maltreated, ostracized, and abused. Increasingly, orphans and other vulnerable children have never been raised by a family, so that the only family they know is people on the streets, where they must find love and a sense of belonging. In the past, fewer girls migrated from the rural areas to urban centers because their parents would not allow them to work far from home, where the family had less ability to protect them. Nowadays, girls have been migrating from rural areas to urban areas in search of work because of the family’s poverty and through encouragement from parents to seek out wage labor. In the past, girls from rural settings provided unpaid work in the house of relatives, but increasingly, households now prefer to hire paid domestic workers over unpaid family members.
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HEALTH The majority of Zambian children have limited access to healthcare facilities. Zambia has high rates of stunting and malnutrition among children younger than 5 (50 percent and 20 percent, respectively) (UNICEF 2007). These figures reflect chronic under-nutrition during an infant’s key formative years. Overall HIV prevalence rates are estimated at 17 percent in the adult population and an alarming 12.7 percent among females 15 to 24 years of age (UNICEF 2007). As mentioned previously, many AIDS orphans end up as street children, where they face even more difficulties. Street children often work and live in hazardous, unhygienic environments and are vulnerable to sexual exploitation, drug abuse, and other health threats. They experience a high degree of fatigue and muscle overexertion, injuries and bruises, respiratory infections (including tuberculosis), stomach ailments and diarrhea, malaria, and are vulnerable to sexually transmitted infections, skin infections, malnutrition, and psychosocial distress. They lack both money and access to medical care for illnesses that can be treated. Street children often combine self-medication with traditional therapies as a result, and others abuse cheap street substances (glue, etc.) (Chisenga 2006). Such conditions make these vulnerable children even more likely to contract HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases. Various NGOs and community-based and faith-based organizations have responded with programs for street children, which include mobile clinics, but the problem is larger than the current capacity of the response. It is estimated that 90,000 children have HIV/AIDS in Zambia. LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS The Convention on the Rights of the Child (1990) was ratified in Zambia in 1991. The ratification implies a state’s obligation to protect the rights of children, including those engaged in work. With ratification, a state is obligated to investigate the relationship between the labor conditions of children and their rights. The Zambian constitution recognizes 15 years as the minimum age for employment; however, the Employment of Young Persons and Children Act of 1933 prohibits children up to the age of 18 from engaging in labor. With the consent of a parent or guardian, a child may be employed at the age of 16. The Zambian parliament passed the Employment of Young Persons and Children Bill, which recognizes the United Nations Convention on Minimum Age and the International Labour Organisation Convention on Worst Forms of Child Labor. The Constitution of Zambia outlaws forced labor and trafficking of children. The Employment of Children and Young Persons Act as amended in 2004 bans all forms of slavery and the employment of children in any form of commercial agriculture, domestic labor, and street vending in order to control and reduce the incidence of child labor. The
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Zambian Ministry of Labor and Social Security (MLSS) has the responsibility to implement and enforce child labor laws and regulations. Violations of child rights bring penalties that range from fine to imprisonment. In 2004, the government allocated a marginal budget of US$72,500 (300 million kwacha) for MLSS to survey cases of child labor. This led to the recruitment of 49 new labor officers, inspectors, and prosecutors for the purpose of enforcing child labor laws and counseling families that engage their children in child labor. The enforcement of child labor laws was hampered by insufficient resources and lack of political will. About 5,000 children, primarily orphans, were removed from child labor in urban areas and placed in schools and vocational skills training centers. Laws prohibiting pornography and sexual exploitation of children under 21 years of age are enforced to an even lesser degree. RELIGIOUS LIFE Zambia is predominantly a Christian nation. African traditional religions are also practiced, especially in the rural areas. The Zambian constitution provides for freedom of religion although it declares the country as a Christian nation. The government also respects the right of worship. The government expects religious groups and organizations to register, regardless of their affiliation. After riots in Lusaka spurred on by allegations that the church was engaged in occult practices, the government deregistered the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God. The High Court, however, issued a ruling that allowed the church to resume operations. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Without family or state support, children continue to migrate to urban areas where they end up as street children. To survive, street children engage in hazardous jobs, including street vending, begging, and prostitution. The money they earn is often barely enough for a meal. Female child prostitutes earn 30,000 kwachas (US$6.30) per night. Given that Zambia is both a source and transit country for trafficked women and children, street children are vulnerable to commercial sexual exploitation. In Lusaka alone, it is estimated that 30,000 children are living on the streets. The government has established 15 Zambia National Service camps in 9 provinces to provide basic skill training to street children recruited off the street. The government provides a limited amount of social support to street children through District Street Children Committees. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY Education has been considered as an antidote to poverty and the spread of HIV/AIDS in Zambia. Many of the street children are
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enthusiastic about education. According to UNICEF (2004, 48–49), a study of 15 to 19 year olds in Zambia shows a decline in HIV prevalence rates among those with a medium to higher level of education, but an increase among those with lower educational levels. In the 1990s, the HIV infection rate in Zambia decreased by approximately half among educated women, but there was lesser decline for women without any formal education. In 1996, the government’s ‘‘Educating Our Future’’ policy advocated for improvement in the educational sector through the provision of basic schooling from 7 to 9 years for all children. The goal is universal primary education by 2005 and universal access to nine years of basic education to all children by 2015. With the presence of political will, assistance from international donors, economic reforms, and an effective poverty reduction strategy, Zambia’s children will have a better future to look forward to. RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings De Burea, R. Study to Identify Individuals and Organisations Concerned with Children in Need, Their Activities and How to Increase the Benefits Accruing to These Children within the Compounds of Lusaka. Paris: UNESCO; 1994. Gulhati, Ravi. ‘‘Impasse in Zambia: The Economics and Politics of Reform.’’ EDI (Development Policy Case Series No. 2). Washington, DC: World Bank; 1989. International Labour Organisation. Zambia 1999 Child Labour Survey: Country Report. Lusaka: ILO/CSO; 1999. Petty, C., and Brown, R. Justice for Children: Challenges for Policy and Practice in Sub-Saharan Africa. London: Save the Children; 1998. Qvortrup, Jens, Marjatta Bardy, Giovanni Sgritta, Helmut Wintersberger, eds. Childhood Matters: Social Theory, Practice and Politics. Aldershot: Avebury; 1994. Schlemmer, B., ed. The Exploited Child. London: Zed Books; 2000. UNDP. Zambia: Human Development Report, 1999–2000. New York: UNDP; 2001.
Nonprint Resources Bad Timing. 2006. Distributed by CINEMAMINIMA (Arizona). This film is the story of Chiku, a respected Zambian social activist who is invited to lead the UN Task Force to investigate and improve the future of the African child. Their Brothers’ Keepers Orphaned by AIDS. 2005. 55 minutes. By Catherine Mullins. Distributed by Bullfrog Films. This film explores the plight of Africa’s AIDS orphans who must fend for themselves. According to the film, ‘‘theirs is no normal childhood. They are the millions of children whose parents have AIDS. The have no time to grieve. They are the parents.’’
Web Sites Against Child Abuse—A Better Future for All, http://www.againstchildabuse.org/ en/layout/set/print/countries_situation
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Breakthrough Sports Academy, Zambia, http://www.streetfootballworld.org/Projects/ bsazambia/index_html/en Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Reviews Initial Report on Zambia, http://www.ohchr.org ISRM: Sports Equipment for African Children Appeal, http://www.isrm.co.uk/ news_story.php?news_id¼86 Koinonia Community-Mthunzi Centre, http://italy.peacelink.org/koinoniazambia/ articles/art_5565.html and http://uim.uca.org.au/ucoa/priorities_and_projects/ education/united_church_of_zambia__oprhans_and_vulnerable_children New Horizon Orphanage, http://www.nho.kabissa.org/about_NHO.htm Orphans and Vulnerable Children–United Church in Zambia, http://www.prowess dev.com/lentevent/projects/projectzambia.aspx SANTAC: A Better Future for All through a Better Life to Our Children Today, http://www.againstchildabuse.org/en/layout/set/print/countries_situation/zambia SOS Children: Street Children, http://street-children.org.uk Street Children–Zambia, http://gvnet.com/streetchildren/zambia.htm USAID: Africa KidSAFE Alliance for Street Children, http://www.usaid.gov/our_ work/humanitarian_assistance/the_funds/dcof/zambia.html Zambia: Global March against Child Labour, http://www.globamarch.org/ourpartners/Partners-africa-anglophone.php
Organizations and NGOs Africa KidSAFE Alliance for Street Children USAID, Zambia Website: http://www.usaid.gov/our_work/humanitaran_assistance/the_funds/dcof/ zambia.html This organization operates in Lusaka by consolidating and expanding a safety net of NGOs and community-based organizations that can effectively meet the immediate and long-term needs of children living on the street and other vulnerable children. Beautiful Gates P.O. Box 22148 Kitwe, Zambia Email: [email protected] Website: http://beautifulgate-zambia.org/contact.htm This organization helps address the needs of vulnerable children including those orphans by AIDS in Kitwe.
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Child Care and Adoption Society P.O. Box 210224 Chililabombwe, Copperbelt Zambia Website: http://www.zccas.org This organization provides an enabling environment for child development by promoting and enforcing all categories of child rights in Zambia. Child in Distress–Kitwe P.O. Box 21663 Kitwe, Zambia Website: http://www.cindi.org.zm Email: [email protected] The Kitwe-based CBO cares for AIDS orphans and champions their rights. MAPODE ZAMSURE Sports Complex Show Grounds Area P.O. Box 33324 Lusaka, Zambia Email: [email protected]; [email protected] Website: http://mapode.freewebpages.org/index.html This organization dedicates itself to counter the spread and impact of HIV/AIDS in both Zambia and Uganda.
Other Organizations Caring for Children in Zambia Catholic Secretariat Child Care and Adoption Society Children in Distress Children in Need (CHIN) Community Youth Concern Department of Child Affairs Evangelical Fellowship of Zambia Fountain of Hope ILO-Zambia Lusaka City Council MAPODE Ministry for Community Development and Social Services Ministry of Labour and Social Security Ministry of Legal Affairs Ministry of Sport, Youth and Child Development Movement of Community Action for the Prevention and Protection of Young People New Horizon Orphanage Non-governmental Organizations Coordinating Committee Restoration Ministries Royal Netherlands Embassy SOS Street Children Projects Thasintha UNICEF-Zambia
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United Church in Zambia Victim Support Units (VSU), Zambia Police Stations Women for Change Women in Law and Development in Africa Women in Law in Southern Africa Young Mens’ Christian Association Young Women’s Christian Association Youth Association of Zambia Zambia Alliance of Women Zambia Association for Research and Development (ZARD) Zambia Children Education Foundation Zambia Civic Education Association (ZCEA) Zambia Community Schools Secretariat Zambia Congress of Trade Unions Zambia Council for Social Development Zambia Law and Development Commission Zambia Open Community Schools Zambia Red Cross
Selected Bibliography Barbee, Jeff. 2006. ‘‘Child Labor in Zambia.’’ The New York Times. http://www .nytimes.com/packages/khtml/2006 Black, Maggie. 2005. Child Domestic Workers: A Handbook on Good Practice in Programme Interventions. Anti-Slavery International. http://www.antislavery. org/homepage/resources/publication.htm. Bonnick, Gladstone G. Zambia Country Assistance Review: Turning an Economy Around. Washington, DC: The World Bank; 1997. Canagarajah, Sudharshan, and H. Skyt Nielsen. ‘‘Child Labor in Africa: A Comparative Study.’’ Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 575 (2001), Children Rights: 71–91. Chilaizya, Joe. ‘‘Zambia Child Labour: As Adults Lose Jobs, Children Bring in Wages.’’ 1995. http://pangaea.org/street_children/africa/zambia.html. ‘‘Child Labour in Zambia Slammed.’’ News 24. n.d. http://www.news24.com/ News24/Archive. Chisenga, Abigail. ‘‘Reformed Street Kid Embraces New Life.’’ The Post (Lusaka), July 14, 2006. Available at http://streetkidnews.blogsome.com/2006/07/ 14/reformed-street-kid-embraces-new-life/. Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers. Child Soldiers Global Report. 2004. http://www.child-soldiers.org/document_get.php?id¼791. Favari, C., and M. Lungu. Evaluation of CHIN’s Model of Care for Orphaned Children Project: The Experience of Children in Distress (CINDI), Kitwe; 1998. IDASA. ‘‘Zambia’s Commitment to Children’s Rights: The Budget Perspective,’’ [IDASA Report]. 2003. Available at http://www.advocacy.org.za/index.asp? ILO (International Labour Organisation). Bureau of Statistics; Economically Active Population. Geneva: ILO; 2006. ILO/IPEC. ‘‘HIV/AIDS and Child Labor in Zambia: A Rapid Assessment on the Case of the Lusaka, Copperbelt and Eastern Provinces.’’ [ILO Report] No. 5. ILO/IPEC (International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour), 2003. Available at: http://www.harare.unesco.org/hivaids/vies_assistance.
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———. Project Document ZAM/99/05/060. ILO-IPEC Program on the Elimination of Child Labor in Zambia. Lusaka and Geneva: ILO/IPEC; 1999. ILO/IPEC and the Republic of Zambia Central Statistics Office. Zambia 1999 Child Labor Survey. Lusaka and Geneva: ILO/IPEC and CSO; 2000. Manda, K.D., et al. An Annotated Inventory of Organizations Addressing the Needs of Orphans in Zambia. Lusaka; 1995. Matheson, Ishbel. 1999, ‘‘World: Africa Children High on Sewage.’’ BBC News, 1999. Available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/406067.stm. Mudenda, G., et al. A Situational Analysis of Orphans and Vulnerable Children in Zambia. International Response; 1999. Mwiinga, Jowie. ‘‘Health–Zambia: AIDS Orphans Join the Rank of Street Children.’’ Aegis, 1999. http://www.aegis.com/news/ips/1999/IP991208.html. Noyoo, Inonge. ‘‘Chitoba Expresses Concern Over Drug Abuse Among Street Children.’’ The Post (Lusaka), June 27, 2006. http://streetkidnews.blogsome .com/2006/06/27/chitoba-expresses-concern-over-drug-abuse. Oyaide, Omolara Dakore. The Case of Kamwala, Libala, Chilenje, Woodlands Extension, Nyumba-Yanga. Zambia: UNICEF; 2000. ‘‘Street Kids Problem Blamed on Inadequate Recreation.’’ Times of Zambia, 2005. http://www.times.co.zm/news/viewnews.cgi?. UNESCO. EFA Global Monitoring Report. Geneva: UNESCO; 2005. UNICEF. At a Glance, Zambia; Statistics. Paris: UNICEF; 2007. http://www .unicef.org/infobycountry/zambia_statistics.html. ———. The State of the World’s Children 2005. New York: UNICEF; 2005. ———. The State of the World’s Children 2004. New York: UNICEF; 2004. ———. Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Labor; 2003 U.S. Department of Labor. ‘‘Zambia: Incidence and Nature of Child Labor.’’ 2004. http://www.dol.gov/ilab/media/reports/iclp/tda2004/zambia.htm. U.S. Department of State. Country Reports on Human Rights Practices–2004. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State; 2005a. U.S. Department of State. 2005b. ‘‘Zambia: Country Reports on Human Rights Practices.’’ Washington, DC. Available at: http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/ hrrpt/2005/61599.htm ‘‘US Envoy Brennan Launches $60,000 HIV/AIDS Programme.’’ Times of Zambia, 2005. http://www.times.co.zm/news/viewnews.cgi?category¼6&id¼1088127980. Wines, Michael. ‘‘Africa Adds to Miserable Ranks of Child Workers,’’ International Herald Tribune, 2006. http://www.iht.com/articles/2006/08/24/africa/ web.0824zambia.php ‘‘Zambia: AIDS will Orphan 20% of Children by 2015.’’ Mail and Guardian Online, June 5, 2006. http://www.mg.co.za/articlepage.aspx?. ‘‘Zambia Govt’s Plans to Recruit 1,000 Children Living on Streets.’’ 2006. http:// english.people.com.cn/200608/14/eng20060814_292990.html. ‘‘Zambia Street Children a Time Bomb.’’ World Street Children News, 2006. http:// streetkidnews.blogsome.com/2006/07/15/zambian-street-children-a-time-bomb/. ‘‘Zambia to Stiffen Laws on Child Labor.’’ People’s Daily Online, 2007. http://english .people.com.cn/200706/13/. ‘‘Zambia’s 1.5 Million Street Children.’’ Pravda. 2002. Available at: http://english. pravda.ru/society/2002/08/02/33685.html.
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ZIMBABWE Xenobia Nat e l e g e e Barrow NATIONAL PROFILE Zimbabwe, called Rhodesia during British colonial rule, is a landlocked country bordered by South Africa, Botswana, Zambia, and Mozambique. Before the Portuguese conquest in the early part of the sixteenth century, Zimbabwe was rich in ivory and copper and exchanged goods extensively with Arab and Muslim traders. The Shona people were the dominant portion of the population from as early as the twelfth century up until the mid-eighteenth century. By the late eighteenth century, a transition in tribal power took place, making way for the Ndebele people to become the dominant social group. During the 1880s and 1890s, the British South African Trading Company worked to solidify economic power in Zimbabwe through the signing of an agreement with the Ndebele people. The agreement allowed the company to conduct widespread gold mining activities in the country (Beach 1974, 633). By the 1920s, the United Kingdom had gained full political, economic, and social control over Zimbabwe.
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The Independence struggles after the 1960s yielded an uncertain independence for Zimbabwe from the British in 1980. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Zimbabwe shared a turbulent history with Mozambique, marred by colonization, war, and violence. Today, Zimbabwe is in a state of social and political insecurity and economic instability, in stark contrast to its pre-colonial period. According to World Health Organization (WHO 2007) statistics for 2004, Zimbabwe had a gross domestic product of US$1,588 per capita, which increased to approximately US$2,000 per capita in 2006 (CIA 2007). The total population of Zimbabwe is 12,236,805. Between 1970 and 1990, the population KEY FACTS – ZIMBABWE growth rate remained at approxPopulation: 12 million imately 3.5 percent, and Infant mortality rate: 51.12 deaths/1,000 live births (2007 est.) between 1990 and 2005 it Life expectancy at birth: 39.5 years (2007 est.) decreased to 1.4 percent (CIA Literacy rate: 90.7 percent (2003 est.) 2007, UNICEF 2007). The Internet users: 1 million (2005) high prevalence of HIV/AIDS People living with HIV/AIDS: 1.8 million (2001 est.) Human Poverty Index (HP-1) Rank: 88 may account for some of this decrease, along with greater Sources: CIA World Factbook: Zimbabwe. https://www.cia.gov/ access to modern fertility methlibrary/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/zi.html. June 29, ods. With low domestic eco2007; United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report 2006–Zimbabwe. http://hdr.undp.org/ nomic productivity, children and hdr2006/statistics/countries/data_sheets/cty_ds_ZWE.html. June other socially vulnerable seg29, 2007. ments of the population carry a heavy burden of poverty. OVERVIEW Thirty-seven percent of the Zimbabwean population comprises children younger than the age of 14 years. The population growth ratio is 0.62 percent where there are 28 births and 21 deaths for every 1,000 Zimbabweans. Life expectancy has steadily decreased in the last 30 to 40 years. In 1970, life expectancy for Zimbabweans was 55 years of age. Although life expectancy increased to 60 years in 1990, by 2005 the average life expectancy sharply decreased to 37 years of age. Of every 1,000 children in Zimbabwe, 136 die before their fifth birthday (WHO 2007, UNICEF 2007). Subsistence farming represents the largest economic sector engaged in by the population. Because only 8.24 percent of land in Zimbabwe is arable (CIA 2007), sustainable farming techniques are increasingly difficult for agriculturists. Although natural food production is not a challenge in an ideal setting, food scarcity and general health conditions are imperative child welfare issues in a country such as Zimbabwe because of continuous drought and famine. Natural disaster, war, and instability significantly affect the general well-being of children and contribute to the numbers of
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street children, child-soldiers, and child refugees living under conditions of food scarcity, low economic productivity, and challenges to sustainability. The national legal and social protections for such children are minimal in Zimbabwe and the implementation of international human rights legislation has become imperative to ensure that children are protected. Child protection has followed the trend of women’s rights concerns in both countries. Women’s rights have only recently begun to see social attention and in the past there was minimal investment in developing measures for social safety and welfare. Zimbabwe’s population also has one of the highest HIV/AIDS burdens. Although the national government has taken steps to address specific health issues of the pandemic, the legal and physical health infrastructure is still lagging. Given the health, economic, and political instability, and the lack of infrastructure, children’s education represents a significant challenge. Various international and non-governmental organizations have tried to build civil society to respond to the issues of poverty and survival. EDUCATION The Zimbabwean government is composed of 25 ministries and, since 2006, the government has been in the second phase of the public sector reform project. The government is also actively promoting the 2005– 2009 Poverty Reduction Program. This economic and social reform program includes a 5-year national development plan with contingency planning for emergencies and epidemics, a strategy to combat HIV/AIDS, general health programming, and a national agricultural planning program (Zimbabwe Government Online 2007). Because Zimbabwe is such a newly independent nation, the system of education is also progressing through a period of expected growing pains. The educational system under colonial Zimbabwe, Southern Rhodesia, was a segregated system between blacks and whites that promoted the unequal distribution of educational resources and facilities. Black Zimbabweans lacked access to basic educational facilities. Since independence, education has been thought of as a basic human right; yet, many still lack access to quality education and educational opportunities. Between 1980 and 2003, the quantity of early childhood education and nursery care facilities has increased dramatically from approximately 1,000 to an estimated 8,000 facilities. The number of primary schools has also grown from approximately 3,161 to 4,926 between 1980 and 2003. The net enrollment ratio for primary schools has increased to more than 90 percent since 2000 to where enrollment of boys and girls is almost equal. In 2004, primary school enrollment averaged at 97 percent for boys and 95 percent for girls (UNICEF 2007). Secondary schools have also increased in number. Although the increase is most notable in rural areas where educational opportunities
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often ceased at the primary level, net enrollment at the secondary school level in rural areas is still quite low at 40 percent, but literacy in rural areas has risen to approximately 90 percent. In addition, instructional education for teachers has increased and the availability of teachers with training is slowly growing (UNESCO 2007). Secondary school enrollment in 2005 was 38 percent on average for boys and 35 percent for young girls (UNICEF 2007). The increased presence of young girls in educational settings is important for the human capital growth in Zimbabwe in addition to the preservation of young girls and their ability to survive in a social climate where there are frequent rapes, female domestic abuse, and the growth of femaleand child-headed households. The Zimbabwean government launched a National Girls Education Strategic Plan in 2006 in recognition of the special needs of young girls (UNGEI 2006a). The government is attempting to work in alignment with the United Nations Millennium Development goals to achieve universal primary education in Zimbabwe and increase the opportunity for young girls to remain enrolled and to participate in the school environment. Because statistical data indicate that the attrition rates for young girls are generally greater than for boys, the strategy aims to develop a curriculum that provides quality instruction for girls as well as mechanisms that assist female orphans and young female heads of households to remain in school. The strategic plan has spent more than US$2 million toward resources for female education (UNGEI 2006a). PLAY AND RECREATION Under the Child Friendly School initiative, the Zimbabwean government is attempting to focus on bridging the gap between urban and rural education, primary, and secondary school retention and facility provisions, as well as creating gender sensitive learning environments (UNGEI 2006b, 3–4). The growing responsibilities that young Zimbabwean girls are expected to manage, including care of parents, siblings, and elderly relatives, require that female children are supported from a young age. Toward this end, organizations such as UNICEF and the Campaign for Female Education (CAMFED) are working at the grassroots level to develop educational opportunities for young girls that allow them to participate in play and recreational activities. For example, CAMFED’s cooperation with UNICEF resulted in the development of Girls’ Empowerment Clubs (GEMS), which offer counseling services and educational information regarding social concerns such as domestic abuse, sexual exploitation, safe sex, and abstinence in a setting where young girls participate in fun activities and they develop female support networks and friendships. In GEMS clubs, girls are offered the chance to build a system of social support between young girls who may be experiencing similar circumstances.
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They are allowed to gain confidence and develop their negotiation and confrontation skills. The expansive conceptualization of education that is being adopted for young girls allows them to use various types of play activities to gain a greater understanding and awareness of the social conditions that surround them. For example, in the GEMS clubs young girls are involved in theater groups, dance troops, and musical activities where, as either performers or observers, they are exposed to information on children’s rights, health concerns, and general issues that young girls are confronted with. Young girls often report that learning and alternative education through play activity and stimulating movement that involves the arts helps them perform at a higher level in their traditional educational settings and classroom activities. CHILD LABOR In Zimbabwe, the distinction between child labor and child work is similar to what we find elsewhere in sub-Saharan Africa. The economic circumstances demand a high involvement of children in a household’s economic livelihood, but the line between a child’s work to contribute to a household and exploitative labor can all too easily be crossed. In Zimbabwe, an estimated 26 percent of children between the ages of 5 and 14 years are actively engaged in illegal child labor activities (UNICEF 2007). Given the extraordinarily large numbers of AIDS orphans and lack of safety networks or adequate legal system to protect them, children are at an increased risk of HIV/AIDS and exploitation through illegal labor settings or involvement in the worst forms of labor. FAMILY The traditional family in Zimbabwe is based on the extended family kinship network. As a result of the impacts of war and of health concerns such as HIV/AIDS, the family network has begun to break down or even disappear for many children. Child marriage practices that endanger young girls may be viewed as a viable coping mechanism. Approximately 29 percent of children in Zimbabwe have participated in child marriages, and the practice again is more prominent in rural settings at a rate of 36 percent than urban settings at a rate of 21 percent (UNICEF 2007). The rural–urban divide on child protection speaks to the need for an understanding of rural versus urban customs and practices, and how child rights can be integrated into already existing social frameworks and cultural ways of being. As children are orphaned or die early, the family has often had to transform and adapt to social challenges. The growth of street children in Zimbabwe increased in disproportionate numbers during the 1970s and
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1990s and demonstrated the changing nature of the Zimbabwean family structure. Children often relied on themselves, siblings, grandparents, or on local organizations for social support. At the beginning of the twentyfirst century, researchers discovered that in the capital city of Harare alone there were at least 5,000 young children living on the streets (Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003, 3). Many of these children have turned to petty crime, violence, prostitution, and sex trades to survive on the street. In some cases, children are responsible for taking care of family members, including themselves, that are affected by HIV/AIDS (Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003, 2–4). It was projected that 1.1 million children would be orphaned by 2005 (National Plan of Action 2004, 5). There are currently at least 1.3 million orphans as a result of HIV/AIDS as well as other illness and causes of death, where parents are no longer living or are unable to care for the children (UNICEF 2007). The diminishing adult population places undue burdens on children and elderly people who must care for other dependants. The burden of providing care instead of receiving protection and support further exacerbates the experience of trauma that street children, who are often abused and stigmatized, must deal with. There are several non-governmental organizations working in Zimbabwe to mitigate the national issue of street children. Streets Ahead, the Girl Child Network, the Presbyterian Church, and the Mbuya Nehanda Training Institute are all examples of such organizations (Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003, 11–13). The government has sponsored an organization called Shelter Trust. This organization was created in 1987 under the Zimbabwe Council for the Welfare of Children to deal with socially vulnerable children, particularly young female girls and battered young women who might be pregnant, HIV-positive, or abused. The Department of Social Welfare is the primary organization that is responsible for the care of children in Zimbabwe; however, limited resources severely interrupt the extent of its activities. There are approximately 100 government-funded institutional care centers for children, but the homes provide little space or continual care for children to actually receive relief from street life (Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003, 14). As a result of the extensive experience of stigma that street and orphaned children experience, both non-governmental organizations as well as government agencies seek to provide psychosocial support services. There are measures in the National Plan of Action for Orphans and Vulnerable Children that provide counseling and support services. Although such measures are in place, the lack of resources and funding to implement program objectives are again a hindrance to the success of child welfare services. In fact, in the south African region, Zimbabwe is the recipient of the lowest levels of international funding and donor assistance. Zimbabwe receives US$4 per person of donor funding on average, while comparatively Zambia receives at least US$184 per person annually (UNICEF 2007).
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There is cooperation between international organizations such as UNICEF and local community workers who offer home-based support and care for child-headed families. UNICEF provides funding and training for local care workers who not only provide healthcare services but also psychological and social support through counseling activities for families headed by children. Cooperation between other organizations such as the World Food Programme and the Zimbabwe Red Cross also helps develop programs and train home-based care workers (UNICEF 2007). The deteriorating economic climate in Zimbabwe has interfered with the social welfare development efforts in the country for children (National Plan of Action 2004, 8), provisions for families, and the ability of women in female-headed households to generate income for the family. Although the primary goal is to provide social services, in reality the ability of the national government to provide family support and care services is often tied to conditional aid and embroiled in the political and economic negotiations internationally. As a country no longer at war, Zimbabwe maintains the highest rate of inflation at over 1,000 percent (UNICEF, under ‘‘At a Glance: Zimbabwe Statistics’’). There is frequent debate on the benefits and harmful social effects of foreign direct investment on the national economies of less development regions. The unfortunate reality is that lack of financial capital flowing through Zimbabwe from any source, international donors, national economic momentum, government, or private entities, means that the national resources to develop programs, provide employment, and develop economical and social infrastructure is absent. In 1990, the first structural adjustment program was officially adopted in Zimbabwe, followed by the Zimbabwe Program for Economic and Social Transformation from 1996 (Gumbo and Mupedziswa 2001, 7). Structural adjustment often involves the removal of government controls on national economic activity. Currency and goods are devalued to ensure that foreign investment enters the country, that government-owned companies or properties are generally privatized and secured by national and international private businesses and multinational corporations, and there is a strong focus on export-led growth as well as a lowering of taxes and duties for foreign entities. The informal labor sector generally suffers under the national economic adjustments. In Zimbabwe, all informal sector workers were affected by the economic adjustments, but women and children were disproportionately affected. In 1984, women accounted for only 25 percent of the formal workforce whereas 64 percent on the informal sector was composed of women (Gumbo and Mupedziswa 2001, 7). Under the economic adjustments, women experienced heightened competition for their goods and worked longer hours to accommodate increases in the cost of food, clothing, transportation, electricity, housing, and general services. Women’s incomes decreased as did their food consumption, and a decreasing number of women were able to rely on an income from a male spouse as women were most often the heads of
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households (Gumbo and Mupedziswa 2001, 10; Bijlmakers, Basset, and Sanders 1998, 100). Food scarcity increased for most women as those who could buy two meals a day on average decreased to 42.5 percent of women in 1998 from a rate of 54.9 percent of women in 1995 (Gumbo and Mupedziswa 2001, 48–49). In general, family households made cuts to food consumption, particularly as the numbers of persons residing in one household increased, which aversely affected family and child nutrition (Gumbo and Mupedziswa 2001, 48–49, 98). Multi-habitation techniques are often used by families in Zimbabwe to cope with poverty. The majority of children grow up with a number of immediate and extended family members in the household unless households have lost adult members to death from various illnesses. Parents often send children away for school in safer communities, but many parents also send children away to ensure that landlords are not disturbed by young children and because space is severely limited (Schlyter 2003, 66–67). In the 1990s, attrition and school dropout rates increased among the children of women working in the informal sector (Gumbo and Mupedziswa 2001, 50–54). Women were found to increase their family savings in such periods of economic instability possibly because of signs of economic development in the long-run or because of fears of increased poverty in the future (Bijlmakers, Basset, and Sanders 1998, 102). HEALTH The primary governmental institution responsible for child welfare in Zimbabwe is the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare. The importance of the link between health concerns and child welfare in Zimbabwe is crucial as the government recognizes that ensuring child health in turn reproduces the human capital of Zimbabwean society and assists in reaching outlined community development goals. Under the Ministry of Health, the Family and Child Health Department pays attention to women and reproductive health concerns, sexually transmitted diseases, HIV/AIDS, and maternal and child morbidity and mortality, particularly because high mother-to-child transmission (MTCT) HIV prevalence rates represent a growing challenge in Zimbabwe (Zimbabwe Government Online 2007). Although statistics in the late 1980s showed a balance between fertility rates at 5.8 percent, contraceptive use rate at 40 percent, a birth rate at 41 percent, and a death rate at 10 percent (UNICEF 2007), maternal mortality was at 480 deaths for every 100,000 live births (Defense for Children International–USA 1991, 34). By 2000, the ratio of maternal mortality for every 100,000 live births had increased to 1,100 maternal deaths (United Nations 2006, 440). UNICEF reports that the child mortality rate is also steadily increasing in Zimbabwe and since 1990 it has risen by 50 percent (UNICEF 2007). According to UNICEF, the HIV/AIDS MTCT rate in Zimbabwe is at least 18.6 percent for young pregnant women between the ages of 15
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and 24. Approximately 1.5 to 2 million people are infected with HIV/AIDS (United Nations 2006, 440). In 2003 the HIV/AIDS prevalence rate was 24.6 percent (United Nations 2006, 440), and UNICEF reports that in 2005 prevalence had decreased to 20.1 percent (UNICEF 2007). There is a clear attempt by the government to develop initiatives in health education and advocacy for the most vulnerable parts of the population in Zimbabwe in order to enhance the quality and availability of health care and services in various communities. The strategy employed by the government sector during 1994 and 1995 intended to develop communication and cooperation in program delivery efforts between governmental, non-governmental, and private entities. The strategy focused on areas such as priority health concerns, seasonal health issues, epidemics, quality of care, and generalized health issues that affect the population. The Family and Child Health Service is also concerned with rehabilitation services that seek to integrate, or reintegrate, youth and children who have been stigmatized by illnesses such as HIV/AIDS or severe disabilities into community activities, schools, and vocational training. In general, despite government efforts, the health and nutrition particularly of children in Zimbabwe has declined. Between 1982 and 1997 there was a significant decline in children’s health from bad to worse. Between 1982 and 1997, 6 percent to 10 percent of children were found to be wasted, and between 20 percent and 30 percent experienced stunted growth due to malnutrition. Throughout the early 1990s, there was a reported increased of stunted children due to food scarcity (Bijlmakers, Basset, and Sanders 1998, 106). The goals stipulated in the 2000 United Nations Summit on Child Welfare have been adapted to the National Plan of Action for Children in Zimbabwe. The programmatic priorities are nutrition, child health, clean water availability, early childhood and basic education, social welfare development, and child protection measures (Family and Child Health 2007). However, by 2002 it was noted that Zimbabwe’s children remained in a dire state as the number of orphans and vulnerable children continued to increase. Currently, at least one of every five children is orphaned in Zimbabwe and at least 100 newly born infants are found to be HIV-positive each day. In 2004, it was estimated that approximately 761,000 children were orphaned in Zimbabwe mainly due to the loss of a parent or guardian to HIV/AIDS (National Plan of Action 2004, 5). The greatest concern in assisting vulnerable children is that although Zimbabwe’s government has the legal structures and action plans in place to work towards assisting disadvantaged children, the government lacks capital. In addition, primary administrative requirements such as the wide scale unavailability of birth certificates makes assessing the state of child health, education, and welfare even more challenging (National Plan of Action 2004, 10). For example, between 1999 and 2005, official birth registration in Zimbabwe was 42 percent with an urban rural disparity of
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21 percent. An estimated 56 percent of urban births were registered while only 35 percent of rural births were registered (UNICEF 2007). The absence of a birth certificate, as a legal identification, increases the risk for vulnerable children to early or forced marriage, illegal labor, sexual exploitation, or military drafting. UNICEF has been working with the government on creating a national birth registration system. International human rights organizations are concerned with issues of good governance in Zimbabwe, and, as a result, badly needed financial aid and donor assistance is often withheld to the detriment of vulnerable populations. The reality is that although Zimbabwe might have the programmatic structures in place, limited resources hamper delivery (National Plan of Action 2004, 5). The continual experience of negative growth rates and the decline of Zimbabwe’s gross domestic product do not assist in accumulating financial capital to create, develop, and deliver social programming (Defense for Children International–USA 1991, 34). LAWS AND LEGAL STATUS ‘‘Operation Murambatsvina’’ is a legal operation implemented by the national government of Zimbabwe. The operation has made the lack of attention to children’s legal rights increasingly apparent in Zimbabwe (U.S. Department of State 2006, under ‘‘Children’’). It is officially translated as ‘‘Operation Restore Order,’’ but in the Shona and literal translation the phrase means ‘‘Operation Drive Out Trash.’’ It can be classified as a type of social beautification program. The program was created by the Robert Mugabe government in 2005 with the intent of cleaning out the vast slum areas, illegal housing, informal sector, and black-market activities in Zimbabwe. Because of the economic infrastructure and the unavailability of employment in Zimbabwe, such slums and illegal money making activities have steadily increased during the last 25 years of independence. However, the implementation of Operation Murambatsvina’s objectives has come under harsh criticism from international human rights organizations as it has displaced large numbers—at least 2.4 million—of poor and socially vulnerable populations, and at least 150,000 children who dwell in the slum areas (Elder 2005). Women and children are particularly affected by the operation, since already minimal resources are now further depleted as poor households are displaced from homes and such money-making activities as market stalls and microvending that are increasingly restricted. UNICEF reports that at minimum US$4.5 million is required to provide care services for orphans who have been displaced by Operation Murambatsvina (U.S. Department of State 2006, Amnesty International 2006, UNICEF 2007). RELIGIOUS LIFE Religious life in Zimbabwe is composed of indigenous spiritual beliefs as well as a large population of practicing Christians. In reality, the
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religious categories are difficult to quantify, since many people practice more than one religion or blend religious practices together through syncretism. In Zimbabwe, 50 percent of the population see themselves as Christian but also maintain their indigenous religions (CIA 2007). Indigenous beliefs and practices have a role to play in psychosocial and spiritual well-being as well as health care. As healthcare costs continue to increase, many Zimbabweans are turning to traditional healers. According to IRIN, ‘‘under-resourced state hospitals and clinics charge around Zim$20,000 (US 8 cents) per consultation, but the cost at betterequipped private hospitals is around Zim$500,000 (US$20) and patients can quite easily run up a bill of Zim$15 million (US$615) in a week’’ (IRIN 2007). A Traditional Medical Practitioners Act was passed almost 25 years ago as a way to regulate the work of traditional healers, and, although the incorporation of traditional healers, into mainstream healthcare delivery has been slow, Zimbabwe’s acknowledgement of the need to provide a variety of affordable health services, especially in light of the need for psychosocial services in response to the HIV/AIDS pandemic, is laudable. CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT Children’s rights issues should be central to the discussion of social development goals in Zimbabwe. The most recent and pressing concern for international and national government agencies is the growth of prostitution, prostitution rings, and sexual exploitation of Zimbabwean children. Many of the most vulnerable children are sold into prostitution or they are murdered so that their organs can be sold for transplants—a growing market in the continent. Social violence against women carries over to violence against young children, both male and female. Sexual molestation is frequent within schools. The Ministry of Youth and Sports, which works closely with the Ministry of Education, reports that at least 20 percent of young girls experience some type of molestation and sexual harassment during the time they spend within the school system. In 2005 it was reported by a non-governmental organization in Zimbabwe that at least 4,146 children were victims of sexual abuse and rape in Harare. The government has adopted a zero-tolerance policy against child abuse; however, sexual exploitation remains rampant on a daily basis. A particularly disturbing trend is the mistaken belief by many HIV/AIDS victims that having sexual intercourse with a young child will rid them of the virus (UNICEF 2006b). The legacy of conflict in the Zimbabwean context is linked to the struggle for independence since the late nineteenth century against white settlers that came to Zimbabwe once the British firmly secured economic and social control over the country (ZIMFEP 1992, 17–20). Independence was a two-fold process for black Zimbabweans, first from the British
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foreign control and second from the rule of the white Rhodesian settlers who ruled the government in Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) in combination with the Portuguese settlers who fled Mozambique after black Mozambicans won independence in 1975. Violent and nonviolent forms of resistance were used continually by black Zimbabweans but were defeated by the modern weaponry of the Europeans and the desire for power by the minority population over the majority. Strikes, peaceful protests, movements, and community parties and organizations were all techniques used in place of violent unrest. When peaceful protest resulted in widespread beatings, torture, unlawful violence, and imprisonment, black leaders saw a need for armed struggle (ZIMFEP 1992, 18). During the 1960s, many young men volunteered for the guerrilla war that had spread to all areas of Zimbabwe by the 1970s when warfare across the border was intensifying as the Frelimo in Mozambique overcame the Portuguese. So while official independence was achieved in Zimbabwe in 1980, the reality was a long and intense process of political maneuverings since the 1950s and guerilla warfare since the 1960s. Many children of Zimbabwe were drawn to participate in the liberation efforts as they were caught between the government and guerilla pressure. More than 300 schools were shut down and, as a result, approximately 40,000 children were no longer able to attend educational facilities (ZIMFEP 1992, 22). Other social services such as healthcare facilities were closed, and, as the guerrilla movement stressed armed struggle as a solution to the poverty related social ills, the white-ruled government displaced many civilians and forced them to live in ‘‘protected villages,’’ which allowed the government to monitor civilian activities. The treatment of civilians in the protected villages and the convincing finality of the guerilla calls for armed struggle influenced many children who saw that joining the war of liberation as a childsoldier was one of their only options (ZIMFEP 1992, 22). Civilians and children often suffered abuses both by the Rhodesian Front government army and the various guerilla forces—Zanlas of the ZAPU party created in 1961 (Zimbabwe African People’s Union) and Zipras of the ZANU party created out of a split from ZAPU in 1963 (ZIMFEP 1992, 18– 19). The guerrillas would fight amongst the two factions as well as against the Rhodesian government soldiers, and child civilians were trapped between all three groups. Children traveled extremely long distances on foot to join the liberation efforts. They crossed the borders into Zambia, Botswana, Mozambique, and Tanzania to join guerilla camps. Children often starved over such distances. Some reported having to drink their urine to quench their thirst (ZIMFEP 1992, 36). School children either made such trips individually, within a small group, or with their entire class or school student population and teachers (ZIMFEP 1992, 38). In fact, there were so many children who had attempted to escape the persecution of the
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Rhodesian government soldiers that the guerillas could not support them at the military training camps (ZIMFEP 1992, 60). Many of these children, as young as 5 and 6 years old, ended up living under the harsh conditions of the refugee camps with little food, in sleeping quarters that were simply holes dug in the ground, and using communal pools for bathing (ZIMFEP 1992, 47–48). Children who stayed in communities often became more useful to the guerillas as informants, although these children witnessed extensive torture and murders committed by the opposing factions (ZIMFEP 1992, 75–80). Teachers already in the camps were commissioned with the task of creating schools in the camps and recruiting additional teachers. With no desks, tables, chairs, or books, the refugees began to create schools. They used charcoal ash in place of pencils, cardboard boxes for paper, and logs for chairs (ZIMFEP 1992, 60–62). Some research has challenged the conceptualization of children as simply victims of war, inferring that the use of Westernized ideas of childhood do not necessarily work in other contexts. It has been argued that children, especially female child-soldiers, may have actually experienced war as an empowering and ideologically powerful mechanism that enabled them to survive the years of war and the lasting effects of poverty. Other studies have shown that in the face of trauma, for example, the death of parents, female children experience greater levels of psychosocial stress and depression often because they typically face more social responsibility in caring for sick family members and siblings (Dube et al. 2006, 23). For children, whether the impact of war was indeed a traumatic one or an empowering one, it is clear that war itself in Zimbabwe, as elsewhere, has damaged the development of badly needed infrastructure and has raised issues of national protections for children in instances of national insecurity in the future. GROWING UP IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY The twenty-first century is not only a challenge for children but for the government of Zimbabwe as a whole. The ability of children to immigrate or flee to a neighboring country is limited, as African nations close by have already absorbed refugee children from the wars. While international organizations and community organizations play a mandatory role in providing support for civil society, national governments must lead the way. The strides that national governments have taken to advance the education of their population is one step in the development of children as human resources, but when legally sanctioned beautification operations such as that which occurred in Zimbabwe attack the basic rights of children and their surrounding community, the national government must attempt to refocus national children’s rights issues with the need to create national human capital. The fact that so many
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children and families continue to survive in the face of strife, poverty, natural disaster, and HIV/AIDS is a testament to civilian social networks and the population’s ability to develop coping mechanisms. Such coping skills and community action must be the basis of national support for the twenty-first century.
RESOURCE GUIDE Suggested Readings Meldrum, Andrew. Where We Have Hope: A Memoir of Zimbabwe. Atlantic Monthly Press; 2005. This is an account of Zimbabwe at the onset of independence. It catalogues the work of social advocates and civilian leaders in contesting government policies in an era of nation building from the perspective of an American journalist. Rodlach, Alexander. Witches, Westerns, and HIV: AIDS & Cultures of Blame in Africa. Walnut Creek, California: Left Coast Press; 2006. Rodlach discusses the experience of HIV/AIDS in the sense of culture and the context of spiritualism and ritual. It also explores the concepts of blame and stigma in Zimbabwean Society. Ungar, Michael. Handbook for Working with Children and Youth: Pathways to Resilience Across Cultures and Contexts. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications; 2005. This handbook is a valuable resource for those interested in child development and welfare and various approaches in different cultures including African nations.
Nonprint Resources Everyone’s Child. 1996. 90 minutes. Directed by Tsitsi Dangarembga. Produced by Media for Development Trust in conjunction with Development for Self-Reliance. Available through California Newsreel. http://www.newsreel.org/nav/title .asp?tc¼CN0028&s¼zimbabwe. This film captures the tragedy and devastation to children in the face of AIDS. Originally conceived as a training tape for community-based orphan care programs, the film grew into a feature film in order to place HIV/AIDS at the forefront of the national agenda. The film has been acclaimed not only for the acting by the young Zimbabwean talent, but also for the soundtrack, which features 12 original songs by popular Zimbabwe musicians. Flame. 1996. 85 minutes. Directed by Ingrid Sinclair. Available from California Newsreel. http://www.newsreel.org/nav/title.asp?tc¼CN0034&s¼zimbabwe. Originally conceived as a documentary, this film had to be made as a fiction film because of the content and the controversies surrounding it. It is a tribute to the women fighters in the Zimbabwean liberation struggle and also to the experiences of women who continue to challenge oppression and sexual abuse. It is a personal story of two friends, their involvement with the struggle for liberation, and the very different outcomes for them.
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Web Sites Government of Zimbabwe, http://www.gta.gov.zw. Official government website. Zimbabwe, http://www.scholars.nus.edu.sg/post/zimbabwe/zimbabweov.html. Introductory articles on a variety of topics such as geography, religion, politics, art, gender, etc.
Organizations and NGOs Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe 35 Colenbrander Road, Milton Park Harare, Zimbabwe Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.icon.co.za/stobbs/galz.htm Human rights of organization for the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community in Zimbabwe. Deals with community outreach and awareness of issues such as HIV/AIDS and social violence that affect the LGBT community. The Girl Child Network Trust Hazviperi Betty Makoni, Director 131 Duri Road, Unit F Seke, Chitungwiza Zimbabwe P.O. Box CZA239 Phone: þ263 (0) 70 31132 or þ263 (0) 070 21509 Fax: þ 263 (0) 70 31132 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.gcn.org.zw Organization created in 1998 to engage female children in community and increase awareness surrounding the special needs of girl children. Streets Ahead Mrs. D. Moyo, Director 57 Livingston Avenue Harare, Zimbabwe P.O. Box CY2265, Causeway Harare, Zimbabwe Phone: þ263 (0) 4 705074 or (0) 23 280648 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.streetsahead.org.zw Community organization created to advocate for children’s rights and social wellbeing. Zimbabwe National Traditional Healers Association (ZINATHA) Room 202, 2nd Floor, Red Cross House 98 Cameron Street Harare, Zimbabwe
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Phone: þ263 (0) 4 751902 Email: [email protected] ZINATHA was established in 1980 in the interest of coordinating the provision of care by traditional healers and to better integrate them into the system of health care in Zimbabwe. ZINATHA plays an active role in HIV/AIDS education, prevention, counseling, and palliative care. Zimbabwe Women’s Resource Centre & Network (ZWRCN) 288 Herbert Chitepo Avenue, Corner of 7th Street P.O. Box 2192 Harare, Zimbabwe Phone: (263-4) 737 435 Fax: (263-4) 720 331 Email: [email protected] Created under the Ministry of Community Development and Women’s Affairs. The purpose is to provide resources for women as well as training and workshops on gender issues pertinent to women in Zimbabwe.
Selected Bibliography Amnesty International. ‘‘Zimbabwe: Quantifying Destruction—Satellite Images of Forced Evictions.’’ http://news.amnesty.org/pages/zwe-080906-news-eng. 2006. Accessed March 27, 2007. Beach, D. ‘‘Ndebele Raiders and Shona Power.’’ Journal of African History, 15 (1974), 633–651. Bijlmakers, L., M. Basset, and D. Sanders. Socioeconomic Stress, Health and Child Nutritional Status in Zimbabwe at a Time of Economic Structural Adjustment: A Three Year Longitudinal Study. Uppsala, Sweden: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Report No. 105; 1998. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Zimbabwe. 2006. https://www.cia.gov/cia/ publications/factbook/geos/zi.html. Defense for Children International–USA. The Effects of Maternal Mortality on the Children in Africa: An Exploratory Report on Kenya, Namibia, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. New York: Defense for Children International–USA; 1991. Dube, L., et al. Orphans and Vulnerable Youth in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe: An Exploratory Study of Psychosocial Well-being and Psychosocial Support Programs. Washington, DC: Regional Psychosocial Support Initiative (REPSSI), the Horizons Program, and the STRIVE Program of Catholic Relief Services (CRS): Population Council Inc.; 2006. Elder, James. ‘‘Zimbabwe: Mass Evictions Leave Thousands of Children Homeless.’’ Geneva: UNICEF; 2005. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/zimbabwe_ 27674.html. Family and Child Health. Zimbabwe Government online. National Plan of Action. 2007. http://www.mohcw.gov.zw/family%20health/family%20health01.htm# npacu. Gumbo, Perpetua, and Rodreck Mupedziswa. Women Informal Traders in Harare and the Struggle for Survival in an Environment of Economic Reforms. Uppsala, Sweden: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Research Report No. 117; 2001. IRIN. ‘‘ZIMBABWE: Traditional Healers Make a Killing as Healthcare Costs Rocket.’’ Humanitarian News and Analysis. Geneva: UN Office for the
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La Col e re des dieux. 2003. Directed by Idrissa Ouedraogo. Colobane Express. 1999. Film. 52 minutes. Directed by Khady Sylla. In Wolof with English subtitles. Distributed by ArtMattan Productions, New York. http:// www.AfricanFilm.com. Conakry Kas. 2004. Videocassette. 82 minutes. Directed by Manthia Diawara. Distributed by California Newsreel. Congo Brazzaville: The Hearth of Africa. 1998. 26-minute documentary. English narration. Powersports Productions. http://www.filmwest.com/Catalogue/itemde tail/3190/. The Cutting Edge: Uganda. 1997. Not the Numbers Game Series. Produced and directed by Charlotte Metcalf. Distributed by Bullfrog Films, Oley, Pennsylvania. Produced by Jenny Richards and Emily Marlow for Television Trust for the Environment. Dakan. 1997. Videocassette. 87 minutes. Directed by Mohamed Camara. In French and Maninka with English subtitles. Distributed by California Newsreel. Dancing on the Edge. 2001. Film by Karen Boswall. In Chuabo and Portuguese with English subtitles. Volume 6 of Steps for the Future; a 25-cassette series on AIDS in southern Africa. Available from California Newsreel. http://www .newsreel.org/nav/title.asp?tc¼CN0151-6&s¼mozambique. Dilemme au F e minin (Feminine Dilemma). 1994. Film documentary. 22 minutes. Directed by Zara M. Yacoub. In Arabic and French with English subtitles. Distributed by ArtMattan Productions, New York. http://www.AfricanFilm.com. Donka. 1996. Videocassette. 59 minutes. Directed by Thierry Michel and produced by Christine Pireaux. Distributed by First Run/Icarus Films. Dribbling Fate [Fintar O Destino]. 1998. VHS and 5mm. 77 minutes. In Crioulo and Portuguese with English subtitles. Directed by Fernando Vendrell. Distributed by California Newsreel. Dry Season/Daratt. 2006. Film. 95 minutes. Directed by Mahamat-Saleh Haroun. In French and Arabic with English subtitles. Distributed by ArtMattan Productions, New York. http://www.AfricanFilm.com. Eclipse. 2001. A documentary by Orlando Mesquita. In Xitswa with English subtitles. Volume 9 of Steps for the Future; a 25-cassette series on AIDS in southern Africa. Available from California Newsreel. http://www.newsreel.org/nav/ title.asp?tc¼CN0151-9&s¼mozambique. L’Enfance Confisqu e e. 1999. Film. 26 minutes. Directed by Zara M. Yacoub. Distributed by ArtMattan Productions, New York. http://www.AfricanFilm.com. L’Enfant Terrible (The Mischievous Child). 1993. Animated film. 12 minutes. By Kadiatou Konate. Everyone’s Child. 1996. 90 minutes. Directed by Tsitsi Dangaremgba. Produced by Media for Development Trust in conjunction with Development for SelfReliance. Available through California Newsreel: http://www.newsreel.org/ nav/title.asp?tc¼CN0028&s¼zimbabwe. Faraw, m e re des sables (Faraw, Mother of the Dunes). 1997. Film. 90 minutes. In Songhoi with English subtitles. Directed by Abdoulaye Ascofare. Flame. 1996. 85 minutes. Directed by Ingrid Sinclair. Available from California Newsreel. http://www.newsreel.org/nav/title.asp?tc¼CN0034&s¼zimbabwe. Gnando, enfant sorcier. 2004. In French. By Marino Mercuriali. Going Home. 1999. Directed by Emily Marlow. Distributed by Bullfrog Films. Goldwidows: Women in Lesotho. 1990. By Don Edkins, Ute Hall, and Mike Schl€ omer. Interviews in Lesotho with English subtitles. Available form First Run/Icarus Films. [email protected].
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I Have a Problem, Madam. 1995. Directed by Maarten Schmidt and Thomas Doebele. Produced by IKON/Frame Mediaprodukties, The Netherlands. It’s Not Easy. 1991. Produced by John Riber and co-produced by the Federation of Uganda Employers and the Experiment in International Living/Uganda. Directed by Fuastin J. Misanvu. Distributed by Development through SelfReliance, Inc., Columbia, MD. Jaguar. 1996. By Jean Rouch. Watertown, MA: Documentary Educational Media. Junior Magazine, Nigeria. Produced for Nigerian radio by Kemi Ogundeko. Kounandi. 2003. Directed by Appoline Traore. Landmines: Seeds of the Devil. 2001. 16mm, 35mm, video, DVD, web. 40 minutes. Angola. Produced by Journeyman Pictures. Available from Chip Taylor Communications. http://www.mediarights.org/film/landmines_seeds_of_the_ devil_angola. Liberia: America’s Stepchild. 2002. Directed by Nancee Oku Bright. Produced by Nancee Oku Bright, Jean-Philippe Boucicaut, and Arnoud Hekkens. In the series World Story, WGBH Boston’s ongoing series of specials on modern world history for PBS. Boston: WGBH and Grain Coast Productions. Liberia: An Uncivil War. Directed and produced by Jonathan Stack. New York: Gabriel Films. Produced with the Discovery Times Channel. Liberia: The Love of Liberty Brought Us Here. 2004. Directed by Gerald Barclay. Listen to the Silence. 1996. By Peter Bischoff. Princeton, NJ: Films for the Humanities and Sciences. Lost Boys of Sudan. 2004. 87 minutes. Directed and produced by Megan Mylan and Jon Shenk. In English and Dinka with English subtitles. Available at: http:// www.lostboysfilm.com. Minka. 1995. Film. Directed by Mohamed Camara. In French and local language. Production companies: Ex Nihilio, Cine Si, and Djama Productions. Monday’s Girls. 1993. 50 minutes. Produced by Lloyd Gardner, Directed by Ngozi Onwurah. United Kingdom/Nigeria. Distributed by California Newsreel (VHS and DVD). http://www.newsreel.org/nav/title.asp?tc¼CN0060&s¼nigeria. Moolad e . 2004. Film. Directed by Sembene Ousmane. Mozambique. 2005. Film. 58 minutes. Directed by Licinio Azevedo. In Portuguese with English subtitles. Distributed by ArtMattan Productions, New York. www.AfricanFilm.com. Ndako ya Bandeko: le combat de Rod. 2007. 30-minutes. By Alain Nkodia. Documentary. In French and Lari with English subtitles. Our Circuit. A one-hour children’s information and entertainment program broadcast live on EKO 89.75 FM, Lagos, Nigeria on Saturday lunchtimes. Our Friends at the Bank. 1997. Directed by Peter Chappell. Produced by IBT, JBA Production, La Sept Arte Documentaries Department, Channel 4. Executive Producer Greg Lanning. Distributed by First Run/Icarus Film, New York. Pandemic: Facing AIDS. 2003. Directed by Rory Kennedy, produced by Rory Kennedy and Liz Garbus, written by Mark Bailey, and narrated by Elton John. Produced by Moxie Firecracker Films, HBO, and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. Poor Urban Children in Accra. 1997. By UNCHS (Habitat) and UNICEF. Quand Les Etoiles Rencontrent La Mer. Directed by Raymond Rajaonarivelo. In French and Malagasy with English subtitles. Radio Nigeria K-Zone (Kiddies Zone), Nigeria. A series of programs about children’s issues, produced by children and for children. Broadcast on Metro 97.6 FM, Radio Nigeria.
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Refugees in Africa: Another Quiet Emergency. 2004. ABC News productions. Princeton, NJ: Films for the Humanities & Sciences. Originally broadcast on August 23, 2005, hosted by Ted Koppel and narrated by Don Cheadle. Safi, la petite m e re [Safi, the Little Mother]. 2004. Directed by Raso Ganemtore. Scottish Executive. 2006. Malawi Photography Exhibition: Schoolchildren from across Malawi tell the story of their daily life through pictures. http://www.scotland .gov.uk/News/News-Extras/Malawi-photgraphy/Q/image/9 Shake Hands with the Devil: The Journey of Rom e o Dallaire. 2005. 91 minutes. Produced by Peter Raymont and Lindalee Tracey. Based on a book by Romeo Dallaire. Available from California Newsreel. Siaka, an African Musician. 79 minutes. Directed and produced by Hugo Zemp. Selenium Films. Distributed by S€ upor XAO, 36 rue du Moulin de la Planche, 91140 Villebon sur Yvette, France. [email protected]. Si-Gueriki. 2002. By Idrissou Mora Kpai. In French. The Sierra Leone Refugee All Stars. 2006. Music CD and Film documentary. Codirected by Zach Niles and Banker White and aired on PBS in March 2007. http://refugeeallstars.org/v3/index.html Souls in the Sun. 1982. Directed by Safi Faye, executive producer, Pierre Desbonnet. United Nations Promotion and Distribution Unit, Radio and Visual Services Division. The Street Children of Kinshasa. 2006. By Gilbert Mulamba. Film. 40-minute. English narration and subtitles. Surrender. 2000. Film. 26 minutes. Directed by Celine Gilbert. Part of the series, Fathers. In Swahili with English subtitles. Available from California Newsreel. http://www.newsreel.org/nav/title.asp?tc¼CN0132&s¼tanzania. Taafe Fanga (Skirt Power). 1997. Film. 95 minutes. Written and directed by Adama Drabo. In Kaado and Bambara with English subtitles. Distributed by California Newsreel. Uganda: The War of the Children. 1999. Produced by Thomas Jimmerthal and Christa Kofler. Script by Walter Heinz. Princeton, NJ: Films for the Humanities and Sciences. Series ‘‘Children Without Childhood.’’ Welcome to Womanhood. 1998. Directed by Charlotte Metcalf. Produced by TVE and BBC. Hosted by Donu Kogbara. Distributed by Bullfrog Films, Oley, Pennsylvania. Yeelen. 1987. Film. 105 minutes. Directed by Souleymane Cisse. In Bambara with English subtitles.
WEB SITES allAfrica.com, http://allafrica.com/children This site provides a listing of headlines across sub-Saharan Africa as they pertain to children. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). 2006. The World Factbook, http://www.umsl .edu/services/govdocs/wofact2006/ The World Factbook is prepared by the CIA for use by U.S. government officials. It is updated annually and made available to the public in print and accessible as a website following release by the U.S. government. The site provides concise background information to countries around the world with country pages that include political history, geography, economy, demography, and health and other issues.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Christian Children’s Fund, http://www.christianchildrensfund.org/default.aspx An international NGO whose mission is to create ‘‘an environment of hope and respect for children in need in which they have opportunities to achieve their full potential, and provides children, families and communities with practical tools for positive change.’’ Demographic and Health Surveys, Calverton, MD: ORC Macro/Macro International, http://www.measuredhs.com/aboutsurveys This site provides a link to all available Demographic and Health Surveys, as well as other surveys (AIDS Indicator Surveys, Service Provision Assessment surveys, Key Indicator Surveys, and qualitative surveys and research) per country surveyed. Electronic copies of survey reports are available to download and links to STATCompiler and other ways of accessing data are provided. Ethnologue: Languages of the World, 15th edition, edited by Gordon, Raymond G., Jr. 2005. Dallas: SIL International, http://www.ethnologue.com This is a very useful reference tool to the world’s linguistic and ethnic groups. Included are references, approximate numbers of speakers, and alternate versions of linguistic-ethnic group names. The Gapminder World 2006, http://www.gapminder.org The interactive software available for online beta-testing at gapminder.org provides a dynamic picture of changes in the world according to key statistics related to the economic and health status. By selecting specific sub-Saharan countries and tracking their progress individually or in comparison with other countries, viewers can experience a different, dynamic use of statistics and generate further hypotheses and questions. Human Rights Watch, http://www.hrw.org Human Rights Watch provides country-specific, up-to-date news and monitoring of human rights violations and issues. Save the Children, http://www.savethechildren.org/index.html?WT.srch¼1 or http://www.savethechildren.org.uk/scuk/jsp/index.jsp Save the Children is a leading independent organization with the mission of ‘‘creating real and lasting change for children in need in the United States and around the world.’’ It is a member of the International Save the Children Alliance made up of 28 national Save the Children organizations. Straight Talk Foundation, http://www.straight-talk.or.ug/home/index.html Straight Talk Foundation (STF) originated out of Straight Talk newspaper, which was first published in 1993 with funding by UNICEF. Today, STF is a health communication NGO that produces behavioral change communication (BCC) materials for adolescents and the teachers and parents who influence them. The primary objective is to contribute to the improved mental, social and physical development of Ugandan adolescents (10 to 19) and young adults (20 to 24), with messages on HIV/STD prevention, safer sex practices, and the risks of early pregnancy, and how to manage challenging circumstances such as conflict and deprivation. STF produces 53 radio shows a week in 11 languages, as well as numerous publications.
[ 581
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
UNICEF Information by Country, http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/index .html This site links to country sites where up-to-date statistics (from DHS surveys, UNICEF Multiple Indicator Cluster surveys, and other population-based surveys) and country background information are available at a glance. University of Pennsylvania guide to websites, http://www.africa.upenn.edu/Home_ Page/Country.html This site is a guide with links to current African news, geography, history, women’s issues, wildlife and the environment, and official government web sites, by country. University of Pennsylvania guide to websites for K–12 teachers, http://www.africa .upenn.edu/K-12/menu_EduKNTR.html This guide assists K–12 teachers, librarians, and students locate online resources on Africa for the classroom by country. U.S. Department of State. Country pages, http://www.state.gov/misc/list/index .htm This site provides links to individual country pages where Background Notes provide concise, up-to-date information on the political, economic, and development aspects of every country. World Bank: Countries & Regions, http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/ COUNTRIES/0,,pagePK:180619theSitePK:136917,00.html This site provides links to country websites on World Bank activities, reports, and background information by country.
[ 582 ]
INDEX
Adoption, Botswana, 39 Age of criminal responsibility: Kenya, 251; Malawi, 312; Namibia, 363–64; Nigeria, 385, 392 Age of majority: Benin, 24; Namibia, 363; South Africa, 456 Alcohol consumption, South Africa, 456 Animism: Burkina Faso, 58; Burundi, 71; Togo, 517 Apartheid, South Africa, 445–49 Catholicism: Angola, 6; Benin, 26; Burkina Faso, 58; Burundi, 71; Cape Verde, 101; Chad, 128; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 157–58; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 139–40; Lesotho, 262; Madagascar, 294–95; Malawi, 313; Mozambique, 345; Rwanda, 409; Togo, 517; Uganda, 533 Child abuse and neglect: Angola, 6–8; Benin, 26–27; Botswana, 42; Burkina Faso, 58–60; Burundi, 71–72; Cameroon, 84–85; Cape Verde, 101–2; Central African Republic (CAR), 114; Chad, 128; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 158–59; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 175–76; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 138; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 190;
Ghana, 211–12; Guinea, 225; Guinea-Bissau, 236; Kenya, 252; Lesotho, 263; Liberia, 276; Madagascar, 296–97; Malawi, 314–15; Mali, 328–29; Mozambique, 345–46; Namibia, 365–66; Rwanda, 409–10; Senegal, 422–23; Sierra Leone, 438; South Africa, 458–59; Sudan, 483– 84; Tanzania, 501; Togo, 517; Uganda, 533–34; Zambia, 550; Zimbabwe, 567–68 Child labor: Angola, 5; Benin, 20–21; Botswana, 38–39; Burkina Faso, 52–53; Burundi, 71–72; Cameroon, 80–82; Cape Verde, 99; Central African Republic (CAR), 112, 114; Chad, 126–27; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 152– 53; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 168, 170– 71; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 138; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 186; Ghana, 202– 5; Guinea, 221–22; GuineaBissau, 234; Kenya, 248; Lesotho, 260; Liberia, 273; Madagascar, 289–91; Malawi, 306–7; Mali, 325–26; Mozambique, 341; Namibia, 359; Niger, 373–74; Nigeria, 388–89; Senegal, 420; Sierra Leone, 435–36; South Africa, 452–53; Sudan, 478–79; Tanzania, 497–98; Togo, 511–
12; Uganda, 528–30; Zambia, 547–48; Zimbabwe, 561 Child mortality: Angola, 5; Benin, 23; Botswana, 40; Burkina Faso, 54–55; Burundi, 70; Cameroon, 82–83; Cape Verde, 100; Central African Republic (CAR), 113; Chad, 127; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 155; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 173; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 139; Ghana, 207; Guinea, 223; Guinea-Bissau, 235; Kenya, 250; Lesotho, 261; Liberia, 274; Madagascar, 293; Malawi, 311; Mali, 327; Mozambique, 342–43; Namibia, 361; Niger, 374; Nigeria, 381, 390–91; Senegal, 421; Sierra Leone, 436; South Africa, 454; Togo, 514; Uganda, 524, 531; Zimbabwe, 558, 564 Child soldiers: 568; Angola, 5; Burundi, 72; Central African Republic (CAR), 110, 112, 114; Chad, 125, 127; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 159; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 136, 138; Guinea-Bissau, 236; Liberia, 273, 276; Mozambique, 345– 46; Namibia, 365; Rwanda, 409; Sierra Leone, 435–36; Sudan, 483–84; Uganda, 528–29
INDEX
Child trafficking: Benin, 17, 24, 26–27; Burkina Faso, 53; Cameroon, 80–82, 84; Cape Verde, 98; Chad, 125; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 158; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 171; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 190; Ghana, 203; Guinea, 222; Guinea-Bissau, 234; Malawi, 314–15; Mali, 325–26; Mozambique, 346; Nigeria, 384, 389; Senegal, 420, 422; Sudan, 478–79; Togo, 511–12, 517; Zambia, 550 Christianity: Benin, 26; Botswana, 42; Burkina Faso, 58; Burundi, 71; Cameroon, 83–84; Central African Republic (CAR), 114; Chad, 128; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 157–58; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 174–75; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 139–40; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 189–90; Ghana, 210–11; Guinea-Bissau, 236; Kenya, 251; Lesotho, 262; Liberia, 276; Madagascar, 294–95; Malawi, 313; Mozambique, 345; Namibia, 353–54, 364– 65; Niger, 376; Rwanda, 409; South Africa, 457–58; Tanzania, 500–501; Uganda, 533; Zambia, 550; Zimbabwe, 566–67 Compulsory education: Burundi, 68; Cape Verde, 97, 98; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 185; Ghana, 199–200; Guinea, 220; Madagascar, 286–87; Namibia, 356; Nigeria, 386; Rwanda, 405; Senegal, 419; South Africa, 449–50; Sudan, 475; Tanzania, 495; Togo, 509 Conflict: Angola, 2–3, 5, 6–8; Burundi, 69–70; Central African Republic (CAR), 111– 12, 114; Chad, 124–25, 127; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 146, 149, 159; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 166–69; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 134–36, 138,
139; Guinea, 219, 220; Guinea-Bissau, 232; Kenya, 244–45; Liberia, 270–73; Mozambique, 342, 346; Namibia, 355; Nigeria, 384– 85; Rwanda, 404–5, 407, 409– 10; Senegal, 416–18; Sierra Leone, 432–34, 438; South Africa, 445–49; Sudan, 473– 74, 478–79, 483–84; Togo, 508–9; Uganda, 529–30; Zimbabwe, 567–69 Corporal punishment: Benin, 27; Burkina Faso, 60; Ghana, 212; Namibia, 365; Nigeria, 388–89 Daycare, Burkina Faso, 52 Disability: Benin, 19; Botswana, 38; Burkina Faso, 58–59; Cape Verde, 98; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 151; Ghana, 209; Madagascar, 294; Malawi, 304– 5; Namibia, 357–58; Nigeria, 392; Tanzania, 496; Togo, 510, 514 Divorce rates: Madagascar, 292– 93; Namibia, 360; Tanzania, 500 Domestic violence: Burkina Faso, 57, 60; Cameroon, 82, 84; Cape Verde, 101–2; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 175; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 187; Ghana, 212; Guinea, 225; Liberia, 276; Malawi, 312; Mozambique, 344–46; Namibia, 365; Nigeria, 386; South Africa, 454, 458; Sudan, 484; Zambia, 544; Zimbabwe, 567 Drinking water. See Environmental issues Drug use: Kenya, 252; Liberia, 276; Nigeria, 390; Sierra Leone, 438 Economics: Angola, 2; Benin, 15; Botswana, 35; Burkina Faso, 48–50; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 146; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 182; Ghana, 198; Guinea-Bissau, 232; Kenya, 246; Madagascar, 281–82; Malawi, 302; Mali, 322;
[ 584 ]
Namibia, 356–57; Nigeria, 382, 395; Senegal, 417; Zambia, 543 Education: Angola, 4–5; Benin, 17–19; Botswana, 37–38; Burkina Faso, 49–51; Burundi, 67–68; Cameroon, 79–80; Cape Verde, 98–99; Central African Republic (CAR), 110– 11; Chad, 125–26; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 148– 51; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 169–70; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 136–37; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 185; Ghana, 199–201; Guinea, 220– 21; Guinea-Bissau, 233; Kenya, 246–47; Lesotho, 259–60; Liberia, 272; Madagascar, 284– 87; Malawi, 303–4; Mali, 324; Mozambique, 338–40; Namibia, 355–58; Niger, 372– 73; Nigeria, 384, 386–87; Rwanda, 405–6; Senegal, 418– 19; Sierra Leone, 434; South Africa, 449–51; Sudan, 474– 78; Tanzania, 495–96; Togo, 509–10; Uganda, 525–27; Zambia, 546–47; Zimbabwe, 559–60 Environmental issues: Angola, 6; Benin, 23; Botswana, 40; Burkina Faso, 55; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 155; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 139; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 188; GuineaBissau, 235; Kenya, 250; Liberia, 275; Madagascar, 293; Malawi, 311; Mali, 322–23, 327; Mozambique, 338; Niger, 375; Nigeria, 391; Rwanda, 408; Senegal, 421; South Africa, 456; Sudan, 480–81; Tanzania, 499; Togo, 513; Zambia, 549 Ethnicity: Angola, 1–2; Botswana, 33–35; Burkina Faso, 48; Burundi, 66; Cameroon, 77– 78; Cape Verde, 96; Central African Republic (CAR), 108; Chad, 124–25; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 145–
INDEX
46; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 166; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 134, 140; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 182; Guinea, 217–18; GuineaBissau, 232; Kenya, 243–44; Lesotho, 257; Liberia, 269–70; Malawi, 301–2; Mali, 322–23; Mozambique, 337; Namibia, 351–54; Niger, 372; Nigeria, 382; Rwanda, 404–5; Senegal, 415–16; Sierra Leone, 432; South Africa, 445; Sudan, 471– 72; Tanzania, 493–94; Togo, 507–8; Uganda, 524; Zimbabwe, 557–58 Family structure: Angola, 5; Benin, 21–23; Botswana, 39– 40; Burkina Faso, 53–54; Burundi, 69; Cameroon, 82; Cape Verde, 99–100; Central African Republic (CAR), 112; Chad, 127; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 153–54; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 171–72; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 138–39; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 187; Ghana, 205–7; Guinea, 222–23; Guinea-Bissau, 234– 35; Kenya, 248–49; Lesotho, 260–61; Liberia, 273–74; Madagascar, 291–93; Malawi, 307–10; Mali, 326–27; Mozambique, 341; Namibia, 359–60; Niger, 374; Rwanda, 407; Senegal, 420–21; Sierra Leone, 436; South Africa, 453– 54; Sudan, 479–80; Tanzania, 498–99; Togo, 512–13; Uganda, 530–31; Zambia, 548; Zimbabwe, 561–64 Female genital mutilation (FGM or FGC): Benin, 24; Burkina Faso, 56–58; Central African Republic (CAR), 110, 113; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 175; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 190; Ghana, 209; Guinea, 225; Guinea-Bissau, 237; Kenya, 249; Mali, 329; Nigeria, 390, 392; Senegal, 422–23; Sudan, 481; Togo, 515–16
Foster care: Benin, 21–22; Guinea-Bissau, 234; Mali, 328– 29; Namibia, 359–60; Senegal, 418, 421; Togo, 512–13 Gender differences: Benin, 28; Botswana, 37; Burkina Faso, 50–51; Burundi, 69; Cameroon, 79, 84; Central African Republic (CAR), 110– 11; Chad, 126; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 149; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 175; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 136–39; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 187, 190; Guinea, 220–23, 225; GuineaBissau, 233; Kenya, 246–49; Madagascar, 287; Malawi, 304; Mali, 322, 324; Mozambique, 338; Namibia, 357; Niger, 373; Nigeria, 385–87, 390, 392, 395; Senegal, 418–19; Sudan, 477, 482; Tanzania, 499; Togo, 509, 512–13; Uganda, 526; Zambia, 547; Zimbabwe, 560 Handicapped children. See Disability Health: Angola, 5–6; Benin, 23– 24; Botswana, 40–41; Burkina Faso, 54–56; Burundi, 69–70; Cameroon, 82–83; Cape Verde, 100; Central African Republic (CAR), 113; Chad, 127; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 154–56; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 172–74; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 139; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 187–88; Ghana, 207–9; Guinea, 223–24; GuineaBissau, 235–36; Kenya, 249– 50; Lesotho, 261–62; Liberia, 274–75; Madagascar, 293–94; Malawi, 310–12; Mali, 327–28; Mozambique, 341–44; Namibia, 361–63; Niger, 374– 75; Nigeria, 389–91; Rwanda, 407–8; Senegal, 421–22; Sierra Leone, 436; South Africa, 454– 56; Sudan, 480–81; Tanzania,
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499–500; Togo, 513–15; Uganda, 531–33; Zambia, 549; Zimbabwe, 564–66 Higher education: Benin, 19; Burkina Faso, 51; Burundi, 68; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 137; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 185; Ghana, 201; Guinea-Bissau, 233; Niger, 373; Rwanda, 406; South Africa, 451; Sudan, 475–76; Togo, 510 HIV/AIDS: Angola, 6; Benin, 23–24; Botswana, 34–36, 38– 43; Burkina Faso, 55; Burundi, 67, 69–70; Cameroon, 82; Cape Verde, 100; Central African Republic (CAR), 110, 113–15; Chad, 125, 127; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 156; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 172–73; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 139; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 187–88; Guinea, 220; GuineaBissau, 234–35; Kenya, 250; Lesotho, 258, 261–62; Madagascar, 294; Malawi, 308– 9, 311–12, 315–16; Mali, 328; Mozambique, 340, 342–43; Namibia, 355, 361–62, 365; Nigeria, 389–90; Rwanda, 405, 407–8; Senegal, 421; Sierra Leone, 436; South Africa, 447, 454–55; Tanzania, 499; Togo, 514; Uganda, 524–25, 526– 27, 531; Zambia, 546–47, 549; Zimbabwe, 562, 564–66 Homelessness: Angola, 7; Burkina Faso, 58–59; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 158; Kenya, 252; Malawi, 310; Mali, 325– 26, 327; Mozambique, 347; Nigeria, 395–96; Senegal, 420, 422; Togo, 513; Zambia, 549– 50; Zimbabwe, 561–62 Immigration and refugees: Benin, 25; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 168; Guinea, 219, 223; Nigeria, 385; South Africa, 449 Immunization: Angola, 6; Botswana, 40; Central African
INDEX
Republic (CAR), 113; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 156; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 173; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 139; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 184, 188; Ghana, 207–8; Madagascar, 293; Mozambique, 342–43; Namibia, 361–62; Niger, 375; Nigeria, 391; Sudan, 481; Uganda, 532 Infant mortality: Angola, 5; Benin, 23; Botswana, 40; Burkina Faso, 54–55; Burundi, 70; Cameroon, 82–83; Cape Verde, 100; Central African Republic (CAR), 113; Chad, 127; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 155; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 173; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 139; Ghana, 207; Guinea, 223; Guinea-Bissau, 235; Kenya, 250; Lesotho, 261; Liberia, 274; Madagascar, 293; Malawi, 311; Mali, 232, 327; Mozambique, 342–43, 346; Namibia, 361; Niger, 374; Nigeria, 381, 390–91; Senegal, 421; Sierra Leone, 436; South Africa, 454; Togo, 508, 514; Uganda, 524, 531; Zimbabwe, 558, 564 International Labour Organization (ILO): Angola, 5; Burkina Faso, 53; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 157; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 171; Malawi, 306; Nigeria, 388; South Africa, 452; Togo, 515; Uganda, 528; Zambia, 549 Islam (Muslim): Benin, 26; Burkina Faso, 58; Burundi, 71; Central African Republic (CAR), 114; Chad, 128; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 174–75; Ghana, 210– 11; Guinea, 224–25; GuineaBissau, 236; Kenya, 251; Liberia, 276; Malawi, 313; Mali, 328; Mozambique, 345; Niger, 376; Nigeria, 396; Senegal, 415–17, 422; Sierra Leone, 437–38; Sudan, 472,
482–83; Tanzania, 500–501; Togo, 517; Uganda, 533 Juvenile crime/justice: Benin, 24–25; Botswana, 42; Burkina Faso, 57; Burundi, 70–71; Cape Verde, 101; Central African Republic (CAR), 113– 14; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 157; Ghana, 210; Kenya, 252; Malawi, 312–13; Mozambique, 344; Namibia, 363; Nigeria, 392–94; Sierra Leone, 437; South Africa, 457; Togo, 516 Kidnapping: Central African Republic (CAR), 110, 114; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 190; Sudan, 478–79; Uganda, 529– 30, 534 Language: Botswana, 34; Burkina Faso, 48; Burundi, 66; Cameroon, 77; Cape Verde, 96; Central African Republic (CAR), 108; Chad, 125–26; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 145–46; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 166; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 134; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 185; Guinea, 220; Guinea-Bissau, 232; Kenya, 243–44; Lesotho, 259; Liberia, 272; Malawi, 302; Mali, 324; Namibia, 351– 52; Niger, 372; Nigeria, 382; Rwanda, 403; Senegal, 415– 16; Sierra Leone, 434; South Africa, 445; Sudan, 473; Tanzania, 494; Togo, 509; Uganda, 524 Laws and legal status: Angola, 6; Benin, 24–25; Botswana, 41– 42; Burkina Faso, 56–57; Burundi, 70–71; Cameroon, 83; Cape Verde, 100–101; Central African Republic (CAR), 113–14; Chad, 128; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 156–57; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 174; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC),
[ 586 ]
140–41; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 188–89; Ghana, 209–10; Guinea, 224; Guinea-Bissau, 236; Kenya, 250–51; Lesotho, 262; Liberia, 275; Madagascar, 296; Malawi, 312–13; Mali, 328; Mozambique, 344–45; Namibia, 363–64; Niger, 375; Nigeria, 392–96; Rwanda, 408–9; Senegal, 422; Sierra Leone, 436–37; South Africa, 456–57; Sudan, 481–82; Tanzania, 500; Togo, 515–16; Uganda, 533; Zambia, 549–50; Zimbabwe, 566 Lesbian, gay. bisexual, transgender (LGBT) youth: Ghana, 209; Namibia, 363; Uganda, 532–33 Literacy: Burkina Faso, 50; Burundi, 67–68; Central African Republic (CAR), 111; Chad, 125–26; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 149; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 170; Guinea, 220; Guinea-Bissau, 233; Kenya, 246; Lesotho, 259; Madagascar, 287; Mali, 324; Namibia, 358; Niger, 373; Senegal, 418; South Africa, 450–51; Sudan, 474, 477; Togo, 509; Uganda, 526; Zimbabwe, 560 Malnutrition: Benin, 23; Burkina Faso, 54–55; Cameroon, 82– 83; Cape Verde, 100; Central African Republic (CAR), 113; Chad, 127; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 155; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 173; Guinea, 223; Guinea-Bissau, 235; Kenya, 249; Liberia, 275; Madagascar, 293; Mozambique, 342–43; Namibia, 361; Niger, 374–75; Rwanda, 408; Senegal, 421; Sierra Leone, 436; Sudan, 473, 480; Tanzania, 499–500; Togo, 514; Zambia, 545, 549 Marriage: Benin, 22–23; Burkina Faso, 53–54, 57–58, 60; Burundi, 69; Cameroon, 84; Cape Verde, 99–100; Congo,
INDEX
Republic of (Brazzaville), 154; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 138–39; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 187; Madagascar, 292; Mali, 327, 328; Mozambique, 341; Namibia, 360; Niger, 374; Nigeria, 385, 394; Senegal, 423; Sudan, 482; Tanzania, 500; Togo, 516; Uganda, 532; Zambia, 546; Zimbabwe, 561 Maternal healthcare, South Africa, 456 Memory books, Malawi, 308 Migration: Botswana, 36; Burkina Faso, 48; Guinea, 218; Namibia, 354; South Africa, 453–54; Zambia, 548, 550 National profile: Angola, 1–3; Benin, 15–16; Botswana, 33– 36; Burkina Faso, 47–49; Burundi, 65–67; Cameroon, 77–78; Cape Verde, 95–97; Central African Republic (CAR), 107–10; Chad, 123– 25; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 145–47; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 165–68; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 133–34; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 181–84; Ghana, 197–99; Guinea, 217–19; GuineaBissau, 231–32; Kenya, 243– 46; Lesotho, 257–58; Liberia, 269–71; Madagascar, 281–83; Malawi, 301–2; Mali, 321–23; Mozambique, 337; Namibia, 351–54; Niger, 371–72; Nigeria, 381–84; Rwanda, 403–5; Senegal, 415–17; Sierra Leone, 431–33; South Africa, 445–48; Sudan, 471–73; Tanzania, 493–95; Togo, 507– 8; Uganda, 523–25; Zambia, 543–545; Zimbabwe, 557–58 Overview: Angola, 4; Benin, 16– 17; Botswana, 36–37; Burkina Faso, 49; Burundi, 67; Cameroon, 79; Cape Verde, 97; Central African Republic (CAR), 110; Chad, 125;
Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 148; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 168–69; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 134–36; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 184–85; Ghana, 199; Guinea, 219–20; Guinea-Bissau, 233; Kenya, 246; Lesotho, 259; Liberia, 271–72; Madagascar, 283–84; Malawi, 303; Mali, 323; Mozambique, 338; Namibia, 355; Niger, 372; Nigeria, 384; Rwanda, 405; Senegal, 417–18; Sierra Leone, 433–34; South Africa, 448–49; Sudan, 473–74; Tanzania, 495; Togo, 508–9; Uganda, 525; Zambia, 545–46; Zimbabwe, 558–59 Play and recreation: Angola, 5; Benin, 20; Botswana, 38; Burkina Faso, 51–52; Burundi, 68; Cameroon, 80; Cape Verde, 99; Central African Republic (CAR), 111–12; Chad, 126; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 151–52; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 170; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 137; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 185–86; Ghana, 202; Guinea, 221; Guinea-Bissau, 233–34; Kenya, 247–48; Lesotho, 260; Liberia, 272–73; Madagascar, 287–88; Malawi, 305–6; Mali, 324–25; Mozambique, 340– 41; Namibia, 358–59; Niger, 373; Nigeria, 388; Rwanda, 406; Senegal, 419–20; Sierra Leone, 434–35; South Africa, 451–52; Sudan, 478; Tanzania, 496–97; Togo, 510–11; Uganda, 527–28; Zambia, 547; Zimbabwe, 560–61 Poverty: Burkina Faso, 48, 50; Cameroon, 78; Chad, 124; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 146; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 171–73; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 139; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 184, 187–88; Ghana, 203; Kenya,
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246; Madagascar, 281–82; Malawi, 306–7; Namibia, 353; Niger, 372, 373–74; Nigeria, 382, 388, 389; South Africa, 447, 458; Tanzania, 494, 499; Zambia, 545; Zimbabwe, 566 Preschool education: Burkina Faso, 52; Malawi, 305 Prostitution. See Sex industry Radio. See Television/media/ internet Religious life: Angola, 6; Benin, 25–26; Botswana, 42; Burkina Faso, 57–58; Burundi, 71; Cameroon, 83–84; Cape Verde, 101; Central African Republic (CAR), 114; Chad, 128; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 157–58; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 174–75; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 139–40; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 189–90; Ghana, 210–11; Guinea, 224–25; GuineaBissau, 236; Kenya, 251–52; Lesotho, 262; Liberia, 276; Madagascar, 294–95; Malawi, 313–14; Mali, 328; Mozambique, 345; Namibia, 364–65; Niger, 376; Nigeria, 396; Rwanda, 409; Senegal, 422; Sierra Leone, 437–38; South Africa, 457–58; Sudan, 482–83; Tanzania, 500–501; Togo, 516–17; Uganda, 533; Zambia, 550; Zimbabwe, 566– 67 Sanitation. See Environmental issues Schooling system: Angola, 4–5; Benin, 17–19; Botswana, 37– 38; Burkina Faso, 49–51; Burundi, 67–68; Cameroon, 79–80; Central African Republic (CAR), 110–11; Chad, 125–26; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 148– 51; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 169–70; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 136–37; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 185;
INDEX
Ghana, 199–201; Guinea, 220– 21; Guinea-Bissau, 233; Kenya, 246–47; Lesotho, 259–60; Liberia, 272; Malawi, 303–4; Mali, 324; Mozambique, 338– 40; Namibia, 355–58; Niger, 372–73; Nigeria, 386–87; Rwanda, 405–6; Senegal, 418– 19; Sierra Leone, 434; South Africa, 449–51; Sudan, 474– 78; Tanzania, 495–96; Togo, 509–10; Uganda, 525–27; Zambia, 546–47; Zimbabwe, 559–60 School violence: Togo, 517; Zimbabwe, 567 Sex education: Burkina Faso, 57– 58; Ghana, 209 Sex industry: Botswana, 39, 42; Burkina Faso, 59; Burundi, 71– 72; Cape Verde, 98; Central African Republic (CAR), 112, 114; Chad, 128; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 186, 190; Ghana, 210; Kenya, 252; Madagascar, 290– 91; Mali, 325; Mozambique, 345–46; Namibia, 359, 365– 66; Niger, 374; Nigeria, 386, 388, 394–95; Rwanda, 410; Uganda, 529; Zambia, 546, 550; Zimbabwe, 567 Sexuality: Botswana, 41; Burkina Faso, 56; Ghana, 209; Malawi, 314; Namibia, 362; Zambia, 544 Smoking, Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 155 Sports/physical education: Botswana, 38; Burundi, 68; Cameroon, 80; Central African
Republic (CAR), 111; Chad, 126; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 151; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 137; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 186; Ghana, 202; Guinea, 221; Kenya, 247–48; Lesotho, 260; Liberia, 273; Madagascar, 287– 88; Malawi, 305–6; Mali, 324; Namibia, 358–59; Nigeria, 388; Rwanda, 406; South Africa, 452; Sudan, 478; Tanzania, 497; Uganda, 527–28 Street children. See Homelessness Teachers: Cameroon, 79–80; Cape Verde, 98–99; GuineaBissau, 233; Mozambique, 339 Television/media/internet: Benin, 20; Burkina Faso, 52; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 151–52; Ghana, 202; Madagascar, 287–88; Mali, 324–25; Mozambique, 340–41; Namibia, 358–59; Niger, 373; Rwanda, 406; Senegal, 419; South Africa, 451–52; Sudan, 478; Togo, 510–11 Trokosi, Ghana, 205 Tswana cultural practice, Botswana, 42 Twenty-first century: Angola, 7; Benin, 28; Botswana, 42–43; Burkina Faso, 60; Burundi, 72– 73; Cameroon, 85; Cape Verde, 102; Central African Republic (CAR), 114–15; Chad, 128–29; Congo, Republic of (Brazzaville), 159–
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60; C^ ote D’Ivoire, 176; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 141; Ethiopia and Eritrea, 190–91; Ghana, 212; Guinea, 225; GuineaBissau, 237; Kenya, 252–53; Lesotho, 263; Liberia, 276– 77; Madagascar, 297; Malawi, 315–16; Mali, 329; Mozambique, 347–48; Namibia, 366; Niger, 376; Nigeria, 396; Rwanda, 410; Senegal, 423; Sierra Leone, 438–39; South Africa, 459– 60; Sudan, 484–85; Tanzania, 501–2; Togo, 517; Uganda, 534; Zambia, 550–51; Zimbabwe, 569–70 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child: Benin, 24, 28; Botswana, 42; Burkina Faso, 51; Chad, 128; Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), 140–41, 156; Ghana, 209–10; Kenya, 251; Madagascar, 284; Malawi, 306, 312; Mozambique, 345–47, 359; Nigeria, 382–83; South Africa, 446; Tanzania, 497; Togo, 515– 16; Uganda, 528; Zambia, 549 Vocational education: Benin, 19; Botswana, 37; Togo, 510 Vodoun, Benin, 26 War. See Conflict Welfare services: Botswana, 39; Burkina Faso, 56–57; South Africa, 457
ABOUT THE EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
EDITORS IRVING EPSTEIN, a Professor of Educational Studies at Illinois Wesleyan University, has published two edited volumes, Chinese Education: Problems, Policies, and Prospects (1991) and Recapturing the Personal: Essays on Education and Embodied Knowledge in Comparative Perspective (2007), and served as an associate editor of the Comparative Education Review from 1988–1998. His interests include Asian education, educational policies involving street children, and issues of social theory. LAURA ARNTSON is the Strategic Information Advisor with the U.S. President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), USAID/Nigeria. She has been in the field of international health and development for 7 years—half of that time in humanitarian relief and development with a focus on children. While with Save the Children, she focused on psychosocial program planning, monitoring, and evaluation on projects in Guinea, Uganda, Indonesia, Nepal, Afghanistan, and elsewhere. Laura co-authored a field guide to program monitoring and evaluation of psychosocial programs for children affected by conflict and crisis and has also worked in nutritional surveillance with UNICEF in Sudan (Darfur). CONTRIBUTORS ALISTAIR AGER is a Professor of Clinical Population & Family Health in the Mailman School of Public Health, Columbia University. He was Head of the Department of Psychology at the University of Malawi from 1989 to 1992. His current research and consultancy work with UNICEF and a range of international NGOs focuses on child care and protection strategies in emergency settings. CHARLOTTE AGER attended school in Malawi and is studying international relations at the University of St. Andrews, Scotland. She has worked on children’s projects in Malawi, Kenya, and the United Kingdom.
ABOUT THE EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
EG EE BARROW is a doctoral student at the UniverXENOBIA NATEL sity at Albany, SUNY, in the Department of Latin American and Caribbean studies. She conducted masters research on institutions and the social welfare of AIDS orphans in Uganda at Carleton University in Ottawa, Ontario. Her current research interests focus on the condition of HIV/AIDS in island states, and literary, visual, and performing arts education for development in the Caribbean. JEN WESTMORELAND BOUCHARD holds an M.A. in French and Francophone Studies. Her research focuses on women writers of francophone Africa and the Caribbean. She is on the editorial board of the Journal of African Literature and Culture and a frequent contributor to the journal. Westmoreland Bouchard chairs the French department at Holy Family in Victoria, Minnesota. In addition, she volunteers regularly for the Center for the Victims of Torture in Minneapolis. RICHARD A. BRADSHAW has a Ph.D. in Third World History from Ohio University. He was recently a visiting Fulbright Professor at the International Relations Institute of Cameroon and has taught history as well as served as director of overseas study programs in France and Mexico for Centre College in Danville, Kentucky. Bradshaw has published numerous articles on diverse topics, including history and ethnobotany, and is currently working on the new edition of the Historical Dictionary of the Central African Republic. is an associate professor in the sociolANNE-EMMANUELE CALVES ogy department of the University of Montreal where she teaches social statistics and sociology of development. Her research focuses on youth, family dynamics, and reproductive health in francophone Africa. She is currently working on a research program on entry into adulthood in urban Burkina Faso. MATTHEW CAROTENUTO is an assistant professor of African History at Albion College. He holds a Ph.D. in African History from Indiana University and specializes in Kenya. His current research and recent publications explore questions of ethnicity in East Africa with a focus on twentieth century history. AUDREY CASH is a doctoral student in African development at the University of Edinburgh and is currently with the Scotland–Malawi Partnership in Edinburgh. Cash has served as an expert advisor in refugee protection and assistance for multi-national peacekeeping training exercises and in civil–military cooperation planning. She has also worked with the International Organization of Migration in various capacities.
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UPJEET CHANDAN is a sociocultural anthropologist and research specialist at the Human Sciences Research Council in South Africa. She received her Ph.D. from the University of Southern California. Her research interests include comparative racial formations, gender studies, violence prevention and public education, and children’s mental health. CATI COE is an anthropologist at Rutgers University in Camden, New Jersey. Her work includes Dilemmas of Culture in African Schools (University of Chicago Press, 2005), and she is currently working on how international migration affects Ghanaian child-raising arrangements. JENNIFER COLE is a cultural anthropologist and associate professor in the Department of Comparative Human Development at the University of Chicago. She is author of Forget Colonialism? Sacrifice and the Art of Memory in Madagascar (UC Press, 2001) and is currently writing a book on youth and globalization in Madagascar. ANDREW DAWES is a research director in the Child, Youth and Family Development (CYFSD) research program at the Human Sciences Research Council in South Africa. He is an emeritus professor at the University of Cape Town and an associate fellow of the Department of Social Policy and Social Work at the University of Oxford. He has extensive research experience in applied developmental psychology. His most recent work has focused on the development of a rights-based system for monitoring the well-being of children in South Africa. His recent policy research includes the development of indicator systems for child protection and early childhood development, and norms for child and adolescent mental health services. In addition to five books, he has produced over 170 other publications and conference papers. KHALID MOHAMMED EL-HASSAN is the Associate Director of the African Studies Center at the University of Kansas. He also teaches classes on African studies and directs annual summer workshops for teachers. El-Hassan has a Ph.D. in Comparative Education from Ohio University and graduate degrees in Extension and Rural Development (University College, Dublin, Ireland) and Extension Education (University of Khartoum, Sudan). He has served as a lecturer at the University of Gezira, Sudan, and as a Curriculum Development Specialist for a World Bank project that helped in building research, education, and training capacity in Sudan. The focus of much of his research has been on education and development, cross-cultural relations, and the phenomenon of study abroad with its positive and negative impacts on braindrain and brain-gain in Africa and in the Sudan in particular. In collaboration with other Africanists at Kansas University, El-Hassan established many research projects in addition to major grants funded by the Federal
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Department of Education. He also participated in the establishment of the Institute for the African Child during his doctoral work at Ohio University. His current research emphasis is on Sudanese in the Diaspora and their contribution to the development of Sudan. JUAN FANDOS-RIUS is an independent scholar with a law degree from Universitat Jaume I in Castell on, Spain. He has worked for many years on the Encyclopedia of the Central African Republic project in Spanish. He is the author of numerous articles on the Central African Republic and co-authors the annual updates on the Central African Republic for Africa South of the Sahara. He is also co-author of the forthcoming edition of The Historical Dictionary of the Central African Republic. € ESTHER TABEA HABERLEIN is a social anthropologist and scientific assistant in the Department of Ethnosociology, University of Bayreuth in Germany. Her Ph.D. research focuses on the changing relationship between generations in Togo. WENDI A. HAUGH is a cultural and linguistic anthropologist whose research focuses on national identity, popular culture, and youth in northern Namibia. She received her Ph.D. from the University of Pennsylvania and is currently serving as Visiting Assistant Professor at Williams College. SIMON HEAP is the Global Research Coordinator at Plan, an international NGO working to improve the lives of children in 66 countries around the world. Heap has a Nigerian doctorate from the University of Ibadan—unusual for a Briton. He was a Kirk-Greene Junior Research Fellow at St. Antony’s College, Oxford. Simon is the editor of the African Studies Association of the UK (ASAUK) newsletter. He has written on a variety of matters relating to Nigeria (including alcohol, transport, pickpockets and juvenile delinquents, and NGO engagement with business, civil society) and many issues relating to children, such as birth registration, water and sanitation, and child rights. is a lecturer and researcher at the Institut JEAN-FRANC ¸ OIS KOBIANE Superieur des Sciences de la Population (Higher Institute of Population Sciences) at the Universite de Ouagadougou in Burkina Faso. He completed his Ph.D. in Demography from the Universite Catholique de Louvain in Belgium. His research interests include the analysis of the links between family structure, poverty, child’s labor, and schooling in West African countries. He also teaches courses in the ‘‘Population and Health’’ Masters Program at the Institut Superieur des Sciences de la Population. JEANNETT MARTIN is an anthropologist in the Department of Anthropology at the University of Bayreuth, Germany. She completed her
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ABOUT THE EDITORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
Ph.D. in 2004 at the University of Bayreuth. Her current research focuses on child fostering practices in northern Benin. She has served as a scientific collaborator on a research project, Social Parenthood in West Africa, financed by the German Research Foundation (DFG). Her other research interests include international migration, transnationalism, and return migration of educational migrants in Ghana. NYAMBURA MPESHA is an award-winning Kenyan author and a research specialist in folklore and children’s literature. She holds a Ph.D. from the Kenyatta University and has taught literature and Swahili in Tanzania, Kenya, and the United States. She writes drama for adults and children’s literature of all genres for children. Her recent research in African children’s’ literature culminated in an extensive bibliography entitled African Children’s Literature: A Bibliography. KWAKU NTI is a dual Ph.D. student in the African-American and African Studies program and the History Department at the Michigan State University in East Lansing. His research focuses on the social history of West Africa and indigenous political institutions of Ghana. IBRAHIM NDZESOP has a M.A. from the International Relations Institute of Cameroon (IRIC) and is currently continuing his graduate studies in Paris. He is writing a book on the military history of pre-colonial Africa. HARRY NII KONEY ODAMTTEN is a dual doctoral student in the African-American and African Studies program and the Department of History at Michigan State University. His Ph.D. research focuses on West African intellectual thought and trans-Atlantic and Pan-African identities. RASHEED OLANIYI is a lecturer in the Department of History, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. His Ph.D. focused on the Yoruba Commercial Diaspora in Kano, 1912–1999. His research and teaching interests include social and economic history. His recent research focuses on human trafficking and child labor, migration and diaspora identity, ethnic conflict and urban violence, and political finance. SHARMLA RAMA is currently employed as a research specialist at the Human Sciences Research Council in South Africa. She is a sociologist and currently registered for a Ph.D. at the University of KwaZulu-Natal. Her research focuses on children, transport, and social exclusion in South Africa. LINDA RICHTER is the Executive Director of Child, Youth, Family, and Social Development at the Human Sciences Research Council in South Africa. She holds honorary professorships at the Universities of KwaZuluNatal, Witwatersrand, and Melbourne in Australia and is a consultant in the
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Centre for the AIDS Programme of Research in South Africa (CAPRISA). She has conducted both basic and policy research in the fields of child and youth development as applied to health, education, and welfare and has published more than 150 papers in the fields of child and adolescent development, infant and child assessment, protein-energy malnutrition, street and working children, and the effects of HIV/AIDS on children and families. KEARSLEY A. STEWART is the senior lecturer in Medical Anthropology at Northwestern University in Chicago and is currently a David Bell Fellow at the Center for Population and Development Studies at the Harvard School of Public Health (2005–2007). She joined Northwestern University in 2000, where she teaches courses on HIV/AIDS, Global Health Theory, Global Bioethics, Medical Anthropology, and Africa. Stewart was a member of the 2002 inaugural group of the Fulbright New Century scholars. Her Fulbright project was an ethnographic study of a HIV/AIDS clinical trial from the perspective of study participants in rural Uganda. Stewart has served as a consulting medical anthropologist at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta, Georgia. Her dissertation research on voluntary adolescent HIV counseling and testing (VCT) in Uganda led to a change in national policy to provide VCT to rural youth. Her work on HIV/AIDS, VCT, and research ethics in Africa has appeared in Africa Today, Human Rights Review, and Social Science and Medicine. She is also working on a full-length documentary of the revival of glass bead production in Ghana. ANNA WEST is a Maternal and Child Health Specialist with World Relief, where she provides technical support to community-based child survival programs in East and Southern Africa. Her current work focuses on the revitalization of community health worker schemes for improving access to care and preventive services in resource-poor settings. BRUCE WHITEHOUSE holds a Ph.D. in Anthropology from Brown University (2007). He has a B.A. in English from Carleton College and a M.A. in anthropology from Brown University. He has worked in the African Studies program of the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, DC, and as a Peace Corps Volunteer in Mali, West Africa (1997–2000), in natural resources management. His awards include a fellowship for graduate study from the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development of the National Institutes of Health, a Dissertation Fieldwork Grant from the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, a Doctoral Dissertation Research Improvement Grant from the National Science Foundation, and a Dissertation Fellowship from the Graduate School of Brown University. He has carried out fieldwork in Mali and Congo-Brazzaville on transnational migration and in Nigeria on women’s experiences of infertility.
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