The Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844 and the Communist Manifesto (Great Books in Philosophy)

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ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS OF 1844 and the COMMUNIST MANIFESTO

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ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS OF 1844 KARL MARX TRANSLATED BY MARTIN MILLIGAN

and the COMMUNIS

'f;�STO

by KARL MARX and FREDERICK. ENGELS

Prometheus Boks

59 John Glenn Drive Amherst, NewYork 14228,2197

Published 1988 by Prometheus Bo 59 John Glen Drive, Amherst, New York 14228-2197 716�91-o133.FAU(:716�1-o137. Library of Congress Catalog Number: 88-60153 ISBN 0-87975-446-X

.

KARL MARX was born in Trier, Prussia, on May

5, 1818, to an

intellectual Jewish family. At seventeen he enrolled at the University

of Bonn and a year later transferred to the University of Berlin where

he became interested in the philos ophy of G. W. F. Hegel. In

1 841,

Marx obtained his doctorate in philosophy, having presented a thesis

on post-Aristotelian Greek philosophy.

As a young graduate deeply involved in the radical Hegelian

movement, Marx found it difcult to secure a teaching post in the autocratic environment of Prussian society. In

1842 he became editor

of the Cologne newspaper Rheinische Zeitung. but his probing eco,: nomic critiques prompted the government to close the publication, whereupon Marx left for France. While in Paris, Marx quickly became involved with emigre Ger man workers and French socialists, and soon he was persuaded to the communist point of view. His first expression of these views oc curred in the

Economic

and Philosophic Manuscripts of

1844, which

remained unpublished until 1930. It was during this brief initial stay in France that Marx became associated with Frederick Engels.

For his radical political activities, Marx was expelled from Paris toward the end of

1844. He moved, with Engels, to Brussels, where

he was to remain for the next three years, except for occasional short trips to England. Here Marx wrote the manuscript for The German

Ideology and the polemic The Poverty of Philosophy against idealistic

socialism. Marx later joined the Communist League, a German workers group, for which he and Engels were to become the primary spokespersons. In

1847 Marx and Engels were asked to write

a

mani

festo for the league conference in London. This resulted in the creation of the

Communist

Manifesto. one of the most influential popular

political documents ever written. Its publication coincided with a wave of revolutions in Europe in

1848.

Marx returned to Paris in 1 848 but soon after left for Germany, where in Cologne he founded the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, a radical newspaper that attacked Prussian rule. As revolutionary fervor waned, the government suppressed his paper and Marx fled to England in 1849. For the next thirty-four years Marx remained in England ab sorbed in his work. During this period he composed The Class Struggles in France ( 1 848), The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (1948), Grundrisse (1 858), Theories of Surplus Value (1 860), Das Kapital (Vol. 1 , 1 867), and The Civil War in France ( 1 87 1 ). Karl Marx died in London on March 13, 1 883.

FREDERICK ENGELS was born in Barmen, Prussia, on November 28, 1820. His father was a very wealthy textile manufacturer who owned cotton mills in both Germany and England. Engels met Karl Marx in Paris in 1 844 and soon discovered that they shared similar socialist views. During Marx's lifetime, the two collaborated on a great many projects. After Marx's death, Engels completed the last two volumes of Das Kapita l and continued to defend Marxist views. In addition to Engels's coauthorship of the Commun ist Manifesto, he produced a substantial amount of independent work: Co n di t ions of the Working Class in England (1845), Anti-Duhring (1 878), and The Or igin of the Family, Private Property and the State (1884). Frederick Engels died in London on August 5, 1895.

Contents

Translator's Note on Terminology Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844 by Karl Marx

9

13

Preface

13

Wages of Labor

19

Profit of Capital 1. Cap i tal 2. The Profit of Capital 3. The Rule of Capital over Labor and the Motives of the Capitalist 4. The Accumulation of Capitals and the Co mpetitio n among the Capitalis t s

35 35 36 40 41

Rent of Land

53

[Estranged Labor]

69

[Anti thesis of Capital and Labor. Landed Property and Capital]

85

7

8

CONTENTS

[Private Property and Labor Views of the Mercantile System and Physiocracy, Adam Smith, Ricardo and His School]

93

[Private Property and Communism. Various Stages of Development of Communist Views. Crude, Equalitarian Communism and Communism as So cialism Coinciding with Humaneness]

99

[The Meaning of Human Requirements Where There Is Private Property and under Socialism. The Diference between Extravagant Wealth and Industrial Wealth. Division of Labor in Bourgeois Society]

1 15

[The Power of Money in Bourgeois Society]

135

[Critique of the Hegelian Dialectic and Philosophy as a Whole]

141

APPENDIX Outlines of a C ritique of Political Economy by Frederick Engels

Manifesto of the Communist Party by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels

171

203

Translator's Note on Terminology

(The translator offers the following notes on certain important German terms which are frequ ently used in the material translated in the present volu me, partly to explain the way in which they have been translated, and partly as an aid to un derstanding the texts.)

Aufheben (past t en s e : aufhob, p.p. aufgehoben,· noun: Aufhebung). Aujheben (literally "to raise up j has two opposed meanings in popular speech. (i) It can mean "to abolish," "to cancel," "to annul," "to do away with," etc. (ii) It can mean "to p re se rve." Hegel, valuing the word just because of this double, negative and positive, meaning (see The Logic of Hegel, tr. Wallace, 2nd ed., p. 180), uses it to describe the positive-negative action by which a higher logical category or form of nature or spirit, in superseding a lower, both "annuls" it and "incorporates its truth." Unfortunately, there is no single English word with the same double meaning, except "sublate," a technical term adopted for the purpose by some translators of Hegel; but as this is likely to be unintelligible to the general reader, it has not been used 9

10

TRANSLATOR'S NOTE ON

TER MINOLOGY

in the present volume. Instead, "supersede" has generally been used to render aufheben. where it seemed that the word was bein g used in this doub le, positive-negative sense, and occ asional ly it has been rendered as "transcend." Where, on the other hand, it seemed that aufheben was being used simply or predominantly in its com monp lace negative sense, the negative words listed above-"abolish," "annul ," etc. have been employed. Entiiusern (p.p. entiiussert; noun: Entiiusserung).

The ordinary dictionary me anings of entiiussern are "to part Wl·th, " "to renounce, " "to cast off" "to sell" , "to alienate" (a , right, or one's property). The last of these best expresses the sense i n which Marx usually uses this term. For "alienate" is the only E nglish word which combines, in much the same way as does entiiusern, the ideas of "losing" something which nevertheless remains in existence over-against o ne, of something passing from one's own into another's hands, as a result of one's own act, with the idea of "selling" something: that is to say, both "alienate" and entiiussern have, at least as one possible meaning, the idea of a sale, a transference of ownership, which is simultaneously a renunciation. At the same time, the word entlius has, more strongly than "alienate," the sense of "making external to oneself," and at times, when this has seemed to be the aspect of its meaning uppermost in the author's mind, the word "externalize" has been used to render it in English. Veriiussern, whose occurrence is noted at one point in the text, means "to sell" and "to alienate" in the same way as entiiussern. but without the overtone of "renunciation" or of the counter position of the thing alienated to the one who has alienated. Entfremden (p.p. entfremdet; noun: Entfremdung). The ordinary dicti onary meanings for entfremden are "to estrange," "to alienate, " b ut in the present volume "estrange" has always be e n used. The reason is not only that "alienate" was needed for entiiussern (see above), but also that entfremden

TRANSLATOR'S NOTE ON TERMINOLOGY

II

is only equivalent to "alienate" in one sense of the English word in the sense in which we speak of two people being "alienated," or of someone's affections being "alienated." Ent/remden has not the legal-commercial undertones of "alienate," and would not be used, for instance, to describe a transfer of property. Hence, despite the fact that translators of Marx have often rendered ent/remdet as "alienated," "estranged" seems better, especially as Marx does also use entausen. which is the equivalent of "alienated" in its legal-commercial sense. Wesen

There is no English word with the same range of meaning as Wesen. Wesen can mean, for one thing, "esnce," and some translators of Marx have treated it as if it could mean nothing else. But even when it does mean "essence," "esnce" should be understood, not in the sense of something super-mundane or rarefied, but almost in the opposite sense of the "solid core" of something-its essential, as against its inesntial, character istics-its "substance" as against its accidental features-the "essential nature" or even the "very being" of something. But secondly, Wesen is also the quite commonplace German word for a "being," in such phrases as "a human being" (ein menschliches Wesen); or the "Supreme Being" (das hochste

Wesen). Thirdly, Wesen. as Hegel points out, "in ordinary life frequently means only a collection or aggregate: Zeitungswesen (the press), Postwesen (the post office), Steuerwesen (the revenue). All that these terms mean is that the things in question are not to be taken singly, in their immediacy, but as a complex, and then, perhaps, in addition, in their various bearings." Hegel adds that: "This usage of the term is not very diferent in its implications from our own." (See The Logic ofHegel. tr. Wallace, 2nd ed., p. 209, and p. 202 f.) This last usage of the term is also not very diferent from Marx's, when, for instance, he seeks to make positive use of

12

TRA NSLATOR'S NOTE ON TERMINOLOGY

the

concept of das menschliche Wesen. "The essence of man," says, "is no abstraction inherent in each separate individual. In its reality it is the ensemble (aggregate) of social relations." (Theses on Feuerbach. VI, as translated by R. Pascal in the Appendix to The German Ideology, Parts I and III, by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, London, Lawrence & W ishart, 1939.) In the texts translated in the present volume, Marx freq uently plays on the vario us me anings of Wesen. usi ng it at times in two or even more of its sen ses in the one sentence. The English translator can only render the different senses by different English word s, and explain their common equivalent in a note, as has he

been done in this volume.

Prefacel

I

have already given notice

in the

Deutsch-Franz6'sische Jahr

biic:her,2the critique of jurisprudence and political science in the

form

of a critiq ue of the Hegelian Philosophy of Right.

course of elaboration

for publication,

In

the

the intermingling of

I. E('fI/lOlllk IInci Phi/o.mphic Munll.\·(·ril't.� ,!I'I844 by Karl Marx has come down to us in the form of three manuscripts. each of which has its own pagination (in Roman ligures). Just the last four pages have survived of the second manuscript (pp. XL XLIII). Each of the 27 pages of the first man uscript is broken up into th ree columns with two venicallines, and each of the colu m ns on each page is sup p lied with a head in g written in beforehand: Wages of lAbor, Prof;t (if Capital, Renl ql Loncl. After p. XVII, inclusive, it is o n ly the column headed Rent of lAnd which is filled in, and after p. XXII to the end ofthe first manuscript Marx wrote across the thre columns, dis regarding the headings. The text of these six pages (pp. XXII-XXVII) is given in the present book unde r the editor's title, Estranged LAbor. The third manuscript co ntai n s 43 large pages divided into two columns and paginated by Marx himself. At the end of the third man usc ript (pp. XXXIX-XL) is the Mlntroduction," which is gi ve n in the present volu me at the beginning, precedi ng the text of the first manuscript. The title of Marx's work and t he headings of the various parts of the manuscripts, put in square brackets, were given by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism. The parts of the manuscripts are published in the sequence in which Marx put them down, save the 'Introduction," which is given in the beginning, and the Critique of Hegelian DialectiC' and Philosophy as a Whole which was put in the end in acordance with the reference

made by Marl( i n the Mlntroduction."-Ed. 2. DeulsC'h-FranzosisC'he JahrbiiC'her (German-French Year-Books) was edited by K. Marx and A. Ruge and published in German. The only isue was a double number which appeared in Paris in February 1844. In it were printed Marx's Zur Juden/rage (On Ihe Je wish Question) and Zur Kritik der HegeisC'hen Rechts PhiJosophie. Einleitung (Conlribution to a Crit ique of Hegel's Philosophy of Righi. InlroduC'tion) and Engels's Um risse zu einer Krilik der NalionaldKonomie (Outlines of a Criliq ue of PolitiC'a/ Economy) and Die lAge Englands (The Position of Englond). "Past and Present" by Thomas Carlyle. These work s mark the fi n a l transition of Marx and Engels to mate rialis m and co mmunism. Differences of principle between Marx and the bourgeois radical Ruge were chiefly responsible for the discontinuation or the journaL Ed.

13

PREFACE

14

of criticism directed only against speculation with criticism of

various

the

subjects themselves proved utterly unsuitable,

hampering the development of the argument and rendering comprehension difcult. Moreover the wealth and diversity of the subjects to be treated, could have been compressed into one work only in a purely aphoristic style; while an aphoristic presentation of this kind, for its part, would have given the

impression

of arbitrary systematizing.

I shall therefore issue the

critique oflaw, ethics, politics, etc., in a series of distinct, indepen dent pamphlets, and at the end try in a special work to present them again as a connected whole showing the interrelationship

of the separate parts, and fmally, shal make a critique of the speCUlative elaboration of that material. For this reason it will

be found that the interconnection between political economy

and the state, law, ethics, civil life, etc., is touched on in the

present work only to the extent to which political economy itself

ex professol touches on these SUbjects.

It is hardly necessary to assure the reader conversant with

political economy that my results have been won by means of a wholly empirical analysis based on a conscientious critical study of political economy. [Whereas the uninformed reviewer who tries to hide his

complete ignorance and intellectual poverty by hurling the "utopian phrase "at the positive critic's head, or again such phrases as "pure, resolute, utterly critical criticism," the "not merely legal but social-utterly social-society," the "compact, massy mass," the

"oratorical orators of the massy mass, "2 this reviewer has I. Particularly_

2.

Ed_

Marx refers here to Bruno Bauer who had published in Allgemeine literatur Zeitung two long reviews dealing with books, articles an d pamphle t s on the Jewish ques t ion . M ost of the quoted phrases are taken from these reviews in Allgemeine literatur Zeitung. Heft I, DczI:mber 1843; Heft 4, Miin 1844. The expressions �ut opian phrase" and �compact mas" can be found in B. Bauer's article �Was ist jetzt der Gegenstand der Kritik?" published in Allgemeine literatur-Zeitung. Heft 8, Juli 1844. Allgemeine lilertlUT-Zeitung (General literary Gazelle). a German month ly , was published by the young Hegelian B. Bauer in Charlottenburg from December 1843

to October 184.

K. Marx and F. Engels gave a detailed critical appraisal of this monthly in their book Die heilige FamiJie. oder Kritik der kritischen Kritik. Cf. K. Marx and F. Enge l s, The Holy Family. OT

Critique of Critical Critique.

Moscow, 1956.

Ed.

PREFACE

15

yet to fur nis h the first p roof that besides his theological family affairs he has anything to contribute to a discussion of worldly matters.]1

It goes without saying that besides the French and English Socialists I h ave made use of German socialist works as well. The onl y original Germ an works of substance in this science , however-other than Weitling's writings -are the essays by Hess published in Einundzwanzig Bogen,2 and Engels's Umrisse zu

einer Kritik der NationalO1conomie3 in the Deutsch-Franzosische lahrbiicher. where, likewi se , I i ndica ted in a very general way the basic elements of this work. [ Besides being indebted to these authors who have given critical attenti on to political economy, positive criticism as a whole-and t herefore als o German positive criticism of political economy-owes its true foundation to the d isc overie s of Feuer bach. against whose Philosophie der ZukunJt4 and 1hesen zur Reform der Philosophies in the Anecdolis.6 despite the tacit use that is made of the m , the petty envy of some and the ve ritable wrath of others seem to have instigated a regu l ar conspiracy of silence. ] It is o nly with Feuerbach that positive, humanistic and n atu ral ist ic criticism begins. The less noise they make, the more certain, profound, wides pread and enduri n g is the effect of Feuerbach � writings, the only wr itings since Hegel's PhiinomeEd.

I. Passages enclosed in braces were crossed out by Marx in his manuscript.-

2.

The full title of this collection of articles is

Einun dzwanzig Bogen aw deT Schweiz

(Twenty- One SheelS from Switzerland). Erster Teil, Zurich und Winterthur, 1843.

Ed.

3. Engels's Outlines: See Appendix to present volume.-Ed. 4. Ludwig Feuerbach, Grundsiitze der Philosophie der Zukunji (Principles of the Philosophy of the Future), Zurich und Winterthur, 1843. Ed. 5. Lu dw ig Feuerbach, Vorliiufige Thesen zur Reformation der Philosophie (Preliminary Theses on the Reformation of Philosophy) published in Anekdota. Bd. Il.

Ed.

6. This is how Marx abbreviates An ek dota zur neuesten deutsL'hen Philosophie

und Publicistik (Unpublished Materials Related to Modern German Philosoph.v

Writing).

and

a two-volume collection pub l is h ed by A. Ruge in Switzerland. It i ncl uded

Marx's Notes on the Latest Prwsian Instruction t o Censors and Luther the Arbi/er Be/ ..een Straws and Feuerbach. and articles by Bruno B auer . Ludwig Feuerbach,

Friedrich Koppen. Arnold Ruge. etc.-Ed.

16

PREFA CE

nologie and Logik to contain a real theoretical revolution. In contrast to the critical theologians I of our day, I have deemed the c o ncluding ch apter of the present work-the settling of accounts with Hegelian dialectic and Hegeli an philosophy as a whole to be absolutely necessary, a task not yet performed This lack of thoroughness is not accidental, since even the critical theologian remains a theologian. Hence, either he had to start from certain presuppositions of philosophy accepted as authoritative; or if in the process of criticism and as a result of other people's discoveries doubts about these philosophical presuppositions have arisen in him, he abandons them without vindication and in a cowardly fashion, abstracts from them showing his servile dependence on these presuppositions and his rese ntm ent at this dependence merely in a negative, unconscious and sophistical manner. [In this connection the critical theologian is either forever repeating assurances about the purity of his own criticism, or tries to make it seem as though all that was left for criticism to deal with now was some other immature form of criticism outside itself-say eighteenth-ce ntury criticism-and the backwardness of the masses, in order to divert the observer's attention as well as his own from the necessary task of settling accounts between criticism and its point of origin-Hegelian dialectic and German philosophy as a whole-from this necessary raising of modem criticism above its own limitation and crudity. Eventually, however, whenever discoveries (such as Feuerbach's) are made about the nature of his own philosophic presuppo sitions, the critical theologian partly makes it appear as if he were the one who had accomplished this, producing that appearance by taking the results of these discoveries and, without being able to develop them, hurling them in the form of catch phrases at writers still caught in the confines of philosophy; partly he even manages to acquire a sense of his own superiority to such discoveries by covertly asserting in a veiled, malicious and -

.

I. Marx has in mind B. Bauer and his followers, who were associated with the Allgemeine uleralur·Zeilung. Ed.

PREFACE

17

wh ich he still finds lacking in the criticism of that dialectic (w hich have not yet been critical l y served up to him for his use ) against s uc h crit icis m - not h avi n g tried to bring such elements into their pr oper relati o n o r havi ng been capable of d o i ng so, asserting, say, the category of me d i ating proof against the category of pos itive, self-originating tru th , etc. , in a way peculiar to Hegeli a n dialectic. For to the theological critic it seems q u ite natural that everything has to be done by philosophy, so that he can chatter aw ay abo ut purity , resoluteness, and utterly critical criticism; skeptical fashion elements of the Hegelian dialectic

and he fancies himself the true conqueror ofphilosophy whenever

to feel some "moment" in Hegell to be lacking in Feuerbach-for however much he practices the spiritual idolatry of "self-consciousness" and "mind" the theo l ogical critic does not get beyond feeling to consciousness.]2 On close inspection theological criticism-genuinely pro gressive though it was at the inception of the movement-is seen in the final analysis to be nothing but the culmination and consequence of the old philosophical, and especially the Hegelian, transcendentalism, twisted into a theological caricature. This interesting example of the j usti ce in history, which now assigns he happens

to theology, ever philosophy's spot of infection, the further role

negative dissolution of p hilos ophy decay-this historical nemesis I shal

of portraying in itself the i.e., the process of its

de monstrate on another occasion.3 [How far, on the other hand, Feuerbach � d iscoveries about the nature of philosophy required still, for their proof at least, I. �Momentft is a technical term in Hegelian philoso phy meaning a vital element of thought. The term is used to stress that thought is a process, and thus that elements in a system of thought are also phases in a movement.-Ed. 2. In Hegel , �feeling" (Empfindung) denotes a relatively low form of mental life in which the subjective and the objective are still confused together. �Consciousness" (8el1"usstsein)-the name given by Hegel to the first major section of his Phenomenology (!/"Mind denotes those forms of mental activity where a subject first seeks to comprehend an object. "Self-consciousness" and �mind" denote subsequent, higner pnases in the evolution of "absolute knowledge" or "the absolute." Eel. 3. Within a short time, Marx fulfilled this promise in Ok! heilige FumiHe, oder Kritik der kritischen Kritik. written in collaboration with Engels. See K. Marx and F. Engels, The H()�\' Fumi�I' or Critique (!l Criticol Critique. Moscow, 1956. Ed.

PREFACE

18

a critical settling of accounts with philosophical dialectic will

be seen from

my

exposition itself.]

Wages of

Labor

Wages are determined through the ant ago nisti c struggle between

capitalist and worker. Victory goes necess aril y to the capit alist. The cap italist can live longer without the worker than can the worker without the capitalist . Combination among the capitalists is customary and effective; workers' combination is prohibited and painful in its consequences for them. I Besides, the landowner an d the capitalist can augment their revenues with the fruits of industry; the worker has neither ground-rent nor interest on capital to supplement his industrial income. Hence the intensity of the competition among the workers. Thus only for the workers is the separation of capital, landed property and labor an in evitable, essential and detrimental separation. Capital and landed property need not remain fixed in this abstraction, as must the lab or of the workers. I. Compare what Marx say s here about the determination of wages, combination

among workers, etc., with The Wealth of Nations. by Adam Smith (Everyman Library

ed iti on , Vol. I, pp. 58-60). In the first three secti o ns of this manuscript, Marx, as he himself points out later, is constantly drawing upon the words of the classical p olit ical economists, and particularly of Smith. This is often the case, as here, even where Marx doe s not explicitly indicate that he is qu otin g or paraphrasing. The text of The W(,{lllh of Nations used by Marx was Gamier's French trans lat i on of 1802 (R£('hercll(' .
10 Nalure elles Causes de la rkhesse des Nations; par Adam Smith.

avec

les notes

el

Tradu('tion 110'"'../1,·. observalions; p ar Germain Garnier, Tomes I V, Paris, 1802) -/:il.

19

20

KARL MARX

The separation of capital. gro und-ren t and labor ;s thus fatalfor the worker. The lowest and the only necessary wage-rate is that providing for t he subsistence of the wo rker for the duration of his wo r k and as m uch more as is necessary for him to support a family and for the race of la bo re rs not to die out. T he ordinary wage, acc ord i ng to Smith, is the lowest compatible with common human ity (that is a catt le- like existence). I The demand for men necessari(l' governs the production of men. as (?l eve�I' other commodity. Should s upply g rea t ly exceed demand, a section of the workers sinks into beggary or st arv at ion . The wor k er 's existence is thus brought under the same co ndi t io n as the existence of every o t he r commodity. T h e worker h as become a commodity, and it is a bit of luck for him if he can find a b uyer. And the demand on which the life of the worker depends, dep end s on the whim of the rich and the ca p italists. Should the quantity in s u p p ly exceed the demand, then one of the co nstit uen t parts of the price-profit, gro un d-rent or wages-is p aid below its rate;2 a part of these factors is therefore withdraw n f rom th is ap p lication , and thus the market-price gravitates towards the natural p rice as the center po int . But (i) where there is conside ra ble division of labor it is most difficult for the wo rker to direct his labor into other

channels; (ii) because of his subordinate relation to the capita list , he is the first to suffer.

the gravitation of market-price to natural price it is the worker who loses most of all and necessarily. And it Thus in

is just the capacity of the capitalist to di re ct his capit al into

another channel which renders d estit ute

the worker who is restri cted to some p artic ula r branch of labo r; or forces him to submit to every demand of this cap italist . The accidental and sudden fluctuations in market-price hit

r e nt less than they do that part of the price which is re solved into

profit and wages; but they hit profit less than t h ey do wages. Wealth of Nations. Everyman edition, Vol. I, pp. 6O-6I.-Ed. Ibid., pp. 71-72, and pp. 5O-SI. Ed.

I. A. Smith,

2.

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

In most cases, for every wage that

rises, one remains stationary

and one falls.

The worker need not necessarily

does,

21

gain when

the capitalist

but he necessari�v loses when the latter loses. Thus, the

worker does not gain if the capitalist keeps the market-price

natural price by virtue of some manufacturing or or the favo rable situation of his property. Furthermore: the prices of labor are much more constant than the prices of pro visions often they stand in inverse proportion. In a dear year wages fall on account of the fall in d em and, but rise on account of t he rise in th e prices of provi sion s and thus ba l anc e In any case, a number of workers are left wit ho ut bread. In cheap years wages rise on account above the

trading sec ret or by virtue of monopoly ,

,

.

of the rise in demand, but fall on account of t he fall in the pric es of provisions-and t h us balance.' Another re spec t in which the worker is at a d isad vantage: The labor-prices of the various kinds of workers show much wider diferences than the profits in t he various branches in which capital is applied. In labor all t he natural, spiritual and

social variety of individual activity is manifested and

is v ari ously

rewarded, while dead capital always shows the same face and

is ind ifferent to the real individual activity.

In general it has to be observed that in t h ose cases where

wo rke r and capitalist equally suffer, the worker sufers in his

very existence, the capitalist in the profit on his dead mammon.

The worker has to struggle not only for his p hysical means of subsistence :

he has to struggle to get work, i.e., the possibility,

the means, to perfo rm pis activity Take the three chief c ond ition s .

in which so ciet y can find itself and c o nsider the s it uation of

them:2 (I) If the wealth of society declines the worker suffers most

t he worker in

I. A. Smith, Weal/h of Na/ions. Vol. I, p. 77.-Ed. 2. Cf. Weal/h C?f Nations, Vol. I, p. 230; also pp. 61-65, where Smith illustrates

these th ree p oss ible conditions of society by referring to contemporary conditions in Bengal, China. and North A merica . (The Wealth of No/ions was first published in 1776. I Ed.

22

KARL MARX

of all, for: although the working class cannot gain so much as can the class of property-owners in a prosperous state of society, no one suffers so cruelly from its decline as the working class. I (2) Take now a society in which wealth is increasing. This condition is the only one favorable to the worker. Here com petition between the capitalists sets in. The demand for workers exceeds their supply, But: In the first place. the raising of wages gives rise to overwork among the workers. The more they wish to earn, the more must they sacrifice their time and carry out slave-labor, in the service of avarice completely losing al their freedom, thereby they shorten their lives. This shortening of their life-span is a favorable circumstance for the working class as a whole, for as a result of it an ever-fresh supply of labor becomes necessary. This class has always to sacrifice a part of itself in order not to be wholly destroyed. Furthermore: when does a society find itself in a condition of advancing wealth? When the capitals and revenues of a country are growing. But this is only possible (a) as the result of the accumulation of much labor, capital being accumulated labor; as the result, therefore, of the fact that his products are being taken in ever-increasing degree from the hands of the workers, that to an increasing extent his own labor confronts him as another's property and that the means of his existence and his activity are increasingly concentrated in the hands of the capitalist. (b) The accumulation of capital increases the division of labor, and the division of labor increases the numbers of the workers. Conversely, the workers' numbers increase the division of labor, just as the division of labor increases the accumulation of capitals. With this division of labor on the one hand and the accumulation of capitals on the other, the worker becomes ever more exclusively dependent on labor, and on a particular, I. Cf. Smith, I.e., p. 230; in Marx's manuscript the last clause of this sentence

is in French, being taken direct from Garnier's translation. Tome

I I. p. 162.

££1.

ECONOMIC AND P H I LOSO P H I C M ANUSC RIPTS

23

very one-sided, machine-like labor. Just as h e is thus depressed spiritually and physically to the condition of a machine and from being a man becomes an abstract activity and a stomach, so he also becomes ever more dependent on every fluctuation in market-price, on the application of capitals, and on the mood of the rich. Equally, the increase in the class of people wholly dependent on work intensifies competition among them, thus lowering their price. In the factory-system this situation of the worker reaches its climax. (c) In an increasingly prosperous society it is only the very richest people who can go on living on money-interest. Everyone else has to carry on a business with his capital, or venture it in trade. As a result, the competition between capitals becomes more intense. The concentration of capitals increases, the big capitalists ruin the small, and a section of the erstwhile capitalists sinks into the working class, which as a result of this supply again suffers to some extent a depression of wages and passes into a still greater dependence on the few big capitalists. The number of capitalists having been diminished, their competition with respect to workers scarcely exists any longer; and the number of workers having been augmented, their competition among themselves has become all the more intense, unnatural and violent. Consequently, a section of the working class falls i nt o the ranks of beggary or starvation j ust as necessarily as a section of the middle capitalists falls into the working class Hence, even in the condition of society most favorable to the worker, the inevitable result for the worker is overwork and premature death, decline to a mere m ach i ne a bond se rv ant of capital, which piles up dangerously over against him, more competition, and for a section of the workers starvation or beggary. The raising of wages excites in the worker the capitalist's mania to get rich, which he, however, can only satisfy by the sacrifice of his mind and body. The raising of wages presupposes and entails the accumulation of capital, and thus sets the product of labor against the worker as something ever more alien to him. Similarly, the division of labor renders him ever more one.

,

KARL M A R X

24

sided and dependent, bringi ng with it the comp eti ti on not only of men but of machines. Since the worker has sunk to the level of a machine, he can be confronted by the machine as a com petitor. Finally, as the amassing of capital increases the amount of industry and therefore the number of workers, it causes the same amount of industry to manufacture a greater amount of product, which leads to over-production and thus either ends by throwing a large section of workers out of work or by reducing their wages to the most miserable minimum. Such are the conseq uences of a condition of society most favorable to the worker-namely, of a condition o f growing, advancing wealth. Eventually, however, this state of growth must sooner or later reach its peak. What is the worker's position now? (3) "In a country which had attained the utmost degree of its wealth, both wages of labor and interest of stock would be very low. The competition among the workers to o btain employment would be so great that wages would be reduced to a point sufficient for the maintenance of the given number of workers; and as the country would already be sufficiently popUlated, this number could not be increased. "I

The surp lus would have to die. Thus in a declining state of society-inc reasi ng misery of the worker; in an advanci n g s tate misery with complications; and in a fully deve loped state of society-static misery Since, however, according to Smith, a society is n o t happy, of which the greater part suffers2 yet even the wealt hiest state of s ociety leads to this suffering of the maj o rity and since t he economic system 3 (and in ge ne ral a society based on p ri vate .

-

I. Cf. A. Sm it h . Wea/III (�l Nalion.\'. Vol. I. p. 84 ( Garnier. T. I, p. 1 93). Despite marks, this is nol in fact an exact q u ot a t i on from Smith but a condensed version of some sentences of his. £d. 2. Cf. A. Smith, »h'/Ill C!f' NU/ioll.�. Vol. I, p. 70. Ed. 3. In this sentence the phrase �economic sy ste m � has been used to render t he Ger m :m term NlIIicmulcJ'/wnllmic' t he term used by M arx in t h ese manuscripts for � Political Econom\"- . " H e re. and occa.�ionall\" elsewhere, M arx see ms to use Nmio/lll/ci'/wnomic' to stand not simply for Po l i t i cal E conomy a.� a body of t h eo ry. but for the econom i c system. t he developing ind ustrial capitalist system, port rayed and c h ampi o ned b y the classical po li t i ca l economists. Ed. M arx's q uotation

ECONOMIC A N D P H I LOSOPH IC M ANUSCRI PTS

25

interest) leads to this we althiest condition, it follows that the goal of the economic system is the unhappiness of society. Concerning the re latio ns hip between worker and capitalist one should add that the cap i tal ist is more than co mpensated for the raising of wages by the reduction in the amount of labor time , and that the raising of wages and the raising of interest on capital operate on the price of commodities like simple and compound interest respectively. Let us put ourselves no w wh olly at the standpoint of the political econo mist , and follow him in comparing the theoretical and practical claims of the workers. He tells us that originally and in theory the whole produce of laborl belo ngs to the worker. But at the same time he tells us that in actual fact what the worker gets is the smallest and utterly indispensable part of the product-as much, only, as is necessary, for his existence, not as a man but as a worker, and for the propagation, not of humanity but of the slave-class of workers. The po l itic al economist tells us that everything is bought with labor and t h at c ap i tal is not hi n g but accumulated labor; but at the same time he tells us that the wo rke r, far from being ab le to buy everything, must sell himself and his hum an identity. While the rent of the lazy land owner usualy amounts to a third of the product of the soil, and the profit of the busy capitalist to as much as twice the inte rest on money, the "something more" which the worke r himself earns at the best of times amounts to s o little that of four children of his, two must starve and die. While accord i ng to t he p o l it ical economists it is sole ly through labor that man enhances the value of th e products of nature, while labor is man's active property,2 according to this same political economy the l andowner and the capit alis t, who qua landow ner and cap it alist are merely privileged and idle gods, are everywhere superior to the worker and lay down the law to him. I. cr. A. Smith. Wealth qr Nations. Vol. \, p. 57. Ed. 2. Property. that is, in t he sense of �a possession," not term is EigeniUIIl. not Eigef/sdrq/i. - Eti.

"an

attribute. ft The Gennan

26

KARL MARX

While according to the political economists labor is the sole constant price of things, there is nothing more contingent than the price of labor, nothing exposed to greater fluctuations. While the division of labor raises the productive power of labor and increases the wealth and refinement of society, it impoverishes the worker and reduces him to a machine. While labor brings about the accumulation of capitals and with this the increasing prosperity of society, it renders the worker ever more dependent on the capitalist, leads him into competition of a new intensity, and drives him into the headlong rush of over-production, with its subsequent corresponding slump. While the interest of the worker, according to the political economists, never stands opposed to the interest of society, society always and necessarily stands opposed to the interest of the worker. According to the political economists, the interest of the worker is never opposed to that of society: I) because the raising of wages is more than made up for by the reduction in the amount of labor-time, together with the other consequences set forth above; and 2) because in relation to society the whole gross product is the net product, and only in relation to the private individual has the "net product" any significance. But that labor itself, not merely in present conditions but in general insofar as its purpose is the mere increase of wealth that labor itself, I say, is harmful and pernicious-follows, without his being aware of it, from the political economist's line of argument.

In theory, ground-rent and profit on capital are deductions suffered by wages. In actual fact, however, wages are a deduction which land and capital allow to go to the worker, a concession from the product of labor to the workers, to labor. When society is in a state of decline, the worker suffers most severely. The specific severity of his burden he owes to his position as a worker, but the burden as such to the position of society.

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

27

But when society is in a state of progress, the ruin and impoverishment of the worker is the product of his labor and of the wealth produced by him. The misery results, therefore, from the essence of present-day labor itself. Society in a state of maximum wealth, an ideal, but one which is more or less attained, and which at least is the aim of political economy as of civil society, means for the workers static misery. It goes without saying that the proletarian, i.e., the man who, being without capital and rent, lives purely by labor, and by a one-sided, abstract labor, is considered by political economy only as a worker. Political economy can therefore advance the proposition that the proletarian, the same as any horse, must get as much as will enable him to work. It does not consider him when he is not working, as a human being; but leaves such consideration to criminal law, to doctors, to religion, to the statistical tables, to politics and to the workhouse beadle. Let us now rise above the level of political economy and try to answer two questions on the basis of the above exposition, which has been presented almost in the words of the political economists: ( I ) What in the evolution of mankind is the meaning of this reduction of the greater part of mankind to abstract labor? (2) What are the mistakes committed by the piecemeal reformers, who either want to raise wages and in this way to improve the situation of the working class, or regard equality of wages (as Proudhon does) the goal of social revolution? In political economy labor occurs only in the form of wage earning activity.

" I t can be asserted that those o cc u p at i o n s which

presuppose specific talents or l onger training have become on the whole more lucrative; while the propo rt i onate reward

for mech an ically monotonous activity in which one person

can be trained as easily and quickly as another

has fallen

KARL MARX

28

with growing competition, and was inevitably bound to fall. And it is j ust

this

sort of work which in the present state

of the organization of labor is still by far the commonest. If therefore a worker in the first category now earns seven times as much as he did, say, fifty years ago, while the earnings of another in the second category have remained unchanged , then of course both are earning as much. But

if

on the average

four times

the first category comprises only a thousand

workers in a particular country, and the second a million,

999,00 are no better off than fifty years ago-and they worse off if at the same time the prices of the necessaries of life have risen. With such superficial calculations of averages then

are

people try to deceive themselves about the most numerous class of the population. M oreover, the size of the only one factor in the estimation of the

wage is worker 's income .

because it is essential for the measurement of the latter to take into account the assurance of its

permanence-of which

there is obviously no possibility in the anarchy of so-called free competition, with its ever-recurring fluctuations and periods of stagnation. Finally, the

hours of work

customary

formerly and now have to be considered . And for the English cotton-workers these have been raised , as a result of the entrepreneurs' mania for profit, to between twelve and sixteen hours a day during the past twenty-five years or so-that is to say, precisely during the period of the introduction of labor-saving machines; and this rise in one country and in one branch of industry inevitably asserted itself elsewhere to a greater or lesser degJ:� for the right of the unlimited exploitation of the poor by the rich is still universally recog nized . " (Wilhelm Schulz,

Movement of Production.

p. 65.)1

"But �ven if it were as true as it is false that the average income of

every class of society has increased, the income relative income-distances may nevertheless have

differences and

become greater and the contrasts between wealth and poverty accordingly stand out more sharply. For just

because

total

productio n rises-and in the same measure as it rises-needs, desires and claims also mUltiply and thus

relative

poverty can

I . Die Bewegung der Produklion. eine geschichllich slalislische Abhandlung. voa; Wilhelm Schulz, Zurich and Win terth ur, 1 843. Ed.

LOSOPH IC MANU SCRIPTS ECONOM IC AN D P HI

29

mcrease while abs olute povert� diminishes. The .Sa�oyed living d fis h IS not poor for in hIS secluded n flSh-oil and ranci al h ave the same needs. But in a state I�at ;s forging ahead, which in the course of a decade, say, mcreased by on i n p ro p ort i o n to the population, a third its total p rod ucti g as much at the end of ten years n ti t ge is o the worker wh not re m ai ned as well off, but has has g n as at the begi n n i " (I b id . , pp. 65-66 .) . third a become poore r by

�y

But political economy knows the wo rke r only as a working animal-as a beast reduced to the strictest bod i l y needs. 06'[0 develop i n greater spiritual freedom, a people must break their bondage to their bodily needs-they m us t cease to be the slaves of the body. They must, therefore, above al, have time at their disposal for spiritual creative act i v ity and s piritU al e nj oy me n t . The d eve lo pme nts in the labor organism gain this time. Indeed with new motive-forces and improved machinery, a single worker in the c ot to n factories now not infrequently performs the work fo r merly req u iri ng It hundred, or even 250 to 350 w o rke rs . Similar results c a n be o bserved in all b ra nc he s of production, because external natural forces are being c o mpel led to p articip ate to an ever greater degree in human labor. If the s atis faction of a given amount of m ate ri al needs formerly required a certain expenditure of time and human effort which has later been reduced by half, then without any loss of material comfo rt the scope for sp iritual activ ity and e nj o yment has been .simultaneously e xte nded by as m uch . . . . But agai n the way i which the boo ty , that we win from old Kronos l himself in his most private domain, is sh ared out is still decided by the dice-th ro w of blind, unjust Chance. In France it has bee n calculated that at the present stage in the development of production an average working-period of five hours a d ay by every perso n capable of work could suffice fo r the satis faction of all the mate rial interests of society . . . . Notwith standing the time saved by t he

perfecting of machine ry, the

I. The god of Greek mythology identi fied with Time .

Ed.

KARL MARX

30

duration of the slave-labor performed by a large population

in the factories has only increased. " (Ibid . , pp. 67, 68 .) "The transition from compound manual labor rests on a breaking-down of the latter into its simple operations. At fIrst, however, only some of the uniformly-recurring operations

wil devolve on machines, while some devolve on men. From

the nature of things, and from confIrmatory experience, it is clear that unendingly monotonous activity of this kind is as harmful to the mind as to the body; thus this combination of m achinery with mere division of labor among a greater

nunber of hands must inevitably show all the disadvantages

of the latter. These disadvantages appear, among other things,

in the greater mortality of factory-workers . . . . Consideration

has not ben given . . . to this big distinction as to how far men work through machines or as machines. " (Ibid., p. 69.) "In the future life of the pe o ples, however, the inanimate

forces of nature working in machines will be our slaves and servants." (Ibid., p. 74.) "The Englis h spinning-mils employ 1 96,8 1 8 females and

only 1 58,8 1 8 men. For every 100 male workers in the c otto n

factories of Lancashire there are 1 03 female workers, and in Scotl and as many as 209. I n the English flax-mills of Leeds,

for every 100 male workers there were found to be 147 female

workers. In Druden and on the East Coast of Scotland as many as 280. In the English silk-mils . . . many female

workers; male workers pred ominate in the wool-mills where

the work requires greater physical strength. In 1 833 , no fewer than 38,927 female s were employed alongside 1 8,593 men in

the North American cotton-mills. As a result of the changes

in the labor

organism,

a wider sphere of gainful emp loyme nt

has thus fallen to the share of the female sex. . . . Women now occupying an economically mo re indep�ndent p osi tion.

.

. . The two sexes d raw n closer together in their soci al

cond itions. " (I bid ., pp. 7 1 , 72.)

"Working in the English steam- and water-driven spinning mills in 1 835 were: 20,558 children between the ages of eight

and twelve; 35,867 between the ages of twelve and thirteen;

ECON O M IC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

31

and, lastly, 108 ,208 children between the ages of thirteen and . . . Admittedly, further advances in mechanization, mo r e and more remov ing all m ono tono us work from by human hands, are operat i ng in the direction of a gradual elimination of t hi s social evil. But stand ing in t he way of these m ore rapid advances is the very circumstance that t he cap it alists can, in the easiest and cheapest fashion, appropriate the ene rgies of t he lower classes down to the ch i l d ren , to be em p loyed and used up instead of mec han ical aids. " (Ibid. , eightee n .

pp. 70-7 L) "Lord

)Jrougham's call to the workers -'Become capital rn

ists'. . . . The evil that millions are only able to ea a bare pittance for themselves by strenuo us labor which is shattering

the body and crippling the m mo rally and intellectually; that they are even obliged to consider the misfortune of find ing such work a piece of good fortune. " ( Ibid . , p. 60.)

are o bliged to at the service of t he

"In order to live, then, the non-owners

place themselves, directly or indi

rectly,

owners-to put themselves, that is to say, into a p dependence upon

ositio n

of

t h e m . " ( P ec q ue u r , Theorie nouvelle

d'economie soc., etc., p. 409.)1 "Servants-pay; workers-wages; employees-salary or emoluments. " ( I b id . , pp. 409, 4 10.) "To hire out one's labor"; "To lend one's labor at inte rest ";

"To work in ano t her's p lace . " "To hire out the materials of labor"; "To lend the material s

of labor at interest. " "To make others work in one's place. "

(Ibid.

p. 4 1 1 .)

"Such an economic order condemns men to occupations

so mean, to a degradation so devastating and bitter, that by

comparison savagery seems like a kingly condition." (Ibid . ,

p p . 4 1 7, 4 1 8.) "Prostitution of the non.:owning clas i n all its forms. " (Ibid., p. 42 1 f.) " Ragmen. "

I . 17ti!orie nouvelle d economie sociale et polilique. ou Etudl.' sur l 'organisation des So ieles, par C. Pecqueur, Paris, 1 842. This and all succeeding quotations from Pecqueur. Buret and Loudon in this section are in French in Marx's manuscript. Ed.

c

32

KARL MARX

Loudon, in the book Solution du probleme de 10 population, etc., Paris, 1 842, 1 declares the number of prostitutes in England to be between sixty and seventy thousand. The number of women of doubtful virtue is said to be equally large (p. 228). "The average life of these unfortunate creatures on the streets, after they have embarked on their career of vice, is about six or seven years. To maintain the number of sixty to seventy thousand prostitutes, there must be in the three kingdoms at least eight to nine thousand women who commit themselves to this degrading profession each year, or about twenty-four new victims each day-in average of one per hour; and it follows that if the same proportion holds good over the whole surface of the globe, there must constantly be in existence one and half million unfortunate women of this kind. " (Ibid ., p . 229.) "The population of the poverty-stricken grows with their poverty, and at the extreme limit of destitution human beings are crowded together in the greatest numbers contending with each other for the right to suffer. . . . In 1 821 the population of Ireland was 6,80 1 ,827. In 1 83 1 it had risen to 7,764,0 1 0an increase of 1 4 per cent in ten years. In Leinster, the wealthiest province, the population increased by only 8 per cent; while in Connaught, the most poverty-stricken province, the increase reached 21 per cent. (Extract from the Enquiries Published in England on Ireland, Vienna, 1 84O.)" (Buret, De la misere, etc., 1. 1, pp. 36, 37.)2 Political economy considers labor in the abstract as a thing; "labor is a commodity." If the price is high, then the commodity is in great demand; if the price is low, then the commodity is in great supply, "the price of labor as a com modity must fall lower and lower." This is made inevitable "

dons

I . Solution du probreme de Ia population et de 10 subsistance. soumise Ii un medicin une serie de lettres. par Charles Loudon, Paris, 1 842, p. 229. This work was

a translation into French, slightly abridged, of an English manuscript which sems never to have ben published. In 1 836, however, Loudon did issue at Leamington a short pamphlet in English The Equilibrium of Population and Sustenance Demonstrated; but the French work referred to is a substantial book of 336 pages. Ed. 2. De Ia misere des classes Ioborieuses en Angleterre et en France. par Eugene Buret, T. I II, Paris, 1 84O. Ed.

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC M A N U S C R I PTS

partly by the competition between capitalist and worker, and partly by the competition among the workers. "The working population, the seller of labor, is necessarily reduced to accepting the meagerest part of the product. '. . . Is the theory of labor as a commodity anything other than a theory of disguised bondage?" (Ibid., p. 43.) "Why then has nothing but an exchange-value been seen in labor?" (Ibid . , p. 44.) The large workshops prefer to buy the labor of women and children, because this costs less than that of men. (Ibid.) "The worker is not at all in the position of a free seller vis-a-vis the one who employs him . . . . The capitalist is always free to use labor, and the worker is always forced to sell it. The value of labor is completely destroyed if it is not sold every instant. Labor can neither be accumulated nor even be saved, unlike true commodities. Labor is life, and if life is not each day exchanged for food, it suffers and soon perishes. To claim that human life is a commodity, one must, therefore, admit slavery." (Ibid., pp. 49, 50.) I f, then, labor is a commodity, it is a commodity with the most unfortunate attributes. But even by the principles of political economy it is no commodity, for it is not the free result of a free transaction. The present economic regime simultaneously lowers the price and the remuneration of labor; it perfects the worker and degrades the man. (Ibid., pp. 52-53.) "Industry has become a war, and commerce a gamble. " (Ibid., p. 62.) The cotton-working machines (in England) alone represent 84,00,00 manual workers. (Ibid., p. 1 93.) Up to the present, industry has been in a state of war a war of conquest: "It has squandered the lives of the men who made up its army with the same indifference as the great conquerors. Its aim was the possession of wealth, not the happiness of men. " (Buret, I.e., p. 20.) "These interests (that is, economic interests), freely left to themselves . . . must necessarily come into conflict; they have no other arbiter but war, and the decisions of war assign defeat and death to some, in order to give victory to the others . . . . It is in the conflict of opposed forces that science seeks order and equilibrium: perpetUilI war, according to it, is the sole means of obtaining peace; that war is called competition." (Ibid., p. 23.) "The industrial war, to be conducted with success,

33

34

KARL MARX on one spot and profusely decimate. And it is neither from devotion nor from duty that the soldiers of this army bear the exertions imposed on them, but only to escape the hard necessity of hu nge r. They feel neither attachment nor gratitude t owards their bosses, nor are these bound to their subordinates by any feeling of benevolence. They do not know them as men, but only as i nst rume nts of prod uctio n which have to yield as much as possible with as little cost as possible. These populatio ns of workers, ever more crowded t ogether have not eve n the assurance of always being employed. Industry, which has called them together, only lets them live while it needs them, and as soon as it can get rid of them it abandons them wi tho ut the slightest scruple; and the workers are compelled to offer their persons and their powers fo r whate ve r p rice t he y can get. The longer, more p ainfu l and more d isg usti ng the work they are given, the less they are paid . There are those who, with six tee n hours' work a d ay and u n remitting exertion, sc arce ly buy the right not to die. " (Ibid., pp. 68-69.) "We are convinced as are the commissioners charged with the enq u iry into the condition of the hand-loom weavers, that the large industrial towns would in short time lose t heir pop ulatio n of workers if they were not all the time receiving from the ne igh boring rural areas constant recruitments of healthy men, a constant flow of fresh blood. " (Ibid., p. 362.) demands large armies which it can amass

,

.

.

.

Profit of Capital

1 . CAPITAL 1) What is the basis of capital, that is, the prod ucts of others' labor?

of private property in

"For if capital itself does not merely amount to theft or fraud, it requires still the co-operation of legislation to sanctify inheritance. " (Say, t. I, p. 1 36, footnote.)'

bec ome a proprietor of productive stock? How does one become o wne r of the products cre ate d by means How does one

of this stock?

By virtue of positive

law.

(Say, t. II, p.

What does one acquire with

of a large fortune, for instance?

capital,

4.) with

the inheritance

"The person who either acquires, or sucs to a great fortune, does not necessarily acquire or succeed to any political power . . . . The power which that possession immediately and directly conveys to him, is the power ofpurchasing,' a certain c ommand over all the labor, or over al the produce of labor, which is then is then in the market." (The Wealth of Nations, by Adam Smith, Vol. I , p p. 26-27.) I . Traite deconomie politique. par Jean-Baptiste Say ( Treatise on Political Economy. by Jean-Baptiste Say). 3 � edition, t. I II, Paris, 1 8 1 7. Ed. m .

35

KARL MARX

36 Capital is thus the

governing power

over labor

and

its

products. The capitalist possesses this power, not on account of his personal or human qualities, but inasmuch as he is an

owner of capital. His power is the purchasing power of his capital, which noting can withstand. Later we shal see first how the capitalist, by means of capital, exercises his governing power over labor, then, however, we shall see the governing power of capital over the capitalist himself. What is capit al?

"A certain quantity of labor stocked and stored up to be employed. " (Ibid ., Vol. I, p. 295.) Capital is stored-up labor. 2) Funds, or stock, is any accumulation of products of the soil or of manufacture. Stock is called capital o nl y when it yie lds to its owner a revenue or profit. (Ibid . , Vol. I, p. 243.)

2. THE PROFIT OF CAPITAL The profit or gain of capital is altogether different from the wages of labor. This difference is manifested in two ways: in the first place, the profits of capital are regulated altogether by the value of the capital employed, although the labor of inspection and direction associated with different capitals may be the same. Moreover in large works the whole of this labor is committed to some principal clerk, whose salary bears no regular proportion to the capital of which he oversees the management. And although the labor of the proprietor is here reduced almost to nothing, he still demands profits in proportion to his capital. (Ibid., Vol. I, p. 43.) Why does the capitalist demand this proportion between profit and c apit al?

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

37

He would have no interest in employing the workers, unless he expected from the sale of their work something more than is necessary to replace the stock advanced by him as wages; and he would have no interest in employing a great stock rather than a small one unless his profit were to bear some proportion to the extent of the stock employed. (Ibid. , p. 42.)

The capitalist thus makes a profit , first, on the wages, and secondly on the raw materials advanced by him. What proportion, then, does profit be ar to capital? If it is already difficult to determine the usual average level of wages at a p articular place and at a particular time, it is even more difcult to determine the profit on capitals. A change in the price of the commodities in which the capitalist deals, the good or bad fortune of his rivals and customers, a thousand other accidents to which commodities are exposed both in transit and in the warehouses-all produce a daily, almost hourly variation in profit. (Ibid., pp. 78-79.) But although it is impossible to determine with precision what are the profits on capitals, some notion may be formed of them from the interest of money. Wherever a great deal can be made by the use of money, a great deal will be given for the use of it; wherever little can be made by it, little will be given. (Ibid., p. 79.) The proportion which the usual market rate of interest ought to bear to the rate of clear profit, necessarily varies as profit rises or falls. Double interest is in Great Britain reckoned what the merchants call un profit honnete. modere. raisonnable, l terms which mean no more than a common and usual profit. (Ibid., p. 87.)

What is the lowest rate of profit? And what the highest? The lowest rate of ordinary profit on capitals must always be something more than what is necessary to compensate the occasional losses to which every employment of capital is I . Smith has "good, moderate, reasonable profit. M

Ed.

38

KARL MARX exposed. It is this surplus only which is the neat or clear profit. The same holds for the lowest rate of interest. (Ibid., p. 86.) The highest rate to which ordinary profits can rise is that which in the price of the greater part of commodities eats up the whole of the rent of the land, and reduces the wages of labor contained in the commodity supplied to the lowest rate, the bare subsistence of the laborer during his work. The worker must always be fed in some way or other while he is required to work; ground-rent can disappear entirely. For example: the servants of the East India Company in Bengal. (Ibid., pp. 86-87.) Besides al the advantages of limited competition which the

capitalist may exploit in this case, he can keep the market-price above the natural-price by quite decorous means.

For one thing, by keeping secrets in trade if the market is at a great distance from those who supply it, that is, by concealing a price change, its rise above the natural level. This concealment has the effect that other capitalists do not follow him in investing their capital in this branch of industry or trade. Then again by keeping secrets in manufacture, which enable the capitalist to reduce the costs of production and supply his commodity at the same or even at lower prices than his competitors while obtaining a higher profit. (Deceiving by keeping secrets is not immoral? Dealings on the stock exchange.) Furthermore, where production is restricted to a particular locality (as in the case of a rare wine), and where the effective demand can never be satisfied. Finally, through monopolies exercised by individuals or companies. Monopoly price is the highest possible. (Ibid., pp. 53-54.) Other fortuitous causes which can raise the profit on capital: the acquisition of new territories, or of new branches of trade, often increases the profit on capitals even in a wealthy country, because they withdraw some of the capitals from the old branches of trade, reduce compet i tion , and cause the market to be supplied with fewer commodities, the prices of which

39

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS then rise: those who deal in these commodities to

can then aford

borrow at a higher rate of interest. (Ibid., p. 83.)

The more a commodity is worked up-the more it becomes

part of the proportio n to that which resolves itself into rent . In the progress of the manufacture of a commodity, not only the number of profits increases, but every subsequent profit is greater than the foregoing; because the capital from which it is derived must a manufactured object-the greater becomes that

price which resolves itself into wages and p rofit in

always be greater. The capital which employs the weavers, for example, must always be greater than that which employs the spinners; because it not only replaces that capital with its

profits,

but pays, besides, the wages of weavers; and the profits must always bear some proportion to the capital. (Ibid., p. 45.)

Thus the advance made by human labor in converting the

product of nature into the manufactured product of nature increases, not the wages of labor, but in part the number of profitable cap it als , and in p art th e s ize of every s ubseque nt capital in comparison with the forego in g .

With regard to the advantage which the capitalist derives

from the d ivis io n of labor, more later.

He p rofits doubly-first, by the division of labor; and

seco ndly , in general, by the advance which human labor makes

on the n atur al product . The greater the human share in a

c ommod ity , the greater the profit of dead capital.

In one and the same society the average rate of capital profits is much more nearly on the same level than the wages of the different sorts of labor.

(I bid . , p. 1 00.) In the diferent

employments of capital, the ordinary rate of profit varies with the certainty or

uncertainty of the returns. "The ordinary p rofit

of stock, though it rises with the risk, does not always seem to rise in proportion to

it. " (Ibid . , pp. 99- 1 00.)

It goes without saying that p rofi ts also rise if the means

of circulation become less e x pe n s ive or easier available paper money) .

(e.g.,

KARL MARX

40

3 . TH E

RULE OF CAPITAL OVER LABOR AND

THE MOTIVES OF THE CAPITALIST The consideration of his own private profit is the sole motive which determines the owner of any capital to employ

it either in agriculture, in manufactures, or in some particular branch of the wholesale or retail trade. The diferent quantities of productive labor which it m ay put into motion, and the diferent values which it may add to the annual produce of the land and labor of his country according as it is employed in one or other of those different ways, never enter into his ,

thoughts. (Ibid., p. 335.)

The most useful employment of capital for the capitalist is that which, risks bei ng equal, yields him the greatest profit.

This employment is not always the most useful for society:

the most useful employment is t hat which draws benefit from the productive powers of nature. (Say, t. II, pp. 1 30-3 1 .) The plans and projects of the employers of capitals regulate and direct all the most important operators of labor,

profit

and

is the end proposed by all those plans and projects.

But the rate of profit does n ot like rent and wages, rise with ,

the pros perity and fall with the declension of the society. On the contrary, it is naturally low in rich and high in poor

countries, and it is always highest in the countries which are

going fastest to ruin. The interest of this class, therefore, has not the same connection with the general interest of the society as that of the other two. . . . The particular interest of the dealers in any particular branch of trade or manufactures is always in some respects different from, and frequently even in sharp opposition to, that of the pUblic. To widen the market and to narrow the sellers' c ompetiti on is always the interest of the dealer. This is a class of people whose interest is never

exactly the same as that of society, a class of people who have generally an interest to deceive and to oppress the public. (Smith, Vol. I, pp. 23 1 -32.)

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS 4.

41

THE ACCUMULATION O F CAPITALS AND THE COMPETITION AMONG THE CAPITALISTS The increase ofcapitals. which raises wages, tends to lower

the capitalists' profit, because of the competition amo ng the

capitalists . (Ibid., p. 78.)

"If, for example, the capital which is necessary for the

grocery trade of a particular town is divided between two

different grocers, their competition will tend to make that which each of them sells cheaper than if it were in the hands

of one only; and if it were d ivided among twenty, their com

petitio n would be

just

so much the greater, and the chance

of their combining together in o rder to raise the p ri ce, just ,

so much less. " (Ibid . , p. 322.)

Since we already know that monopoly-prices are as high possible, since the interest of the capitalists, eve n from the point of view commonly held by political economists, stands in hostile opposition to society, and since a rise of profit operates like compound interest on the price of the commodity (Ibid. , pp. 87-88), it follows that the sole defense against the capitalists is competition. which aco r d i ng to the evidence of p olitic al economy acts beneficently by both raising wages and lo weri n g the prices of commodities to t he advantage of the consuming pUblic. But competition is only possible if capitals multiply, and are held in many hands. The formation of many capitals is only possible as a result of multilateral accumulation, since capital comes into being only by acumulatio n; and multilateral accumulation necessarily turns i nto unilateral accumulation. C o mpetiti o n among capitals incre ases accumulation of capitals. Accumulation, where private property prevails, is the concentration of capital in the hands of a few, it is in general an inevit able consequence if cap itails are left to follow their natural course, and it is prec isely through competition that the way is cleared for this natural destination of capital. We have been told that the profit on capital is in proportion as

KARL MARX

42

to the size of the capital. A large capital therefore accumulates more quickly than a small capital in proportion to its size, even if we disregard for the time being deliberate competition. Accordingly, the accumulation of large capital proceeds much more rapidly than that of smaller capital, quite irrespective of competition. But let us follow this process further. With the increase of capitals the profits on the capitals diminish, because of competition. The first to suffer, therefore, is the smal capitalist. The increase of capitals and a large number of capitals presupposes, further, a condition of advancing wealth in the country. "In a country which had acquired its full complement of riches, . . . as the ordinary rate of clear profit would be very small, so the usual market-rate of interest which could be afforded out of it would be so low as to render it impossible for any but the very wealthiest people to live upon the interest of their money. All people of small or middlingJortunes would be obliged to superintend themselves the employme nt of their own stocks." (Ibid., p. 86.)

This is the situation most dear to the heart of political economy. "The proportion between capital and revenue, therefore, seems everywhere to regulate the proportion between industry and idleness; wherever capital predominates, industry prevails; wherever revenue, idleness. " (Ibid. , p. 30 I .)

What about the employment of capital, then, condition of increased competition?

10

"As stock increases, the quantity of stock to be lent at interest grows gradually greater and greater. As the quantity of stock to be lent at interest increases , the inter est . . . diminishes . . " (i) because "the market-price of things commonly diminishes as their quantity increases. . . . " and .

.

this

ECONOMIC AN D P H ILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

(ii) because with the increase of capitals

in any

43

country, "it

becomes gradually more and more difcult to find within the

country a profitable method of employing any new capital. There arises in consequence a competition between different capitals, the owner of one endeavoring to get possession of that employment which is occupied by another. But upon most occasions he can hope to jostle that other out of his employment by no other means but by dealing upon more reasonable terms. He must not only sell what he deals in somewhat cheaper, but in order to get it to sell, he must sometimes, too, buy it dearer. The demand for productive labor, by the increase of the funds which are destined for maintaining it, grows every day greater and greater. Laborers easily find employment, but the owners of capitals find it difficult to get laborers to employ. Their competition raises the wages of labor and sinks the profits of stock. " (Ibid., p. 3 1 6.) Thus the small capitalist has the choice: 1) either to consume his capital, since he can no lo nger live on the interest-and

thus cease to be a capitalist; or:

2) to set up

a

business himself,

sell his com modity cheaper, buy dearer than the wealthier capitalist, and pay increased wages-thus ruining himself, the market-price being already very low as a result of the intense competition presupposed . If, howeve r, the big capitalist wants

to squeeze out the smaler capitalist, he has al the advantages

over him which the capitalist has as a capitalist over the worker.

The larger s ize of his c apit al compensates him for the smaller

profits, and he can even bear temporary losses until the smaller

capitalist is ruined and he finds himself freed from this com

petition. In this way, he accumulates the small c apit alist 's profits .

Furthermore: the big capitalist always buys cheaper than

the small one, because he buys b igger quantities. He can therefore well affo rd to sell cheaper.

if a fall in the rate of interest turns the middle cap italists from rentiers into business men, the increase in b us ine ss capitals and the smaller profit consequent thereon produce conversely a fall in the rate of interest. But

44

KARL MARX "When the profits which can be made by the use of a capital are . . . diminished , . . . the p rice which can be paid for the use of it, . . . must necessarily be d iminished with them. " (Ibid ., p. 3 1 6.) "As riches, improvement, and population have increased, interest has declined, " and consequently the p rofit of capitals, "after these are diminished, stock may not only continue to increase, but to increase much faster than before. .

. . A great

stock tho ugh with small profits, generally increases faster than

a small stock with great profits. Money, says the proverb, makes m on ey. (Ibid., p. 83 .) "

If, however, this large capital is opposed by smal capitals with small profits, as it is under the presupposed condition of intense competition, it crushes them completely. The necessary result of this competitio n is a general deterioration of commodities, adulteration, fake-productio n and universal poisoning, evident in large towns. An important circumstance in the competition of large and smal capitals is, furthermore, the relationship between fu:ed capital and circulating capital. I

"Circulating capital is a capit al which is employed in raising provisions, in manufacture or trade. The capital employed in this manner yields no revenue or profit to its employer while it either remains in his possession or continues in the same shape. It is continually going from him in one particular shape in order to return to him in another, and it is only by means of such circulation, or such successive exchanges and transformations that it yields any profit. Fixed capital co ns ists of capital invested in the improvement of land, the

purchase of useful machines, instruments of trade, and such like things . " (Ibid., pp. 243-4. In quoting it, Marx has

abb revi ated this p ass age . )

"Every saving in the expense of supporting the fixed capital

is an iUlprovement of the net revenue of the society. The whole capital of the undertaker of every wo rk is necessarily divided I . Marx uses the French terms

capita/fIXe and capita/ circulant. -Ed.

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

45

fixed and his circulating capital. While his w ho le the same, the smaler the one part, the greater must necessarily be the other. It is the circulating capital which furnishes the materials and wages of labor, and puts i ndustry into motion. Every saving, therefore, in the expense of maintaining the fixed capital, which does not diminish the productive powers of labo r, must increase the fund which puts industry into motion. " (Ibid . , p. 257.) between his

capital remains

It is clear from the outset that the relationship of fixed capital and circulating capital is much more favorable to the big capitalist than to the smaller capitalist. The extra fixed capital required by a very big banker as against a very small one is insignilcant. Their fixed capital amounts to nothing more than the office. The equipment of the bigger landowner does not increase in proportion to the size of his estate. Similarly, the credit which a big capitalist enjoys compared with a smaller one means for him al the greater saving in fixed capital-that

is, in the amount of ready money he must always have at hand. Finally, it is obvious that where industrial labor has reached

a high level, and where therefore almost all manual labor has become factory-labor, the entire capital of a small capitalist does not sufce to provide him even with the necessary fixed capital. I

The accumulation of large capitals is generally accompanied

by a corresponding concentration and simplification of fixed capital relative to the smaller capitalists. The introduces for himself some

kind

big

capitalist

of organization of the

instruments of labor. " S imil arl y, in the sphere of i ndustry every ma n ufact ory

and mill is already a more comp re he nsive combination of a larger material fortune with numerous and varied intellectual

capacities and technical skills serving the of production . . .

common

purpose

. Where legislation preserves landed proper-

I . M arx has made here the following note in French: "As is well known, large scale cultivation usually provides employment only for a small n umber of hands. "

Ed.

46

KARL MARX ty in large units, the surplus of a growing population flocks into trades, and it is therefore as in Great Britain in the field of industry, principally, that proletarians aggregate in great numbers. Where, however, the law permits the continuous division of the land, the number of small, debt-encumbered proprietors increases, as in France; and the continuing process of fragmentation throws them into the class of the needy and the discontented. When eventually this fragmentation and indebtedness reaches a higher degree stil, big landed property once more swalows up small property, just as large-scale industry destroys smal industry. And as larger estates are formed again, large number of property-less workers not required for the cultivation of the soil are again d riven into industry. " (Schulz, Bewegung der Produktion, pp. 58, 59.) "Commodities of a particular kind change in character as a result of changes in the method of production, and especial ly as a result of the use of machinery. Only by the exclusion of human power has it become possible to spin from a pound of cotton worth 3 shilings and 8 pence 350 hanks of a total length of 1 67 English miles (i.e., 36 German miles), and of a commercial value of 25 guineas." (Ibid., p. 62.) "On the average the prices of cotton cloths have decreased in England during the past 45 years by eleven-twelfths, and according to Marshall's calculations the same amount of manufactured goods for which 1 6 shillings was still paid in 1 8 1 4 is now supplied at I shiling and IO pence. The greater cheapness of industrial products expands b oth consumption at home and the market abroad, and because of this the number of workers in cotton has not only not falen in Great Britain after the introduction of machines but has risen from forty thousand to one and a half milon. As to the earnings of industrial entrepreneurs and workers: the growing competition between the factory-owners has resulted in their profits necessarily falling relative to the amount of p roducts supplied by them. In the years 1 820-33 the Manchester manufacturer's gross profit on a piece of calico fell from four shilgs 1 1 / 3 pence to one shilling 9 pence. But to make up for this loss, the volume of manufacture has been correspondingly increased . The consequence of t his is that separate branches of industry experience over-production to so me .

.

.

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

extent; that frequent bankruptcies occur causing property to fluctuate and vacilate u nstably within the clas of capitalists and masters of labor, thus throwing into the proletariat some of those w ho have been ruined economicaly; and that, frequently and suddenly, close-downs or cuts in employment become necessary, the painful effects of w hich are always bitterly felt by the class of wage-laborers." (Ibid., p. 63.) "To hire out one's labor is to begin one's enslavement. To hire out the materi als of labor is to est abl is h one's freedom . . . . Labor is man; but the materials of labor, on the other hand, contain nothing human." (Pecqueur, Theorie socia/e, etc., pp. 41 1 - 1 2.) "The element of matter, which is quite incapable of creating wealth without the other element, labor, acq uires the magical virtue of being fertile for them, I as if by the ir own actio n they had p laced there this indispensable element" (Ibid.) "Supposing that the d aily labor of a worker brings him on the average four hundred francs a year and that this sum suffices for every adult to live some sort of crude life, then any proprietor receiving 2,00 francs in interest or rent, from a farm, a house, etc., compels indirectly five men to work for him; an income o f 1 00,00 francs represents t he labor of two hundred and fifty men, and t h at of 1 ,00,00 francs the labor of two thousand five hundred i nd ividuals (and 300 million [Louis Philippe] therefore t he labor of 750,00 workers). " (Ibid., pp. 4 1 2- 1 3.) "The human law has given owners the right to use and abuse-that is to say, the right to do what t hey wil w ith the materials of labor . . . . They are in no way obliged by law to provide work for the propertyless when required and at al times, or to pay them always an adequate wage, etc." (Ibid., p. 41 3.) "Complete freedom concerning the nature, the quantity, the quality and the opportunity of production; concerning the use and the disposal of wealth; and full command over the materials of all labor. Everyone is free to exchange wh at belongs to him as he thinks fit, with o ut considering a nything other than h is own i nterest as an individual." (Ibid., p. 4 1 3.) I . F o r t h ose

who own this matter, this object of labor .

Ed.

47

KARL MARX

48

"Competition is merely the expression of the free do t m exchange, which itself is the immediate and logical consequen of the individual's right to use and abuse all the instru me nts of production. The right to use and abuse, freed om of exchange, and arbitrary competition -these three economic moments, which fo r m one unit, entail the fo llo wing consequences; each produces what he wishes, as he wishes when he wishes, where he wishes, produces well or p rodu badly, produces too much or not enough, too SOon or too late, at too high a price or too Iow a price; none knows whether he will sell, how he wil sell, when he wil sell, where he wil

�

�

sell, to whom he wil sell. And it is the same with regard

to purchases. The producer is ignorant of needs and resources of demand and supp ly. He sells when he wishes, when he: ,

can, where he wishes, to whom he wishes, at the price he wishes. And he buys in the same way. In all this he is ever

the plaything of chance, the slave of the law of the strongest, of the least harassed, of the richest. . . . While at one place there is scarcity, at another there is glut and waste. While

one producer sells a lot or at a very high price, and at an' enormous profit, the other sells nothing or sells at a

loss. . . . The supply does not know the demand, and the:

demand does not know the supply. You produce, trusting. to a taste, a fashion, which prevails among the consuming� public. But by the time you are ready to deliver the commodity, the whim has already passed and has settled on some other

kind of product . . . . The inevitable consequences: bankrupt cies occurring permanently and universally; miscalculations; sudden ruin and unexpected fortunes, commercial crises,

unemployment, periodic gluts or shortages; instability and depreciation of wages and profits, the loss or enormous waste

of wealth, time and effort in the area of fierce competition.'"

(Ibid . , pp.

4 1 4-1 6.)

Ricardo in his book (Rent of Land): Nations are merelY production-shops; man is a machine for consuming and:

producing; human life is a kind of capital; economic blindly rule the world. For Ricardo men are nothing, thC' product everything.

In the 26th chapter of the French an individual with a capital of £20,00

translation it says: "To

whose profits were £2,00 per annum, it w ould be a mat

49

PHIL OSOP HIC MANU SCRI PTS ECON O M IC AND

indifferent whether his capital wou�d employ a hund �d men. . . . I s not the re al mterest of the n atIO n d Provi ed its net real income, its rent and profits be it is of no i��ortance whet�er th: �atio n c��sists . In fact, says r ten o o of twelve Inllli ons of mh ab ltants. g n remains hi t o to be desired n I), 33 p. II, M. Sismondi (t. on l and , should is alone the quite living but that the King, u a t a to d o all a cause m o t crank a g ." continuously turnin "1 tI'work of England. wrhe master who buys the worker's labor at such a low ., prle' that it scarcely s�ffices for the. worker's most p ress ing ne is res p onsib le neIther for the madequacy of the wage for the excessive d urati o n of the labor: he himself has to submit to the law which he imposes . . . . Poverty is no t SO much c au sed by men as by the power of things." ( Buret "

,

le" p; 82.) , "The inhabitants of many diferent parts of Great Britain not capital sufficient to i mp rove and cultivate all the ir bIndS". The wool of the southern counties of Scotland is, a ' Pt part of it, after a lo ng land carage through very bad , ihads;. manufactured in Yorkshire, for want of capital to manufacture it at home. There are many little manufacturing towns in Great Britain, of w h ic h the inhabitants have not

'CIpuaI sufcient to transport the produce of their own industry

; to:

thos distant markets w he re there is demand and " consumption for it. If there are any merchants among them .tIi:.r are properly only the agents of wealthier merchants who ,

,

in some of the greate r commercial cities. " (Smith, I .e.,

l, pp. 326-27.) .' anual produce

. of the land and labor of any nation eanbeincre ased in its value by no other means but by increasing the number of its productive laborers or the productive

..

;• �

of those laborers w ho had before been employed

either case (Ibid.,

pp. 306-07.)

who� paragraph (including l.he quotation �rom '

.

.

an additional capital is almost always

book on the and Taxallon and from Nouveaux principes IS an except from E. Buret's book De la misere des classes laborieuses tt ,,, France, T. I , Paris, 1 840, pp. 6-7.Ed.

KARL MARX

50

"As the accumulation of stock must, in the nature of

things, be previous to the division of labor, so labor can be more and more subdivided in proportion only as stock is

previously more and more accumulated. The quantity of materials which the same number of people can work up, increases in a great proportion as labor comes to be more and more subdivided; and as the operations of each workman are gradually reduced to a greater degree of simplicity, a variety

of new machines comes to be invented for facilitating and

abridging those operations. As the division of labor advances, therefore, in order to give constant employment to an equal number of workmen, an equal stock of provisions, and a greater stock of materials and tools than what would have been necessary in a ruder state of things, must be acumulated beforehand. But the number of workmen in every branch of business generally increases with the division of labor in that branch, or rather it is the increase of their number which enables them to class and subdivide themselves in this manner. " (Ibid., pp.

24 142.)

.. As the accumulation of stock is previously necessary for carrying on this great improvement in the productive powers of labor, so that acumulation naturally leads to this improve ment. The person who employs his stock in maintaining labor,

necessarily wishes to employ it in such a manner as to produce as great a quantity of work as possible. He endeavors, therefore, both to make among his workmen the most proper distribution

of employment, and to furnish them with the best machines

which he can either invent or afford to purchase. His abilities in both these respects are generally in proportion to the extent of his stock, or to the number of people whom it can employ.

The quantity of industry, therefore, not only increases in every country with the

increase of the stock which employs

it, but,

in consequence of that increase, the same quantity of industry produces a much greater quantity of work." (Ibid., p. Hence

242.)

overproduction.

"More comprehensive combinations of productive forces . . . in industry and trade by uniting more numerous and more diverse, human and natural powers in larger-scale enterprises. Already here and there, closer association of the chief branches of production. Thus, big manufacturers will try to acquire

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

51

also large estates in order to become independent of others

for at le ast a part of the raw materials required for

their

industry; or they will go into trade in conjunction with their

industrial enterprises, not only to sell the ir own

manufactures,

but also to purchase other kinds of products and to sell these to their workers. In England, where a single factory-owner sometimes employs ten to twelve thousand workers

.

. . it is

already not uncommon to find such combinations of various ai branches of production controlled by one br n, such smaller mi states or provinces within the state. Thus, the ne-owners in the Birmingham area have recently taken over the whole

process of iron production, which was previously distributed

among various entrepreneurs and owners. See 'Der Berg mmi m sche Distrikt bei Birmingham,' Deutsche Vierte/jahrs

schrift, No. 3, 1 838. Finally in the larger j oint-stock enter prises which have become so numerous, we see far-reaching

combinations of the financial resources of many participants with the scientific and technical knowledge and skills of othe rs

to whom the carg-out of the work is handed over. The

capitalists are thereby enabled to apply their savings in more

diverse ways and perhaps even to employ them simultaneously

in agriculture, industry and commerce; as a consequence their i i interest becomes more comprehens ve, and the contradict ons ri i between agricultural, indust al and commerc al interests are reduced and disappear. But this increased possibility of apply

ing capital profitably in the m ost diverse ways cannot but intensify the antagoni sm between the p ropertied and the non propertied classes. " (Schulz, I .e. , pp. 40-4 1 .)

The enormous profit which the land l ord s of houses make

out of poverty. House-rent stands in inverse p roportion to indus

trial poverty. [The lower the standard of living, t he higher the house-rent.] So does the interest obtained from t he vices of the rui ned

proletarians. (Prostitution, drunkenness; the

accumulation of capitals

pawnbroker.) The

increases and the competition betwee n

them decreases, when capital and landed property are united

in the s ame hand , also when capital is enabled by its size to

combine different branches

of production.

52

KARL MARX

Indifference towards men. Smith's twenty lottery-tickets. I

Say's net and gross revenue.

I . M arx alludes to the f ol l owin g passage: " I n a perfectly fair l ottery, th ose wh o d raw the prizes o ught to gain all t h a t is l ost by t h ose w h o d raw the blan ks. I n a

profes s i on where twent y f a i l for one that succeeds, t h a t one ought to gain all

that s h ould have been gai ned by the un succe s s ful twe n ty . " (Smith, I .e . , V ol. I , B k . I, p . 94)-Ed.

Rent of Land

lAndlords ' right has its origin in robbery. ( S ay, t. I, p. 1 36, The landlords, like all other men, love to reap where they never sowed, and demand a rent even for the natural produce of the earth. (Smith, I .c., p. 44.) "The rent of land, it may be thought, is frequently no m o re than a reasonable profit or interest for the stock laid out by the land lord upon its im provement. This, no doubt, may be partly the case upon some occasions ; . . . The l and lord demands 1) a rent even for unimproved land, and the supposed interest or p rofit upon the expense of improvement is generally an addition to this original rent. 2) Th ose improvements, besides, are not always made by the stock of the landlord, but sometimes by that of the tenant. W he n the lease comes to be renewed, however, the landlord commonly demands the same augmenta tion of rent as if they had all been made by his own. He sometimes demands rent for what is altogether i ncap able of human improvement. " (Ibid., p. 1 3 1 .) Smith cites as an instance of the last case kelp, a species of seaweed which, when burned, yields an alkaline salt, useful for m aking glass, soap, etc. It grows in several parts of Great footnote.)

Britain, particularly in Scotland, upon such rocks only as lie within the high water mark, which are twice every day covered

53

KARL M ARX

54

with the sea, and of which the produce, therefore, was never augmented by human industry. The landlord, however, whose estate is bounded by a kelp shore of this kind, demands a rent for it as much as for his corn fields. The sea in the neighborhood of the Islands of Shetland is more than commonly abundant in fish, which makes a great part of the subsistence of their inhabitants. But in order to profit by the produce of the water they must have a habitation upon the neighboring land. The rent of the landlord is in proportion, not to what the farmer can make by the land, but to what he can make both by the land and by the water. (Ibid., p. 1 3 1 .) "This rent may be considered as the produce of those powers of nature, the use of which the landlord lends to the farmer. It is greater or smaller according to the supposed extent of those powers, or in other words, according to the supposed natural or improved fertility of the land. It is the work of nature which remains after deducting or compensating everything which can be regarded as the work of man." (Ibid., p. 324-25.) " The rent of land, therefore, considered as the price paid for the use of land, is naturally a monopoly price. It is not at all proportioned to what the landlord may have laid out upon the improvement of the land, or to what he can afford to take; but to what the farmer can afford to give." (Ibid., p. 1 3 1 .) Of the three original classes, that of the landlords is the one "whose revenue costs them neither labor nor care, but comes to them, as it were, of its own accord, and independent of any plan or project of their own. " (Ibid., p. 230.) We have already learned that the size on the degree

ofJertility of the land .

Another factor in its determination is

be

of

the rent depends

situation.

"The rent of land not o n ly varies with its!ertility, whatever its produce, but with its situation. whateve r be its fertility. "

( I bid . , p . 1 33 . )

"The prod uce of land ,

mines and fisheries, when their

natural fertility is equal, is in p roportion

to

the extent and

ECONOMIC

AN D

P H ILOSOPHIC MANU S C R I PTS

55

�

a�o ut them. W en proper app lication of the capitals employ�d . . It IS m proportIOn applIed, well equally the capitals are equal and . , p. 249.) to their natural fertili ty. " (Ibid

These prop ositio ns of Smith are important, because, given , equal costs of productio n and capital of equal size they reduce of the soil. Thereby the rent of land, to the greater or lesser fertility

showing clearly the perversion of concepts in political economy, which turns the fertility of the land into an attribute of the landlord. Now, h owever, let us consider the rent of land as it is formed

in real life. The rent of land is established as a result of the struggle between tenant and landlord. We find that the hostile antagonism

of interests, the struggle, the war is recognized throughout political economy as the basis of social organization. Let us see now what the relations are between landlord and tenant. "]n adjusting the terms of the lease, the landlord endeavors to leave him no greater share of the produce than what is sufficient to keep up the stock from which he furnishes the seed, pays the labor, and purchases and maintains the cattle and other instruments of husbandry, together with the ordinary

profits of fanning stock in the neighborhood . This is evidently

the smallest share with which the tenant can content himself without being a loser, and the landlord seldom means to leave him any more. Whatever part of the produce,

or,

what is the

same thing, whatever part of its price is over and above this

share, he naturally endeavors to reserve to himself as the rent

of his land , which is evidently the highest the tenant can afford

to pay in the actual circumstances of the land . . . . This portion,

however, may still be considered as the natural rent of land, or the rent for which it is naturally meant t hat land should for the most part be let. " (Ibid . , pp. 1 30-3 1 .)

"The landlords," says S ay, "operate a certain kind of

m o n o p o l y agai nst t he tenants .

The de mand

for t h e i r

commodity, site and s o i l , can g o on expanding i ndefinitely;

but there is only a given, limited about of their commodity.

56

KARL M A RX

. . . The bargain struck between landlord and tena nt is always advantageous to the former in the greatest possi ble degree. . . . Besides the advantage he derives from the nature of the case, he derives a further advantage from his p ositio n, his large r fortune and greater credit and standing. But the first by itself suffices to enable him and him alone to p rofit from the favorable circumstances of the land. The o peni ng of a canal, or a road; the increase of po pulatio n and of the p ros perity of a district, always raise the rent. . . . Indeed, the tenant hi mself may improve the ground at his own expense; but he only derives the profit from this capital for the duration of his lease, with the expiry of which it remains with the proprietor of the land; henceforth it is the latter who reaps the i nterest thereon, without having made the outlay, for there is now a pro po rtio nate increase in the rent." (Say, t. II, p p . 14243.) "Rent co nsidered as the p rice paid for the use of land , is natu raly the highest which the tenant can afford to pay in the actual circumstances of the land." (Smith, I.c., p. 1 30.) "The rent of an estate above ground commonly amounts to what is supposed to be a third of the gross produce; and it is generally a rent certain and independent of the occasional variations in the crop." ( I bid . , p. 1 53.) This rent "is seldom less than a fourth . . . of the whole produce." (Ibid., p. 325.)

Ground-rent cannot be paid on all commodities. For instance, in many districts no rent is paid for stones.

"Such parts only of the produce of land can commonly be brought to market of which the o rdinary price is sufficient to repl ace the stock which must be e mp loyed i n bringing them thither, together with its ordinary profits. If the ord inary price is more than this, the surplus part of it will naturally go to the rent of the land. If it is not more, thoug h the co mmod ity may be brought to market, it can afford no rent to the landlord. Whether the price is or is n ot more depends upon the demand." (Ibid., p. 1 32.) · "Rent, it is to be observed, therefore, enters into the co mposition of the price of commodities in a diferent way from wages and profit . High or low wages and profit are t he

57

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSC R I PTS causes of high or low prices; high or

of it. " (lbid . , p. 1 32.)

Food belongs

to the

products

l ow rent is the efect

which always yield a ground-

rent. "As men, like all other animals, naturally mUltiply in

proportion to the means of their subsistence, food is always

,

more or less, in demand.

It can always purchase or command a greater or smaller quantity of labor, and somebody can always be found who is willing to do so methi ng in order to obtain it. The quantity of labor, indeed, which it can purchase is

not always equal to what it could maintain, if managed in the most economical manner, on account of the high wages

which are sometimes given to labor. But it can always purchase

such a quantity of labor as it can maintain, accord ing to the

rate at which the sort of labor is commonly maintained in the neighborhood . But land, in almost any possible situation,

produces a greater quantity of food than what is sufficient

all the labor necessary for bringing it to market in the most liberal way in which that labor is ever maintained .

to maintain

The surplus, too, is always more than sufficient to replace the stock which employed that labor, together with its profits.

Something, therefore, always remains for a rent to t he landlord."

( I bid., pp. 1 32-33.)

"Food is in this manner not only the original source of . rent, but every other part of the produce of land which aftelWards affords rent derives that part of its value

from

the improvement

of the powers of labor in producing food by means of the improvement and cultivation of land." (Ibid., p.

1 50.)

" Human food seems to be the only produce of land which

always and necessarily afords some rent to the landlord." (Ibid., p. 1 47.) "Countries are populous not i n proportion to the number

of people whom their produce can clothe and lodge, but in

proportion to that of those whom it can feed. "

(Ibid., p. 1 49.)

"After food, clothing and lodging are the two great wants

of mankind. " (Ibid., p. 1 47.) They usually yield a rent, but not inevitably.

KARL MARX

58

. Let us now see how the landlord exploits everything from which society benefits. ( I ) The rent of land increases with population. (Ibid . , p. 1 46.)

(2) We have already learned from Say how the rent of land increases with railways, etc., with the improvement, safety, and multiplication of the means of communication. (3) "Every improvement in the circumstances of the society tends either

directly

or

indirectly

to raise the real rent of land ,

to increase the real wealth of the landlord, his power of purchasing the labor, or the produce of the labor of other people. . . . The extension of improvement and cultivation tends to raise it directly. The landlord's share of the produce necessarily increases with the increase of the produce. The rise in the real price of those parts of the rude produce of land, . . . the rise in the price of cattle, for example, tends too to raise the rent of land directly, and in a still greater proportion. The real value of the landlord's share, his real command of the labor of other people, not only rises with the real value of the produce, but the proportion of his share to the whole produce rises with it. That produce, after the rise in its real price, requires no more labor to collect it than before.

A smaller proportion of it will, therefore, be sufficient

to replace, with the ordinary profit, the stock which employs that labor. A greater proportion of it must, consequently, belong to the landlord . " (Ibid. , pp. 228-29.)

The greater demand for raw produce, and therefore the rise in value, may in part result from the increase of population and from the increase of their needs. But every new invention, every new application in manufacture of a previously unused or little used raw material, augments the rent of the land. Thus, for example, there was a tremendous rise in the rent of coal-mines with the advent of the railways, steamships, etc.

Besides this advantage which the landlord derives from manufacture, discoveries, and labor, there is yet another, as we shal presently see.

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSC RIPTS

59

(4) "All those improvements in the productive powers of labor, which tend directly to reduce the real p rice of

manufactures, tend indirectly to raise the real rent of land. landlord exchanges th at part of his rude produce, which is over and above his own co nsu mpti o n , or what comes to the same thing, the price of that part of it, for manufactured

The

produce. Whatever reduces the real price of the latter, raises that of the former. An equal quantity of the former becomes thereby equivalent to

a

greater quantity of the l at ter;

and

the

landlord is enabled to purchase a greater quantity of the

conveniencies, ornaments, or luxuries, which he has occasion for. " (Ibid., p. 229.)

But it is absurd to c o ncl ude, as Smith d o es , t h at since the

landlo rd e xp l o its every benefit wh ich comes to s ociety , the interest of the landlord is always identical with that of society. (Ibid.,

p. 230.) In the economic system, under the rule of private property,

the interest which an individ ual has in society is in p recisely inverse

p ro p ortio n to the interest society has in him-just

as the interest

of the money-lender in the sp endthrift is by no means identical

interest of the spendt hrift . We shall mention only in p as sing the landl o rd 's o bses sion wit h mo no p oly directed again st the landed property of foreign with the

countries, from which the corn-laws, for instance, o rigin ate . Likewise, we shall here pass over medieval serfdom, the slavery

colo nies , and the miserable conditio n of the country fo lk , the day-laborers, in G re at Britain. Let us confine ourselves to the pro p osit ions of political economy itself. in the

( 1 ) The landlord being interested in the welfare of society means,

acording to the

p rinciples of political economy, that he is interested

in the growth of its p o pulation , p rod uctio n , in the expansion of its needs-in short, in the increase of wealth; and the increase

wealth is, as we have already seen, identical with the increase relat ion between increas ing house-rent and increasing p overty is an ex amp le of the landlord's interest in society, for the gro und -rent, the interest obtained from the land on which the house stands, goes up with the rent of the house. of

of poverty and slavery. The

KARL MARX

60

(2) According to the political economists themselves, the landlord's interest is the antagonistic opposite of the interest of the tenant farmer..and thus already of a significant section of society (3) As the landlord can demand all the more rent from the tenant farmer the less wages the farmer pays, and as the farmer forces down wages all the lower the more rent the landlord demands, it follows that the interest of the landlord is just as hostile to that of the farm workers as is that of the manufacturers to their workers. It forces down wages to the minimum in just the same way. (4) Since a real reduction in the price of manufactured products raises the rent of land, the landowner has a direct interest in lowering the wages of industrial workers, in competition among the cap i talists, in over-production, in all the misery associated with industrial production. (5) While, thus, the landlord's interest, far from being identical with the interest of society, stands in antagonistic opposition to the interest of tenant farmers, farm laborers, facto ry workers and c apitali s t s , on the other hand, the interest of one landlord is not even identical with that of another, on account of competition, which we will now consider. In general the relationship of large and small landed property is like that of b ig and small capital. But in addition, there are special circumstances which lead inevitably to the accumulation of large landed property and to the abso rption of small property by it. ( 1 ) Nowhere does the relative number of workers and implements decrease more with increases in the size of the stock than in landed property. Likewise, the possibility of all-round exploitation, of economizing production costs, and of effective division of labor, increases nowhere more with the size of the stock than in landed property. However small a field may be, it requires for its working a certain irreducible minimum of implements (plough, saw, etc.), while the size of a piece of landed property can be reduced far below this minimum. (2) The big landed property accumulates to itself the interest .

-

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

61

o n the cap ital which the tenant farmer has employed to improve the land. The smal landed property has to employ its own capital, and therefo re does not get this profit at al. (3) While every social improvement benefits the big estate, it harms small property, because it increases its need for ready cash. (4) Two important laws relating to this co mpetitio n remain

to

be considered:

(a) The rent of t he of the cultivated land, of which the p ro duce food, regulates the rent of the greater part of other cultivated land . (Ibid . , p. 144.) Ultim ately , only the big estate can produce such food as c attle , etc .. The refore it regul ates the rent of other land and can is hu man

fo rce it down to a minimum.

The small lande d p ro prietor working on his own accou nt

stands the n to the big landowner in the same relation as an artisan p osses s i ng his

p roperty in land

own t ool to

th e facto ry- o wn e r. Small

has bec ome a mere instrument of labor. Rent

of land e ntire ly disappears for the small pro prieto r; there remains

to him at the most the interest on his c api t al , and his wages.

For ground-rent can be driven down by c o mpe titio n till it is noth ing more than the interest on capital not i nvested by the

proprietor.

(b) In ad d iti o n , we have already learned

that with equal and equally efficient expl oitatio n of lands, min es and fisheries, the prod uce is proportionate to the size of the capital . Hence the victory of the b ig l andowner. Similarly , where equal capitals are e mplo yed the prod uct is pro p ortion ate to the fertility . Hence, where capitals are equal vict ory goes to the p ropriet or fertili ty

of the more fertile soil.

(c) "A mine of any kind may be said to be either fertile

o r barren, acc o rding as the quantity of mi neral which can

be brought from it by a certain q uantity of

labor is greater

or less than what can be brought by an eq ual quantity fro m

the greater part o f other mines of the same kind . " (Ibid . , p .

1 5 1 .)

62

KARL MARX "The most fertile coal-mine, too, regulates the price of coals at all other mines in its neighborhood . Both the proprietor

and the undertaker of the work find, the one that he can get a greater rent, the other that he can get a greater profit, by so mewhat u nde rselling all their neighbors. Their neighbors are s o o n obliged to sell at the same price, though they cannot

so well afford it, and though it always diminishes, and sometimes

takes away altogether both their rent and their profit. Some works are abandoned altogether; others can afford no re nt,

and can be wrought only by the proprietor. " (Ibid . , p p

1525 3.) Mter the discovery of the mines of Peru, the silver mines .

..

of Europe were, the greater part of them, abandoned. . . . This was the case, too, with the mines of Cuba and St. Domingo,

and even with the ancient mines of Peru, after the d iscovery

of those of Potosi." (Ibid ., p.

1 54.)

What Smith here says of mines applies more or less to landed property generally

(d)

.

"The ordinary market-price of land, it is to be observed,

depends everywhere upon the ordinary market rate of interest. . . . If the rent of land should fal short of the interest of money by a greater d ife re nce nobody would buy land, ,

which would soon reduce its ordinary price. On the contrary,

if the advantages should much more than compensate the diference, everybody would buy land, w hich again would soon raise its ordinary price. " (Ibid . , p. 320.)

From this relation of ground-rent to interest on money it follows that rent must fall more and more, so that eventually only the wealthiest people can live on rent. Hence the ever greater competition between landowners who do not lease their land to tenants. Ruin of so me of these-further accumulation of large landed prope rty This competition has the further consequence that a large part of l anded property fal into the hands of the capitalists .

and that capitalists thus become simultaneously landowners, just

as the smaller landowners, are on the whole already nothing

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

63

more than capitalists. Similarly, a section of large land o wners become

simultaneously industrialists.

The final consequence is thus t he abolishment of the distinction between cap italist and landowner, so that there remain altogether only two classes of the p opulation the working class and the class of capitalists. This huckstering with l anded property, the transformation of landed p roperty into a commodity, con stitutes the final overthrow of the old and the final consum mation of the money aristocracy.) ( 1 ) We will not j o in in the sentimental tears wept over this by romanticism. Romanticism always confuses the shamefulness of huckstering the land with the perfectly rational consequence, inevitable and desirable within the realm of private p roperty , of the huckstering of private property in land. I n the first place, feudal landed property is already by its very nature huckstered land-the earth which is estranged from man and hence, confronts him in the shape of a few great lords. The d o min atio n of the land as an alien power over men is already inherent in feudal landed property. The serf is the adj unct of the land. Likewise, the lord of an entailed estate, the firstborn son, belongs to the land. It inherits him. Indeed, the dominion of p rivate property begins with property in land-that is its basis. But in feudal landed property the lord at least appears as the king of the est ate Similarly , .

there still exists the semblance of a more intimate connection

land than that of me re material wealth. The estate is ind ivid ualized with its l ord : it has his rank, is baronial or ducal with him, has h is privileges, his jurisdiction, his political position, etc It appears as the ino rganic body of its lord. Hence the proverb nulle terre sans maitre, 1 wh ich expresses the fusion of no bil ity and l anded property. Similarly, t he rule of landed property does not appear d irectly as t he rule of mere capital. For those belonging to it, the estate is more like their fatherland. It is a constricted sort of nationali ty In the same way, feud al landed property gives its name to its lord, as does a ki ngd om to its king . His family history, the between the prop rieto r and the

.

.

I. There is no land without its master. -Ed.

K A R L M A RX

64

history of his house, etc. -all this individualizes the estate for him and makes it literally his house, personifies it. Similarly those working on the estate have not the position of

day-laborers; but

they are in part themselves his property, as are serfs; and in part they are bound to him by ties of respect, allegiance and duty. His relation to them is therefore directly political, and has likewise a human,

intimate side. Customs, character, etc., vary

from one estate to another and seem to be one with the land to which they belong; later, on the other hand, a man is bound to his land, not by his character or his individuality, but only by his purse strings. Finally, the feudal lord does not try to extract the utmost advantage from his land. Rather, he consumes what is there and calmly leaves the worry of producing to the serfs and the tenants. Such is nobility's relationship to landed property, which casts a romantic glory on its lords. It is necessary that this appearance be abolished-that landed property, the root of private property, be dragged completely into the movement of private property and that it become a commodity; that the rule of the proprietor appear as the un disguised rule of private property, of capital, freed of all political tincture; that the relationship between proprietor and worker be reduced to the economic relationship of exploiter and exploited; that al personal relationship between the proprietor and his property cease, property becoming merely

objective. material

wealth; that the marriage of convenience should take the place of the marriage of honor with the land; and that the land should likewise sink to the status of a commercial value, like man. It is essential that that which is the root of landed property-fIlthy self-interest

make its appearance, too, in its cynical form. It

is essential that the immovable monopoly turn into the mobile

and restless monopoly, into competition; and that the idle

enjoyment of the products of the other peoples' blood and toil tum into a bustling commerce

in the same commodity. Lastly,

it is essential that in this competition landed property, in the form of capital, manifest its dominion over both the working class and the proprietors themselves who are either being ruined or raised by the laws governing the movement of capital. The

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

65

medieval p r overb nulle terre sans seigneurl is thereby replaced by th at other proverb, largent n a pas de maitre2 wherein is expressed the complete domination of dead matter over me n. (2) C oncerning the argument of division or non-division of landed property, the fo llo wing is to be observed. The division of landed property negates the large-scale monopoly of property in land-abolishes it; but only by generalizing this monopoly. It does not abolish the source of mo nop oly, private property. It attacks the existing form but not the essence, of monopoly. The consequence is that it falls victim to the laws of p rivate property. For the division of landed property corresponds to the movement of co mpetiti on in the sp here of industry. In addition to the economic dis adv antages of such a divid i ng-up of the instruments of labor, and of s ep arated labor (to be clearly distinguished from t he division of labor: in separated labor the work is not shared out among many, but each cares on the same work by himself, it is a mUltiplication of the same work) this division of land, like competition in indust ry , necessarily turns again into accumulation.

Therefore, where the division of landed property takes place, there remains nothing for it but to return to mo no poly in a still more malignant form, or to negate, to abolish the division of landed property itself. To do that, however, is n o t to return to feudal ownership, but to abolish private property in the so il alto ge the r . The first abolition of mo n o po ly is always its generalization, the broadening of its existence . The abolition of monopoly once it has come to exist in its utmost breadth and inclusiveness is its total annihilation. Ass ociation , applied to land , shares the economic advantage of large-scale landed property, and first brings to realization the original tendency inhere nt in land-division, n ame ly, equality. In the same way ass ociation re establishes, now on a rational basis, no l o nger mediated by serfdom, overlo rdship and the silly mys ticism of property, the intimate ties of man with the earth, for the earth ceases to be I . There is no land without its lord. - Ed. 2. Money knows no master.-Ed.

66

KARL MARX

an object of huckstering, and through free labor and free enjoyment becomes once more a true personal property of man. A gre.at advantage of the division of landed property is that its masses, who can no longer resign themselves to servitude p erish through property in a different way than in industry. As for large landed property, its defenders have always sophistically identified the economic advantages offered by large scale agriCUlture with large-scale landed property, as if it were not precisely as a result of the abolition of property, that this advantage, for one thing, received its greatest possible extensio n, and, for another, only then would be of social benefit. In the same way, they have attacked the huckstering spirit of small landed pr.operty, as if large landed property did not contain huckstering latent within it, even in its feudal form-not to speak of the modern English form, which combines the landlord's feudalism with the tenant farmer's huckstering and industry. Just as large landed property can throw back the reproach of monopoly leveled against it by partitioned land, for parti tioned land is also based on the monopoly of private property, partitioned landed property can likewise throw back to large landed property the reproach of partition, since partition also prevails there, though in a rigid and crystallized form. Indeed, private property rests altogether on partitioning. Moreover, just as division of the land leads back to large landed property as a form of capital wealth, feudal landed property must necessarily lead to partitioning or at least fall into the hands of the capitalists, turn and twist as it may. For large landed property, as in England, drives the overwhelming majority of the popUlation into the arms of industry and reduces its own workers to utter wretchedness. Thus, it engenders and enlarges the power of its enemy, capital, industry, by throwing poor people and an entire activity of the country on to the other side. It makes the majority of the people of the country industrial, and thus opponents of large landed property. Where industry has attained to great power, as in England at the present time, it progressively forces large landed property to discard its monopolies against fo reign countries and

ECON O M I C AND P H I LOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

67

. throws them into co mp etitio n with landed property abroad . For u nd er the sway of industry landed property could keep its feud al grandeur secure only . by �ea?s of m�n o po lies against fo rei gn co untries, thereby protectmg ltself agamst the general laws of trade, w hich are inco mp ati b le with its feudal character. Once

throw n into competition, l anded property obeys the l aws of

competition, like every other co m modity subjected to c o mpe titi on It begins thus to fluctuate to decrease and to increase, to fly .

,

fro m one hand to another; and no law can keep it any longer in a few pre-destined hands. The im medi ate consequence is the

splitti ng up of the land among many hands, and

in any case

subjection to the power of industrial capitals Finally, large landed property which has been fo rcibly .

preserved in thi s way and which

has begotten

by its side a

tremendous industry leads even more quickly to crisis than the partitioning of land, by whose side

the power of industry

remains

constantly of second rank Large landed property, as we see in England, has already .

cast

off its

feudal character and adopted an industri al character

insofar as it is aiming to make -as much money

as p ossible To .

the owner it yields the utmost possible rent, to the tenant farmer the utmost possible profit on his capital. The workers on the

land, in conseq uence, have already been reduced t o and the class of tenant farmers already

the minimum, represent within landed

property the power of industry and capital. As a result of foreign

competition, rent of land can in most cases form no longer an independent income. A large number of landowners have to displace farmers, some of whom

in this way sink into the

proletariat. On the other hand, many farmers wil take over landed property; for the big propriet o rs who with their co mfo rtable incomes have mostly given

themselves over to extravagance are

for the most part, not competent to conduct large-scale agriculture

,

capital nor the ability for the exploitation of the land. Hence a section of this class, too, and in some cases possess neither the

is completely ruined. Eventually wages, which have already been reduced to a min i mum , must be reduced yet further, to meet the new c o mpetitio n

.

This then necess arily leads to revolution.

68

KARL MARX

Landed property had to develop in each of these two ways so as to experience in both its necessary eclipse, just as industry both in the form of monopoly and in that of competition had to ruin itself so as to learn to believe in man.

[Estranged Labor] 1

We have proceeded from the premises of political economy. We have accepted its language and its laws. We presupposed private property the separation of labor, c apit al and land, and of ,

wages,

profit of capital and rent of land-likewise division of labor,

competition, the concept of exchange-value, etc. On the basis of political economy itself, in its own words, we have shown that the worker sinks to the level of a commodity and becomes

indeed the most wretched of commodities; th at the wretchedness of the worker is in inverse proportion to the power and magnitude of his production; that the necessary result of competition is the accumulation of capital in a few hands, and thus the restoration of monopoly in a more terrible form; that finally the distinction between capitalist and land-rentier, like that between the tiller of the soil and the factory-worker, disappears and that the whole

of society must fall apart into the two classes

the property

owners and the propertyless workers. Political economy proceed s from the fact of private property, but it does not explain it to us. It expresses in general, abstract formulae the material process through which private property 1 . Estranged Labor Die Entfremdete Arbeit: re-"estranged," see Ent.fremdung in "Translator's Note on Terminology."-Ed.

69

KARL MARX

70

actualy passes, and these formulae it then takes

not

for laws. It does

comprehend these laws-i.e., it does not demo nstrate how

they arise from the very nature of private property. Political economy does not discl ose the source of the division between labor and capital, and between c apital and land. W hen, for example,

it defines the relationship of wages to profit, it t akes the interest of the capitalists to be the ultimate cause; i.e., it takes for granted what it is supposed to evolve. Similarly, c o mpetition comes in everywhere. It is explained from external circumstances. As to how far these external and apparently fortuitous circumst ances are but the expression of a necessary course of devel opment,

political

eco nomy teaches

us

nothing. We have seen how, to it,

exchange itself appears to be a fortuitous fact. The only wheels which political economy sets in motion are avarice and the war

among the avaricious-competition. Precisely because political economy does not grasp the con nections within the movement, it was possible to counterpose, for instance, the doctrine of competiti o n to the doctrine of monop oly, the doctrine of craft-liberty to the doctrine of the corp oration, the doctrine of the division of landed property to the doctrine of the big eState-for competition, craft-liberty and the division of landed property were explained and comprehended only as fortuitous , premeditated and violent consequences of monop oly, the corporation, and feudal property, not as their necessary, in evitable and natural consequences. Now, therefore, we have to grasp the essential connection between private property, avarice, and the separation of labor, capital and landed property; between exchange and competition, value and the devaluation of men, monopoly and competition, etc.; the connection between this whole estrangement and the money-system. Do not let us go back to a fictitious primordial condition as the political economist does, when he tries to explain . Such a primordial condition explains nothing. He merely pushes the questio n away into a gray nebulous distance. He assumes in the form of fact, of an event, what he is supposed to deduce-namely, the necessary relationship between two things-between , for exam-

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

71

pie, division of labor and exchange. Theology in the same way explains the origin of evil by the fal of man; that is, it assumes as a fact, i n historical form, what has to be explained .

from an actual economic fact. The worker becomes al the poorer the more wealth he We proceed

produces, the more his production increases in power and range.

cheaper commodity the more com modities he creates. With the increasing value of the world of things proceeds in direct proportion the de valuation of the world The worker becomes an ever

of men. Labor produces not only commodities: it produces itself

and the worker as

a commodity

-

and does so in the proportion

in which it produces commodities generally.

expresses merely the object which labor produces labor's product-confronts it as something alien, as a power independen t of the producer. The product of labor is labor which has been congealed in an object, which has become material: it is the objectification of labor. Labor's realization is its objectifi This fact

cation. In the conditions dealt with by political economy this real

labor appears as loss of reality for the workers; objec tification as loss of the object and object-bondage; appropriation as estrangement, as alienation I So much does labor's realization appear as loss of reality ization of

.

that the worker loses reality to the point of starving to death.

appear as loss of the object that for his life but for his work. Indeed, labor itself becomes an object which he can get hold o f o nly with the greatest effort and with So much does objectification

the worker is robbed of the objects most necessary not only

the most irregular i nterruptions. So much does the appropriation of the object appear as estrangement that the more objects the

worker produces the fewer can he possess and the more he falls under the dominion of his product, capital. All

these consequences are contained in the definition that product of his labor as to an alien

the worker is related to the

object.

For on this premise it is clear that the more the worker

I . A l i e natio n

Terminology. "

Ed.

Entti"usserung: See

Entausserung in

"Translat or's

Note on

KARL MARX

72

spends himself, the more powerful the alien objective world becomes

which he creates over against himself, the poorer he himself -

his inner world-becomes, the less belongs to him as his own. It is the same in religion. The more man puts into God, the less he retains in himself. The worker puts his life into the object; but now his life no longer belongs to him but to the object. Hence, the greater this activity, the greater is the worker's lack of objects. Whatever the product of his labor is, he is not. Therefore the greater this product, the less is he himself. The alienation of the worker in his product means not only that his labor becomes an object, an external existence, but that it exists outside him, independently, as something alien to him, and that it becomes a power on its own confronting him; it means that the life which he has conferred on the object confronts him as something hostile and alien. Let us now look more closely at the production of the worker; and therein at

objectification, at the the estrangement, the

loss of the object, his product. The worker can create nothing without

sensuous external world.

nature, without the

It is the material on which his labor

is manifested, in which it is active, from which and by means of which it produces. But just as nature provides labor with the

means of life in

the sense that labor cannot live without objects on which to operate, on the other hand, it also provides the

means of life in the more

restricted sense-i.e., the means for the physical subsistence of the

worker himself. Thus the more the worker by his labor appropriates the

external world, sensuous nature, the more he deprives himself of

means of life in the double respect: fIrst, that the sensuous an object belonging to his labor-to be his labor's means of life,· and secondly, that it more and more ceases to be means of life in the immediate

external world more and more ceases to be

sense, means for the physical subsistence of the worker.

Thus in this double respect the worker becomes a slave of his object, fIrst, in that he receives an object of labor, i.e . , in that he receives work; and secondly, in that he receives means

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSC RIPTS

73

of subsistence. Therefore, it enab les him to exis t , first, as a worker; and, seco nd , as a physical subject. The e xtremity of this b o nd age is that it is only as a worker that he co ntinues to maintain him self as a physical subject, and that it is only as a physical subject that he is a worker. (The laws of political econo my express the estrangement of the worker in his o bject thus: the more the worker p rod uces , the less he has to consume; the more values he creates, the more valueless, the more unworthy he becomes; the better formed his product, the more deformed becomes the worker; the more civilized his object , the more barbarous becomes the worker, the mightier labor beco mes , the mo re powerless becomes the worker, the more ingenious labor becomes, the duller becomes the worker and the more he becomes nature 's bonds man. ) Political economy conceals the estrangement inherent in the nature of labor by not considering the direct relationship between the worker (labor) and production. It is true that labor produces for the rich wonderful things-but for the worker it produces privation. It produces pal aces -but for the worker, hovels. It produces beauty-but for the worker, deformity . It replaces labor by machines-but some of the workers it thro ws back to a bar barous type of labor, and the othe r workers it turns into machines. It p rod uces intelligence-but for the worker idiocy, cretinism. The direct relationship of labor to its produce is the relation ship of the worker to the objects of his production. The relation ship of the man of means to the objects of production and to production itself is only a. consequence of the first relationship and confrrms i t. We shall consider this other aspect late r . When we ask, then, wh at is the essential relationship of labor we are asking about the relationship of the worker to production. Til now we have been co nsideri ng the estrangement, the aliena tion of the worker only in one of its aspects, i.e., the worker's relationship to the products of his labor. But the estrangement is manifested not only in the result but in the act ofproduction within the producing activity itself. How would the worker come to face the product of his activity as a stranger, were it not that in the very act of p rod uctio n he was estranging himself from him-

74

KARL M A RX

self? The product is after all but the summary of the acti vity , of p roducti o n . If then the product of labor is al ie nat io n , production

itself must be active alienation, the alienation of activity, the activity

of alienation. In the estrangement of t he object of labor is me rely

summarized the est rangement , the alienation, in the activity of labor itself. What, then, constitutes the alienation of labor? First, the fact that labor is external to the worker, i.e., it does

not belong to his essential being; that i n his wo rk , t he refo re, he

does not

afrm

himself but denies himself, d oes not feel content

but un ha p py, does not develop free ly his physical and mental energy

but mortifies his body and ruins his mind. The worker the refore

only feels himself outside his w o rk , and in his work feels outside

himself. He is at home when he is not working, and when he

is working he is not at home. His labor is therefore not voluntary, but coerced; it is forced

labor.

It is therefore not the satisfaction

of a need; it is merely a means to satisfy needs external to it.

Its alien character emerges clearly in the fact that as soon as no

physical or other compUlsion exists, labor is shunned like the plague.

External labor, labor in which man alienates himself, is a labor of self-sacrifice, of mortification. Lastly, the external character of labor for the worker appears in the fact that it is not his own,

but someone else's, that it does not belong to him, that in it he

belongs, not to

himself, but to another. Just as in religion the

spontaneous activity of the human imagination, of the human brain and the human heart, operates independently of the individual

that is, operates on him as an alien, divine or diabolical activity in the same way the worker's activity is not his spontaneous activity. It belongs to another; it is the loss of his self.

As a result, therefore, man (the worker) no longer feels himself

to be frely active in any but his animal functions-eating, drinking,

procreating, or at most in his dwelling and in dressing-up, etc.;

and in his human functions he no longer feels himself to be anything but an animal. What is animal becomes hu man and what is human

becomes animal.

Certainly drinking, eating, procreating, etc., are also genuine ly human functions. But in the abstraction which separates them

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC

75

MANUSCRIPTS

fro m the sphere of al other human activity and turns them into sole and ultimate ends, they are animal. We have considered the act of estranging practical human

activity, labor, in two of its aspects. ( I ) The relation of the worker

to the product of labor as an alien object exercising power over him. This relation is at the same time the relation to the sensuous external world, to the objects of nature as an alien world antagonis tically opposed to him. (2) The relation of labor to the act of production within the labor process. This relation is the relation of the worker to his own activity as an alien activity not belo nging to him; it is activity as suffering, strength as weakness, begetting as emasculat ing, the worker's own physical and mental en -gy, his personal life or what is life other than activity-as an activity which is turned against him, neither depends on nor belongs to him. Here we have self-estrangement, as we had previously the

estrangement of the thing. We have yet a third aspect of estranged labor to deduce from the two already considered.

Man is a species being, not only because in practice and in theory he adopts the species as his object (his own as well as those of other things), but-and this is only another way of expressing it-but also because he treats himself as the actual, living species; because he treats himself as a universal and therefore a fre being .

The life of the species, both in man and in animals, consists

physically in the fact that man (like the animal) lives on inorganic nature; and the more universal man is compared with an

animal,

the more universal is the sp here of inorganic nature on which

he lives. Just as plants, animals, stones, the air, light, etc., con stitute a part of human consciousness in the realm of theory,

partly as objects of natural science, partly as

objects

of art

spiritUal inorganic nature, spiritUal nourishment which he first prepare to make it palatable and digestable-so realm of practice they constitute a part of human

life

too

his

must

in the

and human

activity . Physically man lives only on these products of n ature ,

whether they appear in

t he

form of food, heating, clothes, a

dwelling, or whatever it may be. The universality of man is in

76

KARL MARX

p ractice manifested p recisely in the universality which makes al

nature his inorganic body-both inasmuch as nature is ( 1 ) his direct means of life, and (2) the materi al, the object, and the instrument of his life-activity. Nature is man's inorganic body nature, that is, insofar as it is not itself the human body. Man lives on nature-means that nature is his body, with which he must remain in continuous intercourse if he is not to die. That man's physical and spiritual life is linked to nature means simply that nature is linked to itself, for man is a part of nature. In estranging from man (1) nature, and (2) himself, his own active functions, his life-activity, estranged labor estranges the species from man. It turns for him the life of the species into a means of individual life. First it estranges tlIe life of the species and individual life, and secondly it makes individual life in its abstract form the purpose of the life of the species, likewise in its abstract and estranged form. For in the fIrst place labor, life-activity, productive life itself, appears to man merely as a means of satisfying a need-the need to maintain the physical existence. Yet the productive life is the life of the species. It is life-engendering life. The whole character of a species its species character is contained in the character of its life-activity; and fre, conscious activity is man's species character. Life itself appears only as a means to life. The animal is imediately identical with its life-activity. It does not distinguish itself from it. It is its life-activity. Man makes his life-activity itself the object of his wil and of his consciousness. He has conscious life-activity. It is not a determination with which he directly merges . Conscious life-activity directly distinguishes man from animal life-activity. It is just because of this that he is a species being. Or it is only because he is a species being that he is a Conscious Being, i.e., that his own life is an object for him. Only because of that is his activity free activity. Estranged labor reverses this relationship, so that it is just because man is a conscious being that he makes his life-activity, his essential being, a mere means to his existence. In creating an objective world by his practical activity, in working-up inorganic nature, man proves himself a conscious

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

n

species being, i.e., as a being that treats the species as its own essential being, or that treats itself as a species being. Admittedly animals also produce. They build themselves nests, dwellings, like the be, beavers, ants, etc. But an animal only produces what it immediately needs for itself or its young. It produces one-sidedly , while man produces universally. It produces only under the do minion of immediate physical need, while man p roduces even when he is free from physical need and only truly produces in freom therefrom. An animal produces only itself, while man reproduces the whole of nature. An animal's product belongs immediately to its physical body, while man frely confronts his product. An animal forms things in acordance with the standard and the need of the species to which it belongs, while man knows how to produce in accordance with the standard of every species, and knows how to apply everywhere the inherent standard to the object. Man therefore also forms things in acordance with the laws of beauty. It is just in the working-up of the objective world, therefore, that man fIrst realy proves himself to be a species being. This production is his active species life. Through and because of this production, nature appears as his work and his reality. The object of labor is, therefore, the objectification of man 's species life: for he duplicates himself not only, as in consciousness, intellectually, but also actively, in reality, and therefore he contempl ates himself in a world that he has created. In tearing away fro m man the object of his production, therefore, estranged labor tears from him his species life, his real species objectivity, and transforms his advantage over animals into the disadvantage that his inorganic body, nature, is taken from him. , Similarly, in degrading spontaneous activity, fre activity, to a me ans , estranged labor makes man's species life a means to his physical existence. , The consciousness which man has of his species is thus transformed by estrangement in such a way that the species life becomes for him a means. Estranged labor turns thus: (3) Man 's species being, both nature and his spiritual species property, into a being alien to him, into a means to his individual

78

KARL MARX

existence. It estranges man's own body from him, as it does external nature and his spiritual essence, his human being. (4) An immediate consequence of the fact that man is estranged from the product of his labor, from his life-activity, from his species being is the estrangement of man from man. If a man is confronted by himself, he is confronted by the other man. What applies to a man's relation to his work, to the product of his labor and to himself, also holds of a man's relation to the other man, and to the other man's labor and object of labor. In fact, the proposition that man's species nature is estranged from him means that one man is estranged from the other, as each of them is from man's essential nature. ) I . Species nature (and earlier species being)-Gattungswese man's estial nature menschlichen Wesen: se Wesen in "Translator's Note on Terminology." The following short pasages from Feuerbach's Esnce 0/ Christianity may help readers to understand the ideological background to this part of Marx's thought, and, incidentally, to se how Marx acpted but infused with new content concepts made current by Feuerbach as well as by Hegel and the political economists: "What is this estial diference betwen man and the brute? . . . Consciousnes but consciousness in the strict sense; for the consciousnes implied in the feeling of self as an individual, in discrimination by the senses, in the perception and even judgment of outward things acording to defmite sensible signs, canot be denied to the brutes. Consciousnes in the strictest sense is present only in a being to whom his species, his estial nature, is an object of thought. The brute is indeed conscious rif himself as an individual and he has acordingly the feeling of self as the common center of sucve sensations but not as a species. . . . In practical life we have to do with individuals; in science, with species. . . . But only a being to whom his own species, his own nature, is an object of thought, can make the esntial nature of other things or beings an object of thought. . . . The brute has only a simple, man a twofold life; in the brute, the in life is one with the outer. Man has both an inr and an outer life. The in life of man is the life which has relation to his species-to his general, as distinguished from his individual nature. . . . The brute can exercise no function which has relation to its species without another individual external to itself; but man can perform the functions of thOUght and speh. which strictly imply such a relation, apart from another individual . . . . Man is in fact at once I and Thou; he can put himself in the place of another, for this reason, that to him his species, his es ntial nature, and not mere ly his individuality, is an object of thought. . . . An object to which a subject esntially, necesarily relates, is nothing else than this subject's own, but objective nature. . . . "The relation of the sun to the earth is, therefore, at the same time a relation of the earth to itself, or to its own nature, for the measure of the size and of the intensity of light which the sun possesses as the object of the earth, is the measure of the d is tance, which detennines the peculiar nature of the earth . . . . In the object which he contemplates, therefore, man becomes acquainted with himself. . . . The power of the o bject over him is therefore the power of his own nature." (The Esence o/ Christianity. by Ludwig Feuerbach, translated from the second German edition by M arian Evans, London, 1 854, pp. 1 -5.) &1.

ECONOMIC

AND

79

PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

The estrangement of man, and in fact every relationship

i n which man stands to himself, is first realized and e xp ressed i n t he rel atio nship in w h ich a man stands to other men. He nce within t he rel ationsh i p of estranged labor e ach m an

views the other in acc ord ance with the standard and the p osition in which he finds himself as a

worker.

We took our departure from a fact of political economy the estrangement of the worker and his production. We have formulated the concept of

this fact-estranged, alienated labor.

We have analyzed this concept of political economy.

hence analyzing me rely a fact

Let us now see, further, how in real life the concept of estranged , alienated labor must express and present itself. If the p rod uct of labor is alien to me,

if it confronts me

as an alien power, to whom, then, does it belong?

To a b eing

other th an me.

Who is this be i ng? The

gods? To be sure, in the earliest times the etc.,

p rod uction (for e x amp le , t he b uild ing of te mples,

p rincip al in Egypt,

I ndi a and M e x ico) appears to be in the service of the god s ,

and the p roduct belongs to the god s

However, the gods on nature.

.

their own were never the lords of labor. No mo re was

And what a co ntrad ict io n it would be if, the more man su bjug ated

nature by his l abo r and the more the miracles of the gods

rendered s upe rfl uo us by t he

,

were to renounce the j oy of production and the p roduce in favor of these powers. The

were

miracles of i nd ustry the more man

the enj oy me nt

of

alien be i n g, to whom l abor and the produce of labor whose serv ice labor is do ne and for whose benefit

belongs in ,

the produce of labor is provided , can only be man h i mself

If t he

product

of

.

labor d oes not bel o ng to the worker, if

it confronts h im as an alien power, t h i s can only be because it belo n gs to some other man than the worker. If the worker's activity is a to rme nt to him, to another it must be delight and his life's joy. Not the gods, not nature but only ma n himself can be this alien p o w e r over man. We mu s t bear in mind the abo v e st at ed pro p osition t hat ,

-

KARL M ARX

80

man's relation to himse lf only becomes objective and real for him through his relation to the other man. Thus, if the product of his labor, his labor objectified, is for him an alien, ho stile

�

powerful object independent of him, then his positio n tow ard it is such that someone else is master of this object, someo ne

who is alien, hostile, powerful, and independent of him . If his own activity is to him an unfree activity, then he is treating it as activity performed in the service, under the dominion, the coercion and the yoke of another man.

Every self-estrangement of man from himself and from nature appears in the relation in which he places himself and nature to men other than and differentiated from himself. For this reason religious self-estrangement necessarily appears in the relationship of the layman to the priest, or again to a mediator, etc., since we are here dealing with the intellectual world. In

the real practical world self-estrangement can only become manifest through the real practical relationship to other men. The medium through which estrangement takes place is itself

practical. Thus through estranged labor man not only engenders his relationship to the object and to the act of production as

to powers that are alien and hostile to him; he also engenders the relationship in which other men stand to his production and to his product, and the relationship in which he stands to these other men. Just as he begets his own production as

the loss of his reality, as his punishment; just as he begets his own product as a loss, as a product not belonging to him; so

he begets the dominion of the one who does not produce over production and over the product. Just as he estranges from himself his own activity, so he confers to the stranger activity which is not his own. Till now we have only considered this relationship from the standpoint of the worker and later we shall be considering it also from the standpoint of the non-worker. Through

estranged, alienated labor, then, the worker

produces the relationship to this labor of a man alien to labor and standing outside it. The relationship of the worker to labor engenders the relation to it of the capitalist, or whatever one

ECON OM I C A N D P H I LOSO P H I C M AN U S C R I PTS

81

hooses t o call the m as te r of labor. Private property is thus he p r od uc t, the result, the necessary consequence, of alienated

�

f the external relation of the worker to nature and to lab o r, o

himself.

Private property thus resul ts by analysis from the concept of alienated labor i e , of alienated man, of estranged labor, of estranged life, of estranged man. True, it is as a result of the movement of priva te property th at we have obtained the concept of alienated labor (of alienated life) from political economy. But on analysis of this concept it becomes clear that though private property ap pears to be -

.

.

the source, t he cause of alienated labor, it is really its consequence, j ust as the gods in the beginning are not the c=;tuse but the effect of man s intellectual confusion. Later th is relationship becomes reciproc al. Only at the very culmination of the develop ment of private prope rty does this, its secret, re-emerge, namely, that on the one h and it is the product of alienated labor, and that secondly it is the m eans by which labor alie nates itself, the realization of this alienation. This exposition immediately she ds light on various hitherto unsolved conflicts . ( 1 ) Political economy starts from labor as the real soul of production; yet to labor it gives nothing, and to private property everything. From this contradiction Proudhon has concluded in favor of labor and against private property. We understand, however, that this apparent contradiction is the contradiction of estranged labor with itself, and that political economy has merely formulated the laws of estranged labor. We also understand, therefore, that wages and private property are identical: where the product, the object of labor pays for labor itself, the wage is but a necessary consequence of labor's estrangement, for after all in the wage of labor, labor does not appear as an end in itself but as the servant of the wage We shall develop this point later, and meanwhile wil only deduce some conclusions. A forcing-up of wages (disregarding all other difficulties, '

.

KARL MARX

82

incl udi ng the fact that it would only be by force, too, that the

higher w ages, being an anomaly, could be maintained) would therefore be nothing but better payment for the slave, and would

no t conq uer either fo r the worker or for labor their human

status and d ignity . Indeed, even the

equality of wages demanded b y

Proudhon

only transforms the re l at ions h ip of the present-day worker to

his labor into the re lations h i p of all men to labor. Society is

then conceived as an abstract capit alist.

Wages are a direct consequence of estranged labor, and

estranged labor is the direct cause of private property. The downfall of the one aspect must therefore mean the downfall

of the other. (2) From the relationship of estranged labor to p riv ate

property it further follows that the emancipation of society from private p roperty, etc., from servitude, is expressed in the political form of the

emancipation of the workers;

not that their

emancipation alone was at stake but because the emancipation of the workers contains universal human emancipation

and

it contains this, because the whole of human servitude is involved in the relation of the worker to production, and every relation of servitude is but a modification and consequence of this relation. Just as we have found the concept of private property from

the concept of estranged, way every

alienated labor by analysis, in the same

category of political economy can be evolved with

the help of these two factors; and we shall find again in each category, e.g., trade, competition, capital, money, only a and

definite

developed expression of the first foundations.

Before considering this configuration, however, let us try to solve two problems. ( I ) To define the general nature of private properly as it has arisen as a result of estranged labor, in its rel ati o n to truly ,

human, social property.

(2)

We have accepted the estrangement

of

labor,

its

alienation. as a fact, and we h ave anal yzed this fact. How, we

now as k , does man come to alienate. to e str ange, his labor? H ow i s thi s e st ran ge me n t rooted in t h e nature of human

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

83

develop ment? We have already gone a long way to the s olut io n of this p ro ble m by transforming the q uest io n as to the origin

oJprivate property into the question as to the relation of alienated labor to the course of humanity's deve l o p ment . For when one speaks of private property, one thinks of being concerned with so mething external to man. When one speaks of labor, one is directly concerned with man himself. This new formulation of the question already cont ains its solution. As to (1): The general nature of private property and its relation to truly human property. Alienated labor has resolved itself for us into two elements which mutually c o nd itio n one another, or which are but different expressions of one and the same relatio nship . Appropriation appears as estrangement, as alienation,· and alienation appears as appropriation, estrangement as true enJranchisement. We have considered the one side-alienated labor in relation to the worker himself, i.e., the relation of alienated labor to itself. The property-relation of the non-worker to the worker and to labor we have found as the product , the necesSary outcome of this relation of alienated l abor. Private property, as the material, summary ex pressio n of al ien ated labor, embraces both relations-the relation oj the worker to work, to the product of his labor and to the non-worker, and the relation of the non-worker to the worker and to the product of his labor. Having seen that in relation to the worker who appropriates nature by means of his labor, this appropriation appears as estrange ment, his own spontaneous activity as activity for another and as an activity of another, vitality as a sacrifice of life , production o f the o bj ect as loss of the obj ect to an alien p o wer , to an alien person-we shall now consider the relation to the worker, to labor and its object of this person who is alien to labo r and the worke r . First it has to be n oted , that everything which appears in the worker as an activity of alienation. oj estrangement, appears in the non-worker as a state of alienation, of estrangement. Secondly, that the worker's real, p ractical attitude in p rod uctio n and to the pro d uct (as a state of mind) appears

84

. KARL MARX

in the non-worker confronting him as a

theoretical attitude.

Thirdly, the non-worker does everything against the worker which the worker does against himself; but he does not do against himself what he does against the worker.

Let us look more closely at these three relations. •

I . At this point the first manuscript breaks off unfinished .

Ed.

[Antithesis of Capital and Labor. Landed ?roperty and Capital]

. . . forms the interest

on his capit al

subjective lost to himself, manifestation of the fact that labo r .

I The worker i s the

manifestation of the fact that capital is man wholly

just as capi tal is the objective is

man lost

to himself. But the worker has the misfortune to

be a living c ap i t al and therefore

a capital with needs-one which loses its interest, and hence its livelihood, every moment it is not working. The value of the worker as c ap it al rises according to d e m and and supply, and even physically his existence. his life, was and is looked upon as a supply of a commodity lik e any other. The worker produces c ap i t al cap it al produces hi m hence he produces himself, and man as worker, as a commodity, is the product of the entire cycle To the man who is nothing more than a worker-and to him as a w o rker h i s human q ualities only exist in so far as they exist for capital alien to him. Bec ause man and capital are foreign to each other however, and thus stand in an indifferent, external and fo rt uit ous relation,

,

.

-

,

I . The XL page of Marx 's second manuscript opens with these words. The begi nning of the sentence is unknown. because the first 39 pages of the man uscript are missing. Ed.

85

86

KARL MARX

each other, it is inevitable that this fo reignness sh ould alS() appear as something real. As soon, therefore, as it OCCurs to capital (whether from necessity or caprice) no lo nger to be for the worker, he himself is no longer for himself: he has no wo rk , hence no wages, and as he has no existence as a human being but only as a worker, he can go and bury himself, starve to death, etc. The worker exists as a worker only when he exists for himself as capital; and he exists as capital only when some capital exists for him . The existence of capital is his existence, his life; as it determines the tenor of his life in a manner i ndiferent ship to

to him. Political economy, therefore,

does not recognize the un occupied worker, the workman, in so far as he h appe ns to be o utside this labor-relationship . The cheat-thief, sw indler, beggar, and unemployed man; the starving , wretched and criminal working-man-these are figures who do not exist for p o litical economy but only for other eyes, those of the doctor, the judge, the grave-digger and bum-b ailiff, etc.; such figures are specters outside the domai n of political economy. For it, therefore, the worker's needs are but the one need-to maintain him while he is working insofar as may be necessary to prevent the race of laborersfrom dying out. The wages of labor have thus e xactly the same significance as the maintenance and servicing of any other p roductive instrument, or as the consumption of a capita� required for its reproduction with interest; or as the oil which is applied to wheels to keep them turning. Wages, therefore, belong to capital's and the capitalist 's necessary costs, and must not exceed the bounds of this necessity. It was therefore quite logical for the English factory-owners to deduct from the wages of the worker the public charity which he was receiving out of the Poor Rate before the Amendment Bill of 1 834, and to consider this to be an integral part of the wage. Production does not simply produce man as a commodity, the commodity-man, man in the role of commodity; it produces him in keeping with this role as a spiritually and physically dehumanized being.-Immorality, deformity, and hebetation of the workers and the capitali sts . -Its product is the self-conscious

ECONO M I C A N D P H I LOSOPH I C M ANU S C R I PTS

87

and self-acting commodity . . . . The commodity-man . . . . G reat advance of Ricard o, M ill, etc., on S mith and Say, to d eclare

the existence of the human bei n g- t he greater or less er human prod uctiv ity of the commodity to be a m atter of indiference and eve n harmful. Not how many w o rke rs are maintained by a give n capital, but rathe r how much interest it brings in, the su m-total of the ann u al saving, is said to be the true p u rp o se

of production. It was likewise a great and logical advance of modem E nglis h polit ical economy, that, while elevating labor to the position of its sole princip le , it should at the same time expound with

complete cl arity

the inverse re lati on

between wages a nd interest

on cap ital, and the fact that the capitalist could no rmal ly only gain by p ressing down wages, and vice versa. Not the d oing down of the co ns u me r, but the capitalist and the worker do i ng down each other, is shown to be the normal relationship. The relations of private property contain latent within them the relations of private property as labor, the same relations as cap ital,

There is

and the mutual relation of these two to one another. the production of human activity as lab or-that is,

as an activity quite

alien to itself, to man and to nature , and

therefore to consciousness and the flow of life-the abstract

existence of man

as

a mere

workman who

may therefo re daily

fal from his filled void into the absolute void-into his social ,

and therefore actual, non-existence. On the other hand there

is the production of the obj ect of human activity as

al the natural and social is extinguished; in which private

in which

capita/

determinateness of the object property

has

lost its natural

and social qUality (and therefore every p olitical and social illusio n,

and is unmixed with any

which the

selfsame capital

seemingly human relationships); in same in the most diverse

remains the

social and natural manifestations, totally indifferent to its rea/

content. This contradiction, driven to the limit, is of necessity the limit, the culmination, and the downfall of the whole private property relations hip . It is therefore another great achievement of modem English political economy to have declared rent to be the diference in

KARL MARX

88

the interest yielded by the worst and the best land under cultivation; to have exposed the landowner's romantic illusions his alleged social importance and identity of his interest with the interest of society, still maintained by

Adam Smith

after

the physiocrats; and to have anticipated and prepared the movement of the real world which will transform the landowner into an ordinary, prosaic capitalist, and thus simplify and sharpen the antithesis between labor and capital and hasten its resolution.

lAnd as land, and rent as rent, have lost their distinction of rank. and become dumb capital and interest-or rather, become capital and interest that only talk money. The

distinction

between capital and land, between profit

and rent, and between both and wages, and

agriculture

,

and

immovable

and

movable

industry,

and

private property-this

distinction is not an inherently essential one, but a

historical

distinction, a fixed moment in the formation and development of the antithesis between capital and labor. Industry, etc., as opposed to immovable landed property, is only the expression of the way industry came into being and of the contradiction to agriculture in which industry developed. This distinction of

special sort of work-as life-embracing distinction-so 100ig develops over-against landed property

industry only continues to exist as a an

essential, important

as industry (town life)

and

(aristocratic feudal life) and itself continues to bear the feudal character of its opposite in the form of monopoly, craft, guild,

seemingly social real community-life, and has not yet reached the stage of indiference to its content, of complete being-for-self, i.e., of abstraction from al other being, and hence has not yet become liberated capital. But liberated industry, industry constituted for itself as such, and liberated capital, are a necessary development of labor. The corporation, etc., within which labor still has a

signficance, still the significance of

power of industry over its opposite is at once revealed in the emergence of

agriculture

as a real industry, most of the work

having previously been left to the soil and to the

slave

of the

soil, through whom the land cultivated itself. With the trans formation of the slave into a free worker-i.e., into a

hireling

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

89

the landlord himself is transformed into a captain of industry, into a capitalist-a transformation which takes place at first through the intermediacy of the

tenant farmer. The farmer.

however, is the landowner's representative-the landowner's

secret: it is only through him that the landowner has economic existence-his existence as a p rivate prop netor

revealed his

for the rent of his land only exists due to the competition between the farmers. Thus, in the person of the tenantfarmer the landlord has already become in essence a common capitalist. And thus must work itself out, too, in actual fact: the capitalist engaged in agriculture-the farmer-must become a landlord, or vice

versa. The farmer's

industrial trade is the landowner 's industrial

trade, for the being of the former postulates the being of the

latter. But mindful of their contrasting origin-of their line of descent-the landowner knows the capitalist as his insolent,

liberated slave of yesterday now become rich, and sees himself as a

capitalist who is threatened by him. The capitalist knows

the landowner as the idle, cruel and egotistical master of yesterday; he knows that he injures him as a capitalist, and yet that it is to industry that he, the landowner, owes all his present social significance, his possessions and his pleasures; he sees in him an antithesis to

free industry and to free capital-to capital

independent of every natural determination. This contradiction between landowner and capitalist is extremly bitter, and each side gives the truth about the other. One need only read the attacks of immovable on movable property and vice versa to

obtain a clear picture of their respective worthlessness . The landowner lays stress on the noble lineage of his property, on feudal mementoes, reminiscences, the poetry of recollections, on his romantic disposition, on his political importance, etc. ; and when he talks economics, it is

only agriculture that he holds

to be productive. At the same time he depicts his adversary as

a sly, haggling, deceitful, greedy, mercenary, rebellious, heart

and soul-less cheapjack--extorting, pimping, servile, smooth,

flattering, fleecing, dried-up twister without honor, principles,

poetry, substance, or anything else-a perso n estranged from

90

KARL MARX

the community who freely trades it away and who breeds, nourishes and cherishes competition, and with it pauperism, crime, and the dissolution of al social bonds. (Among others see the physiocrat Bergasse, whom Camille Desmoulins flays in his journal, Revolutions de France et de Brabant,·t see von Vincke, Lancizolle, Haler, Leo, Kosegarten2 and also Sismondi.) Movable property for its part points to the miracles of industry and progress. It is the child of the modern time and its legitimate, native-born son. It pities its adversary as a simpleton, unenlightened about his own nature (and in this it is completely right), who wants to replace moral capital and free labor by brute, immoral force and serfdom. It depicts him as a Don Quixote who under the guise of bluntness, decency, the general interest, and stability, conceals incapacity for progress, greedy self-indulgence, selfishness, sectional interest and evil intent. It declares him for an artful monopolist; it pours cold water on his reminiscences, his poetry, and his romanticism by a historical and sarcastic enumeration of the baseness, cruelty, degradation, prostitution, infamy, anarchy and rebellion, of which romantic castles were the workshops. It claims to have obtained political freedom for the people; to have loosed the chains binding civil society; to have linked together diferent worlds; to have created trade promoting friendship between the peoples; to have created pure morality and an agreeable degree of culture; to have given the people civilized in place of their crude needs, and the means of satisfying them. Meanwhile, it claims, the landowner-this idle, troublesome, parasitic grain-jobber puts up the price of the people's basic necessities and so forces the capitalist to raise I . Revolutions de France et de Brabant. par Camille Desmoulins. Second Trimestre, contenant Mars, Avril et Mai. Paris, ran l'ier. No. 1 6, p. 1 39 f.; No. 23 p. 425 f.; No. 26, p. 580 f. Ed. 2. See the garrulous, old-Hegelian theologian Funke who tells after Herr Leo with

tears in his eyes how a slave had refused, when serfdom was abolished, to cease being the property ofthe gentry. See also the Patriotic Visions of Justus Moser, which distinguish themselves by never for a moment abandoning the ingenious, petty-bourgeois "home baked," ordinary. narrow, horizon of the philistine, and which nevertheless remain pure

fancy.

This contradiction has made them so plausible in the German disposition.

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

91

wages without being able t o increase prod uctivity , thus impeding

and eventually cancelling the nation s annual income, the '

accumulation of capital, and therefore the possibi lity of p ro viding

work for the people and wealth for the country, and producing

in consequence a general decline-while he p arasi ticaly exploits

every advantage of modem civilization without doing the least

thing for it, and witho ut even abating in the slightest his feudal

prejudices. Finally, let him-for whom the cultivation of the

land and the land itself exist o nly

as

a source of money, which

comes to hi m as a present-let him j ust t ake a look at his tenant

farmer and say whether he himself is not a "decent, " deluded sly scoundrel who in his heart and in actual fact has for a long

time belonged to free industry and to

beloved trade ,

however

much he may p rotest and prattle about historical memories and

ethical or political goals. Everything which he can realy advance

to justify cap italist

cultivator of the land (the laborers), of wh om the landowner is rather he gives evidence against himself. Without

himself is true only of the

and the

the enemy. Thus

capital landed property is dead, worthless matter. Movable property's civilized victory has precisely been to discover and make human labor the source of wealth in place of the dead thing. (See Paul Louis Courier, Saint-Simon, Ganilh, Ricardo, Mil, MacCulloch and Destutt de Tracy and Michel

Chevalier.)

The real course of development (to be inserted at this point) results in the necessary victory of the

capitalist over the

landowner-that is to say, of developed over undevelope d im

in ature

priv ate prope rty -j ust

as generally

movement must

triumph over immobility-open, s elf-c onsci o us baseness over

hidden , unconscious baseness; avarice over self-indulgence; the

avowedly restless, adroit self-interest of enlightenment over the

p aroch ial , world wise, naive, idle and deluded self-interest of superstition; and money over the other forms of private property.

Those states which divine something of the d anger attaching

to fully-developed free industry, to fully-developed pure mor�lity

and to the full development of trade promoting friendship between the peoples, try, but in vain, to hold in check the

capitalization of l anded property.

92

KARL MARX

Landed property in its distinction from capital is private property-capital-still afflicted with local and po lit ic al prejudices; it is capital which has not yet regained itself fr011 its entanglement with the world capital not yetfully-developed . It must in the course of its world-wide developmen t achieve its abstract, that is, its pure, expression. The relations of private property are labor, capital, and the relations between these two. The movement through which these constituents have to pass IS: [First] Unmediated or mediated unity of the two. Capital and labor at first stil united. Then, though separated and estranged, they reciprocally develop and foster each other as positive conditions. [Second] The two in opposition, mutually excluding each other. The worker knows the capitalist as his non�xistence, and vice versa: each tries to rob the other of his existence. [ Third] Opposition of each to itself. Capital-stored-up labor-labor. Capital as such-splitting into capital itself and into its interest, and this latter again into interest and profit The capitalist completely sacrificed. He fals into the working class, while the worker (but only exceptionally) becomes a capitalist. Labor as a moment of capital-its costs. Thus the wages of labor-a sacrifice of capital. Splitting of labor into labor itself and the wages of labor. The worker himself a capital, a commodity. Inimical mutual opposition. I

1 . Here ends the second manuscript.

Ed.

[Private Property and Labor.

Views of the Mercantile System and Physiocracy, Adam Smith, Ricardo and His School]

Re. p. XXXVI. The subjective essence of private p ro p e rt y private property as activity for itself, I as subject. as person

is labor. It is therefore self-evident that only the political economy which acknowledged labor as its p ri nciple (Adam S mith), and which therefore no longer looked upon private property as a mere condition external to man-that it is this political economy whic h has to be regard ed on the one hand as a product of the real energy and the real movement of private property2as a product of mode m industry-and, on the other hand, as a force which has quickened and glorified the energy and development of mode m industry and made it a power in the realm of consciousness. To this enlightened political ec o n omy, I . "For itself" fuer sich: a Hegelian term used in antithesis with "In itself" an sich. "In itself" means roughly "implicit" or even " u nco nscio us ": "For itself," similarly,

can be read as "present to itself," or "conscious(ly)."-Ed. 2. It is a movement of private property become independent for itself in con

sciousness

the modern industry as Self.

93

94

KARL MARX

which has discovered within private property the subjective essence of wealth, the adherents of the money and mercantile system, who look upon private property only as an objective substance I confronting men, seem therefore to be idolators, fetishists, Catholics. Engels was therefore right to call Adam Smith the Luther of Political Economy.2 Just as Luther recognized religion faith as the substance of the ex ternal world and in consequence stood o pposed to Catholic paganism-just as he superseded3 external religiosity by making religiosity the inner substance of man jus t as he negated the priests outside the layman because he transplanted t he priest int o laymen's hearts, j ust so with wealth: wealth as something outside man and independent of him, and therefore as something to be maintained and asserted only in an external fashion, is d one away with; that is, this external, mindless objectivity of wealth is done away with, w ith p rivate property being incorp orated in man himself and with man himself being recognized as its essence. But as a result man is brought within the orbit of private property, just as in Luther he is brought within the orbit of religion. Under the semblance of recognizing man, the p olitical economy whose principal is labor is really no more than consistent implementation of the denial of man, since man himself no longer stands in an external relation of tension to the external substance of private property, but has himself become this tensed essence of private property. What was previous ly being external to oneself-man's externalization in the thing-has merely become the act of externalizing-the process of alienating.4 If then this political economy begins by seeming to acknowledge man (his independence, sp ontaneity, etc.); and if, locating private property in man's own being, it can no longer be conditioned by the I . Substance Wesen. Elsewhere on this page Wesen is rendered as "essence." See "Translator's Note on Tenninology." Ed. 2. See F. Engels, Outlines of a Critique of Political &onomy, p. 9. Ed. 3. Superseded aujhob (rend ered below "done away with"). See under in "Translator's Note on Tenninology. " Ed.

Aujheben

4. Man's extemaIization in the thing reale En tiiusserung des Menschen: t he proces Veriisserung; See u nd e r Entiiusserung in "Translator's N ote on

of aIienating

Terminology."

Ed.

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC M ANUSCRIPTS

95

local, national or other characteristics of private property as of something existing outside itself; and if this pOlitical economy consequently disp lays a cosmopolitan. universal energy which overthrows every restriction and bond so as to establish itself instead as the sole politics, the sole universality , the sole limit and sole bond, then it must thro w aside this hypocrisy in the course of its further development and come out in its complete cynicism. And this it does-untroubled by al the ap parent contradictions in wh ich it becomes involved -by developing the idea of labor much more one-sidedly. and therefo re more sharply and more consistently. as the sole essence of wealth; by proving the imp licatio ns of this theory to be anti-human in character, in contrast to the other, original approach; and finally, b y dealing the deathblow t o rent-that last, individual, natural mode of private pro perty and source of wealth existing independently of the mo veme nt of labor, that exp ress io n of feud al property, an expression which has already become wholly economic in character and therefore incapable of resisting po litic al economy. (The Ricardo school.) There is not merely a relative growth in the cynicism of political economy from Smith through Say to Ricardo, Mil, etc . , inasmuch as the implications of industry appear more developed and more contradictory in the eyes of the last-named; these later economists also constantly and consciously advance further th an their p redeces sors in a positive sense in their estrangement from man. They do so, howeve r, only bec ause their science develops more co nsistently and genuinely. Because they make private pro perty in its active form the subj ect , thus simultaneously making man-and man as somethin g unessential-the essence, the contradiction of actuality corresponds completely to the contradictory essence which they acpt as their principle. Far from refuting it, the ruptured world of industry confirms their internally-ruptured p rincip le. Their principle is, after all , the principle of this rupture. The physiocratic doctrine of Dr. Quesnay forms the transition from the mercantile system to Adam S mith. Physiocracy is directly the dissolution of feudal property in political economy, but it is therefo re j ust as directly its

KARL MARX

96

metamorphosis and restoration in

political economy, save that

n ow its language is no longer feudal but economic. All wealth is resolved into yet

capital:

land and cultivation (agriculture). Land is not

it is still a special mode of its existence, the validity

derive from, its natural natural element, while the

of which is supposed to lie in, and to peculiarity. Yet land is a general

mercantile system admits the existence of wealth only in the metal. Thus the object of wealth-its matter

form of precious

has straightaway obtained the highest degree of generality within the bounds ofnature, insofar as it is immediately objective wealth even

as nature. And land only exists for man through labor,

through agriculture. Thus the subjective essence of wealth has already been transferred to labor. But at the same time agriculture is the

only productive

labor. Hence, labor is not yet grasped

in its generality and abstraction: it is still bound to a particular

natural element as its matter, and it is therefore only recognized in a particular mode of existence determined by nature. It is therefore still only a specific, part icular alienation of man, just as its product is conceived only as a specific form of wealth,

due more to nature than to labor itself. The land is here still recognized

as a phenomenon of nature independent of man

not yet as capital, i.e. , as an aspect of labor itself. Labor appears; rather, as an aspect of the

land.

But since the fetishism of the

old external wealth, of wealth existing only as an object, has been reduced to a very simple natural element, and since--ven if only partially and in a particular forni-its essence

has been

recognized within its subjective existence, there is the necessary step forward in that the general nature of wealth has been revealed

and that labor has therefore in its total absoluteness (i.e., its

abstraction) been raised and established as the argued against physiocracy that

agriculture,

principle.

It is

from the economic

point of view-that is to say, from the only valid point of view� does not differ from any other industry; and that the of wealth, therefore, is not a

specific

essence

form of labor bound to

a particular element-a particular expression of labor-but labor

in general. Physiocracy denies

particular,

external, merely objective

ECONOMIC AND P H I LOSOP H I C M AN US C R I PTS

97

by declaring labor to be the essence of wealth. But fo r p hysiocrac y labor is from the outset o nly the subjective essence of landed property. (It takes its departure from the type of property which hist o rically appears as the d o min an t acknowl edged type.) It o nly turns landed property into alienated man. It annuls its feudal ch aracter by declaring industry (agriculture) to be its essence. But its attitude to the world of industry is

wealth

one of denial; it acknowledges the feudal system by declaring

agriculture to be the only i nd ustry . It is clear that if the subjective essence of industry is now grasped (of industry in opp ositi on to landed property, i.e. , of industry constituting itself as industry), this essence encompasses this its op p os ite . For j ust as industry i nco rp o rates annulled landed property, the subjective essence of industry at the same time incorporates the s ubj e ctive essence of landed property. Just as landed property is the first form of private property, with industry at first confronting it historicaly merely as a sp ecial kind of property-or, rather, as land ed p ro pe rty 's liberated slave so this process repeats i tse lf at the level of the scientific comprehension of the subjective e s sence of private property, labor. Labor appears at first only as agricultural lab or; but then asserts itself as labor in general. All wealth has become industrial wealth, the wealth of labor; and industry is acc o mp lished labor, just as the factory-system is the essence of industry-of lab o r-bro ugh t to its maturity, and just as industrial capital is the accomplished objective form of private property.

We can now see how it is o n ly at this point that private property can consummate its dominion over man and become in its most general

form a world-historical power.

[Private Property and Communism. Various Stages of Development of Communist Views. Crude, Equalitarian Communism

Communism as Socialism Coinciding with Humaneness]

and

Re. p. XXXIX. The antithesis of propertylessness and property, so long as it is not comprehended as the antithesis of labor and capital, still remains an antithesis of indifference, not grasped in its active connection, its internal relation an antithesis not yet grasped as a contradiction. It can find expression in this first form even without the advanced development of private property (as in ancient Rome, Turkey, etc.). It does not yet appear as having been established by private property itself. But labor, the

subjective essence of private property

as

exclusion of property,

and capital, objective labor as exclusion of labor, constitute private

property as its developed state

of contradiction-hence a dynamic

relationship moving inexorably to its resolution.

Re. the same page.

The transcendence I of self�strangement

follows the same course

as self�strangement. Private property

I. Transcended . . . annulled . . . done away with: Note on Terminology." Ed.

99

se Aujheben in "Translator's

1 00

KARL MARX

is first considered only in its objective aspect-but nevertheless

capita/, particular

with labor as its essence. Its form of existence is therefore which is to be annulled "as such" (Proudhon). Or a

form of labor-labor leveled down, parceled, and therefo re unfree-is conceived as the source of private property's

perniciousness and of its existence in estrangement from men; for instance, Fourier. who, like the physiocrats, also conceived agricultural labor to be at least the exemplary type, while Saint Simon declares in contrast that industrial labor as such is the essence, and now also aspires to the exclusive rule of the ind ustrialists and the improvement of the workers' condition.

communism is the positive expression of annulled private universal private property. By embracing this relation as a whole. communism is: ( I ) In its first form only a generalization and consummation Finally,

property-at first as

of this relationship. It shows itself as such in a twofold form:

material property bulks so everything which is not capable of being possessed by all as private property. It wants to abstract by force from talent, etc. For if the s ole purpose of life and existence is direct, physical possession. The category of laborer on the one hand, the dominion of large that it wants to destroy

is not done away with, but extended to all men. The relationship of private property persists as the relationship of the community to the world of things. Finally, this movement of counterposing universal p rivate property to private property finds expression

marriage (certainly aform of exclusive private property) the community of women, in which a woman becomes a piece of communal and common property. It may be said that this idea of the community of women gives away the secret of this as yet completely crude and thoughtless

in the bestial form of counterposing to

communism. Just as the woman passes from marriage to general prostitution, . so the entire world of wealth (that is, of man's objective substance) passes from the relationship of exclusive I . Prostitution is only a specific expression of the general prostitution of the laborer. and since it is a relationship in which not the p rostitute alone, but also the one who prostitutes, fall and the latter's abomination is still greater the capitalist, etc., also comes under this head.

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

101

marriage with the owner of private property to

a state of universal p rostitutio n with the co mmunity . In negating the personality of man in every sphere , this type of communism is really nothing but the logical exp ressio n of private property, which is this negation. General env.v constituting itself as a power is the disguise in which avarice re-establishes itself and satisfies itself, only in ano ther way. The thoughts of every piece of p rivate property inherent in each piece as s u ch- are at least turned against all wealthier private property in the form of envy and the urge to red uce to a common level, so that this envy and urge even constitute the essence of competition. The crude communism is

only the consummation of this envy and of this leveling-down

proceeding from the preconceived minimum. [t has a definite, limited standard. How little this annulment of p rivate property is really an appropriation is in fact proved by the abstract negation of the entire world of culture and civilization, the regression to the unnatural simplicity of the poor and undemanding man who has not only failed to go bey ond private property, but has not

yet even attained to it.

The community is only a community of lab or, and an equality

of wages paid out by the communal capital-the

community

as the univers al cap italist . Both sides of the relationship

are raised

to an imagined universality-labor as a state in which every person

is p ut , and capital as the acknowledged univers ality and power

of the community.

In the approach to

woman as the sp oil and handmaid of man exists for himself, for the secret of this approach has its unambiguous, decis ive, plain and undisguised e xpress io n in the relation of man to wo man and in the manner in which the direct and natural procreative relationship is conceived . The direct, natur�, and necessary relation of person to person is the relation of mdrz to woman. In this natural relationship of the sexes man's relatiQn to nature is immediately his relation to man, j ust as his r¢lation to man is immediately his relation to nature-his own natural function. In this relationship, therefore, is sensuously manifested. reduced to an o bserv able fact. the extent to which communal lust is expressed the infinite d egrad ation in which

102 the

KARL

MARX

human essence has become nature to man, or to which nature has to him become the human essence of man. From this relationship one can therefore judge man's whole level of development. It follows from the character of this relationship how much man as a species being, as man, has come to be himself and to comprehend himself; the relation of man to woman is the most natural relation of human being to human being. It therefore reveals the extent to which man's natural behavior has become human, or the extent to which the human essence in him has become a natural essence-the extent to which his human nature has come to be nature to him. In this relationship is revealed, too, the extent to which man's need has become a human need; the extent to which, therefore, the other person as a person has become for him a need-the extent to which he in his individual existence is at the same time a social being. The first positive annulment of private property-crude communism-is thus merely one form in which the vileness of private property, which wants to set itself up as the positive community, comes to the surface. (2) Communism (a) of a political nature stil�emocratic or despotic; (b) with the annulment of the state, yet still incomplete, and being still affected by private property (i.e., by the estrangement of man). In both forms communism already knows itself to be re-integration or return of man to himself, the transcen dence of human self-estrangement; but since it has. not yet grasped the positive essence of private property, and j ust as little the human nature of need, it remains captive to it and infected by it. It has, indeed, grasped its concept, but not its essence. (3) Communism as the positive transcendence of private property, as human self-estrangement, and therefore as the real appropriation of the human essence by and for man; communism therefore as the complete return of man to himself as a social (i.e., human) being a return become conscious, and acomplished within the entire wealth of previous development. This com munism, as fuly-developed naturalism, equals humanism, and as fuly-developed humanism equals naturalism; it is the genuine resolution of the conflict between man and nature and between

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

103

and man the true resolution of the strife between existence and es sence, between objectification and self-confirmation, between freedom and necessity, between the individual and the specie s . Communism is the riddle of history solved, and it knows itself to be this solution. The entire movement of history is, therefore, both its actual act of genesis (the birth act of its empirical existence) and also for its thinking consciousness the comprehended and known pro cess of its coming-to-be. That other, still immature communism, meanwhile, seeks a historical proof for itself-a proof in the realm of the existent-among disconnected historical phenomena opposed to private property, tearing single phases from the historical procelis and focusing attention on them as proofs of its historical pedigree (a horse ridden hard especially by Cabet, Villegardelle, etc.). By so doing it simply makes clear that by far the greater part of this process contradicts its claims, and that, if it has once been, precisely its being in the past refutes its pretension to being essential. That the entire revolutionary movement necessarily finds both its empirical and its theoretical basis in the movement of private property-in that of the economy, to be precise-is easy to see. This material, immediately sensuous private property is the material sensuous expression of estranged human life . Its movement-production and consumption-is the sensuous revelation of the movement of al p roduction hitherto-i.e. , the realization or the reality of man. Religion, family, state, law, morality, science, art, etc. , are only particular modes of production, and fall under its general law . The positive transcendence ofprivate property at the appropriation of human life is, therefore, the positive transcendence of al estrangement-that is to say, the return of man from religion, family, state, etc., to his human, i.e., social mode of existence. Religious estrangement as such occurs only in the realm of consciousness, of man's inner life, but economic estrangement is that of real life; its transcendence therefore embraces both aspects. It is evident that the initial stage of the movement among the various peoples depends o n whether the true and for them authentic life of the people manifests itself man

K A R L MARX

1 04

more in consciousness or in the external world -is more ideal or real. Communism begins from the outset (Owen) with atheism; but atheism is at first far from being

communism; indeed, it

is still mostly an abstraction. The philanthropy of atheism is therefore at first only philosophical, abstract, philanthropy, and that of communism is at once

real and directly bent on action.

We have seen how on the premise of positively annulled private property man produces man-himself and the other man; how the object, being the direct embodiment of his individuality, is simultaneously his own existence for the other man, the existence of the other man, and that existence for him. Likewise, however, both the material of labor and man as the subject, are the point of departure as well as the result of the movement (and precisely

point of departure, social character is the general character of the whole movement: just as society itself produces man as man, so is society produced in this fact, that they must constitute the

lies the historical necessity of private property). Thus the

by him. Activity and consumption, both in their content and

mode of existence, are social: social activity and social consumption; the human essence of nature first exists only for social man; for only here d oes nature exist for him as a bond with man-as his existence for the other and the other's existence in their

for him-as the life-element of the human world; only here does nature exist as the foundation of his own

human existence. Only natural existence become his human existence, and nature become man for him. Thus society is the here has what is to him his

consummated oneness in substance of man and nature-the true resurrection of nature-the naturalism of man and the humanism of nature both brought to fulfilment. Social activity and social consumption exist by no means only in the form of some directly communal activity and directly communal consumption, although communal activity and communal consumption-i.e., activity and consumption which are manifested and directly confirmed in real association with other men-will occur wherever such a direct expression of sociality stems from the true character of the activity's content

ECON O M I C AN D P HILOSOPH I C MANUSCRIPTS

1 05

and is adequate to the nature of consumption. But again when I am active scientifically, etc.,-when I am engaged in activity which I can seldom perform in direct community with others-then I am social, because I am active as a man. Not only is the material of my activity given to me as a social product (as is even the language in which the thinker is active): my own existence is social activity, and therefore that which I make of myself, I make of myself for society and with the consciousness of myself as a social being. My general consciousness is only the theoretical shape of that of which the living shape is the real community, the s ocial fabric, although at the present day general consciousness is an abstraction from real life and as such antagonistically confronts it. Consequently, too, the activity of my general consciousness, as an activity, is my theoretical existence as a social being. What is to be avoided above al is the re-establishing of "Society" as an abstraction vis-a-vis the ind�vidual. The individual is the social being. His life, even if it may not appear in the direct form of a communal life carried out together with others is therefore an expression and confirmation of social life. Man's individual and species life are not diferent, however much-and this is inevitable-the mode of existence of the individual is a more particular, or more general mode of the life of the species, or the life of the species is a more particular or more general individual life. In his consciousness of species man confirms his real social life and simply repeats his real existence in thought, just as conversely the being of the species confirms itself in species consciousness and is for itself in its generality as a thinking being. Man, much as he may therefore be a particular individual (and it is preciSely his particularity which makes him an individual, and a real individual social being), is just as much the totality the ideal totality-the subjective existence of thought and experienced society present for itself; just as he exists also in the real world as the awareness and the real enjoyment of social existence, and as a totality of human life-activity. Thinking and being are thus no doubt distinct, but at the

KARL MARX

1 06

same time they are in unity with each other. Death seems to be a harsh victory of the species over the definite individual and to contradict their unity. But the determinate individual is only a determinate species being, and as such mortal. (4) Just as private property is only the sensuous exp ressi on of the fact that man becomes objective for himself and at the same time becomes to himself a strange and inhuman Object; just as it expresses the fact that the assertion of his life is the alienation of his life, that his realization is his loss of reality, is an alien reality: conversely, the positive transcendence of private property-i.e., the sensuous appropriation for and by man of the human essence and of human life, of objective man, of human achievements-is not to be conceived merely in the sense of direct. one-sided gratification-merely in the sense of possessing, of having. Man appropriates his total essence in a total manner, that is to say, as a whole man. Each of his human relations to the world-seeing, hearing, smelling, tasting, feeling, thinking, being aware, sensing, wanting, acting, loving-in short, al the organs of his individual being, like those organs which are directly social in their form, are in their objective orientation or in their orientation to the object. the appropriation of that object, the appropriation of the human world; their orientation to the object is the manifestation of the human world,·) it is human efcaciousness and human suffering, for suffering, apprehended humanly, is an enjoyment of self in man. Private property has made us so stupid and one-sided that an object is only ours when we have it-when it exists for us as capital, or when it is directly possessed, eaten, drunk, worn, inhabited, etc.,-in short, when it is used by us. Although private property itself again conceives all these direct realizations of possession as means of life, and the life which they serve as means is the life ofprivate property labo r and conversion into capital " In place of all these physical and mental senses there has -

and

I . For this reason it is j ust activities.

as highly varied as the

determinations of hu man essence

107

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS therefore come the sheer estrangement of sense of

having.

all

these senses-the

The human being had to be reduced to this

absolute poverty in order that he might yield his inner wealth to the outer world . (On the category of the

"having. "

see Hess in

Twenty-One Sheets. I) The transcendence of private property

complete

emancipation

is

therefore the

of al human senses and attributes;

but

it is this emancipation precisely because these senses and attributes have become, subjectively and objectively, become a

human

eye, just as its

object

human.

The eye has

has become a social,

human object-an object emanating from man for man. The senses have the refore become directly in their p r ac ti c e theoreticians. They relate themselves to the thing for the sake of the thing, but the thing itself is an objective human relation

to itself and to man,2 and vice versa. Need or enj oyment have consequently lost their

egotistical nature, and nature has lost its utility by use becoming human use. In the same way, the senses and enjoyments of other men have become my own appropriation. Besides these direct organs, therefore, social organs develop in the form of society; thus, for mere

instance, activity in direct association with others, etc., has become an organ for expressing my own

life.

and a mode of appropriating

human life. It is obvious that the human eye gratifies itself in a way

different from the crude, non-human eye; the human

ear diferent

from the crude ear, etc. To recapitulate: man is not lost in his obj ect only when

the object becomes for him a

human

object or objective man.

This is possible only when the object becomes for him a

social

object, he himself for himself a social being, j ust as society becomes

a being for him in this object.

On the one hand , therefore, it is only when the o bj ective

world becomes everywhere for man in society the world of man '5 I . £inundzwanzig Bogen aus de, Schweiz. Erste Teil, Zurich u nd Winterthur, 1 843,

p. 329 .

Ed.

2. In practice I can relate myself to a thing humanly only if t he thing relates itself

to the human being h u manly .

108

KARL MARX

essential powers l -human reality, and for that reason the reality of his own essential powers-that al the

objects

become for him

objectification of himself,

become objects which confirm and realize his individuality, become his objects: that is, man himself becomes the object. The manner in which they become his depends

nature of the objects and on the nature of the essential to it; for it is precisely the determinateness of this relationship which shapes the particular, real mode of affirmation. To the eye an object comes to be other than it is to the ear, and the object of the eye is another object than the object of the ear. The peculiarity of each essential power is precisely its peculiar essence, and therefore also the peculiar mode of its objectification, of its objectively actual living being. Thus man on the

power

corresponding

is affirmed in the objective world not only in the act of thinking, but with

all his

senses.

On the other hand, looking at this in its SUbjective aspect: j ust as music alone awakens in man the sense of music, and j ust as the most beautiful music has

no

sense for the unmusical

ear-is no object for it, because my object can only be the confirmation of one of my essential powers and can therefore only be so for me as my essential power is present for itself

as

a SUbjective capacity, because the sense of an object for me

goes only so far as

my

senses go (has only sense for a sense

corresponding to that object)-for this reason the social man are

other

senses

of the

senses than those of the non-social man.

Only through the objectively unfolded richness of man's essential 1

being is the richness of subjective human sensibility (a musical ear, an eye for beauty of form-in short,

senses capable of human

gratifications, senses confirming themselves as essential powers of

man)

either cultivated or brought into being. For not only

the five senses but also the so-called mental senses -the practical senses (will, love, etc.)-in a word,

human

sense-the humanness

of the senses---comes to be by virtue of its object, by virtue of humanized nature. The forming of the five senses is a labor of I . Essential powers WesellSkri(lie: i.e., powers belonging to me as pa rt of my essential nature, my very being. See W('.n'" in �Translator's N ote on Terminology. w -Ed.

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

109

humanized nature. The forming of the five senses is a labor of the entire history of the world down to the present. The sense caught up in crude practical need has only a restricted sense. For the starving man, it is not the human form of food that exists, but only its abstract being as food; it could just as well be there in its crudest form, and it would be impossible to say wherein this feeding-activity differs from that of animals. The care-burdened man in need has no sense for the finest play; the dealer in minerals sees only the mercantile value but not the beauty and the unique nature of the mineral: he has no mineralogical sense. Thus, the objectification of the human essence both in its theoretical and practical aspects is required to make man's sense human, as well as to create the human sense corresponding to the entire wealth of human and natural substance. Just as resulting from the movement of private property, of its wealth as well as its poverty-or of its material and spiritual wealth and poverty-the budding society finds to hand all the material for this development: so established society produces man in this entire richness of his being produces the rich man profoundly endowed with all the senses-as its enduring reality. It will be seen how subjectivism and objectivism, spiritualism and materialism, activity and suffering, only lose their antithetical character, and thus their existence, as such antitheses in the social condition; it will be seen how the resolution of the theoretical antitheses is only possible in a practical way, by virtue of the practical energy of men. Their resolution is therefore by no means merely a problem of knowledge, but a real problem of life, which philosophy could not solve precisely because it conceived this problem as merely a theoretical one. It will be seen how the history of industry and the established objective existence of industry are the open book of man :SO essential powers, the exposure to the senses of human psychology. Hitherto this was not conceived in its inseparable connection with man's essen tial being, but only in an external relation of utility, because, moving in the realm of estrangement, people could only think man s general mode of being-religion or history in its abstract'

1 10

KARL MARX

of man's essential powers and

man 's species-activity. We have before us the objectif"red essential powers of man in the form of sensuous, alien, useful objects, in the form of estrangement, displayed in ordinary material industry (which can be conceived as a part of that general movement, just as that movement can

be conceived as a particular part of industry, since al human activity hitherto has been labor-that is, industry-activity estranged from itself).

A psychology for which this, the part of history most

contemporary and accessible to sense, remains a closed book, cannot become a genuine, comprehensive and indeed are we to think of a science which

real science. What airily abstracts from

this large part of human labor and which fails to feel its own incompleteness, while such a wealth of human endeavor unfolded before it means nothing more to it than, perhaps, what can be expressed in one word- "need, " "vulgar The

natural sciences

need"?

have developed an enormous activity

and have accumulated a constantly growing mass of material. Philosophy, however, has remained just as alien to them as they remain to philosophy. Their momentary unity was only a

chimerical illusion. The will was there, but the means were lacking. Even historiography pays regard to

natural science only

occasionaly, as a factor of enlightenment and utility arising from individual great discoveries. But natural science has invaded and transformed human life all the more

practically

through the

medium of induStry; and has prepared human emancipation, however directly and much it had to consummate dehumanization.

Industry

is the

actual,

historical relation of nature, and therefore

of natural science, to man. If, therefore, industry is conceived as the

exoteric

revelation of man's

an understanding of the

human

essential powers,

we also gain

essence of nature or the

natural

essence of man. In consequence, natural science will lose its abstractly material-or rather, its idealistic-tendency, and will become the basis of

human

science, as it has already become

the basis of actual human life, albeit in an estranged form. basis for life and another basis for

science

is

a priori

One

a lie. The

nature which comes to be in human history-the genesis of human

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

III

nature which comes to be in human history-the genesis of human society-is man's real nature; hence nature as it comes to be thro ugh industry, even though in an estranged form, is true anthropological nature. Sense-perception (see Feuerbach) must be the basis of al science. Only when it proceeds from sense-perception in the twofold form both of sensuous consciousness and of sensuous need that is, only when science proceeds from nature-is it true science. Al history is the preparation for "man " to become the object of sensuous consciousness, and for the needs of man as man" to become [natural, sensuous] needs. History itself is a real part of natural history-of nature's coming to be man. Natural science wil in time subsume under itself the science of man, just as the science of man wil subsume under itself natural science: there wil be one science. Man is the immediate object of natural science: for immediate, sensuous nature for man is, immediately, human sensuousness (the expresions are identical)-presented immediately in the form of the other man sensuously present for him. For his own sensuousness fIrst exists as human sensuousness for himself through the other man. But nature is the immediate object of the science of man: the fIrst object of man-man-is nature, sensuousness; and the particular human sensuous essential powers can only fmd their self-knowledge in the science of the natural world in general, since they can fInd their objective realization in natural objects only. The element of thought itself-the element of thought's living expression-language-is of a sensuous nature. The social reality of nature, and human natural science, or the natural science about man, are identical terms. It wil be seen how in place of the wealth and poverty of political economy come the rich human being and rich human need. The rich human being is simultaneously the human being in need of a totality of human life-activities-the man in whom his own realization exists as an inner necessity, as need. Not o nly wealth, but likewise the poverty of man given socialism receives in equal measure a human and therefore social significance. Poverty is the passive bond which causes the human "

1 12

KARL M A RX

being to experience the need of the greatest wealth-the other human being. The dominion of the objective being in me, the sensuous outburst of my essential activity, is emotion, which thus becomes here the activity of my being. (5) A being only considers himself independent when he stands on his own feet; and he only stands on his own feet when he owes his existence to himself. A man who lives by the grace of another regards himself as a dependent being. But I live completely by the grace of another if l owe him not only the sustenance of my life, but if he has, moreover, created my Ii/e if he is the source of my life; and if it is not of my own creation, my life has necessarily a source of this kind outside it. The Creation is therefore an idea very difcult to dislodge from popular consciousness. The self-mediated being of nature and of man is incomprehensible to it, because it contradicts everything pal pable in practical life. The creation of the earth has received a mighty blow from geogeny-i.e., from the science which presents the formation of the earth, the coming-to-be of the earth, as a process, as self generation. Generatio aequivoca1 is the only practical refutation of the theory of creation. Now it is certainly easy to say to the single individual what Aristo tle has already said. You have been begotten by your father and your mother; therefore in you the mating of two human beings-a species-act of human beings-has produced the human being. You see, therefore, that even physicaly, man owes his existence to man. Therefore you must not only keep sight of the one aspect-the infmite progression which leads you further to enquire: "Who begot my father? Who his grandfather?", etc. You must also hold on to the circular movement sensuously perceptible in that progression, by which man repeats himself in procreation, thus always remaining the subject. You will reply, however: I grant you this circular movement; now grant me the progression which drives me ever further until I ask: Who begot the first man, and nature as a whole? I can only answer you: Your question is itself I . The spontaneous generation.

Ed.

ECONO MIC AND P HILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

a product of

1 13

you arved at that question. Ask yourself whether your question is not posed from a standp oint to which I cannot reply, because it is a perverse one. Ask yo urself whether that progression as such exists for a reasonable mind. When yo u ask about the creation of nature and man, you are abstracting, in so doing, from man and nature. You postulate them as non-existent, and yet you want me to prove them to you as existing. Now I say to you: Give up your abstraction and you wil also give up your question. Or if you want to hold on to your abstraction, then be consistent, and if you think of man and nature as non�xistent, then think. of yourself as non�xistent, for yo u too are surely nature and man. Don't think, don't ask me, for as soon as you think and ask, your abstraction from the existence of nature and man has no meaning. Or are you such an egoist that you postulate everything as nothing, and yet want yourself to be? You can reply: I do not want to postulate the nothingness of nature I ask you about its genesis, just as I ask the anatomist about the formation of bones, etc. But since for the socialist man the entire so-caOed history of the world is nothing but the begetting of man through human labor, nothing but the corning-to-be of nature for man, he has the visible, irrefutab le proof of his b irth through himself, of his process of coming-to-be. Since the real existence of man and nature has become p ractical sensuous and perceptible since man has become for man as the being of nature, and nature for man as the being of man-the question about an alien being, about a being above nature and man a question which implies the ad miss i on of the inessenti ality of nature and of man-has become impossible in practice. Atheism, as the denial of this inessentiality, has no longer any meaning, for atheism is a negation of God. and postulates the existence of man through this negatio n; but socialism as s ocialism no longer stands in any need of such a med iation It proceeds from the practically and theoretically sensu ous consciousness of man and of nature as the essence Socialism is man's positive self-consciousness, no longer mediated through the annulment of religion, just as real life is man's positive reality, abstraction. Ask yourself how

.

,

-

.

.

1 14

KARL MARX

no longer mediated through the anulment of private property, through communism. Communism is the position as the negation of the negation, and is hence the actual phase necessary for the next stage of historical development in the process of human emancipation and recovery. Communism is the necessary pattern and the dynamic principle of the imediate future, but communism as such I is not the goal of human development-the structure of human society.

such

I . Under Kcommunism as such" Marx here means crude, equalitarian communism, as that propounded by Babeuf and his followers. &i.

of Human Requirements Where There Is Private Property and under S ocialism. The Difference between Extravagant Wealth and Industrial Wealth. Divi si o n of Labor [The Meaning

in Bourgeois S ociety]

(7) We have seen what significance, given socialism, the wealth of human needs has, and what significance, therefore, both a new mode of production and a new object of production have: a new manifestation of the forces of human nature and a new enrichment of human nature. ' Under private property their significance is reversed: every person speculates on creating a new need in another, so as to drive him to a fresh sacrifice, to place him in a new dependence and to seduce him into a new mode of gratification and therefore economic ruin. Each tries to establish over the other an alien power, so as thereby to find satisfaction of his own selfish need. The increase in the I . Forces of human nature menschlichen Wesens. £d.

menschlichen Wesenskrcifi; . . . human nature 1 15

1 16

KARL M ARX

quantity of objects is accompanied by an extension of the realm of the alien powers to which man is subjected, and every new product represents a new potency of mutual swindling and mutual plundering. Man becomes ever poorer as man; his need for money becomes ever greater if he wants to overpower hostile being; and the power of his money declines exactly in inverse proportion to the increase in the volume of production: that is, his neediness grows as the power of money increases. The need for money is therefore the true need produced by the modem economic system, and it is the only need which the latter produces. The quantity of money becomes to an ever greater degree its sole effective attribute: just as it reduces everything to its abstract form, so it reduces itself in the course of its own movement to something merely quantitative. Excess and intemperance come to be its true norm. Subjectively, this is even partly manifested in that the extension of products and needs falls into contriving and ever calculating subservience to inhuman, refined, unnatural and imaginary appetites. Private property does not know how to change crude need into human need. Its idealism is fantasy, caprice and whim,· and no eunuch flatters his despot more basely or uses more despicable means to stimulate his dulled capacity for pleasure in order to sneak a favor for himself than does the industrial eunuch the producer-in order to sneak for himself a few pennies-in order to charm the golden birds out of the pockets of his Christianly beloved neighbours. He puts himself at the service of the other's most depraved fancies, plays the pimp between him and his need, excites in him morbid appetites, lies in wait for each of his weaknesses-all so that he can then demand the cash for this service of love. (Every product is a bait with which to seduce away the other's very being, his money; every real and possible need is a weakness which will lead the fly to the gluepot. General exploitation of communal human nature, just as every imper fection in man, is a bond with heaven-an avenue giving the priest access to his heart; every need is an opportunity to approach one's neighbor under the guise of the utmost amiability and to say to him: Dear friend, I give you what you need, but you -

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

1 17

know the conditio sine qua non; you know the ink in which yo u have to sign yourself over to me; in p rovid ing for your ple as ure, I fleece you.) And partly, this estrangement manifests itself in that

prod uces

refinement of

needs and of their means on

the

it

o ne

hand, and a bestial barbarization, a complete, unrefined, abstract simp licity of need, on the other; or rather in that it merely resurrects itself in its opp o site . Even the need for fresh air ceases

for the worker. Man returns to living in a cave, which is now, however, contaminated with the mephitic breath of plague give n off by civilization, and which he continues to occupy only

precariously,

it being for him an alien habitation which

withdrawn from him

any

day-a place from

which, if

can be

he does

not p ay, he can be thrown out any day. For this mortuary he has to

pay. A

dwe lli ng

in

the

light.

which Prometheus in

Aeschylus designated as o ne of the greatest boons, by means of which he made the savage into a human being, ceases to

exist for the worker. Light, air, etc. -the s i mplest

animal a need for man. Dirt this stagnation and putrefaction of · man-the sewage of civilization (speaking quite literally)�omes to be the element of life fo r him. Utter, unnatural neglect, putrefied nature, comes to be his life-element. None of his senses exist any longer, and not only in his human fas hio n , but in an inhuman fashion, and therefore not even in an animal fashion. The crudest modes (and instruments) of human labor are coming back: the tread-mil of the Roman slaves, for instance, is the means of production, the means of cleanliness�eases to be

existence, of many English workers. It is not only that man has no human needs--even his

animal needs

are ceasing to exist.

The Irishman n o longer knows any need now b ut the need to eat, and indeed only the need to eat potatoes-and scabby potatoes at that, the worst kind of potatoes. But i n each of their ind ustrial towns England and France have already a little

Ireland . The savage and the animal have

at least the need to

hunt, to roam, etc. -the need of companionship . Machine labor is s im p l ified still in

in o rd er to mak e a worker out of the h u man being the making, the co m p lete l y immature human being, the

1 18

KARL M ARX

child-while the worker has become a neglected child. The machine accommodates itself to the weakness of the human being in order to make the weak human being into a machine. How the mUltiplication of needs and of the means of their satisfaction breeds the absence of needs and of means is demonstrated by the political economist (and the capitalist: it should be noted that it is always empirical businessmen we are talking about when we refer to political economists-their scientific confession and mode of being). This he shows: ( 1 ) By reducing the worker's need to the barest and most miserable level of physical subsistence, and by reducing his activity to the most abstract mechanical movement. Hence, he says: Man has no other need either of activity or of enjoyment. For he calls even this life human life and existence. (2) By counting the lowest possible level of life (existence) as the standard, indeed as the general standard-general because it is applicable to the mass of men. He changes the worker into an insensible being lacking all needs, just as he changes his activity into a pure abstraction from al activity. To him, therefore, every luxury of the worker seems to be reprehensible, and everything that goes beyond the most abstract need-be it in the realm of passive enjoyment, or a manifestation of activity-seems to him a lUXUry. Political economy, this science of wealth, is therefore simultaneously the science of denial, of want, of thrift, of saving-and it actually reaches the point where it spares man the need of either fresh air or physical exercise. This science of marvelous industry is simultaneously the science of asceticism, and its true ideal is the ascetic but extortionate miser and the ascetic but productive slave. Its moral ideal is the worker who takes part of his wages to the savings-bank, and it has even found ready-made an abject art in which to clothe this its pet idea: they have presented it, bathed in sentimentality, on the stage. Thus political economy-despite its worldly and wanton appearance-is a true moral science, the most moral of all the sciences. Self-denial, the denial of life and of all human needs, is its cardinal d octrine. The less you eat, drink and read books; the less you go to the theater,

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

I 19

the dance hall, the public-ho use ; the less you think, love, theorize, sing, paint, fence, etc., the more y o u save-the greater beco me s

your treasure which neither moths nor dust will devour-your capital. The less you are, the more you have; the less you express your own life, the greater is your alienated life-the greater is of your estranged b ein g. Everything which the political

the store

economist takes from you in life and in humanity, he rep l aces for you in money and in wealth; and al the things which you cannot do, your money can do. It can eat and drink, go to the dance hal and the theater; it can travel, it can app ropri ate art, le arni ng, the treasures of t he past, political power- al this

it can appropriate for y ou-it can buy all this for you: it is the true endowment. Yet being all this, it is inclined to do n othin g but create itself, buy itself; for everything else is after all its servant. And whe n I have the master I have the serv ant and do not need his servant. All p as sions and all activity must therefore be sub merged in avarice. The worker may only have enough fo r him to w ant to live, and may o nly want to live in order to have [en ough] . Of course a controversy now arises in the field of po litical economy. The one side ( Lauderd ale , Malthus, etc.) recommends luxury and execrates thrift. The other (Say, Ricardo, etc.) recom me nds thrift and execrates lUXUry. B ut the former admits that it wants lUXUry in order to produce labor (i. e., absolute thrift); and the latter admits that it recommends thrift in order to produce wealth (i.e., luxury). The Lauderdale- Malthus sc hoo l has the romantic notion that avarice alone ought not to determine the consumption of the rich, and it contradicts its own laws in advancing extravagance as a direct means of enrichment. Against it, therefore, the other side very earnestly and circum stanti ally proves that I do not increase but reduce my possessions by being extravagant. The Say-Ricardo school, however, is hypocrit ical in not admitti ng that it is precisely whim and caprice which determine prod ucti on . It forgets the "refined needs"; it forgets that there would be no prod uctio n without consumption; it forgets that as a result of competiti on prod uction can only become more extensive and luxurious. It forgets that it is use

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KARL MARX

that determines a thing's value, and that fashion determines Use. It wishes to see only "useful things" produced, but it forgets that production of too many useful things produces too large a useless population. Both sides forget that extravagance and thrift, lUXUry and privation, wealth and poverty are equal. And you must not only stint the immediate gratification of your senses, as by stinting yourself of food, etc. : you must also spare yourself al sharing of general interest, all sympathy, all trust, etc.; if you want to be economical, if you do not want to be ruined by ilusions. You must make everything that is yours salable, i.e., useful. If I ask the political economist: Do I obey economic laws if I extract money by offering my body for sale, by surrendering it to another's lust? (The factory workers in France call the prostitution of their wives and daughters the xth working hour, which is literally correct. )-Or am I not acting in keeping with political economy if I sell my friend to the Moroccans? (And the direct sale of men in the form of a trade in conscripts, etc., takes place in all civilized countries.)-then the political economist replies to me: You do not transgress my laws; but see what Cousin Ethics and Cousin Religion have to say about it. My political economic ethics and religion have nothing to reproach you with, but-But whom am I now to believe, political economy or ethics? The ethics of political economy is acquisition, work, thrift, sobriety-but political economy promises to satisfy my needs. The political economy of ethics is the opulence of a good conscience, of virtue, etc.; but how can I live virtuously if I do not live? And how can I have a good conscience if I am not conscious of anything? It stems from the very nature of estrangement that each sphere applies to me a different and opposite yardstick-ethics one and political economy another; for each is a specific estrangement of man and focuses attention on a particular round of estranged essential activity, and each stands in an estranged relation to the other. Thus M . Michel Chevalier reproaches Ricardo with having abstracted from ethics. But Ricardo is allowing political economy to speak its own language, and if it does not speak ethically, this is not Ricardo's

ECONOMIC

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fault. M. Chevalier abstracts from political econo my insofar

as

he m oralizes, but he really and necessarily abstracts from ethics insofar as he practices political economy. The reference of political econ omy to ethics, if it is other than an arbitrary, co ntingent and therefore u nfounded and unscientific reference, if it is not being put up as a sham but is meant to be essential, can only be the reference of the laws of political economy to ethics. If there is no such connection, or if the contrary is rather the case, can Ricardo help it? Besides, the opposition between political economy and ethics is only a sham opposition and just as much no opposition as it is an opposition. All that happens is that political economy expresses moral laws in its o wn way. Needlessness as the principle of political economy is most briliantly shown in its theory ofpopulation. There are too many people. Even the existence of men is a pure luxury; and if the worker is "ethical, " he will be sparing in procreation. (Mill sugges ts public acclaim for those who prove themselves continent in their sexual relations, and public rebuke for those who sin against such barrenness of marriage. . . . Is not this the ethics, the teaching of asceticism?) The production of people appears in the form of public misery. The meaning which production has in relation to the rich is seen revealed in the meaning which it has for the poor. At the top the manifestation is always refined, veiled, ambiguous a sham; lower, it is rough, straightforward, frank-the real thing. The worker's crude need is a far greater so urce of gain than the refined need of the rich. The cellar-{jwellings in London bring more to those who let them than do the p al aces; that is to say, with reference to the landlord they constitute greater wealth. and thus (to speak the language of political economy) greater social wealth. Industry speculates on the refinement of needs, but it speculates just as much on their crudeness, but on their artificially produced crudeness, whose true �rijoyment, therefore, is self stupefaction-this seeming satisfadion of nee d this civilization contained within the crude barbarism of need; the English gin shops are therefore the symbolical embodiments of priv ate

1 22

KARL MARX

property. Their luxury reveals the true relation of industrial lUXUry and wealth to man. They are therefore rightly the only Sunday pleasures of the people, dealt with at least mildly by the English police. We have already seen how the political economist establishes the unity of labor and capital in a variety of ways: ( I ) Capital is accumulated labor. (2) The purpose of capit al wit hin production-partly, reproduction of capital with profit, partly, capital as raw material (material of labor), and partly , as itself a working instrument (the machine is capital directly equated with labor)-is productive labor. (3) The worker is a cap ital. (4) Wages belong to costs of capital. (5) In relation to the worker, labor is the reproduction of his life-capital. (6) In relatio n to the capitalist, labor is an aspect of his capital's activity. Finally, (7) the political economist postulates the original unity of capital and labor in the form of the unity of the capitalist and the worker; this is the original state of paradise. The way in which these two aspects in the form of two persons leap at each other's throats is for the political economist a contingent event, and hence only to be explained by reference to external factors. (See Mill.)1 The nations which are still dazled by the sensuous splendor of precious metals, and are therefore still fetish-worshippers of metal money, are not yet fully developed money-nations. Contrast of France and England . The extent to which the solution of theoretical riddles is the task of practice and effected through practice, just as true practice is the condition of a real and positive theory, is shown, for example, in fetishism. The sensuous consciousness of the fetish-worshipper is different from that of the Greek, because his sensuous existence is still different. The abstract enmity between sense and spirit is necessary so long as the human feeling for nature, the human sense of nature, and therefore also the natural sense of man, are not yet produced by man's own labor. I. James M ill, Elements oj Political Economy.

Ed.

EC ONO MIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

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Equality is nothing b ut a translation of the German "lch=lch" into the French, i.e., political form. Equality as the groundwork of communism is its political justification, and it is the same as when the German justifies it by conceiving man as universal self- c onsc iousness. N at u r al l y, the t r an sc e n d e n c e of the estrangement always proceeds from that form of the estrangement which is the dominant power: in Germany, self-consciousness; in France, equality, because politics; in England, real, material, practical need taking only itself as its standard. It is from this standp oint that Proudhon is to be criticized and appreciated. If we characterize communism itself because of its character as negation of the negation, as the appropriation of the human essence which mediates itself with itself through the negation of private property-as being not yet the true, self-originating position but rather a position originating from private property,

[.

. . .

]1

Since in that case2 the real estrangement of the life of man

remains, and remains all the more, the more one is conscious

of it as such, it may accomplished solely by putting communism

into operation . In order to abolish the idea of private property, the idea

of communism is completely sufficient. It takes actual communist acti on to abolish actual private property. History wil come to

it; and this movement, which in theory we already know to be a self-transcending movement , wil constitute in actual fact a very severe and protracted process. But we must regard it as

a real advance to have gained beforehand a consciousness

of the limited character as well as of the goal of this historical movement-and a consciousness which reaches out beyond it.

When communist workmen associate with one another, theory, propaganda, etc., is their first end. But at the same time, I. In the manuscript the lower left comer of the page is tom off. Just the right endings of the last six lines remain, making restoration of the text impossible. It is possible to surmise, however, that Marx here criticizes Hegel's idealistic "transcending"

hand

of estrangement-. (tbe words · that have- �urvived are cited in the next footnote). Ed. 2. In "transcending" estrangement "in the old German manner the manner of

the Hegelian phenomenology," i.e., in transcending it exclusively in the "consciousness" ohm subject. Ed.

1 24

KARL MARX

as a result of this association, they acquire a new need-the need for society-and what appears as a means becomes an end. You can observe this practical process in its most splended results whenever you see French socialist workers together. S uch things as smoking, drinking, eating, etc., are no longer means of contact or means that bring together. Company, association and conversation, which again has society as its end, are eno ug for them; the brotherhood of man is no mere phrase with them, but a fact of life, and the nobility of man shines upo n us from their work-hardened bodies. When political economy claims that demand and supply always balance each other, it immediately forgets that according to its own claim (theory of population) the supply of people always exceeds the demand, and that, therefore, in the essential result of the whole production process-the existence of man the dis� arity between demand and supply gets its most striking expressIOn. The extent to which money, which appears as a means, constitutes true power and the sole end-the extent to which in general that means which gives me substance, which gives me possession of the objective substance of others, is an end in itself�an be clearly seen from the facts that landed property wherever land is the source of life, and horse and sword wherever these are the true means of life, are also acknowledged as the true political powers in life. In the middle ages a social class is emancipated as soon as it is allowed to carry the sword. Among nomadic peoples it is the horse which makes me a free man and a participant in the life of the community. We have said above that man is regressing to the cave dwelling, etc. -but that he is regressing to it in an estranged, malignant form. The savage in his cave-a natural element which freely offers itself for his use and protection-feels himself no more a stranger, or rather feels himself to be j ust as much at home as a fish in water. But the cellar-d welling of the poor man is a hostile dwelling, "an alien, restraining power which only gives itself up to him in so far as he gives up to it his blood and sweat"-a dwe ll i ng which he cannot look upon as

h

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANU S C R I PTS

1 25

h is own h o me w he re h e migh t at l ast e xclaim, " Here I am at h o me , " but whe re instead he finds himself in someone else 's

ho use , in the house of a stranger who daily lies in w ait for hi m and throws him out if he d oes not pay his rent. S imilarly he is also aware of the contrast in quali ty between his d we lling ,

and a human d wel ling heaven of wealth.

-

a residence in

that other

world,

the

Estrangement is manifested not o nly in the fact that my means of life belong to someone else, that my desi re is t he inaccess ible poss ess io n of another, but als o in the fact that everything is in it self s o mething diferent from its e lf that my activity is something else and th at , fi nally (and this applies also to the capitalist) , all is under the sway of inhuman power. There is a form of inactive , extravagant wealth given over wholly to pleasure, the e nj oyer of which on the one hand behaves as a mere ephemeral individual frantically s pending himself to no purpose , knows the slave-labor of others (human sweat and blood) as the prey of his cupidity, and therefore knows man himself, and hence also his o wn self, as a sacrificed and empty being. With such wealth the contempt of man makes its appearance, partly as arrogance and as the throwing-away of what c an give sustenance to a hund red human lives, and partly as the infamous illusion that his own unbridled extravagance and ceaseless, unproductive co nsumptio n is the condition of the other's labor and therefore of his subsistence. He kno ws the realizati on of the essential powers of man o nly as the realization of his own excesses, his whims and capricious, bizare notions. This wealth which, on the other hand , again knows wealth as a mere means, as somethin g that is go od fo r not hing but to be annihilated and which is therefore at once slave and master, at o nce generous and mean, caprici ous , presumptuous, conceited, refined, cultured and witty t h is wealth has not yet experienced wealth as an utterly alien power over itself: it sees in it, rather, only its own power, and not wealth but gratification [is its] I final aim and end. -

-

I . The bottom o f the page is torn. Three or four lines are missing.

Ed.

KARL MARX

1 26

This bright illusion about the nature of wealth, blinded by sensuous appearances, is confronted by the working, sober, economical, prosaic industrialist who is quite enlightened about the nature of wealth, and who, while providing a wider sphere for the other's self-indulgence and saying fulsome flatteries to him in his product (for his p roducts are just so many base compliments to the appetites of the spendthrift), knows how to appropriate for himself in the only useful way the other's waning power. If, therefore, industrial wealth appears at first to be the result of extravagant fantastic wealth, its motion, the motion inherent in it, ousts the latter also in an active way. For the fall in the interest on money is a necessary consequence and result of industrial development. The extravagant rentier's means therefore dwindle day by day in inverse pro po rtio n to the incre as ing pos sibilities and pitfalls of pleasure. C onse quently, he must either consume his c apital himself, thus rui ning himself, or must become an industrial capitalist. On the other hand, there is of course a direct, constant rise in the rent of land as

a result of the course of industrial development; nevertheless,

as

we have already seen, I there must come a time when landed

property, like every other kind of property, is bound

to fal

within the category of profitably self-reproducing capital-and this in fact results from the same industrial development. Thus the extravagant landowner, too, must either consume his capital, and thus be ruined, or himself become the farmer of his own estate-an agricultural industrialist. The diminution in the interest on money, which Proudhon regards as the annulling of capital and as the tendency to socialize

capital, is realy and immediately, therefore, only a symptom of the total victory of working capital over extravagant wealth i.e., the transformation of al private property into industrial capital. It is a total victory of private property over al those of its qualities which are still in

appearance human, and the complete subjection of the owner of private property to the essence of private property-labor. To be sure, the industrial I . Se "Rent of Land" above.

Ed.

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

1 27

capitalist also takes his pleasures. He does not by any means return to the unnatural simplicity of need; but his pleasure is only a side-issue-recuperation-something subordinated to production: at the same time it is a calculated and, therefore, itself an economical pleasure. For he debits it to his capital's expense-account, and what is squandered on his pleasure must therefore amount to no more than will be replaced with profit through the reproduction of capital. Pleasure is therefore sub sumed under capital, and the pleasure-taking individual under the capital-accumulating individual, while formerly the contrary was the case. The decrease in the interest-rate is therefore a symptom of the annulment of capital only inasmuch as it is a symptom of the rule of capital in the process of perfecting itself of the estrangement in the process of becoming fully developed and therefore of hastening to its annulment. This is indeed the only way in which that which exists affirms its opposite. The quarrel between the political economists about lUXUry and thrift is, therefore, only the quarrel between that political economy which has achieved clarity about the nature of wealth, and that political economy which is still afflicted with romantic, anti-industrial memories. Neither side, however, knows how to reduce the subject of the controversy to its simple terms, and neither therefore can make short work of the other. Moreover, rent ofland qua rent of land has been overthrown, since, contrary to the argument of the physiocrats which maintains that the landowner is the only true producer, modem political economy has proved that the landowner as such is in fact the only completely unproductive rentier. According to it, agriculture is the business of the capitalist, who applies his capital in it provided he can expect from it the usual profit. The claim of the physiocrats that landed property, as the sole productive property, should alone pay state taxes and therefore should alone sanction them and participate in the affairs of state, is transformed into the opposite position that the tax on the rent of land is the only tax on unproductive income, and is therefore the only tax not detrimental to national production. It goes without saying that from this point of view the political prerogative of landowners

KARL MARX

1 28

no longer follows from their position as principal tax-paye rs. Everything which Proudhon conceives as a movement of labor against capital is only the movement of labor in the form of capital, of industrial capital, against capital not consu med as capital-i.e., not consumed industrially. And this move me nt is proceeding along its triumphant road-the road to victory of industrial capital. It is clear, therefore, that only when labor is grasped as the essence of private property, can the economic process as such be penetrated in its actual concreteness.

Society, as it appears to the political economist, is civil society, in which every individual is a totality of needs and only exists for the other person, as the other exists for him, insofar as each becomes a means for the other. The political economist reduces everything Gust as does politics in its Rights of Man) to man, i.e. , to the individual whom he strips of all deter minateness so as to class him as capitalist or worker. The division of labor is the expression in political economy of the social character of labor within the estrangement. Or, since labor is only an expression of human activity within alienation, of the living of life as the alienating of life, the division of labor, too, is therefore nothing else but the estranged, alienated positing of human activity as a real activity of the species or as activity of man as a species being. As for the essence of the division of labor and of course the division of labor had to be conceived as a major driving force in the production of wealth as soon as labor was recognized as the essence ofprivate property-Le., about the estranged and alienated form of human activity as an activity of the species the political economists are very unclear and self-contradictory about it. -

Adam Smith.' I

"

The division of labor

is not originally

the effect of any human wisdom. It is the necessary, slow I . Wealth of Nations. Book I , chs. II and 1lI (but quoted with omissions, Ed.

transpositions, etc. ).

ECONOMIC

AND PHILOSOPHIC M ANUSCRIPTS

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and gradual consequence of the pro pensity t o e xchange and barter one product for another. This pr opensity to trade is probably a necessary consequence of the use o f reason and of speech. It is common to all men, and to be found in no animal. The animal, when it is grown up, is e ntirely independent. Man has constant occasion for the help of others, and it is in vain for him to expect it from their benevolence only. He will be more likely to prevail if he can appeal to their personal interest and show them that it is for their own advantage to d o for him what he requires of them. We address ourselves n o t to other men's humanity but to their self-love, and never talk to them of our own necessities but of their advantages. "As it is by treaty, by barter, and by purchase that we obtain from one another the greater p art of those mutual good offices which we stand in need of, so it is this same trucking d is p os iti on which originally gives occasion to the division of labor. In a tribe of hunters or shepherds a particular person makes bows and arrows, for exam p le with more re adi ness and dexterity than any other. He frequently exchanges them for cattle or for venison with his companions; and he finds at last that he can in this manner get mo re cattle and venison than if he himself went to the field to catch them. From a regard to his own interest, therefore, the making of bows, etc., grows to be his chief business. The difference of natural talents in different individuals is not so much the cause as the effect of the division of la bo r . . . . Without the disposition to truck and exchange, every man must have procured to himself every necessary and conveniency of life. All must have had the same work to do, and there could have been no such diference of employment as could alone give occasion to any great difference of talents. "As it is this d isp osit ion which forms that difference of talents among men, so it is this same d is p ositio n which renders that difference useful. Many tribes of animals of the same species derive from nat ure a much more remarkable distinction of genius than what, antecedent to custom and ed ucation could be observed among men. By nature a philosopher is n ot in talent and in intelligence half so different from a street,

,

1 30

KARL MARX porter, as a mastif is from a greyhound, or a greyhound from a spaniel, or this last from a shepherd's dog. Those different tribes of animals, however, though all of the same species, are of scarce any use to one another. The mastiff cannot add to the advantages of his strength by making use of the swiftness of the greyhound, etc. The effects of these different talents or grades of intelligence, for want of the power or disposition to barter and exchange, cannot be brought into a common stock, and do not in the least contribute to the better accommodation and conveniency of the species. Each animal is still obliged to support and defend itself, separately and independently, and derives no sort of advantage from that variety of talents with which nature has distinguished its fellows. Among men, on the contrary, the most dissimilar geniuses are of use to one another; the diferent produces of their respective talents, by the general disposition to truck, barter and exchange, being brought, as it were, into a common stock, where every man may purchase whatever part of the produce of other men's industry he has occasion for. "As it is the power of exchanging that gives occasion to the division of labor, so the extent of this division must always be limited by the extent of that power, or in other words, by the extent of the market. When the market is very small, no person can have any encouragement to dedicate himself entirely to one employment, for want of the power to exchange al that surplus part of the produce of his own labor, which is over and above his own consumption, for such parts of the produce of other men's labor as he has occasion for . . . . " In an advanced state of society "Every man lives by exchanging and becomes in some measure a merchant, and the society itself grows to be what is properly a commercial society."' (See Destutt de Tracy:2 "Society is a series of reciprocal exchanges; commerce contains the whole essence of society. j The accumulation of capitals mounts with the I . Adam Smith, Vol. I, p. 20. Ed. 2. Destutt de Tracy: Elements d'ldeologie.

Traite de la Volonte et de Sf!S F/fels (Elements of Ideology. Treatise on the Will and its Effects), Paris, 1 826, pp. 68, 78. Ed.

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div ision of labor, and vice versa. -So much for A dam Smith. "If every family produced all that it consumed, society could keep going although no exchange of any sort took place; without being fundamental, exchange is indispensable in our ad vanced state of society. The division of labor is a skillful

deployment of man's powers; it increases society's produc tion-its power and its pleasures-but it plunders and reduces the ability

of

every person taken individually. Production

cannot take place without exchange."-Thus J.

B.

Say. I

"The powers inherent in man are his intellige n ce and his

physical capacity for work. Those which arise

from

the

condition of society consist of the capacity to divide up labor and to distribute diferent jobs among diferent people requi red to obtain means of subsistence, and the po wer to exchange mutual services and the products which constitute these means.

The motive which impels a man to give his services to another

is self-interest-he requires a reward for the services rendered.

The rig ht of exclusive private property is indispensable to the

establishment of exc h ange among men." "Exchange and

div ision of labor reciprocally condition each other. " Thus Skarbek.2

Mil presents developed exchange

of the division of labor.

trade-as a consequence

"The agency of man can be traced to very simple elements. He can, in fact, do

n othing more than produce motion. He

can move things towards one another, and he can separate them from o ne another: the pro pe rties

the rest. "

"In

of matter

perform all

the employment of labor and machinery, it is

often found that the effects can be increased by skillful distribution, by

sep arating

all those operations which have

any tendency to im pede one another, and by bringi ng together all those operations which can be made in any way to aid one another.

As men in general cannot perform many diferent

I . S ay, op. cit. , p. 30 and p. 76 f. Ed. 2. F. Skarbek, Theorie des Richesses sociales.

suivi dune Biographie de I'Economie PO/itique (lheory of Social Wealth. Followed by an Account of the Development of Political Economy). t. I-II, Paris, 1 829, t. I, p. 25 f.-Ed.

KARL MARX

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operations with the same quickness and dexterity with which they can by practice learn to perform a few, it is always an advantage to limit as much operations imposed

as possible the

upon each.

number of

For dividing labor, and

distributing the powers of men and machinery, to the greatest advantage, it is in most cases necessary to operate upon a large scale; in other words, to p roduce the commodities in greater masses. It is this advantage which gives existence to the great manufactories; a few of which, placed in the most convenient situations, frequently supply not one country, but many countries, with as much as they desire of the commodity produced. "

Thus Mill. ' The whole of modern political economy agrees, however, that division of labor and wealth of production, division of labor and accumulation of capital, are mutually interrelated; just as it agrees that liberated private property alone-private property left to itself-can produce the most useful and comprehensive division of labor. Adam Smith s argument can be summed up as follows: Division of labor bestows on labor infinite production capacity. It stems from the propensity to exchange and barter, a specifically human propensity which is probably not fortuitous but is conditioned by the use of reason and speech. The motive of those who engage in exchange is not humanity but egoism. The diversity of human talents is more the effect than the cause of the division of labor-i.e., of exchange. Besides, it is only the latter which makes such diversity useful. The differences between the particular attributes to which nature gives rise within a species of animal are much more marked than the degrees of difference in human aptitUde and activity. But because animals are unable to engage in exchange, no individual animal benefits from the difference in the attributes of animals of the same species but of different breeds. Animals are unable to combine the different attributes of their species, and are unable to I . Elements of Political Ec-onomy.

by James M ill ( London, 1 82 1 ), pp. 5-9.

Ed.

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PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRI PTS

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co ntribute anything to the common advantage and comfort of the species. It is otherwise with men, among whom the most dissimilar talents and forms of activity are of use to one another, because they can bring their diferen t products together into a common stock, from which each can purchase. As the division of labor springs from the propensity to exchange, it grows and is limited by the extent of exchange by the extent of the market. In advanced conditions, every man is a merchant, and society is a commercial society. Say regards exchange as accidental and not fundamental. Society could exist without it. It becomes indispensable in the advanced state of society. Yet production cannot take place without it. Division of labor is a convenient, useful means-a skillful deployment of human powers for social wealth; but it reduces the ability ofeach person taken individually. The last remark is a step forward for Say. Skarbek distinguishes the indiv idua l powers inherent in man-intelligence and the physical capacity for work-from the powers derived from society-exchange and division of labor, which mutually condition one another. But the necessary premise of exchange is private property. Skarbek here expresses in an objective form what Smith, Say, Ricardo, etc., say when they designate egoism and self-interest as the basis of exchange, and buying and selling as the essential and adequate form of exchange. Mill presents trade as the consequence of the division of labor. With him human activity is reduced to mechanical motion. Division of labor and use of machinery promote wealth of production. Each person must be entrusted with as smal a sphere of opera tions as possible. Division of labor and use of machinery for their part require the production of wealth, and therefore of the product, in large quantities. This is the reason for large manufactories. The examination of division of labor and exchange is of extreme interest, because these are perceptibly alien a t ed expressions of human activity and of essential human power as a species activity and power. To assert that division of labor and exchange rest on private property is nothing short of asserting that labor is the essence of private property-an assertion which the political economist

1 34

KARL MARX

cannot prove and which we wish to prove for him . Precisely in the fact that division of labor and exchange are embodiments of private property lies the twofold proof, on the one hand that

human life required private property for its re alization , and on hand that it now requires the supersession of private

the other

property. Division of labor and exchange are the two phenomena in connection with which the political economist boasts of the social character of his science and in the same breath gives expression to the contradiction in his science-the establishment of soci ety through unsocial, particular interests. The factors we have to consider are: the propensity to exchange-the basis of which is found in egoism-regard ed as the cause or reciprocal effect of the division of labor. Say regards

exchange as not fundamen tal to the

production-is explained

nature of s ociety . Wealth

by division of labor and exchange.

The impoverishment of individual activity, and its loss of character as a result of the division of labor, are admitted.

Exchange and division of labor are acknowledged as the sources

of the great diversity of human talents-a diversity which in its tum becomes useful as a result of exchange. Skarbek divides man's essential powers of production-or productive powers into two parts: ( 1 ) those which are individual and inherent in him-his intelligence and his special d is p ositi o n , or cap acity ,

derived from s ociety and not the actual and exch ange . Furtherm ore , the division of labor is limited by the market. Human labor is simple mechanical motion: the main work is done by the material propertie s of the objects. The fewest possible operations must be apportioned to any one individual. Splitting up of labor and concentration of capital; the nothingness of individual production and t he production of wealth in large quantities. Meaning of free private property within the division of labor. '

for work; and (2) those

individual-division of labor

I . That part of the third manuscript which serves as a supplement to p. XXXIX of the second manuscript breaks off at this point on the left side of p. XXX V I I I .

The right-hand side o f p. X X XV I I I is empty . Then follows t h e "I ntroduction" (pp. XXXI X-X L) and a passage on money (pp. X L I -X L I I I ) . Ed.

[The Power of M oney in Bourgeois Society]

If man's feelings, passions, etc., are not merely anthropological phenomena in the [n arowe r] I sense, but truly ontological af firmations of essential being (of nature), and if they are only really affirmed because their object exists for them as an object

of sense, then it is clear: ( I ) That they have by no means merely one mode of afrmation, but rather that the distinctive character of their existence, of their life, is constituted by the d istinctive mode

of their affirmation. In what manner the object exists for them, is the characteristic mode of their gratification. (2) Wherever the sensuous affirmation is the d irect annulment of the object in its i ndependent form (as in eating, d rin ki ng , w o rking up of the object, etc.), this is the affirmation of the object.

(3) Insofar as man, and hence also his feeling etc., are human, the affirmation of the object by another is likewise his own enj oyment. (4) Only through developed industry i.e., t hroug h the ,

J. This word is illegi bJe.

Ed

1 35

1 36

KARL MARX

medium of private property-does the ontological essence of human passion come to be both in its totality and in its humanity ; the science of man is therefore itself a product of man's establishment of himself by practical activity. (5) The meaning of private property-liberated from its estrangement-is the existence of essential objects for man, both as objects of enjoyment and as objects of activity. By possessing the property of buying everything, by possessing the property of appropriating all objects, money is thus the object of eminent possession. The universality of its property is the omnipotence of its being. It therefore functions as the almighty being. Money is the pimp between man's need and the object, between his life and his means of life. But that which mediates my life for me, also mediates the existence of other people for me. For me it is the other person. "What, man! confound it, hands and feet And head and backside, are all yours ! And what we take while life is sweet, Is that to be declared not ours? Six stallions, say, I can afford , I s not their strength m y property? I tear along, a sporting lord, As if their legs belonged to me. " (Goethe: Faust- Mephistopheles. l )

Shakespeare i n

Timon of A thens:

"Gold? Yellow, glittering, precious gold? N o , Gods, I am no id le votarist ! . . . Thus much of this will

make black white, foul fair,

W rong, right, base noble, old young, coward valiant. . . . Why, this Will lug your priests and servants from your s ides, Pluck stout men 's pillows from below their heads: I . Goethe. FUlw. Part I Faust's Study. I I I . cr. Goet he's FUII.I'I. Part I . translated by Philip Wayne ( Penguin 1 949. page 9 1 ). Eel.

ECONO M I C AN D P H I LOSO P H IC

M ANUSCRIPTS

1 37

This yellow slave Will knit and break religions, bless the accursed; Make the hoar leprosy adored, place thieves And give them title, knee and approbation With senators on the bench: This is it That makes the wappen'd widow wed again; She, whom the spital-house and ulcerous sores Would cast the gorge at, this embalms and spices To the April day again. . . . Damned earth, Thou common whore of mankind, that putt'st odds Among the rout of nations. "I And also

later:

"0 thou sweet king-killer, and dear divorce

Twixt natural son and sire! thou bright d efiler of Hymen's purest bed ! thou valiant Mars! Thou ever young, fresh, loved and delicate wooer, Whose blush doth thaw the consecrated snow That lies on Dian's lap ! Thou visible God! That solder'st close impossibilities. And maest them kiss ! That speak'st with every tongue, To every purpose ! 0 thou touch of hearts ! Think, thy slave man rebels, and by thy virtue Set them into confounding odds, that beasts May have the world in empire!'>;>

Shakespeare excellently depicts the real nature of money. To understand him, let us begin, first of all, by expounding the passage from Goethe. That which is for me through the medium of money-that for which I can pay (i.e., which money can buy)-that am I, the possessor of the money. The extent of the power of mo ne y is the extent of my power. M o ney's properties are my pro p e rties and essential powers-the properties and powers of its possessor. I . Shakespeare, Timon tra nslation. ) Ed. 2. I bid .

vI A rhens.

Act 4, Sc. 3. ( M arx q uotes the Schlegel-Tieck

1 38

K AR L M A RX

Thus, what I am and am capable of is by no means determined by my individuality. I am ugly, but I can buy for myself the most beautiful of women. Therefore I am not ugly, for the effect of ugliness-its deterrent power is nullified by money. I, in my character as an individual, am lame, but money furnishes me with twenty-four feet. Therefore I am not lame. I am bad, dishonest, unscrupulous, stupid; but money is honored, and therefore so is its possessor. Money is the supreme good, therefore its possessor is good. Money, besides, saves me the trouble of being dishonest: I am therefore presumed honest. I am stupid, but money is the real mind of all things and how then should its possessor be stupid? Besides, he can buy talented people for himself, and is he who has power over the talented not more talented than the talented? Do not I, who thanks to money am capable of all that the human heart longs for, possess all human capacities? Does not my money therefore transform al my incapacities into their contrary? If money is the bond binding me to human life, binding society to me, binding me and nature and man, is not money the bond of all bonds? Can it not dissolve and bind all ties? Is it not, therefore, the universal agent of divorce? It is the true agent ofdivorce as well as the true binding agen t t he [universal] 1 galvano-chemical power of Society . . Shakespeare stresses especially two properties of money: ( I ) It is the visible divinity-the transformation of all human and natural properties into their contraries, the universal confounding and overturning of things: it makes brothers of impossibilities. (2) It is the common whore, the common pimp of people and nations. The overturning and confounding of all human and natural qualities, the fraternization of impossibilities-the divine power of money-lies in its character as men 's estranged, alienating and self-disposing species-nature. M oney is the alienated ability of mankind. That which I am unable to do as a man, and of which -

I . An end of the page is torn out in t he manuscript.

Ed.

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

1 39

therefo re all my individual essential powers are incapable, I am able to do by means of money. Money thus turns each of these powers into something which in itself it is no t-turns it, that is, into its contrary. If I long for a particular dish or want to take the mail coach because I am not strong enough to go by foo t , money fetches me the dish and the mail-coach: that is, it converts my wishes from so mething in the realm of imagination, translates them from t heir med it ated, imagined or wiled existence into th eir sensuous, actual existence-from imagination to life, from imagined being into real being. In effecting this med i atio n , money is t he truly creative power. No doubt demand also exists for him who has n o money, but his demand is a mere thing of the imagi nation without effect or existence for me, fo r a third party, for the others, and which therefore remai ns for me unreal and objectless. The difference between effective demand based on money and ineffective demand based on my need, my p as sion, my wish, etc. , is the difference between being and thinking, between the i magined which exists merely within me and the im agined as it is for me outside me as a real object. If I have no money for travel, I have no need-that is, no real and self-realizing need-to travel . If I have the vocation for study but no money for it, I have no vocation for study that is, no effective, no true vocation. On the other hand , if I have really no vocation for study but have the will and the money for it, I have an effective vocation for it. Being the external, common medium and faculty fo r turning an image into reality and reality into a mere image (a faculty not sprin gi ng from man as man or from human society as society), money transforms the real eSj;ential powers of man and nature into what are merely abstract conceits and therefore imper[ections - into tormenting chimeras-j ust as it trans fo rm s real imperjections and chimeras- essential powers which are really impotent, which exist only in the imagination of the individual-into real po wers and /aculties. In the light of th i s characteristic alone, money is thus the general overturning of individualities w h ic h turns them into their

]40

KARL MARX

contrary and adds contradictory

attributes to their attributes. Money, then, appears as this overturning power both against

the individual and against the bonds of society, etc. , which claim to be

essences in themselves. It transforms fidelity into infidelity,

love into hate, hate into love, virtue into vice, vice into virtue, servant into master, master into servant, idiocy into intelligence and intellige nce into idiocy. Since money, as the existing and active concept of value, confounds and exchanges al things, it is the general confounding and compounding of al things-the world upside-down-the

confounding and compounding of al natural and human qualities.

He who can buy bravery is brave, though a coward. As

money is not exchanged for any one specific quality, for any one specific thing, or for any particular human essential power, but for the entire objective world of man and nature, from the standpoint of its possessor it therefore serves to exchange every property for every other, even contradictory, property and object: it is the fraternization of impossibilities. It makes contradictions embrace.

Assume man to be man and his relationship to the world to be a human one: then you can exchange love only for love, for trust, etc. If you want to enj oy art, you must be an artistically-cultiv ated person; if you want to exercise influence over other people, you must be a person with a stimulating and encouraging effect on other people. Every one of your relations to man and to nature must be a specific expression. corresponding to the object of your will, of your real individual life. If you love without evoking love in return-that is, if your l ov i ng as loving does not produce reciprocal love; if through a living expression of yourself as a loving person you do not make yourself a loved person, then your love is impotent a misfortune. trust

of the Hegelian Dialectic and Philosophy as a Whole]

[Critique

(6) This is pe rhaps the place I at which, by way of explaining and justifying the ideas here pres e nted we might offer some considerations in regard to the Hegelian dialectic generally and especially its exposition in the Phenomenology and Logic, 2 and also, lastly, the relation to it of the modern critical movement. So powerful was modern German criticism's preoccupation with the past so completely was it possessed in its development by its subject-matter-that there prevailed a completely uncritical attitude to the method of criticizing, together with a complete lack of awareness about the seemingly formal. but really vital ,

I . Reference is made to the concluding portion of the part which directly precedes these words and which (because the chapter about Hegel, which Marx qualified in the "Introduction" as the "final chapter," has been put at the end of the volume) is given above under the editor's heading "Private Property and Communism. Various Stages of Develop ment of Communist Views. Crude, Equalitarian Communism and Communism as Sociualism Coinciding with Humaneness." Ed. 2. System der Wissenschaft, von G. W. F. Hegel. Erst e TeiI: Phiinomenologie des Geistes. Ba mberg und Nuernberg, 1 807. Wissenschaft der Logik, 2 Bande, 1 8 1 2 1 6. English translations: The Phenomenology of Mind, by G. W. F. Hegel, Translated with an Introduction and Notes by J. B. Baillie, 2 nd Edition, 1 93 1 , re p ri nted 1 949 ( London): The Science of Logic, by G. W. F. H egel, Transl ated by J ohnston and Struthers, in 2 v o ls . , ( Cambridge, 1 929). £d.

141

KARL MARX

1 42

question: how do we now stand as regards the Hegelian

dialectic?

This lack of awareness about the relationship of modern criticism to the Hegelian philosophy as a whole and especially to the Hegelian dialectic has been so great that critics like

Bruno Bauer

Strauss

and

still remain wholly within the confines of the

Hegelian Logic; the former completely so and the latter at least implicitly so in his

Synopticsl

(where,

in

opposition to Strauss,

he replaces the substance of "abstract nature" by the "self consciousness" of

covered.2 Thus

in

abstract man), and even in Christianity Dis Christianity Discovered, for example, you get:

"As though in positing the world, self-consciousness posits that which is different from itself, and in what it posits it posits itself, because it in tum annuls the diference between what it has posited and itself, inasmuch as it itself has being only in the positing and the movement.-How then can it not have its purpose in this movement?" etc.; or again: "They" (the French materialists) "have not yet been able to see that it is only as the movement of self-consciousness that the move ment of the universe has actually come to be for itself, and achieved unity with itself. " Such expressions do not even show any verbal d ive rgence from the Hegelian approach, but on the contrary repeat it word

for word.

How little consciousness there was in relation to the Hegelian dialectic during the act of criticism (Bauer, The Synoptics), and how little this consciousness came into being even after the act of material criticism is proved by Bauer when, in his The Good of Freedom, 3 he dismisses the · brash question put by Herr I . Bruno Bauer, Kritik der e vangelise-hen Geschichte der Synoptiker (Crit ique of the Synop tic: Gospels), Band 1 ·2, Leipzig, 1 84 1 ; Band 3, Braunschweig, 1 842. In religious

literature the authors of the first three Gospels are known as the Synoptics. - Ed. 2. Das EntdeC'kte Christentum. Eine Erinnerung des A chtzehnten Jahrhundert und eint' Beit rag zur Krisis des Neunzehnten. (Christianity Discovered: A Mem orial of the Eigh /t'en th Century and a Contribution to tht' Crisis of the Nint'leenlh). von Bruno

B aue r. ZUrich und Winterthur, \ 843. 3 . Die GUll! Sachl! der Freiheit und meine Eigene Angeiegenheit (The Good of Freedom and My Own Affair). von Bruno Bauer. ZUrich und Winterthur, 1 842. Ed.

ECONOM I C AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

1 43

Gruppe-"What about logic now?"-by referring him to future critics. But even now-now that Feuerbach both in his Theses in the Anecdotis and, in detail, in The Philosophy of the Future, has in principle overthrown the old dialectic and philosophy; now that that school of criticism, on t h e other hand , which was incapable of accomplishing this has all the same seen it accomplished and has proclaimed itself pure, resolute, absolute criticism-criticism that has come into the clear with itself; now that this criticism, in its spiritual pride, has reduced the whole process of history to the relation between the rest of t h e wo rld and itself (the rest of the world, in contrast to itself, falling u nde r the category of "the masses'') and dissolved all dogmatic antithesis into the single dogmatic antithesis of its own cleverness and the stupidity of the world-the antithesis of the critical Christ and Mankind, the rabble; now that daily and hourly it has demonstrated its own excellence against the dullness of the masses; now, finally, that it has proclaimed the critical Last Judgment in the shape of an announcement that the day is approaching when the whole of expiring humanity will assemble before it and be sorted by it into groups, each particular mob receiving its testimonium paupertatis,·' now that it has made known in print2 its superiority to human feelings as well as its superiority to the world, over which it sits enthroned in sublime solitude, only letting fall from time to time from its sarcastic lips the ringing laughter of the Olympian Gods-even now, after all these delightful antics of moribund idealism in the guise of criticism (i.e., of Young-Hegelianism)-even now it has not ex pressed the suspicion that the time was ripe for a critical settling of accounts with the mother of Young-Hegelianism-the Hegel ian dialectic-and even had [nothing] to say about its critical attitude towards the Feuerbachian dialectic. Criticism with a completely uncritical attitude to itself! Feuerbach is the only one who has a serious, critical attitude I . Cenificate of poveny. Ed. 2. Reference is made to the Allgemeine Lileralur-Zeilung.

Ed.

KARL MARX

1 44

t o t he H egelian dialectic and who has made genuine discove rie s

i n this field . He is in fact the true conqueror of the old philosophy . The extent of his achievement, and the unpretentious simpl icity

with which he, Fe uerbach, gives it to the wo rld , stand in striking contrast to the reverse. Fe uerbach's great ac hievement is: ( I ) The p roof that philosophy is nothing else but religion

expounded, and that it be co nde m ne d as another form and manner of existence of the estrangement of the essence of man; (2) The establishment of true materialism and of real science, since Feuerbach also makes the social relationship "of man to m an the basic principle o f the the o ry; (3) H is opposing to the negati o n of t he negati on which claims to be the absolute po s itive the se lf s uppo rti ng p ositive, p os itively grounded on itself. rendered into thoughts and thinkingly has therefore likewise to

"

,

,

-

Feuerbach explains the Hegelian dialectic (and thereby j ustifies starting out from

the p os itive from sense-certainty) as ,

fo llo ws : Hegel sets out from the estrangement of Substance ( i n Logic,

absolute and fixed abstraction; which means, put popularly, that he sets o ut fro m religi on and theology. Se condl y , he annuls the infinite, and establishes the actual, sensuous, real, finite, particular (philosophy annulment of

from the I nfinite, the abstractly universal)

from the

religion and theology). Thirdly, he again annuls the positive and restores the ab

and theology. negati on only as a contradiction of philosophy with itself-as t he p hil oso phy which affirms theology (the transcendent, etc.) after having d e n ied it, and w hich it therefore affirms in o p p o s iti o n to itself.

straction, the infinite- Restoration of religion

Feuerbach thus conceives t he ne gati on of the

The

position or self-affirmation

and

self-co nfirmation

be a p os iti on therefore burdened with its opposite, which is doubtful of itself and therefore in need of p roo f and which. therefore, is not a p osition establishing

co ntained in the negation of the negation is taken to which is not yet sure of itself, which is ,

ECON O M I C AN D P H I LOSO P H I C M A N U S C R I PTS

1 45

its elf by i ts existence-not a position that j ustifies itself; hence

it i s directly and immed iately confronted by the self-grounded position of sense-certainty. '

But because H egel has conceived the negation of the neg ati on

from the point of view of the positive relation inherent in it from the point of view of

as the true and only positive, and

the negative relation inherent in it as the only true act and self realizing act of all being, he has only found the

speculative

abstract,

logical,

expression for the movement of history; and this

real history of man-of man act of genesis the story of man's origin. We shall explain both the abstract form of this process and the difference between this p roces s as it is in Hegel in contrast to modern criticism, that is, in contrast to the same process in Feuerbach's Wesen des Christentums (Essence of Christianity), or rather the critical form of this in Hegel stilI historical process is not yet the

as a given subject, but only man's

-

uncritical process . Let us take a look at the with Hegel's

H egelian

Phenomenology,

begin and the

system. One mus t

the true point of

o rigin

secret of the Hegelian philosophy.

PH ENOMENOLOGY2 A. Self-consciousness I.

Consciousness.

(a) Certainty at the level

experience; or the "This" and Thing with

Its

of

Meaning. (b) Perception,

Properties, and

Deception.

sense o r the

(c) Force and

U nderstand ing, Appearance and the S upersensible World.

II.

Self-consciousness.

The Truth of Certainty of Self. (a)

I . Feuerbach views negat ion of negat ion, the defin ite concept, as t h i n k ing surpassing nature. real ity. ( Refere nce is here made by M arx t o Feuerbac h 's crit ical observat ions a b out Hegel i n §§29 JO o f his Gnll1e1siit=e elel" Phi/o.HJI'hie eler ZukunJi. l Ed. 2. W h a t fo l l ows here a re the m a i n c hapter and section head ings of Hegel's Phenomenology
translator has followed Baillie's t ranslation very closely, depaning from it only on the few occasions where t h is was necessary to throughout the present v o l u me .

Ed.

keep the termino logy in l i ne w i t h t hat used

1 46

K A R L M A RX

Independence and Dependence of Self-consciousness; Lordship and Bondage. (b) Freedom of Self-consciousness: Stoicism, Skepticism, the Unhappy Consciousness. III. Reason. Reason's Certainty and Reason's Truth. ( a) Observation as a Process of Reason. Observation of Nature and of Self-consciousness. (b) Realization of Rational Self-conscious ness through its own Activity. Pleasure and Necessity. The Law of the Heart and the Frenzy of Self-conceit. Virtue and the Course of the World. (c) The Individuality Which is Real In and For Itself. The Spiritual Animal Kingdom and the Deception, or the Real Fact. Reason as Lawgiver. Reason Which Tests Laws. B. Mind I . True Mind; the Ethical Order. II. Mind in Self-Estrangement-Culture. III. Mind Certain of Itself, Morality.

C. Religion Natural Religion; Religion in the Form of Art; Revealed Religion. D. Absolute Knowledge Hegel's Encyclopaedia, I beginning as it does with Logic, with pure speculative thought, and ending with Absolute Knowl edge -w ith the self-consciousness, self-comprehending, philo sophic or absolute (i.e., superhuman) abstract mind-is in its entirety nothing but the display, the self-objectification, of the essence of the philosophic mind, and the philosophic mind is nothing but the estranged mind of the world thinking within its self-estrangement-i.e., comprehending itself abstractly. Logic (mind 's coin of the realm, the speculative or thought-value of I . En:yklopiidie der Philosophischen Wissenschqlien. von G . W . F. Hegel ( Heidel berg, 1 st ed ition, 1 8 1 7, 3rd ed it ion , 1 830). Hegel's Em:l clopaedia of 'he Philosophi('al Sciences is a si ngle volume falling into three main parts: the subject of the first is Logic (cf. The Logic vf Hegel, translated by William Wallace, 2nd ed ition, Oxford, 1 892); the subject of the second part is the philosophy of nature (of which no English translation has ben published), and that of the third the Philosophy of M ind. (Cf. Hegel's Philosophy of Mind, translated by William Wallace, Oxford, 1 894,) Ed.

ECONOMIC AND P H I LOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

1 47

man and nat ure -t he ir essence grown totally i nd ifferen t to all re a l determinateness, and hence their u n re al e ss ence) is alienated thinking, and th ere fo re th i n ki ng which ab st r acts from nature and fr o m real man: abstract thinking. Then: The externality of this abstract thinking . . . nature, as it is for this abstract thinking. Nature is e xtern al to it its self-loss; and it app rehe nds nature also in an external fashion, as abstract thinking-but as alien ated abstract thinking. Finally, Mind, this t hin k ing retu r n i ng home to its own point of origin the thi nki ng wh ich , as the anthropological, phen o me n o l og ical , psychological, ethical, artis ti c and re ligio us mind is not valid for itself, until ultimately it finds itself, and re l ates itself to itself, as absolute k n o wledge in t he hence absolute, i.e. , abstract mind, and so receives its co nscious embodiment in a mode of being corresponding to it. For its real mode of being is abstraction. There is a double error in Hegel. The first emerges most clearly in the Phenomenology, the H eg el i an ph i l o s ophy 's place of origin. When, for instance, we a lth , state-power, etc . , are understood by H egel as e n t i t i es estranged from the human be i n g , this only happens in their form as thoughts . . . . They are t h o ug ht -e ntit ies , and t he re fo re merely an estrangement of pure, i.e., abstract, philos ophical thinking. The w h o le p rocess therefore ends with Absolute K nowledge. It is prec is e l y abst ract t h o u gh t from whic h these o bj ects are est ranged and which they c on fro nt with their a rr o gat io n of real ity. The philosopher sets up h i mself (t hat is, o ne who is himself an abst ract fo rm of estranged man) as the measuring-rod of the est ranged wo rld . T h e whole history (?l the alienation-process and the whole process of the retraction of the al ien ati o n is the refore nothing but t he history of the production of abstract (Le., absol ute) t h o ught --of logical, speculative thought. The

estrangement,

w h ich therefore forms the real interest of this

alienation a n d of the transcendence of this alienation, is the

op p o sitio n of in itself and for itse/j; I of consciousness and se/j:' consciousness, of object and subject-that is to say, it is the I . See rootnote on page 93. - £d.

1 48

K A R L M A RX

opposition, within thought itself, between abstract thinking and sensuous reality or real sensuousness. All other oppositions and movements of these oppositions are but the semblance, the cloak the exoteric shape of these oppositions which alone matter, an which constitute the meaning of these other, profane oPp ositions. It is not the fact that the human being objectifies himself in humanly, in opposition to himself, but the fact that he object ifies himselJin distinction from and in opposition to abstract thinking that is the posited essence of the estrangement and the thin to be superseded. The appropriation of man's essential powers, which have become objects-indeed, alien objects-is thus in the first place only an appropriation occurring in consciousness, inpure thought -i . e., in abstraction: it is the approp riation of these objects as thoughts and as movements of thought. Consequently, despite its thoroughly negative and critical appearance and despite the criticism really contained in it, which often anticipates far later development, there is already latent in the Phenomenology as a germ, a potentiality, a secret, the uncritical positivism and the equally uncritical idealism of Hegel's later works that philo sophic d issolution and restoration of the existing empirical world. In the second place: the vindication of the objective world for man-for example, the realization that sensuous consciousness is not an abstractly sensuous consciousness but a humanly sensu ous consciousness-that religion, wealth, etc., are but the es tranged world of human objectification, of man s essential powers given over to work and that they are therefore but the path to the true human world this appropriation or the insight into this process consequently appears in Hegel in this form, that sense, religion, state-power, etc., are spiritual entities; for only mind is the true essence of man, and the true form of mind is thinking mind, the logical, speCUlative mind. The humanness of nature and of the nature begotten by history-the humanness of man's products-appears in the form that they are products of abstract mind and as such, therefore, phases of mind-thought entities. The Phenomenology is, therefore, an occult critique still to itself obscure and mystifying criticism; but inasmuch as

d

�

ECONO MIC

AND

PHILOSOPHIC MANU SCRIPTS

1 49

in view man's estrangement, even though man it keeps ste adily appears only in the shape of mind, there lie concealed in it i all the elements of crit cism, already prepared and elaborated in a manner often rising far above the Hegelian standpoint. The "U nhappy Consciousness, " the "Honest Consciousness, " the struggle of the "Noble and Base Consciousness,"1 etc., etc., these separate sections contain, but still in an estranged form, the critical elements of whole spheres such as religion, the state, civil l ife etc. Just as entities, objects, appear as thought-entities, so the subject is always consciousness or self-consciousness; or rather the object appears onl y as abstract consciousness, man only as self-consciousness: the distinct forms of estrangement which make their appearance are, therefore, only various forms of consciousness and self-consciousness. Just as in itse!f abs t r act consciousness (the form in which the object is conce ived) is merely a moment of distinction of self-consciousness, what appears as the result of the movement is the identity of self-consciousness with consciousness-absolute knowledge-the movement of abstract thought no longer directed outwards but going on now only within its own self: that is to say, the dialectic of pure thought is the result. The outstanding thing in Hegel's Phenomenology and its final outcome-that is, the dialectic of negativity as the moving and generating principle-is thus first that Hegel conceives the self-genesis of man as a process, conceives objectification as loss of the object, as alien ation and as transcendence of this alienation; that he thus grasps the essence of labor and comprehends objective man-true, because real man-as the outcome of man's own labor. The real, active orientation of man to himself as a species be i ng, or his manifestation as a real species being (i.e. , as a human being), is only possible by his really bringing out of himself all the powers that are his as the species man something which in turn is only possible through the totality ,

in

I . "The u n happ y consciousness," etC .

human

history, distinguished

Phenomenology.

Ed.

and

Forms of

analyzed

in

mind, a nd phases an d fact o rs

particu lar sections of H egel's

1 50

KARL M ARX

of man's actions, as the result of history-is only p ossib le by man's treating these generic powers as objects: and this, to begi n with, is again only possible in the form of estrangement. We shall now demonstrate in detail Hegel's one -side dnes s and limitations as they are displayed in the final chapte r of the Phenomenology. "Absolute Knowledge"-a chapter which co n tains the concentrated spirit of the PhenomenologJ'. the relatio n ship of the Phenomenology to speculative dialectic, and also Hegel's consciousness concerning both and their relati onsh ip to one another. Let us provisionally say just this much in advance: Hegel's standpoint is that of modern political economy. He grasps labor as the essence of man-as man's essence in the act of proving itself: he sees only the positive, not the negative side of labor. Labor is man's coming-to-be for himself within alienation, or as alienated man. The only labor which Hegel knows and recognizes is abstractly mental labor. Therefore, that which constitutes the essence of philosophy-the alienation of man in his knowing of himself, or alienated science thinking itself Hegel grasps as its essence; and he is therefore able vis-a-vis preceding philosophy to gather its separate elements and phases, and to present his philosophy as the philosophy. What the other philosophers did-that they grasped separate phases of nature and of human life as phases of self-consciousness, and indeed of abstract self-consciousness-is known to Hegel as the do ings of p hilos o p hy. Hence his science is absolute. Let us now turn to our subject. Absolute Kno wledge. The last chapter ofthe "Phenomenology, " The main po int is that the object of conscio usness is nothi ng else but self-consciousness, or that the o bj ect is only object ified se{fconsciousness-self-c onsci o us ness as obj ect . ( Positing of man = self-conscio usness . ) The iss ue , therefore, i s t o surmount the object of conscious ness. Objectivity as such i s regarded as an estranged human relationship which d o e s not correspond to the essence of man. to self-consciousness. The re-appropriation of the objective essence of man, begotten in the form of estrangement as s o me -

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

15 1

thing alie n , has t he meaning therefore n ot only to anul estrange ment, but objectivity as well. M an, t hat is t o say, is regarded as a non-objective, spiritual being. The movement of surmounting the object of consciousness is no w described by Hegel in the fo llo win g way: The object reveals itself n ot me rely as returning into the self-for Hegel that is the one-sided way of apprehendi ng this movement, the gr asping of only one side. Man is posited as equivalent to self. The self, however, is only the abstractly conceived man-man begotten by abstraction. Man is egotistic His eye, his ear, etc. , are egotistic. In him every one of his esse ntial powers has the qu ality of seljhood. B ut it is quite false to say on that account "Self-consciousness has eyes, ears, es se ntial p owers Self-consciousness is rather a quality of human nature, of the human eye, etc.; it is not human natu re that is a quality of self-consciousness. The self-abstracted and fixed for itself is man as abstract egoist-egoism rai sed in its pure abstraction to the level of tho ught (We shall return to this point later.) F o r H egel the essence of man -man-equals self consciousness. All estrangement of the human essence is the refo re nothing but estrangement of self-consciousness. The estrange ment of self-consciousness is not regarded as an expression of the real estrangement of the human being-its expression reflected in the realm of knowledge and thought. I nstead , the real estrangement-that which appears real-is from its innermost, hidden nature (a nature only brought to light by phil os oph y) not hi ng but the manifestation of the estrangement of the real essence of man, of self-consciousness. The science whic h c o mp re hend s this is therefore called Phenomenology. All re approp ri atio n of the estranged objective essence appears, therefore, as a process of incorp o ratio n into self-consciousness: The man who takes hold of his essential being is merely the self-consciousness w hich takes hold of objective essences. Return of the obj e ct into the self is therefore the re-appropriation of the object. The surmounting of the object of consciousness, compre.

. "

.

-

1 52

KARL MARX

hensively expressed, means: 1 ( 1 ) That the object as such presents itself to consciousness as something vanishing. (2) That it is the alienation of self consciousness which establishes thinghood. (3) That th is externalization2 of self-consciousness has not merely a negative but apositive significance. (4) That it has this meaning not merely for us or intrinsically, but for self- conscio usness itself. (5) For self-consciousness, the negative of the object, its annulling of itself, has positive significance-self-consciousness knows this nullity of the object-because self-consciousness itself alienates itself; for in this alienation it establishes itself as object, or, for the sake of the indivisible unity of being-for-self, establishes the object as itself. (6) On the other hand, there is also this other moment in the process, that self-consciousness has also just as much annulled and superseded this alienation and objectivity and resumed them into itself, being thus at home with itself in its other-being as such. (7) This is the movement of conscious ness and in this movement consciousness is the totality of its moments. (8) Consciousness must similarly have taken up a relation to the object in all its aspects and phases, and have comprehended it from the point of view of each of them. This totality of its determinate characteristics makes the object intrin sically a spiritual being; and it becomes so in truth for con sciousness through the apprehending of each single one of them as self or through what was called above the spiritual attitude to them. As to (1): That the object as such presents itself to con sciousness as something vanishing-this is the above-mentioned return of the object into the self. As to (2): The alienation of self-consciousness establishes thinghood. Because man equals self-consciousness, his alienated, o bjective essence, o r thingh ood, equals alienated self consciousness, and thinghood is thus established through this I . The paragraph which follows is a transcript of the second and third paragraphs of the last chapter of Hegel's Phenomenology ( Baillie's translation, 2nd edition, p. 789). Ed.

2. Externalization

Enlouserung. See "Translator's Note on Terminology.w

Ed.

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

1 53

alienation (thinghood being that which is an object for man and an object for him is really only that which is to him an essential object, therefore his objective essence. And since it not real Man, nor therefore Nature-Man being human Nature

is

who as such is made the subject, but only the abstraction of man

self�onsciousness-thinghood cannot be anything but

alienated self�onsciousness.). It is only to be expected that a living, natural being equipped and endowed with objective (i.e., material) essential powers should h ave

real natural objects

of

his essence; as is the fact that his self-alienation should lead

real, objective world-but a world externality-a world, therefore, not belonging

to the establishing of a

in

the form of

to

his own essential being, and an overpowering world. There is ' nothing incomprehensible or mysterious in this. It would be mysterious, rather, if it were otherwise. But it is equally clear that a

self-consciousness-can

only establish

thinghood through

its alienation-i.e. , establish something which itself is only an abstract thing, a thing of abstraction and not a

real

thing. It

is clear, further, that thinghood is therefore utterly without any

independence,

any

essentiality vis-a-vis

self-consciousness; that

on the contrary it is a mere creature-something

posited

by

self-consciousness. And what is posited, instead of confirming itself, is but a confirmation of the act of positing in which is concentrated for a moment the energy of the act as its product,

seeming

to give the de-posit-but only for a moment-the

character of an independent, real substance. '

Whenever real, corporeal man, man with his feet firmly

al the forces of nature, establishes his real, objective essential powers as alien objects by his e:x;.temalization, it is not the act ofpositing which is the subject in this process: it is the subjectivity of objective on the solid ground, man exhaling and inhaling

essential powers, whose action, therefore, must also be something

objective. A

being who is objective acts objectively, and he would

not act objectively if the objective did not reside in the very nature of his being. He creates or establishes only objects. I . Substance

Wesen.

Ed.

because

KARL MARX

1 54

he is established by objects-because at bottom he is

nature.

In the act of establishing, therefore, this objective being does

creating of the object; on the contrary, his objective product only confirms his objective activity, establishing his activity as the activity of an not fall from his state of "pure activity" into a

objective, natural being.

Here we see how consistent

naturalism or humanism

distinguishes itself both fro m ide alism and m aterialism, constituting at the same time the unifying truth of both. We see also how only naturalism is capable of comprehending the

act Qf world history.

Man

is directly a

natural being.

As a natural being and

as a living natural being he is on the one hand furnished with

natural powers of life-he is an active natural being. These forces impulses. On the

exist in him as tendencies and abilities-as

other hand, as a natural, corporeal, sensuous, objective being he is a

suffering,

conditioned and limited creature, like animals

and plants. That is to say, the him, as

objects

objects of his impulses exist outside objects

independent of him; yet these objects are

of his need-essential

objects,

indispensable to the manifestation

and confirmation of his essential powers. To say that man is a

corporeal,

living, real, sensuous, objective being full of natural

vigor is to say that he has

real, sensuous, objects as the express

of his being or of his life, or that he can only

objects his life

in real, sensuous objects. To be objective, natural and sensuous, and at the same time to have object, nature and sense outside oneself, or oneself to be object, nature and sense for a third

Hunger is a natural need; itself, an object outside itself,

party, is one and the same thing. it therefore needs a

nature

outside

in order to satisfy itself, to be stilled. Hunger is an acknowledged need of my body for an

object

existing outside it, indispensable

to its integration and to the expression of its essential being. The sun is the

object

of the plant

an indispensable object to

it, confirming its life-just as the plant is an object of the sun, being an

expression of the life-awakening objective essential power.

power of the sun,

of the sun's

A being which does not have its nature outside itself is

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS not a

natural being, and

I SS

plays no part in the system of nature.

A being which has no object outside itself is not an objective

third being object,· i.e., it is not objectively related. Its be-ing is not objective . ! An unobjective being is a nullity-an un-being. Suppo se a being which is neither an object itself, nor has an obj ect. Such a being, in the first place, would be the unique being: there would exist no being outside it-it would exist solitary and alone. For as soon as there are objects outside me, as soon as I am not alone, I am another-another reality than the object outside me. For this third object I am thus an other reality than it; that is, I am its object. Thus, to suppose a being being. A being which is not itself an object for some

has no being for its

which is not the object of another being is to presuppose that

no objective being exists. As soon as I have an object, this obj ect has me fo r an obj ect . But a non-objective being is an unreal,

nonse ns ic al thing-so mething merely thought of (merely

imagined, that is)-a creature of abstraction. To be

that is, to be an object of sense, to be a

sensuous

sensuous,

object, and

thus to have sensuo us obj ects outside oneself-objects of one's

sensuousness. To be sensuous is to

suffer.2

Man as an objective, sensuous being is therefore a

suffering

being-and because he feels what he suffers, a passionate being. Passion is the essential force of obj ect .

man ene rgetically bent on its

But man is not merely a natural being: he is

a h uman natural being. That is to say, he is a being for - himself. Therefore he is a species being, and has to confirm and manife st himself as such both in his being and in his knowing. Therefore, human objects are not natural objects as they immediately present themselves, and neither is human sense as it immediately is-

y

s

I . Being Wesen; nature Nature; s stem We en; be·ing-Sein. See Wesen in "Translator's Note on Terminology." Ed. 2. To be sensuous is to suffer Sinnlich sein ist leidend sein. Here "to suffer" should probably be understood in the sense of "to undergo"-to be the object of another's action. Note the transition in the next sentence from I.eiden (suffering) to kidenschqfi lich (passionate). Ed.

1 56

KARL MARX

as it is obj ective ly-human sensibility, human obj ectivity . Neither nature objectively nor nature subjectively is d irectly given in a fo rm adequate to the human being . And as everything natural has to have its beginning, man too has h is act of co rning-to_ be history-which, however, is for him a known history , and hence as an act of co ming-to-be it is a conscious se lf-t ranscending act of co m ing-t o-be . History is the true natural his to ry of man (on which more later) . Third ly, because this establishing of t hi ngho od is itself o nly a sham, an act contradicting the nature of pure activity, it has to be cancelled again and t hing h ood denied. Re. 3, 4, 5 and 6. (3) This exte r n alizati o n of co nscio us ness has not merely a negative but a positive significance, and (4) i t has this meaning not merely for us or intrinsically , but for consciousness itself. l (5) For consciousness the neg ative of the o bj ect, its ann ulling of itself, has positive significance-conscious nes s knows this nullity of the object because it alienates itself; for in this alienation it knows itself as object, or, for the sake of the indivisible unity of being-Jor-itself, the object as itself. (6) On the other hand, there is also this other m o ment in the process, that consciousness has also just as much annulled and superseded this alienati o n and obj ectivity and resumed them into itself, being th us at home with itself in its o ther-being as such. As we h ave al re ad y seen: the appropriation of what is est ranged and objective, or the annulling of objectivity in the form of estrangement (which has t o advance from indifferent fo reign ne ss to real, ant agonistic estrangement) means equally or even primarily for Hegel that it is objectivity which is to be annulled, because it is not the determinate character of the object, but rather its objective character that is offensive and constitutes estrangement for self-consciousness. The object is I . Here Marx has taken the impersonal pronoun es (it) to represent Bewustsein (consciousness); but it seems that Baillie is more correct in reading this as standing for Selbstbewustsein (self-consciousness). In the first quotation of this passage (cf. p.

1 54) M arx simply uses es without specifying what it represents, and the translation has followed Baillie in interpreting it as "self-consciousness. " In the present repetition of the passage, Marx's specification of the "it" as "consciousness," has ben followed in the translation. Ed.

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

1 57

therefore something negative, self-annulling-a nullity. This nullity of the object has not only a negative but a positive meaning for consciousness, for such a nullity of the object is precisely the self-confirmation of the non-objectivity, of the abstraction of itself. For consciousness itself this nullity of the object has a p ositive meaning because it knows this nullity, the objective being, as its self-alienat ion; because it knows that it exists only as a result of its own selJ-alienation. . . The way in which consciousness is, and in which something is for it, is knowing. Knowing is its sole act. Something therefore comes to be for consciousness insofar as the latter knows this something. Knowing is its sole objective relation. Consciousness, then, knows the nullity of the object (i.e. , knows the non-existence of the distinction between the object and itself, the non-existence of the object for it) because it knows the obj ect as its selJ alienation; that is, it knows itself-knows knowing as the object because the object is only the semblance of an object, a piece of mystification, which in its essence, however, is nothing else but knowing itself, which has confronted itself with itself and in so doing has confronted itself with a nullity a something which has no objectivity outside the knowing. Or: knowing knows that in relating itself to an object it is only outside itself-that it only externalizes itself; that it itself appears to itself only as an object-or that that which appears to it as an object is only it itself. On the other hand, says Hegel, there is at the same time this other moment in this process, that consciousness has just as much annulled and superseded this extemalization and objectivity and resumed them into itself, being thus at home in its other-being as such. In this discussion are brought together all the illusions of speCUlation. First of all: consciousness-self-consciousness-is at home with itself in its other-being as such. It is therefore-or if we here abstract from the Hegelian abstraction and put the self consciousness of man instead of Self-consciousness-it is at home with itself in its other-being as such. This implies, for one thing .

-

158

KARL MARX

(knowing as knowing, thinking as thinking) pretends to be directly the other of itself-to be the world of that consciousness

sense, the real world, life-thought over-reaching itself in th ought (Feuerbach). 1 This as pect is contained herein, inas much as c o ns ci o u s ne ss as mere c on scio us ne ss takes offense not at

estranged obj ectivity , but at objectivity as such. Secondly, this imp lies th at se lf-co nscio u s m an , insofar as he has rec ognized and annulled and superseded the spiritual world (or his world's s piritual , general mode of being) as self alienatio n, nevertheless again confirms this in its alienated s h ape and passes it off as his true mode of being re-establishes it, and pretends to be at home in his other-being as such. Thus, for in st ance , after an nulling and supersed ing religion, after rec ognizing religion to be a product of self;;.alienation, he yet finds confirmation of h imself in religion as religion. Here is the root of Hegel's false positivism, or of his merely apparent criticism: this is what Feuerbach designated as the positing, negating and re-establishing of religion or theology-but it has

is at home who has recognized that

to be grasped in more general terms. Thus reason in unreason as unreason. The man

he is leading an alienated life in politics, law, etc., is leading his true human life in this alienated life as such. Self-afation,

in contradiction with itself-in contradiction both with the knowledge of and with the essential being of the object-is thus true knowledge and life. There can therefore no longer be any questio n about an act of accommodation of Hegel's part vis-ii-vis religion, the state, etc., since this lie is the lie of hi s principle. If I know religi on as alienated human self-consciousness, then what I kno w in it as religion is not my self-consciousness, but my alienated self-consciousness confirmed in it. I therefo re know my own self, the self-c ons cio usness that bel o ngs to its very nature, confirmed not in religion but rather in annihilated and superseded religion. I. Marx refers to §30 of Feuerbach's Grundsa�ze der Philosophie der says: "Hegel is a thinker who transcends himself in thinking. "-Ed.

Zukunft. which

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

1 59

In Hegel, therefore, the negation of the negation is not the confirmation of the true essence, effected precisely through negation of the pseudo-essence. With him the negation of the negation is the confirmation of the pseudo-essence, or of the seIf-estranged essence in its denial; or it is the denial of this pseudo-essence as an objective being dwelling outside man and independent of him, and its transformation into the subject. A peculiar role, therefore, is played by the act of superseding in which denial and preservation-denial and affinnation-are bound together. Thus, for example, in Hegel's Philosophy of Right, Private Right superseded equals Morality, Morality superseded equals the Family, the Family superseded equals Civil Society, Civil Society superseded equals the State, the State superseded equals World History. In the actual world private right, morality, the family, civil society, the state, etc., remain in existence, only they have become moments of man-state of his existence and being which have no validity in isolation, but dissolve and engender one another, etc. They have become In their actual existence this

moments of motion. mobile nature of theirs is hidden.

It first appears and is made manifest in thought, in philosophy. Hence my true religious existence is my existence in the philoso phy of religion; my true political existence is my existence within the philosophy of right; my true natural existence, existence in the philosophy of nature; my true artistic existence, existence in the philosophy of art; my true human existence, my existence in philosophy. Likewise the true existence of religion, the state, nature, art, is the philosophy of religion, of nature, of the state and of art. If, however, the philosophy of religion, etc., is for me the sole true existence of religion, then, too, it is o nly as a

philosopher of religion that I am truly religious, and so I real religious sentiment and the really religious man. But at the same time I assert them, in part within my own existence deny

or within the alien existence which I oppose to them-fo r this

is only their philosophic expression-and in part I assert them

- in their. own original shape, for they have validity for me as merely the

apparent other-being,

as allegories, forms of their

1 60

KARL M A RX

own true existence (i.e.,

of my philosophical existence) hidden

under sensuous disguises.

Quality supersed ed equals Quan tity, Measure, Measure superseded equals Essence, Essence superseded equals Appearance, Appearance superseded equals Actuality, Actuality superseded equals the Concept, the Concept superseded eq u als Objectivity, Objectivity superseded equals the Absolute Idea, the Absolute Idea super seded equals Nature, Nature superseded equals Subjective Mind, In just the same way,

Quantity superseded equals

Subjective Mind superseded equals Ethical Objective Mind, Ethical Mind superseded equals

Art, Art superseded equals Religion, Religion superseded equals Absolute Knowledge. I On the one hand, this act of superseding is a transcending of the thought entity; thus, Private Property as a thought is transcended in the thought of morality. And because thought imagines itself to be d i rectly the other of itself, to be sensuous reality and therefore takes its own action for sensuous, real action this superseding in thought, which leaves its object standing in the real world , believes that it has really overcome it. On the other hand, because the object has now become for it a moment of thought, thought takes it in its reality too to be self-confirmation of itself of self-c o nsciousness, of abstraction. From the one point of view the existent which Hegel super sedes in p hilos o phy is therefore not real religion, the real state, or real natu re , but religion itself already become an object of. knowledge, i.e. , Dogmatics; the same with Jurisprudence, Political Science and Natural Science. From the one point of view, therefore, he stands in opposition both to the real thing and to immediate, unphilosophic science or th e unphil os ophic conceptions of this t hing He therefore contradicts their con ventional conceptions. 2 -

-

.

I . This sequence gives the major "categories" or

"

thought-forms " of Hegel 's

Encyclopaedia in the order in which they occur and are superseded. Similarly, the sequence

on p. 1 59 from "private right " to "world history," gives the major categories of Hegel's Philosophy of Right. in the order in which they there appear. Ed. 2. The conventional conception of theology, jurisprudence, political science, natural science, etc.-Ed.

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

161

On the other hand, the religious man, etc., can find in Hegel his final confirmation. It is now time to lay hold of the positive aspects of the Hegelian dialectic within the realm of estrangement. (a) Annulling as an objective movement of retracting the alienation into self. This is the insight, expressed within the estrangement, concerning the appropriation of the objective essence through the annulment of its estrangement; it is the estranged insight into the real objectification of man, into the real appropriation of his objective essence through the annihilation of the estranged character of the objective world, through the annulment of the objective world in its estranged mode of being-just as atheism, being the annulment of God, is the advent of theoretic humanism, and communism, as the annulment of private property, is the justification of real human life as man's possession and thus the advent of practical humanism (or just as atheism is humanism mediated with itself through the annulment of religion, while communism is humanism mediated with itself through the annulment of private property). Only through the annulment of this mediation-which is itself, however, a necessary premise-does positively self-deriving humanism, p osit ive humanism, come into being. But atheism and communism are no flight, no abstraction; they are not a losing of the objective world begotten by man of man's essential powers given over to the realm of objectivity; they are not a returning in poverty to unnatural, primitive simplicity. On the contrary, they are but the first real coming to-be, the realization become real for man, of man's essence of the essence of man as something real. Thus, by grasping the positive meaning of self-referred negation (if even again in estranged fashion) Hegel grasps man's self-estrangement, the alienation of man's essence, man's loss of objectivity and his loss of realness as finding of self, change of his nature, his objectification and realization. In short, within the sphere of abstraction, Hegel conceives labor as man's act of se!f-genesis-conceives man's relation to himself as an alien being and the manifesting of himself as an alien being to be

1 62

KARL MARX

the coming-to-be of species-consciousness and

species-life.

(b) However, apart from, or rather in consequence of, the

perverseness already described, this act appears in Hegel:

First of all as a merely formal.

because abstract, act, because

the human essence itself is taken to be only an

abstract. thinking

essence. conceived merely as self-consciousness. And, secondly, because the conception is formal and abstract.

the annulment of the alienation becomes a confIrmation of the

alienation; or again, for Hegel this movement of self-genesis and

self-objectification in the form of self-alienation and self estrangement is the absolute, and hence fInal, expression of human life-of life with itself as its aim, of life at rest in itself, of life that has attained oneness with its essence.

This movement, in its abstract form as dialectic, is therefore

regarded as

truly human life.

and because it is nevertheless an

abstraction-an estrangement of human life-it is regarded as a

divine process,

but as the divine process of man, a process

traversed by man's abstract, pure, absolute essence that is distinct from him.

Thirdly.

this process must have a bearer, a subject. But

the subject fIrst emerges as a result. This result-the subject

knowing itself as absolute self-consciousness-is therefore God absolute Spirit-the self-knowing and self-manifesting Idea. Real man and real nature become mere predicates-symbols of this

esoteric, unreal man and of this unreal nature. Subject and predi cate are therefore related to each other in absolute inversion a

mystical subject-object or a subjectivity reaching beyond the object the absolute subject as a process, as subject alienating -

itself and returning from alienation into itself, but at the same

time retracting this alienation into itself, and the subject as

restless revolving within itself. First. the formal and abstract conception

this

process; a pure,

of man's act of

self-genesis or self-objectifIcation.

Hegel having posited man as equivalent to self-consciousness,

the estranged object-the estranged essential reality of man is nothing but

consciousness. the thought of estrangement merely �strangement's abstract and therefore empty and unreal

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

163

expression, negation. The annulment of the alienation is therefore likewise nothing but an abstract, empty annulment of that empty abstraction-the negation of the negation. The rich, living, sensu ous, concrete activity of self-objectification is therefore reduced to its mere abstraction, absolute negativity-an abstraction which is again fixed as such and thought of as an independent activity as

sheer activity. Because this so-called negativity is nothing but

the abstract, empty form of that real living act, its content can in consequence be merely aformal content begotten by abstrac

tion from all content. As a result there are general, abstract pertaining to every content and on that

forms of abstraction

acount indifferent to, and, consequently, valid for, al content

the thought-forms or logical categories tom from real mind and real nature. (We shall unfold the logical content of absolute

from

negativity further on.) Hegel's positive achievement here, in his specUlative logic,

is that the determinate concepts, the universalfzxed thought-forms in their independence VIS-a-vIS nature and mind are a necesary result of the general estrangement of the human essence and

therefore also of human thought, and that Hegel has therefore brought these together and presented them as moments of the abstraction-process. For example, superseded

Being

is Essence,

superseded Essence is Concept, the Concept superseded

is

.

. . the

Absolute Idea But what, then, is the Absolute Idea? It supersedes its own self

if it does not want to traverse once more

again,

from the beging the whole act of abstraction, and to acquiesce

in being a totality of abstractions or in being the self-comprehend

ing abstraction.

But abstraction co mprehending itself as

abstraction knows itself to be nothing: it must abandon itself abandon abstraction-and so it arrives at an entity which is its exact contrary

at

Logic is the in itself; that the Absolute Idea is nothing in itself; that only Nature is something. The absolute idea, the abstract idea, which "considered with nature.

Thus, the entire

demonstration that abstract thought

is

nothing

KARL

1 64

M A RX

regard to its unity with itself is intuiting,"1 (Hegel's Encyclopaedia 3rd edition, p. 222), and which "in its own absolute truth resolve to let the moment of its particularity or of initial characterization and other-being-the immediate idea. as its reflection, go forth freely from itself as nature" (l.c.)-this whole idea which beh aves in such a strange and singular way, and which has given the Hegelians such terrible headaches, is from beginning to end nothing else but abstraction (i. e . , the abstract thin ker) abstraction which, made wise by experience and enlightened concerning its truth, resolves under various (false and themselves still abstract) conditions to abandon itself and to replace its self absorption, nothingness, generality and indeterminateness by its other-being, the particular, and the determinate; resolves to let nature, which it held hidden in itself only as an abstraction, as a thought-entity, go forth freely from itself: that is to say, abstraction resolves to forsake abstraction and to have a look at nature free of abstraction. The abstract idea, which without mediation becomes intuiting, is nothing else through-and-through but abstract thinking that gives itself up and resolves on intuition. This entire translation from Logic to Natural Philosophy is nothing else but the transition-so difficult to effect for the abstract thinker and therefore so queer in his description of it-from abstracting to intuiting. The mystical feeling which drives the philosopher forward from abstract thinking to intuiting is boredom-the longing for a content. (The man estranged from himself is also the thinker estranged from his essence-that is, from the natural and human essence. His thoughts are therefore fixed mental shapes or ghosts dwelling outside nature and man. Hegel has locked up all these fixed mental forms together in his Logic, laying hold of them first as negation-that is, as an alienation of human thought-and

;

I. The Logic of Hegel. tr. by Wallace, para. 244. "I ntuiting" is here used to rend er

A nschauen. In popoular usage Anschauen means "to contemplate," but H egel is here

using the word , like Kant, as a technical term in philosophy meaning, roughly, "to

be aware through the senses . " "Intuiting." likewise, should be understood here not in its p opular sense but as the philosophical term which is the recognized English equivalent

of A ns(·hauen.

Ed.

ECONOMIC AND PH ILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

1 65

then as negatio n of the negatio n-th at is, as a supe rse d in g of this alienation, as a real expression of human thought. But as even this still takes place within the confines of the estrangement, this negation of t he negation is in part the restoring of these fixed forms in thei r estrangement; in part a stopping-short at the last act-the act of self-reference in alienation-as the true mode of being of these fixed mental forms; 1 and in part, to the extent that t h i s ab st ract io n app rehend s itself and experiences an infinite weariness with it self, there makes its appearance in H egel , in t he form of t h e resolution to rec ognize nature as t he e s s e nti al b eing and to go over to i ntuit io n, the abandonment of ab st r ac t thought-the abandonment of thought re volv i ng s olely within the orbit of t ho ug ht , of t h o ug ht devoid of eyes, of teeth , of ears, of everything.) But nature too, t aken abstractly, for itself-nature fixed in isolation from man-is nothing for man. It goes without s ay i ng that the abstract thinker who has c o m mitt e d himself to intuiting, intuits nature a b s t rac tl y . Just as nature lay e n cl osed in the thinker in the form of t he absolute idea, in the form of a thought ent it y - i n a shape which is his and yet is esoteric and m ys t e ri o u s even to hi m -s o what he has let go forth from himself in truth is o n ly this abstract nature, o n l y nature as a thought-entity b ut with the si g nifi c ance now of being the other-being of thought, of bei ng re al , int ui te d n at ure - of bei n g nat u re dis t ingu ish ed from abst ract thought. Or, t o talk a human language, the abstract t hi n ke r learns in his intuition of nat u re that the entities which he thought to create from n o t h i n g , from pure abst r a ct i o n -t h e e ntities he believed he was p rod uc in g in the d iv i ne dialectic as I . This means t hat what H egel does is to put in place of these fixed abst ract ions act nf abst nlction wh ich revol\es in its own c i rc le. In so doi ng. he has the meri t . i n the lirs! place. o f hav i ng i nd i ca ted t h e sou rce of all t hese i nappropriate concepts whi,h . •IS o r i g i n a l l y p rese nted. he longed to d i s parate phi losophies: of having hrought t hem l uget her: a nd u f h ayi n g ,reated Ihe e n l i re com pass of a bstract ion exhaustively SCI O U I as I he uhjeci of ,ri t i,isill . i nslead nf sn lllc s pecific absl raet ion. ( W hy H egel separall:s I hn u g h l fro m I he ,\/Ihi('( / \I e shall sec laIC 1': al I his stage il is a l read y clear. IHl\\'L' \ c r. l ilal whcn man is nol. his characterisl ic e x p ress ion al so ca n n OI he h u m a n . a nd so nl· i l hcr " o u l d I h o u g h l h e grasped as a n t'x pre"inn 01 man a s a h u man and n a t u ral su hjecl l' nd owed \\ ilh e\ es. c a rs. elC . . and l i\'ing i n society. in the worId . and i n nat u re . '

t he

KARL MARX

1 66

pure products of the labor of thought forever weaving in itself and never looking outward-are nothi ng else but abstractions from characteristics of nature. To him, therefore, the whole of nature merely repeats the logical abstractions in a sensuous, external form. He analyzes it and these abstractions over again. Thus, his intuition of nature is only the act of confirming his abstraction from the intuition of nature-is only the conscious repetition by him of the process of begetting his abstraction. Thus, for example, Time equals Negativity referred to itself (I.e ., p. 238): to the superseded Becoming as Being there corresponds, in natural form, superseded Movement as Matter. Light is Reflection-in-Itself, in natural form. Body as Moon and Comet is the natural form of the antithesis which according to the Logic is on the one side the Positive resting on itself and on the other side the Negative resting on itself. The Earth is the natural form of the logical Ground, as the negative unity of the antithesis, etc. I Nature as nature that is to say, insofar as it is still sensuously distinguished from that secret sense hidden within it-nature isolated, dist i ngu i she d from these abstractions, is nothing-a nothing proving itself to be nothing-is devoid of sense, or has only the sense of bei ng an externality w h ic h has to be annulled. -

"In t he fi nite-teleological position is to be found the correct p remise that nature does not contain withi n itself the absolute purpose" (p. 225).

Its purpose is the confirmation of abstraction. "N ature has shown itself to be the Idea in the form of other-being. Since the Idea is in this form the negative of itself or external to itself, nature is not just relatively external vis-a-vis this idea, but externality constitutes the form in which it exists as nature" (p. 227). I . Time, M otion, M aller, Light, etc . , are forms d istinguished within Hegel's Philosophy oj' Nature. Beco ming, etc . , are of course catego ries of the LogiC'. £d.

ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS

1 67

Externality here is not to be understood as the self-exter nalizing world ofsense open to the light, open to t he man end owed with senses. It is to be taken here in the sense of alienation a mistake , a defect , which o ught not to b e . For what is true is still the Idea. Nature is only the form of the Idea 's other being. And since abstract th ought is the essence, that which is external to it is by its essence somethi ng merely external. The abstract thinker recognizes at the same time that sensuous ness-externality in contrast to thought weaving within itself is the essence of nature. But he expresses this contrast i n such a way as to make t h is externality ofnature, its contrast to thought , its defect, so that inasmuch as it is d istinguished from abstraction , nature is something defective. Something which is defective not merely for me or in my eyes but in itself-intrinsically-has something outside itself which it lacks. That is, its being is something other than it itself. Nature has therefore to supe rsed e itself for the abstract th in ker, for it is already po s ited by him as a pot e nt ial ly superseded being . "For us, M ind has nature fo r its premise, being natu re 's truth and for that reason its abso lute prius. I n this truth nature has vanished, and mind has resulted as the Idea arrived at being-for-itself, the object of which, as well as t he subject, is the concept. This identity is ahsolute negativity, for whe re as in nature the concept has its perfect external objectivity, this its alienation has been superseded, and in this alienation the

itself. But it is this ident ity , only in being a return out of nature" (p. 392). "As the abstract idea, revelation is unmediated transition to, t he coming-to-be of, nature; as the revelation of the mind, which is free, it is the establishing of natu re as the mind's world-an est ab lishing which at t he same time, being reflection, is a presupposing of the world as independently-existing nature. Revelation in conception is the creati o n of nature as the mind's concept has become identical with therefore,

KARL MARX

1 68

being, in which the mind procures the affirmation and the truth of its freedom. "I The absolute is mind. This is the highest ..

definition of the absolute. "

Written by Karl Marx in April-August 1 84

Translated from the German

First published in part by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism in Russian in 1 927 and complete in German in 1 932.

I . Cf. H egel's Philosophy (I( Milici. tr. by Wallace, para. 38 1 . But in rendering these passages from the Encyclopaedia. t he present translator has not followed Wallace closely. Ell.

APPENDIX

Outlines of a Critique of Political Economyl Frederick Engels

Political economy came into being as a natural result of the

expansion of trade, and with its appearance elementary, un

scientific swindling was replaced by a developed system of licensed

fraud-a complete get-rich economy.

This political economy or science of enrichment born of

the merchants' mutual envy and greed, bears on its brow the mark of the most loathsome selfIshness. People stil lived in

the naive belief that gold and silver were wealth, and considered

nothing more urgent than the prohibition everywhere of the

export of the "precious" metals. The nations faced each other J. Outlines ofa Critique of Political Economy is the first economic work of Frederick Engels in which he examines the bourgeois economic system and the basic categories of bourgeois political economy from the standpoi nt of socialism. Marx rated this work of Engels's highly even later, cal ling it "a brilliant outline of a critique of economic categories " (See "Introduction" to Zur Kritik der Politischen Ekonomie (A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy) 1 859). Evidencing Engels's final departure from ideal is m to materialis m and from revolutionary democracy to communism, the work is not, however, free from the influence of ethical " p hi loso ph ical " communism. In a number of passages Engels still criticizes b ourgeois society from the standpoint of abstract princip les of universal morals and humaneness. Ed.

171

1 72

FREDERICK ENGELS

like misers, each clasping to himself with both arms his precious money-bag, eyeing his neighbors with envy and distrust. Every conceivable means was employed to lure from the nations with whom one had commerce as much ready cash as possible, and to retain snugly within the customs-boundary all which had happily been gathered in. A rigorously consistent pursuit of this principle would have kiled trade. People therefore began to go beyond this fIrst stage. They came to appreciate that capital locked up in a chest was dead capital, while capital in circulation multiplied itself con tinuously. They then became more philanthropic, sent off their ducats as call-birds to bring others back with them, and recognized that there is no harm in paying A too much for his commodity so long as it can be disposed of to B at a higher price. On this basis the mercantile system was built. The avaricious character of trade was to some extent already beginning to be hidden. The nations drew slightly nearer to one another, concluded trade and friendship agreements, did business with one another and, for the sake of larger profIts, treated one another with all possible love and kindness. But basically there was still the old rage for money and selfIshness which from time to time erupted in wars, which in that day were all based on trade jealousy. In these wars it also became evident that trade, like robbery, is based on the law of the strong hand. No scruples whatever were felt about exacting by cunning or violence such treaties as were held to be the most advantageous. The cardinal point in the whole mercantile system is the theory of the balance of trade. For as they still subscribed to the dictum that gold and silver were wealth, only such transactions as would fInally bring ready cash into the country were considered profItable. To ascertain this, exports were compared with imports. When more had been exported than imported, it was believed that the difference had come into the country in ready cash, and that the country was richer by that difference. The art of the economists, therefore, consisted in ensuring that at the end of each year exports should show a favorable balance over imports; and for the sake of this ridiculous illusion thousands

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1 73

-of me n have been slaughtered ! Trade, too, has had its crusades and inquisiti ons . The eighteenth century, the century of revolution, also

revolutionized economics. But j ust as al the revo lutio ns of this

century were one-sided and bogged down in antitheses j ust as abstract materialism was set in opposition to abstract sp iritualis m, the republic to monarchy, the social contract to divine right-likewise the economic revoluti o n did not get b eyo nd a n t i t he sis. T he p re m i s es re m ai n ed eve ry wh e re in force : -

materialism did not contend with the Christian contempt for

and humiliati o n of Man, and merely p osited Nature instead of the Christian God as the Absolute facing Man. In politics no one dreamed of examining the premises of the State as such.

It did not occur to economics to question the validity ofprivate property. Therefore , the new economics was only half an advance. It was obliged to betray and to disavow its own prem i ses, to have recourse to s oph istry and hypocrisy so as to cover up the contradictions in which it became entangled, so as to reach the conclusions to which it was d riven not by its p rem ises but by the hu m ane s pirit of the century. Thus economics to o k on a philant hro p ic character. It withd rew its favor from the p ro duc ers and bestowed it on the consumers. It affected a s ole mn abhorrence of the bloody terror of the mercantile system, and p ro cl aimed trade to be a bond of friend s h ip and union among n ati o ns as among individuals. All was pure s ple nd o r and m agnificence

yet the p remises reasserted themselves soon enough, and

c ontras t to this

in

sham phil anthro py produced the M a lthusian

po pul ati on the ory

the crudest, most barbarous the ory that ever

-

existed, a system of d espai r which phrases abo ut love of

struck down all those beautiful neighbor and world citizenship. The

pre mises begot and reared the factory-system and modern slavery, which yield s nothing

in inhumanity and cruelty to ancient slavery.

M o dern economics-the system of free trade b ased

on

Adam

Wealth of Nations-reveals itself to be that same hypocrisy, i nconsistency and immorality which now confront free hu manity in every sphere. Smith's

But was Smith's system, then, not an advance? Of course

1 74

FREDERICK ENGELS

it was, and a necessary advance at that. It was necessary to overthrow the mercantile system with its monopolies and hin drances to trade, so that the true consequences of private property could come to light. It was necessary for al these petty, local and national considerations to recede into the background, so that the struggle of our time could become a universal human struggle. It was necessary for the theory of private property to leave the purely empirical path of merely objective enquiry and to acquire a more scientific character which would also make it responsible for the consequences, and thus transfer the matter to a universally human sphere. It was necessary to carry the immorality contained in the old economics to its highest pitch, by attempting to deny it and by veiling it in hypocrisy (a necessary result of that attempt). Al this lay in the nature of the matter. We gladly concede that it is only thanks to the establishment and development of free trade that we were placed in a position from which we can go beyond the economics of private property; but we must at the same time have the right to demonstrate the utter theoretical and practical nullity of this free trade. The nearer to our time the economists whom we have to judge, the more severe must our judgment become. For while Smith and Malthus only had scatred fragments to go by, the modem economists had the whole system complete before them: the consequences had al ben drawn; the contradictions came clearly enough to light; yet they did not come to examining the premises and stil undertook, the responsibility for the whole system. The nearer the economists come to the present time, the further they depart from honesty. With every advance of time, sophistry neces sarily increases, so as to prevent economics from lagg behind the times. This is why Ricardo, for instance, is more guilty than Adam Smith, and MacCullouch and Mill more guilty than Ricardo. Modern economics cannot even judge the mercantile system correctly, since it is itself one-sided and as yet fenced in by that very system's premises. Only that view which rises above the opposition of the two systems, which criticizes the premises com mon to both and proceeds from a purely human, univerSal basis, can assign to both their proper position.

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1 75

It will become evident that the protagonists of free trade are more invetet=ate monopolists than the old mercantilists themselves. It will become evident that the sham humanity of the modern economists hides a barbarism of which their

predecessors knew nothing; that the predecessors' conceptual confusion is simple and consistent compared with the double tongued logic of their attackers, and that neither of the two can reproach the other with anything which would not recoil upon himself.

This is why modern liberal economics cannot co m p rehend the restoration of the mercantile system by List, I while for us

the matter is quite s i m p le . The inconsistency and two-sidedness of liberal economics must of necessity dissolve again into its

basic components. Just

as

theology must either regress to blind

faith or progress towards free philosophy, free trade must produce the restoration of monopolies on the one hand and the abolition of private property on the other. The only positive advance which liberal economics has made is the unfolding of the laws of private property. These are con

tained in it, at any rate, although not yet fully unfolded and clearly expressed. It follows that on al points where it is a question

of deciding which is the shortest road to wealth

i.e., in al strictly

economic controversies-the protagonists of fre trade have right on their side. That is, needless to say, in controversies with the monopolists-not with the opponents of p rivate property, for the English Socialists have long since proved both practically and theoretically that the latter are in a p o sition to settle economic questions more correctly even from

an

econo mic point of view.

In the critique of p olitic al economy, therefore, we shall examine the basic categories, uncover the contradiction intro duced by the free-trade system, and bring out the consequences of both sides of the contradiction. I . Friedridl list ( 1 789 1 846), a well known German economist, advocated the abolition of customs barriers within Germany but at the same time the protection by tariffs, etc., of German industry from foreign competition. Ecl.

176

FREDERICK

ENGELS

The term "national wealth" has only arisen as a result of the liberal economists' passion for generalization. As long as private property exists, this term has no meaning. The "national wealth" of the English is very great and yet they are the poorest people under the sun. One either dismisses this term completely, or one accepts such premises as give it meaning. Similarly with the terms "national economy" and "political or public economy." In the present circumstances that science ought to be called private economy, for its public connections exist only for the sake of private property. The immediate consequence of private property is trade exchange of reciprocal demand-buying and selling. This trade,

like every activity, must under the dominion of private property become a direct source of gain for the trader; i.e. , each must seek to sell as dear as possible and buy as cheap as possible. In every purchase and sale, therefore, two men with diametrically opposed interests confront each other. The confrontation is decidedly antagonistic, for each knows the intentions of the other-knows that they are opposed to his own. Therefore, the first consequence is mutual mistrust, on the one hand, and the justification of this mistrust-the application of immoral means to attain an immoral end-on the other. Thus, the first maxim in trade is "discretion"-the concealment of everything which might reduce the value of the article in question. The result is that in trade it is permitted to take the utmost advantage of the ignorance, the trust, of the opposing party, and likewise to bestow qualities on one's commodity which it does not possess. In a word , trade is legalized fraud. Any merchant who wants to give truth its due can bear me witness that actual practice conforms with this theory. The mercantile system still had a certain artless Catholic candor and did not in the least conceal the immoral nature of trade. We have seen how it openly paraded its mean avarice. The mutually hostile attitude of the nat ions in the e i ghtee nt h century, loathsome envy and trade jealousy, were the logical consequences of trade as such. Public opinion had not yet become

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1 77

humanized. Why, therefore, conceal things which resulted from the inhuman, hostile nature of trade itself? But when the economic Luther, Adam Smith, criticized past economics things had changed considerably. The century had been humanized; reason had asserted itself; morality began to claim its eternal right. The extorted trade treaties, the commercial wars, the surly isolation of the nations, offended too greatly against advanced consciousness. Protestant hypocrisy took the place of Catholic candor. Smith proved that humanity, too, was rooted in the nature of trade; that trade, instead of being "the most fertile source of discord and animosity" must become a "bond of union and friendship among nations as among individuals" (cf. Wealth of Nations, Bk. 4, ch. 3, §2); that after all it lay in the nature of things for trade, taken overall, to be profitable to all parties concerned. Smith was right to eulogize trade as humane. There is nothing absolutely immoral in the world. Trade, too, has an aspect wherein it pays homage to morality and humanity. But what homage! The law of the strong hand, the open highway robbery of the Middle Ages, became humanized when it passed over into trade; and trade became humanized when, in its first stage characterized by the prohibition to export money, it passed over into the mercantile system. Now the mercantile system itself was humanized. Naturally, it is in the interest of the trader to be on good terms with the one from whom he buys cheap as well as with the other to whom he sells dear. A nation therefore acts very imprudently if it fosters feelings of animosity in its suppliers and customers. The more friendly, the more profitable. Such is the humanity of trade. And this hypocritical way of misusing morality for immoral purposes is the pride of the free trade system. "Have we not overthrown the barbarism of the monopolies?" exclaim the hypocrites. "Have we not carried civilization to distant parts of the world? Have we not brought about the fraternization of the peoples, and reduced the number of wars?" Yes, al this you have done-but how! You have destroyed the small monopo lies so that the one great basic monopoly, property, may function

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FREDERICK ENGELS

the more freely and unrestrictedly. You have civilized the ends of the earth to win new terrain for the deployment of your vile avarice. You have brought about the fraternization of the peoples-but the fraternity is the fraternity of thieves. You have reduced the number of wars-to earn al the bigger profits in

peace, to intensify to the utmost the enmity between individuals, the ignominious war of competition ! When have you done

anything out of pure humanity, from consciousness of the nullity of the opposition between the general and individual interest? When have you been moral without being interested, without harboring at the back of your mind immoral, egoistical motives? After liberal economics had done its best to universalize enmity by dissolving nationalities so as to transform mankind into a horde of ravenous beasts (for what else are competitors?) who devour one another just

because each

has identical interests

with all the otherS-after this preparatory work there remained but one step to take before the goal was reached-the dissolution of the family. To accomplish this, economy's own beautiful invention, the factory-system, came to its aid. The last vestige of common interests, the community of possessions constituted by the family, is being undermined by the factory-system and-at least here in England

is already in the process of dissolution. It is a

common practice for children, as soon as they are capable of work (i.e., as soon as they reach the age of nine), to spend their wages themselves, to look upon their parental home as a mere boarding-house, and to make their parents an allowance of a certain sum for food and lodging. How can it be otherwise? What else can result from the separation of interests, such as forms the basis of the free-trade system? Once a principle is set in motion, it works by its own impetus through

al

its

consequences, whether the economists like it or not. But the economist does not know himself what cause he serves. He does not know that with

al

his egoistical reasoning

he nevertheless forms but a link in the chain of mankind's universal progress. He does not know that by his dissolution of al sectional interests he merely paves the way for the great

OUTLINES OF A CRITIQUE

1 79

transformation to which the century is moving-the reconci liation of mankind with nature and with itself. The next category established by trade is value. There is no quarl

between

the modem economists and their predecess ors

over this category, j ust as there is none over

al the others, since

the monopolists in their obsessive mania for getting rich had

no time left to concern themselves with categories. All

controversies over such points stem from the modem economists. The economist who lives by antitheses has also of course a double value-abstract o r re al , and exchange-value . There was a pro tracted quarrel over the nature of real value between the English, who defmed the costs of production as the expression

of real value, and the Frenchman, Say, who claimed to measure

this value by the utility

of an

object. The

quarrel

hung in doubt

from the beginning of the century, then became dormant without a decision having been reached. The economists cannot decide anything. The English-MacCuloch and Ricardo in particular-thus claim that the abstract value of a thing is determined by the costs of production. The abstract value,

of course, not the

exchange-v alue , the "exchangeable value,"\ value in trade

that,

they say, is something quite different. Why are the costs of productio n the measure of value? Because-listen to this ! because n o one i n ordinary conditions and leaving aside the

an object for less than Would sell-? Wh at have

circumstance of competition would sell

the cost to

him

of its production.

we to do with "selling" here, where it is not a question of trade

value? So we fmd trade again, which we are specifically supposed

to leave aside-and what trade ! A trade in which the cardinal

factor, the circumstance of competition, is not to be taken into account ! First, an abstract value; now

also

an

abstract trade

a trade without competition, i.e., a man without a body, a thought without a brain to prod uce thought s . And

never stop to think that as soon as I. "Exchangeable

value"

doe s the economist co mpetition is left out of

English term quoted by Engels.

Ed.

FREDERICK ENGELS

1 80

acount there is no guarantee at all that the producer will sell his commodity just at the cost of production? What confusion ! Furthermore: Let us concede for a moment that everything is as the economist says. Supposing someone were to make

s omething utterly useless with tremendous exertion and at enormous cost-were to make something which no one desires: is that also worth its production costs? Certainly not, says the economist: Who will want to buy it? So we suddenly have not only S ay 's despised utility but alongside it-with "buying"-the circumstance of competition. It can't be done-the economist cannot for one moment hold on to his abstraction. Not only what he painfully seeks to remove-competition-but also what he attacks

utility-crops up at every moment. Abstract value

and its determination by the costs of production are, after all, only abstractions, nonentities. But let us suppose once more for a moment that the economist is correct-how then will he determine the costs of production without taking account of competition? When examining the costs of production we shall see that this category too is based on competition, and here once more it becomes evident how little the economist

is able to substantiate his claims.

If we turn to Say, we find the same abstraction. The utility

of an object is something purely SUbjective, something which

cannot be decided absolutely, and certainly something not to be decided, anyway, so long as one still roams about in antitheses. According to this theory, the necessities of life ought to possess more value than lUXUry articles. The only possible way to arrive at a more or less objective,

apparently

general decision on the

greater or lesser utility of an object is, under the dominion of private property, by the circumstance of competition; and yet i� is precisely that circumstance which is to be left aside. But

if the circumstance of competition is admitted, production costs enter it

as

well; for no one will sell for less than what he has

himself invested in production. Thus, here, too, the one side of the opposition passes over involuntarily into the other. Let

us try to introduce clarity into this confusion. The value

of an object includes both factors, which the contending parties

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181

so rudely separate-and, as we have seen, without success. Value is the relation of production costs to utility. The first application

of value is the decision as to whether a thing ought to be produced

all; i .e., as to whether utility counterbalances production costs. Only then can one talk of the application of value to exchange. The production costs of two objects being equal, the deciding factor determining their comparative value will be utility. This basis is the only just basis of exchange. But if one proceeds from this basis, who is to decide the utility of the object? The mere opinion of the parties concerned? Then in any event one w il be cheated. Or is this decision a determination grounded in the inherent utility of the object independent of the parties concerned, and not apparent to them? If so, the exchange can only be effected by coercion, and each party considers itself cheated. The opposition between the real inherent utility of the thing and the determination of that utility, between the determination of utility and the freedom of those who exchange, cannot be superseded without superseding private property; and once this is superseded, there can no longer be any question of exchange as it exists at present. The practical application of the concept of value will then be increasingly confined to the decision about production, and that is its proper sphere. But how do matters stand at present? We have seen how the concept of value is violently tom asunder, and how the detached sides are each substituted for the whole. Production costs, distorted from the outset by competition, are supposed to be value itself. So is mere subjective utility-since no other kind of utility can exist at this stage. To help these lame definitions on to their feet, we must in both cases have recourse to competition; and the best of it is that with the English competition represents utility, in contrast to the costs of production , while inversely with Say it introduces the costs of production in contrast to utility. But what kind of utility, what kind of production costs, does it introduce? Its utility depends on chance, on fashion, on the whim. of the rich; its production costs fluctuate with the fortuitous relationship of demand and supply. The difference between real value and exchange-value is at

FREDERICK ENGELS

1 82

based on the fact-namely, that the value of a thing differs from the so-caled equivalent given for it in trade; i.e. , that this

equivalent is not an equivalent. This so-called equivalent is the of the thing, and if the economist were honest, he would

price

employ this

term

for trade value. But he has still to keep up some sort of pretense that price is somehow bound up with value, lest the immorality of trade become too obvious. It is however, quite correct, and a fundamental law of private proper ty, that price is determined by the reciprocal action of production

:

costs and competition. This purely empirical law was the fIrst to be discovered by the economist; and from this law he then abstracted his "real value," i.e., the price at the time When competition is in a state of equilibrium, when demand and supply

cover each other. Then, of course, what remains over are the costs of production and it is these which the economist proceeds

to cal "real value," while they are merely the determinateness of price. Thus everything in economics stands on its head. Value, the origin or source of price, is made dependent on that which

is its own prodUct. As is well known, this inversion is the essence of abstraction; on which see Feuerbach. According to the economists, the production costs of modity consist of three elements: the rent for the piece

a com of land

required to produce the raw material; the capital with its profIt; and the wages for the labor required for p roduction and manufacture. But it becomes immediately evident that capital and labor are identical, since the economists themselves confess that capital is "stored-up labor. " We are therefore left wit h only

natural objective s ide , land; and the human, side, labor, which includes capital and, besides capital, a third factor which the economist does not think about-I mean the spiritual element of inve nt ion , of thought, al ongside the p hysical element of sheer labor. What has the econo mist to do with the spirit of invention? Have not all inventions come flyi ng to him without any effort on his part? Has one of them c ost him anything? Why then should he bother about them in the c alculation of production costs? Land, capital and labor are two sides-the

subje ctive

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183

for him the conditions of wealth, and he requires no more. Science is no concern of his. What does it matter to him that he has received its gifts through Berthollet, Davy, Liebig, Watt, Cart wright, etc.-gifts which have benefited him and his production immeasurably? He does not know how to calculate such things; the advances of science go beyond his figures. But in a rational order which has gone beyond the division of interests as it is found with the econo mist, the spiritual element certainly belongs am on g the elements of production and wil fmd its p l ace , too, in economics among the costs of production. And here it is certainly gratifying to know that the promotion of science also brings its material reward; t o know that a single achievement of science like James Watt's steam-engine has brought in more for the world in the first fifty years of its existence than the world has spent on the promotion of science since the beginning of time. We have, then, two elements of production in operation nature and man, with man again active physicaly and spiritu ally, and can go back to the economist and his production costs. What cannot be monop o lize d

has no value, says the economist more closely later on. lf we say "has no price, " then the propositio n is valid for the order which rests on private property. If land could be had as easily as air, no one would pay rent. Since this is not the case, but since, rather, the extent of a piece of land to be acquired is limited in any particular case, one pays rent fo r the acquired, i.e., the monop olized land, or one pays down a purchas e price for it. Mter this enlightenment about the origin of ground-rent it is, however, very strange to have to hear from the economist that the rent of land is the difference between the yield from the rented land and from the worst land worth cultivating at al. As is well known, this is the definition of rent fully devel o pe d for the first time by Ricard o . This definition is no doubt correct in practice if o ne presupposes that a fall in demand reacts instantaneously on rent, and at once puts a corres po nding amount of the worst cultivated land out of cultivation. This, however, a pro p osition which we shall examine

1 84

FREDERICK ENGELS

is not the case, and the definition is therefore inadequate. Moreover, it does not cover the causation of rent, and must therefore be dismissed for that reason alone. In opposition to this definition, Col. T. P. Thompson, the champion of the Anti Corn Law League, revived Adam Smith's definition, and consolidated it. According to him, rent is the relation between the competition of those striving for the use of the land and the limited quantity of available land. Here at least is a return to the origin of rent; but this explanation does not take into account the varying fertility of the soil, just as the previous explanation leaves out competition. Once more, therefore, we have two one-sided and hence only imperfect definitions of a single object. As in the case of the concept of value, we shall again have to bring together these two definitions so as to find the correct definition which will follow from the development of the thing itself and thus embrace all practice. Rent is the relation between the productivity of the land-between the natural side (which in turn consists of natural fertility and human cultivation-labor applied to effect improvement), and the human side, competition. The economists may shake their heads over this "definition"; they will discover to their horror that it embraces everything relevant to this matter. The landowner has nothing with which to reproach the merchant. He practices robbery in monopolizing the land. He practices robbery in exploiting for his own benefit the increase in popUlation which increases competition and thus the value of his estate; in turning into a source of personal advantage that which has not been his own doing that which is his by sheer accident. He practices robbery in leasing his land, when he eventually seizes for himself the improvements effected by his tenant. This is the secret of the ever-increasing wealth of the great landowners. The axioms which qualify as robbery the landowner's method of deriving an income-namely, that each has a right to the product of his labor, or that no one shall reap where he has not sown-are not something we have set forth. The

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1 85

first excludes the duty of feeding children; the second deprives

generati on of the right to live, since each generation starts axioms are, rather, implications of p riv ate property. Either one implements its implications or one abandons private prop erty as a premise. Indeed, the original act of appropriation itself is justified by the assertion of the still earlier common property-right. Thus, wherever we tum, private property le ads us into contradictions. To make earth an obj ect of huckstering-the earth which is our one and al, the first c o nd ition of our e xistence was the last step towards making oneself an object of huckstering It was and is to this very day an immorality surpassed only by the immorality of self-alienation. And the original appro priati on the monopolization of the earth by a few, the exclusion of the rest from that which is the condition of their life-yi elds each

with what it inherits fro m the preceding generatio n These .

-

.

-

nothing in immorality to the subsequent huckstering of the earth. If

here again we aband on private property, rent is red uced rational notion which essenti aly lies at its

to its truth, to the

root. The value of the land divorced from it as rent then reverts to the land itself. This value, to be measured by the productivity of equal areas of

land subjected to equal applic ati ons of labor, of the p rod uction

should, however, be taken into account as part

c o s ts w h en determini ng the value of products; and like ren t, it is the relation of productivity to co mp etiti o n

but to

true

-

competition, such as will be developed when its time comes.

We have seen how c apital and labor are initially identical; we see further from the explanations of the economist

himself,

how,

in the process of production, capital, the result of labor,

is

im mediately transformed again into the substratum, into the material of labor; and how therefore the mo ment arily established

separation of c apital

from labor immediately g ives way to the

unity of both. And yet the economist separates capital from

labor, and yet insists on the division without g iv ing any other recognition to their unity than by his defin ing c apit al as "stored up labor. " The s p lit between capital and labor resulting from

1 86

FREDERICK ENGELS

private property is nothing but the inner dichotomy of labor corresponding to this divided condition and arising out of it. And after this separation is accomplished, capital divides itself once more into the original capital and profit-the increment of capital, which it receives in the process of production; although in practice profit is immediately lumped together with capital and set into motion with it. Indeed, even profit is in its tum split into interest and profit proper. In the case of interest, the absurdity of these splits is carried to the extreme. The immorality of interest-loans, of receiving without working, for merely lending, though already inherent in private property, is only too obvious, and has long ago been recognized for what it is by unsophisticated popular consciousness, which in such matters is usually right. Al these minute splits and divisions stem from the original separation of capital from labor and from the culmination of this separation-the division of mankind into capitalists and workers-a division which daily becomes ever more acute, and which, as we shall see, is bound to deepen. This separation, however, like the separation already considered of land from capital and labor, is in the fmal analysis an impossible separation. What share land, capital and labor each have in any particular product cannot be determined. The three magnitudes are incom mensurable. The soil creates the raw material, but not without capital and labor. Capital presupposes land and labor. And labor presupposes at least land, and usually also capital. The functions of these three elements are completely different, and are not to be measured by a fourth common standard. Therefore, when it comes to dividing the proceeds among the three elements under existing conditions, there is no inherent standard; it is an entirely alien and to them fortuitous standard that decides-competition, the slick right of the stronger. Rent implies competition; profit on capital is solely determined by competition; and the position with regard to wages we shall see presently. If we abandon private property, then all these unnatural divisions disappear. The difference between interest and profit disappears; capital is nothing without labor, without movement. The significance of profit is reduced to the weight which capital

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187

caries in the determination of the costs of production; and profit thuS remains inherent in capital, in the same way as c apital

itself reverts to its original unity with labor.

Labor-the main factor in production, the "source of wealth, " free human activity comes off badly with the economist. Just as c apital was previously separated from labor, likewise labor is now in tum split for a second time: the product of labor

confronts labor as wages, is separated from it, and is as usual once more determined by competition-there being, as we have seen, no firm standard determining labor's share in production.

If we do away with private property, this unnatural separation also disappears. Labor becomes its own reward, and the true

significance of the wages of labor, hitherto alienated, comes to light

namely, the significance of labor for the determination

of the production costs of a thing. We have seen that in the end everything comes down to competi tion, so long as private property exists. It is the economist's principal category-his

most beloved daughter,

whom he

ceaselessly caresses-and look out for the medusa's head which she will show you! The immediate consequence of private property was the split of production into two opposing sides

the natural and

the human sides, the soil which without fertilization by man

is dead and sterile, and human activity, whose first condition is that very soil. Furthermore we have seen how human activity in its turn was dissolved into labor and capital, and how these two sides antagonistically confronted each other.

Thus

already

we had the struggle of the three elements against one another, instead of their mutual support; and to make matters worse, private property brings in its wake the splintering of each of these elements. One estate stands confronted by another, one piece of capital by another, one unit of labor-power by another. In other words, because private property isolates everyone in

his own crude solitariness, and because, nevertheless, everyone has the same interest as his neighbor, one landowner stands

1 88

FREDERICK ENGELS

antagonisticaly confronted by another, one capitalist by anoth e one worker by another. In this discord of identical interes resulting precisely from this identity is consummated th immorality of mankind's condition hitherto; and this co nsum mation is competition. The opposite of competition is monopoly. M onop oly Was the war-cry of the mercantilists; competition the battle-cry of the liberal economists. It is easy to see that this antithesis is again a quite hollow antithesis. Every competitor canno t but desire to have the monopoly, be he worker, capitalist or land owner. Each smaller group of competitors cannot b ut desire to have the monopoly for itself against all others. Competition is based on self-interest, and self-interest in tum breeds mo nopo ly. In short, competition passes over into monopoly. On the other hand, monopoly cannot stem the tide of competition -indeed , it itself breeds competition; just as high tariffs, for instance, or a prohibition of imports positively breed the competition of smuggling. The contradiction of competition is exactly the same as that of private pro perty. It is in the interest of each to possess everything, but in the interest of the whole that each possess an equal amount. Thus, the general and the individucl interest are diametrically opposed to each other. The contradiction of competition is that each cannot but desire the monopoly, while the whole as such is bound to lose by monopoly and must therefore remove it. Moreover, competition already presupposes monopoly-namely , the monopoly of property (and here the hypocrisy of the liberals comes once more to light); and so long as the monopoly of property exists, for just so long the possession of monopoly is equally justified-for monopoly, once it exists, is also property. What a pitiful half-measure, therefore, to attack the small monopolies, and to leave untouched the basic monopoly! And if we here bring in the economist's proposition mentioned above, that nothing has value which cannot be monopolized-that nothing, therefore, which does not permit of such monopolization can enter this arena of competition then our assertion that competition presupposes monopoly is completely justified.

�

�

OUTLINES OF A CRITIQUE

1 89

The law of competitio n is that demand and supply always strive to complement each other, and therefore never do so. The two sides are tom apart again and transformed into flat opposition. Supply always follows close on demand without ever quite covering it. It is either too big or too small, never corresponding to demand; because in this unconscious condition of mankind no one knows how big supply or demand is. If demand is greater than supply the price rises and, as a result, supply is to a certain degree stimulated. As soon as it comes on to the market, prices fall; and if it becomes greater than demand, then the fall in prices is so significant that demand is once again stimulated . So it goes on unendingly-a permanently unhealthy state of afairs-a constant alternation of over-stimulation and collapse which precludes all advance-a state of perpetual fluctuation perpetually unresolved. This law with its constant balancing, in which whatever is lost here is gained there, seems to the economist marvelous. It is his chief glory-he cannot see enough of it, and considers it in all its p ossible and impossible applications .

Yet it is obvious that this law is a purely natural law, and not a law of the mind. It is a law which produces revolution. The economist comes along with his lovely theory of demand and supply, proves to you that "one can never produce too much, " and practice replies with trade crises, which re-appear as regularly as the comets, and of which we have now on the average one

every five to seven years. For the last eighty years these trade crises have come just as regularly as the great plagues did in the past-and they have brought in their train more misery and more immorality than the latter. (Compare Wade:

the Middle and Working Classes,

London,

1 835,

History of 2 1 1 .) Of

p.

course, these trade crises confirm the law, confirm it exhaustive ly-but iIi a manner different from that which the economist would have us believe to be the case. What are we to think of a law which can o nly assert itself through periodic crises? It is just a natural law based on the unconsciousness of the participants. If the producers as such knew how much the consumers required,

if they were to

organize production, if they

were to share it out among themselves, then the fluctuations

FREDERICK ENGELS

190 of competition

and its tend ency

to crisis would be

impossib le.

Produce with consciousness as human be ings-not as dispersed atoms without consciousness of your species-and you are beyond

al these artificial and untenable antitheses . But as long

th ought long trade

as you continue to produce in the present unconscious, less manner, at the mercy of chance -fo r

ju st

so

crises will remain; and each successive crisis is bound to become

more universal and therefore worse than the prece ding one; is bound

to impoverish

a larger body of small capitalists, and to

augment in increasing p roporti on the numbers of that class who live by labor alone, thus visibly enlarging the mass of labor to be employed (the major problem of our economists) and finally causing a social revolution such as has never been dreamed of by the school-wisdom of the economists. The perpetual fluctuation of prices such as is create d b y the conditio n of competiti on comp lete ly deprives trade of its last vestige of morality . Value is no longer even mentioned; the same system which appears to attach such importance to value, which confers on the abstraction of value in money form the honor of having an existence of its own-this very system destroys by means of competition the inherent value of all things, and daily and hourly changes the value-relation ship of al things to one ano ther . Where does there remain any possibility of an exchange based on a moral foundation in this whirlpool? In this continuous up-and-down, every one must seek to hit upon the most favorable moment for purchase and sale; every one must become a speculator-that is to say, must reap where he has not sown; must enrich himself at the expense of others, must calculate on the misfortune of others, or let chance win for him. The s pecul at or always counts on disasters, p articul arl y on bad harvests. He utilizes everything-for instance, the New York fire in its time-and immo rality 's culminating point is the s pecu lation on the Stock Exchange, where his to ry, and with it mankind, is demoted to a means of gratifying the avarice of the calculating and gambling speculat o r . And let not the honest "respectable" merchant rise above th e gambling on the St ock Exchange with a Pharisaic "I thank thee, 0 Lord . . . " etc. He

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191

i s as

bad as the speculators in stocks and shares. He speculates just as much as they do. He has to: competition compels him to. And his trading activity therefore implies the same immorality as theirs. The truth of the relationship of competition is the relationship of the power of consumption to the power of produc tion. In a world worthy of mankind there will be no other competition than this. The community will have to calculate what it can produce with the means at its disposal; and in the light of the relationship of this productive power to the mass of consumers it will determine how far it has to raise or lower production, how far it has to give way to, or curtail, luxury. But so that they may be able to pass a correct judgment on this relationship and on the increase in productive power to be expected from a rational state of affairs within the community, I invite my readers to consult the writings of the English Socialists, and partly also those of Fourier. Subjective competition-the contest of capital against capi tal, or labor against labor, etc.-wil under these conditions be reduced to the spirit of emulation grounded in human nature (a concept tolerably developed so far only by Fourier), which after the transcendence of opposing interests wil be confmed to its proper and rational sphere. The struggle of capital against capital, of labor against labor, of land against land, drives production to a fever-pitch at which production turns al natural and rational relations upside-down. No capital can stand the competition of another if it is not brought to the highest pitch of activity. No estate can be profitably cultivated if it does not continuously increase its productive power. No worker can hold his own against his competitors if he does not devote all his powers to labor. No one at al who becomes involved in the struggle of competition can stand the strain without the utmost exertion of his powers, without renouncing every truly human purpose. The consequence of this over-exertion on the one side is, inevitably, collapse on the other. When the fluctuation of competition is small, when demand and supply, consumption and production, are almost equal, a

1 92

FREDERICK ENGELS

stage must be reached in the development of production where there is so much superfluous productive power that the great mass of the nation has nothing to live on, that the people starve from sheer abundance. For some considerable time England has found herself in this crazy position, in this living absurdity. When, as a necessary consequence of such a situation, production is subject to greater fluctuations, then the alternation of boom and crisis, over-production and slump, sets in. The economist has never been able to explain to himself this mad situation. In order to explain it, he invented the Population Theory, which is just as senseless-indeed even more senseless

than the

contradiction of co-existing wealth and poverty. The economist

could not afford to see the truth; he could not afford to admit that this contradiction is a simple consequence of competition; for otherwise his entire system would have fallen to bits. For us the matter is easy to explain. The productive power at mankind's disposal is immeasurable. The productivity of the soil can be increased

ad infinitum by the application of capital,

labor and science. According to the most able economists and statisticians (cf. Alison's

Principles of Population, Vol. 1 , cbs.

I and 2), 1 "over-populated " Great Britain can be brought within

ten years to produce a corn yield sufficient for a popUlation

of six times its present size. Capital increases daily; the power of labor grows with popUlation; and day by day science in creasingly makes the power of nature subject to man. This immeasurable productive capacity, handled with consciousness and in the interest of all, would soon reduce to a minimum the labor falling to the share of mankind . Left to competition, it does the same, but within a context of antitheses. One part of the land is cultivated in the best possible manner, while another part -in Great Britain and Ireland thirty million acres of good land-lies barren. One part of capital circulates with amazing speed; another lies dead in the chest. One part of the workers works fourteen to sixteen hours a day, while another part stands I . A. Alison, The Principles of Population. and Their Connection with Human Vois. I , I I . London, I 840. Ed.

Happiness,

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idle and inactive, and starves. O r the division leaves this realm

of si multaneo usness : today trade is good; demand is very con

siderable; everyone works; capital is turned over with miracu

l ou s

speed; farming flourishes; the workers work themselves sick. Tomorrow, a slump sets in. The cultivation of the land is not worth the effort; entire stretches of land remain untilled; the flow of capital freezes; the workers have no employment, and the whole country labors under surplus wealth and surplus population The economist cannot aford to accept this exposition of the s ubj ect as correct; otherwise, as has been said, he would have to give up his whole system of co mpetitio n He would have to recognize the hollowness of his antithesis of production and c o nsumption , of surplus popUlation and surplus wealth. To bring fact and theory into conformity with each other-since this fact just could not be denied-the Population Theory was .

.

invented.

Malthus, the origi nator of this doctrine, maintains that popUlation is always pressing on the means of subsistence;

that

as production increases, population increases in the same proportion; and that the inherent tendency of the population to mUltiply in excess of the available means o f subsistence is as so on

the root of al misery and all vice. For, when there are too many people, they have to be disposed of in one way or another:

either they must be killed by violence or they must starve. But when this has happened, there is once more a gap which

other

mUltipliers of the popUlation immediately start to fill up once more: and so the old misery begins all over again. What

is more ,

this is the case in all circumstances-not only in civilized, but also in pri m itive , conditions. In New Holland , · with a population

density of one per square mile, the savages suffer j ust as

m uc h

already

over

from over-population as England . In short, if we want to be

consistent, we must admit that the earth populated when only one man existed. The

was

implications of this

line of thought are that since it is just the poor who are the I. The old name for Australia.

Ed

FREDERICK ENGELS

1 94

surplus, nothing should be done for them except to make their starvation as easy as possible, to convince them that it cannot be helped and that there is no other salvation for their whole

class than keeping p ropagation down to the absolute minimum. Or

if

this does not work, then it is always better to establish

a state institution for the painless killing of the children of the poor, such as "Marcus "! has suggested, whereby each working class family would be allowed to have two and a half children, any excess being p ainlessly killed. Charity would be a crime, since it supports the augmentation of the surplus popUlation. Indeed, it will be very advantageous to declare poverty a crime and to turn poor-houses into prisons, as has already happened in England as a result of the new "liberal" Poor Law. Admittedly it is true that this theory ill conforms with the Bible's doctrine of the perfection of God and of His creation; but "it is a poor refutation to enlist the Bible against facts . " Am

I

t o g o on any longer elaborating this vile, infamous

theory, this revolting blasphemy against nature and mankind? Am I to pursue its consequences any further? Here at last we have the immorality of the economist brought to its highest pitch. What are

al the wars and horrors of the monopoly system

compared with this theory! And it is just this theory which is the keystone of the liberal system of free trade, whose fall entails the d ownfall of the entire edifice. For if here competition is proved

to be the root cause of misery, poverty and crime, who then will still dare to speak up for it? In

his

above-mentioned work,

Alison has shaken the

M althusian theory by involving the productive power of the I . Three pamph lets appeared under the pseudonym of " Marcus," namely: On the

Possibility of Limiting Populousness. by M arcus, Printed by John H ill, Black Horse

Court, Fleet Street, 1 838, 46 p p . ; The Book of Murder! A

Vade Mecum for the Being an Exact Reprint of the Infam o us Esay on the Possibility of Limiting Populousness. by Marcus. one o/ the three . . . now Reprintedfor the Instruction of the Labourer. by William Dugdale, 37 Holywell Street, Strand . ; The Theory of Painless Extinction. by Marcus. cr. N . M.W.: A dvertisements 29. VIII. 1 840. A n anonymous pamphlet, An Essay on Populousness. printed/or private circualtion; printedfor the author. 1 838. 27 pp. �ontains the basic ideas of the " M arcus" pamphlets. cr. also Thomas Carlyle, Chartism. London, 1 840, p. 1 1 0 sqq. Ed. Commissioners and Guardians of the New Poor Law .

.

.

1 95

OUTLINES OF A CRITIQUE

earth, and by opposing to the Malthusian principle the fact that each adult can produce more than he himself needs-a fact without which mankind could not mUltiply, indeed could not even exist; for what else could those still growing up live on? But Alison does not go to the root of the matter, and therefore in the end reaches the same c o nclusi on as Malthus. True enough, he proves that Malthus's princi ple is incorrect, but cannot gainsay the facts which have impelled Malthus to his principle. If Malthus had not considered the matter so one-sidedly, he could not have failed to see that surplus population or labor power is invariably tied up with surplus wealth, surplus capital and surplus landed property. The popUlation is only too large where the productive power as a whole is too large. The condition of every over-populated country, particularly E ngl and since the time when Malthus wrote, makes this abundantly clear. These were the facts which Malthus ought to have considered in their totality, and whose consideration was bound to have led to the co rrect conclusion. Instead, he selected one fact, gave no c on sideration to the othe rs, and therefore arrived at his crazy conclu sion. The second error he co mmitted was to confuse means of sub s istence with means of employment. That p o p ulat i o n is always pressing on the means of employment -that the number of people produced varies with the number of people who can be em ployed-in short, that the production of labor-power has b ee n regulated so far by the law of competition and is therefore als o exposed t o periodic crises and fluctuations-this is a fact wh ose establishment constitutes Malthus's meri t But the means of employment are not the means of subsistence. Only in their end-result are the means of employment increased by the i ncrease in machine-power and c ap it al. The means of subsistence increase as so o n as producti ve power increases even slightly. Here a new contradiction in economics comes to light. The economist's "demand" is not the real demand; his "consumption" is an artificial consumption. For t he economist, only that person really demands, only that person is a real consumer, who has an equivalent to offer for what he receives. But if it is a fact that every adult produces more than he himself can consume, that ,

.

1 96

FREDERICK ENGELS

children are like trees which give superabundant returns on the outlays invested in them-and these certainly are facts, are they not?-then one ought to believe that each worker should be able to produce far more than he needs and that the community, therefore, should be very glad to provide him with everything he needs; one ought to believe that a large family should be looked upon by the community as a very welcome gift. But the economist, with his crude outlook, knows no other equivalent than that which is paid to him in tangible ready cash. He is so firmly set in his antitheses that the most striking facts are of as little concern to him as the most scientific principles. We destroy the contradiction simply by transcending it. With the fusion of the interests now opposed to each other there disappears the opposition between excess popUlation here and excess wealth there; there disappears the miraculous fact (more miraculous than all the miracles of all the religions put together) that a nation has to starve from sheer wealth and plenty; and there disappears the crazy assertion that the earth lacks the power to feed men. This assertion is the pinnacle of Christian economics-and that our economics is essentially Christian I could have proved from every proposition, from every category, and shall in fact do so when the time comes. The Malthusian theory is but the economic expression of the religious dogma concerning the contradiction of spirit and nature and the resulting corruption of both. So far as religion is concerned, this contra diction has been resolved long ago. I hope that In the sphere of economics I have equally demonstrated the utter emptiness of this contradiction. Moreover, I shall not accept as competent any defense of the Malthusian theory which does not from the outset explain to me on the basis of its own principles how a people can starve from sheer plenty and b ring this into harmony with reason and fact. At the same time, the Malthusian theory has been an abso lutely necessary point of transition which has taken us infinitely further. Thanks to this theory, as to economics as a whole, our attention has been drawn to the productive power of the earth and of mankind; and after overcoming this economic despair

OUTLINES OF A CRITIQUE

1 97

we have been made forever secure against the fear of over population. We derive from it the most powerful economic arguments for a social transformation. For even if Malthus were

completely right, this transformation would have to be

under

taken on the spot; for only this transformation, and the education of the masses which it alone provides, makes possible that moral restraint of the propagative instinct which M althus himself presents as the most effective and easiest remedy for over population. Through this theory we have come to know the deepest degradation of man, his dependence on the realm of competition. It has shown us how in the last instance private property has turned man into a commodity whose productio n and destruction also depend solely o n demand; how the system of competition has thus slaughtered, and d aily continues to slaughter, millions of men. All this we have seen, and all this drives us to the abolition of this degradation of mankind through the abolition of private property, competition and the opposing interests. Yet, so as to deprive the universal fear of over-population of any possible basis, let us once more return t o the realtionship of productive power to population. Malthus establishes a formula on which he bases his entire system: populatio n is said to increase

in

a geometrical progression- l

=

2

=

4

=

8

=

16

=

32, etc.;

the productive power of the land in an arithmetical progression

5 = 6. The difference is obvious, is terrifying; but is it correct? Where has it been proved that the productivity I

=

2

=

3

=

4

=

of the land increases in an arithmetical progression? The extent of land is

limited.

All right ! The labor-power to be employed

on this land-surface increases with population. Let us even assume that the increase in yield due to increase in labor d oes not always

rise in pro p ortion to the labor: there still remains a third element whic h, of course, never means anything to the economist -science -whose progress is as unceasing and at least as rapid as that of population. What progress does the agriculture of this century owe to chemistry alone-indeed ,

to

two men alone, Sir Hum

phrey Davy and Justus Liebig! But science increases at least as much as population. The latter increases in proportion to

FREDERICK ENGELS

1 98

the size of the previous generation, science advances in proportion to the knowledge bequeathed to it by the previous generation, and thus under the most ordinary conditions also in geometrical progression. And what is impossible to science? But it is absurd to talk of over-population so long as "there is enough waste land in the valley of the Mississippi for the whole popUlation of Europe to be transplanted there"; I so long as no more than one-third of the earth can be considered cultivated, and so long as the production of this third itself can be raised sixfold and more by the application of improvements already known. Thus, competition sets capital against capital, labor against labor, landed property against landed property; and likewise each of these elements against the other two. In the struggle the stronger wins; and in order to predict the outcome of the struggle, we shall have to investigate the strength of the contestants. At first, land and capital are stronger than labor, for the worker must work to live, while the landowner can live on his rents, and the capitalist on his interest, or if the need arises, on his capital or on capitalized property in land. The result is that only the very barest necessities, the mere means of subsistence, fall to the lot of labor; while the largest part of the products is shared between capital and landed property. Moreover, the stronger worker drives the weaker out of the market, just as larger capital drives out smaller capital, and larger landed property d rives out smaller landed property. Practice confirms this conclusion. The advantages which the larger manufacturer and merchant enjoy over the smaller, and the big landowner over the owner of a single acre, are well known. The result is that already under ordinary conditions, in accordance with the law of the stronger, large capital and large landed property swallow small capital and small landed property-i.e., centralization of property. In crises of trade and agriculture, this centralization proceeds much more rapidly. Large property as such increases much more rapidly than small property, since a much smaller portion is deducted I.

A. Alison, I.e. , p. 548 .

Ed.

OUTLINES OF A CRITIQUE

1 99

from its p roceed s as property-expenses. This law of the centralization of private property is as immanent in private property as all the others . The middle classes must increasingly disappear until the world is d i vided into millionaires and paupers, into large landowners and poor farm laborers. All the laws, all the dividing of landed property, all the possible splitting up of cap it al , are o f no avail: this result must and will come, unless it is anticipated by a total transformation of s o cial condi tions, a fusi on of opposed i ntere st s , a transcendence of private property. Free competition, the key-wo rd of our prese nt-day econo mists, is an i mpos s ibility . Monopoly at least intended to protect the consumer against counterfeit, even if it could not in fact do so. The abolition of monopoly, however, o pens the door wide to counterfeit. You say that c o mp et i tio n carries with it the remedy for counterfeit, s ince no one will buy bad articles. But that means that everyone has to be an expert in every article, which is impos s ib le . Hence the necess ity for monopoly, which many articles in fact reveal. Ap o t hecaries, etc., must have a mo no poly . And the most important article-money-requires a monopoly most of all. Whenever the circulating medium has ceased to be a state monopoly it has invariably p roduced a trade crisis; and the English ec ono m ists , Dr. Wade among them, do concede in this case the necessity for mo n o poly . But even m o nopo ly is no pro tecti o n against counterfeit money. One can take one's stand on either side of the q uest ion : the one is as difficu lt as the other. Monopoly produces free c o m petiti o n , and the latter, in turn, p r oduc es monopoly. Therefore, both must fall , and these difficulties must be resolved through the transce nde nce of the pri nciple which gives rise to them. Co mpetiti on h as penet rated all the relationships of our life and completed the reciprocal bondage in which men now hold t hemse lve s . C o m petiti o n is the great mainspring which again and again jerks into activity our agei ng and withering social order, or rather disorder; but with each new exertion it also s aps a part of this order's waning st ren gth . Competition governs

200

F R E D E R I C K ENG E LS

the numerical advance of mankind; it likewise gove rns its mo ral advance. Anyone who has any knowledge of the st atist ics of crime must have been struck by the peculiar regu larity w ith w h ic h crime advances year by year, and with which certain c auses produce certain crimes. The extension of the fact o ry syste m is followed everywhere by an increase in crime. The number of arrests, of criminal cases-indeed, the number of murders robberies, petty thefts, etc . , for a large town or for a d ist rict-": can be predicted ye ar by year with unfailing pre ci s io n, as has been done often eno ugh in E ngl and This regu larity proves that crime, too, is governed by c o mpetiti o n ; that s ociety creates a demand for crime which is met by a corresponding supply; that t he gap created by the arrest, transportation or execution o f a certain number is at o nce filled by others, just as every gap in population is at once filled by new arrivals; in other words, this regularity proves that crime presses on the means of punishment j ust as the people press on the means of employment. -

.

How j ust it is to punish criminals under these circumstances, quite part from any other considerations, I leave to the j udgment

of my readers. Here I am merely concerned in demonstrating

the extension of competition into the moral sphere, and to show to what deep degradation private property has brought man.

the struggle of capital and land against labor, the first two elements enj oy yet another s pecial advantage over labor the In

assistance of science; for in present conditions science, too, is

against labor. Almost all mechanical inventions, for occ as io ned b y the lack of labor-power; especially so, Hargreaves's, Crompton's and Arkwright's cotton spinning mach ines There has never been an inte nse demand for labor which did no t result in an invention that i nc reased labor p roducti v it y co nsid e ra b l y , thus diverting demand away from human labor. The history of England from 1 770 until now directed

i n stance, have be en .

OUTLI N E S O F A C R ITIQU E

20 1

is one long p roof of this. The las t great invention in c o tt o n spi nning, the self-acting mule, was occasioned s i mply and solel y b y the demand for labor, and rising w ages . It dou b le d machine la b or, and thereby cut down hand-labor by half; it threw half

the workers out of emp loyment, and th e reby depresse d the w ages

of the other half; it crushed a j oint scheme of the workers again st

the factory-owners, and d estro y ed the last vestige of strength

with which labor h ad sti l l held out in the u nequal stru ggle against

c apital . (Cf. Dr.

U re, Philosophy of Manufactures,

Vol.

2.) The

economist now says, however, that in its final result machinery

is favo rable to the workers, since it makes p rod uct i o n cheaper

and thus creates a new and larger market for its products, and

since in so d o ing it ult i mate l y re�mploys the wo rkers put

out

of work . Quite right. But is the economist fo rgetting , t hen , th at

the prod uctio n of lab o r-powe r is regu l ated by co mp etiti o n ; that

labor-power is al ways pressing on the means of employment,

and that, therefore, when these advantages are

due to

become

oper ative , a surplus of c om p etit ors for work is already waiting

for them, and will thus render these advantages illusory;

the disadvantages-the sudden withdrawal

of

while

t he means of

subsistence from one half of the workers and the fall in wages

for the other half-are not illusory? Is the economist forgetti ng that the progress of invention never stands still, and t h at

these

d is advantages , therefore, perpetuate themselves? Is he forgetting that with the divis io n of labor, developed to such

a

degree by

our civilization, a worker can only live if he can be used at

this particular machine for t his p articu l ar d et ailed operati o n � that the ch ange-over from one type of e mp lo y ment to an absolute

another impossibility fo r

In turning my atte n tio n to the effects of

mac hi ne ry, I am

newer type is al most

the adult

invariab ly

worker?

brought to another su bj ect less directly relevant,-the factory system� and

I h ave neither the inclin ation nor the time to treat

202

FREDERICK ENGELS

this here. Besides, I hope to have an early opportunity to expound in detail the despicable immorality of this sytem, and to expose mercilessly the economist's hypocrisy which here appears in all its glitter. ! Written by F. Engels in late 1 843-January 1 844. Published in the journal Deutsch-Franzeisische Jahrbiicher, 1844

Translated from the German

I . Engels refers to a work on England's social history which he intended to write and for which he was collect i ng material duri ng his stay in t hat country (November

1842-August 1 844). In this work Engels me ant t o d ev ote a spec ial chapter to the cond ition

of the English wo rkers. Later he changed his mi nd and decided to write a special book about the English proletariat. He did so on returning to Germany. The book, Condition of the Working Cla ss in England. was published i n Leipzig in I 845.-Ed.

Manifesto

of the Communist Party

Karl Marx and Frederick Engels Preface to

the English Edition of 1 888 Frederick Engels

The Manifesto was published as the platform of the Communist League, a workingmen's association, first exclusively German, later on international, and, under the political conditions of the Continent before

1 848, unavoidably a secret society. At a Con 1847, Marx

gress of the League, held in London in November

and Engels were commissioned to prepare for pUblication a

complete theoretical and practical party program. Drawn up in German, in January

1 848, the manuscript was sent to the

printer in London a few weeks before the French Revolution of Fe bruary

24. A French translation was brought out in Paris shortly before the insurrection of June 1 848. The first English translation, by Miss Helen Macfarlane, ap peared in George

Julian Harney's

Red Republican.

London,

a Polish edition had also been published .

1 850. A Danish and

The defeat of the Parisian insurrection of

June 1 848-the

first great battle between p ro letariat and bourgeoisie-drove again into the background, for a time, the social and political

203

204

KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS

aspirations of the European working class. Thenceforth the struggle for supremacy was again, as it had been before the revolution of February, solely between different sections of the propertied class; the working class was reduced to a fight for political elbowroom, and to the position of extreme wing of the middle-class radicals. Wherever independent proletarian movements continued to show signs of life they were ruthlessly hunted down. Thus the Prussian police hunted out the Central Board of the Communist League, then located in Cologne . The members were arrested and, after eighteen months' imprisonment, they were tried in October 1 852. This celebrated "Cologne Com munist trial" lasted from October 4 till November 1 2; seven of the prisoners were sentenced to terms of imprisonment in a fortress, varying from three to six years. Immediately after the sentence the League was formally dissolved by the remaining members. As to the Manifesto, it seemed thenceforth to be doomed to oblivion. When the European working class had recovered sufficient strength for another attack on the ruling classes, the International Workingmen's Association sprang up. But this Association, formed with the express aim of welding into one body the whole militant proletariat of Europe and America, could not at once proclaim the principles laid down in the Manifesto. The International was bound to have a program broad enough to be acceptable to the English trade unions, to the followers of Proudhon in France, Belgium, Italy, and Spain, and to the Lassalleansl in Germany. Marx, who drew up this program to the satisfaction of al parties, entirely trusted to the intellectual development of the working class, which was sure to result from combined action and mutual discussion. The very events and vicissitudes of the struggle against capital, the defeats even more than the victories, could not help bringing home to men's minds the insufficiency of their various favorite nostrums and preparing I. Lassalle personally, to us, always acknowledged himself to be a disciple of Marx and, as such, stood on the ground of the Manifesto. But in his public agitation, 1 86264, he did not go beyond demanding co-operative workshops supported by state credit.

MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

205

the w ay for a more complete insight into the true conditions of working-class emancipation. And Marx was right. The Inter n ational, on its breaking up in 1 874, left the workers quite diferent men from what it had found them in 1 864. Proudhonism in France, Lassalleanism in Germany were dying out, and even the conservative English trade unions, though most of them had long since severed their connection with the International, were gradually advancing towards that point at which, last year at Swansea, their president could say in their name: "Continental socialism has lost its terrors for us." In fact, the principles of the Manifesto had made considerable headway among the workingmen of all countries. The Manifesto itself thus came to the front again. The German text had been, since 1 850, reprinted several times in Switzerland, England, and A merica In 1 872 it was translated into English in New York, where the translation w as published in Woodhull and Claflin 's Weekly. From this English version a French one was made in I.e Socialisle of New York. Since then at least two more English translations, more or less mutilated, have been brought out in America, and one of them has been rep rinted in England. The first Russian translation, made by Bakounine, was published at Herzen's Kolokol office in Geneva, about 1 863; a second one, by the heroic Vera Zasulich, also in Geneva, 1 882. A new Danish edition is to be found in Socia/demokratisk Bib/iothek, Copenhagen, 1 885; a fresh French translation in I.e Socia/iste, Paris, 1 885. From this latter a Spanish version was prepared and published in Madrid, 1 886. The German reprints are not to be counted; there have been twelve altogether at the least. An Armenian translation, which was to be published in Constantinople some months ago, did not see the light, I am told, because the publisher was afraid of bringing out a book with the name of Marx on it, while the translator declined to call it his own production. Of further translations into other languages I have heard, but have not seen them. Thus the history of the Manifesto reflects, to a great extent, the history of the modern working-class movement; at present it is undoubtedly the most widespread, the most inter-

206

KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS

national production of all socialist literature, the common plat form acknowledged by millions of workingmen from Siberia to California. Yet, when it was written, we could not have called it a Socialist Manifesto. By socialists, in 1 847, were understood, on the one hand, the adherents of the various utopian systems: Owenites in England, Fourierists in Franch, both of them already reduce to the position of mere sects, and gradually dying out; on the other hand, the most multifarious social quacks, who, by all manners of tinkering, professed to redress, without any danger to capital and profit, all sorts of social grievances, in both cases men outside the working-class movement and looking rather to the "educated" classes for support. Whatever portion of the working class had become convinced of the insufficiency of mere political revolutions and had proclaimed the necessity of a total social change, that portion then called itself communist. It was a crude, rough-hewn, purely instinctive sort of communism; still, it touched the cardinal point and was powerful enough among the working class to produce the utopian communism, in France, of Cabet and, in Germany, of Weitling. Thus socialism was, in 1 847, a middle-class movement, communism a working class movement. Socialism was, on the Continent at least, "re spectable"; communism was the very opposite. And as our notion, from the very beginning, was that "the emancipation of the working class must be the act of the working class itself," there could be no doubt as to which of the two names we must take. Moreover, we have, ever since, been far from repUdiating it. The Manifesto being our joint production, I consider myself bound to state that the fundamental proposition, which forms its nucleus, belongs to Marx. That proposition is that in every historical epoch the prevailing mode of economic production and exchange and the social organization neCessarily following from it form the basis upon which is built up, and from which alone can be explained, the political and intellectual history of that epoch; that consequently the whole history of mankind (since the dissolution of primitive tribal society, holding land in common ownership) has been a history of class struggles, contests between

MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

W7

exploiting and exploited, ruling and oppressed classes; that the history of these class struggles forms a series of evolutions in which, nowadays, a stage has been reached where the exploited and oppressed class-the proletariat-cannot attain its emancipa tion from the sway of the exploiting and ruling class-the bourgeoisie-without, at the same time, and once and for

all,

emancipating society at large from all exp loitati on, oppression,

class distinctions, and class struggles.

This proposition, which, in my opinion, is destined to do for history what Darwin's theory

has done for biology, we, both

of us, had been gradually approaching for some years before

1 845. How far

I had independently progressed towards it is best

Condition of the Working Class in England. But when I again met Marx at Brussels, in spring 1 845, he had shown by my

it already worked out, and put it before me, in terms almost

as clear as those in which I have stated it here. From our j oint preface to

the German edition of 1 872, I

quote the following:

"However much the state of things may have altered during the last twenty-five years, the general principles laid down in this Manifesto are, on the whole, as correct today as ever. Here and there some detail

might be imprOVed. The practical depend, as the Manifesto itself

application of the principles wil

states, everywhere and at all times, on the historical conditions for the time being existing, and for that reason no special stress is laid on the revolutionary measures proposed

at the end of Section II. That passage would, in many respects, be very diferently worded today. In view of the gigantic strides of modem industry since 1 848, and of the accompanying improved and extended organization of the working class, in view of the practical experience gained, first in the February revolution, and then, still more, in the Paris Commune, where the p roletariat for the first time held political power for two whole months, this program has in some details become antiquated. One thing especially was proved by the Commune, viz. , that 'the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made state machinery and wield it for its own purposes. ' (See The Civil War in France;

208

KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS

Address of the General Council of the International Working_ men 's Association, London, Truelove, 1 871 , page 15, where this point is further developed.) Further, it is self-evident that the criticism of socialist literature is deficient in relation to the present time, because it comes down only to 1 847; also, that the remarks on the relation of the communists to the various opposition parties (Section IV), although in principle still correct, yet in practice are antiquated, because the political situation has been entirely changed and the progress of history has swept from off the earth the greater portion of the political parties there enumerated. "But then, the Manifesto has become a historical document which we have no longer any right to alter. " The present translation is b y Mr. Samuel Moore, the translator of the greater portion of Marx's Capital. We have revised it in common, and I have added a few notes explanatory of historical allusions.

Manifesto of the Communist Party A specter is haunting Europe-the specter of communism. All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this specter: Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, French radicals and German police spies. Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as communistic by its opponents in power? Where the opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach of communism against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary adversaries? Two things result from this fact: I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers to be itself a power. II. It is high time that communists should openly, in the face of the whole word, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, and meet this nursery tale of the specter of communism with a Manifesto of the party itself.

M A N I FESTO OF T H E COM M U N IST PA RTY

209

To this end, communists of various nationalities have assem bled in London and sketched the following Manifesto, to be

published in the English, French, German, Italian, Flemish, and Danish languages.

I.

BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS!

The history o f all hitherto existing society2 i s the history of class struggles. Free man and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf,

guild master3 and j ourneyman, in a word, oppressor and op pressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried

on

an

uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that

each time ended either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large or in the common ruin of the contending classes.

In the earlier epochs of history we find alm ost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have

p atricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassals, guild masters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate gradations. The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the I . By "bourgeoisie" is meant the clas of modem capit alists , owners of the means of social product io n and employers of wage labor. By proletariat, the class of moder n wage laborers who, having no means of production of their own, are reduced to selling their labor power in ord er to live. [Note by Engels to the E ngli s h ed ition of 1 888.] 2. That is, all written history. [n 1 847 the pre history of soc ie ty , the social organization

existing p revious to recorded history, was all but unknown. Since t hen H axthausen d iscovered common ownership of lan d in Russia, Maurer proved it to be the social

foundation from which a l l Teutonic races started in h isto ry , and by a nd by vil l age communities were. found to be, or to have been, the pri mitive form of society everywhere from I ndia to Ire land. The inner o rgan izatio n of this primitive communistic society laid bare, in its typica l form, by Morga n 's crowning discovery of the true nature

was

of the gens and its relation to the tribe. With the d issolution of these primev a l communities society begins to be differentiated into separate and finally antagonistic classes. I have

attempted to retrace this process of dissolution in Der Ursprung der Fami/ie. des

Privateigenthums und des Staats [ The Origin of the Fami/y. Private Property and the State], second edition, Stuttgart, 1 886. [Note by Enge ls to the English edition of 1 888.]

3. Guild master, t hat is, a full member of a guild, a master within, not a head of a guild. [N o te by E nge ls to the English edition of 1 888.]

210

KARL M A R X A N D FREDERICK ENG E LS

ruins of feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms. It has but established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones . Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, distinctive feature: it has simplified the class antagonis ms . this S ociety as a whole is more and more splitting up into t w o great hostile camps, into two great classes directly facing each other: b ourgeoisie and proletariat. From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of the earliest towns. From these burgesses the first elements of the bourgeoisie were developed. The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East Indian and Chinese markets, the colonization of America, trade with the colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in com modities generally, gave to commerce, to navigation, to industry an impulse never before known, and thereby, to the revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development. The feudal system of industry, under which industrial pro duction was monopolized by closed guilds, now no longer sufficed for the growing wants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took its place. The guild masters were pushed on one side by the manufacturing middle class; division of labor between the different corporate guilds vanished in the face of division of labor in each single workshop. Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even manufacture no longer sufficed . Thereupon steam and machinery revolutionized industrial production. The place of manufacture was taken by the giant, modern industry, the place of the industrial middle class by industrial millionaires, the leaders of whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois. M odern industry has established the world market, for which the discovery of America paved the way. This market h as given an immense development to commerce, to navigation, to com munication by land . This development has, in its turn, reacted on the extension of industry; and in proportion as industry, commerce, navigation, railways extended , in the same proportion

MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

21 1

bourge oi sie developed, increased its capital, and p ushed into the background every class handed down from the Middle Ages. We see, therefore, how the modern b o urgeoisie is itself the product of a lo ng co u rse of develop ment, of a series of revolutions in the modes of production and of exch ange . Each step in the deve l op ment of the bourge oisie was accom panied by a co n esp o nd ing p olitical advance of that class. An op pre ssed class under the sway of the feudal nobility, an armed and self-governing ass oci ati on in the medieval commune; I here ind epe ndent urb an rep u blic (as in I taly and Gennany), there taxable "third estate" of the monarchy (as in France), afterwards, in the peri od of manufacture proper, serving either the se mi feudal or the ab s olute monarchy as a co unterp oise against the no bility , and, in fact, cornerstone of the great monarchies in general , th e bo urge oisi e has at last, since the establishment of mode m industry and of the world market, conq uered for itself, in the modem representative state, exclusive political sway . The executive of the mo d em state is but a c o m mittee for managing the co mmon affairs of the who le b ourgeoi sie . The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revo lution ary part. The bo urgeo i sie , wherever it has g ot the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, id yllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the m otley feudal ties that bound man to his "natural s u p eri o rs , " and has left remaining no other nexus bet we n man and man than naked self-interest, than c al l ous "cash p ayment. " It has drowned the most heave nly ecstasies of reli gi o u s ferv o r , of chivalrous enthus i as m, of Phil i stine sentimentalism in the icy water o f eg oti st i cal calculation. It h as resolved personal worth into exchange value and , in place of t he numberless indefe asible chartered freed oms, has set up that si n gle , uncon scionable freedom-free trade. In one wo rd ; for exploitation, the

I . "Commune" was the name taken, i n France, b y the nascent towns even before

they had conquered from their fe ud al lords and masters local self-government and political rights as the "third estate. » Generally speaking, for the economic development of the bourgeoisie, E ngland is here taken as the typical country; for its political development, France. [N o te by Engels to the English edition of 1 888.]

212

KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS

veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked ' shameless, direct, brutal exploitation. The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupati on

hitherto honored and looked up to with reverent awe. It

h as

converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science into its paid wage laborers. The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation. The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal display of vigor in the Middle Ages, which reactionists so much admire, found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. It has been the first to show what man's activity can bring about. It has accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it

h as

conducted expeditions that put in tlie shade all former exoduses of nations and crusades. The bourgeoisie cannot e xist without constantly revolution izing the instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them the whole relations of society.

Conservation of the old modes of production in unaltered form was, on the contrary, the first condition of existence for all earlier industrial classes. Constant revolutionizing of production, unin terrupted disturbance of all social conditio ns, everlasting un certainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast-frozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prej Udices and opinions, are swept away,

al new-formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify.

All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses his real

conditions of life and his relations with his kind . The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe. It must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere. The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world market given a cosmopolitan character to production and con sumption in every country. To the great chagrin of reactionists,

MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

213

it has drawn from under the feet o f industry the national ground on which it stood. All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged

by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilized nations, by industri.es that no longer

work up indigenous raw material, but raw material

drawn from

the remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed not

only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the productions of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion and

self-sufficiency we have intercourse in every

direction, universal interdependence of nations. And as in mate rial, so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations

of individual nations become common property. National one sided ness and narrow-mindedness become

more and more

impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures there arises a world literature. The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement

of al instruments

of production, by the immensely facilitated means of communi cation, draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civiliza

tion. The cheap prices of its commodities are the heavy artilery with which it batters down al Chinese wals, with which it forces

the barbarians' intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitu late. It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the

bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to introduce what it calls civilization into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In one word , it creates a world after its own image.

The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of

the towns. It has created enormous cities, has greatly increased

the urban popUlation as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part of the population from the idiocy

of rural life. Just as it has made the country dependent on the

towns, so it has made barbarian and semi-barbarian countries

dependent on the civilized ones, nations of peasants on nations of bourgeois, the East on the West. The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with

214

KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS

the scattered state of the population, of the means of p r oduction, and of property. It has agglomerated population, centralized means of production, and has concentrated property in a few hands. The necessary consequence of this was political centraliza tion. Independent, or but loosely connected provinces, wit h separate interests, laws, governments and systems of taxation, became lumped t ogether into one nation, with one government, one code of laws, one nati onal class interest, one frontier, and one customs tariff. The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding generations together. Subj ection of nature's forces to man, machinery, application of chemistry to industry and agriculture, steam navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clearing of whole continents for cultivation, canaliza tion of rivers, whole popUlations conjured out of the ground what earlier century had even a presentiment that such productive forces slumbered in the lap of social labor? We see then: the means of production and of exchange, on whose foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal society. At a certain stage in the development of these means of production and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society produced and exchanged, the feudal organization of agriculture and manufacturing industry, in one word, the feudal relations of property, became no longer compatible with the already developed productive forces; they became so many fetters. They had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder. Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and political constitution adapted to it, and by the economic and political sway of the bourgeois class. A similar movement is going on before our own eyes. Modem bourgeois society with its relations of production, of exchange, and of property, a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of p roduction and of exchange, is like the sorcerer who is no longer able to control the powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells. For many a decade past,

MANIFESTO OF

THE

COMMUNIST PARTY

215

the history o f industry and commerce i s but the history o f the revolt of modern productive forces against modern conditions of production, against the property relations that are the

conditions for the existence of the bourgeoisie and of its rule.

It is enough to mention the commercial crises that by their

periodic return put on its trial, each time more threateningly,

the existence of the entire bourgeois society. In these crises a great part not only of the existing products but also of the previously created productive forces are periodically destroyed.

In these crises there breaks out an epidemic that in al earlier

epochs would have seemed an absurdity-the epidemic

of

overproduction. Society suddenly finds itseIr put back into a state of momentary barbarism; it appears as if a famine, a

universal war of devastation had cut off

the

supply

of

every

means of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to

be

destroyed; and why? Because there is too m uch civilization, too

much means of subsistence, too much industry, too much

commerce. The productive forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the

bourgeois property;

on

development

of the conditions of

the contrary, they have become too

powerful for these conditions, by which they are fettered , and

as soon as they overcome these fetters they bring disorder into the whole of bourgeois society, e nd anger the existence of bourgeois property. The conditions of bourgeoi'! society are too

narrow to co mp ri se the wealth created by them. And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one hand, by enforced

destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the other, by

conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitati on of the old ones. That is to say, by paving the way fo r more extensive and more destructive crises � and by diminish ing the means whereby crises are prevented. The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism

the

to the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself. But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons-the modern w orking class the proletarians .

216

KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS

In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed, in the same proportion is the proletariat, the modem working class, developed-a class of laborers, who live only so long as they find work, and who find work only so long as their labor increases capital. These laborers, who must sell themselves piecemeal, are a commodity, like every other article of commerce, and are consequently exposed to al the vicissitudes of com petition, to all the fluctuations of the market. Owing to the extensive use of machinery and to division of labor, the work of the proletarians has lost all individual character and, consequently, all charm for the workman. He becomes an appendage of the machine, and it is only the simplest, most monotonous, and most easily acquired knack that is required of him. Hence the cost of production of a workman is restricted, almost entirely, to the means of subsistence that he requires for his maintenance and for the propagation of his race. But the price of a commodity, and therefore also of labor, is equal to its cost of production. In proportion, therefore, as the repUlsiveness of the work increases, the wage decreases. Nay, more, in proportion as the use of machinery and division of labor increases, in the same proportion the burden of toil also increases, whether by prolongation of the working hours, by increase of the work exacted in a given time, or by increased speed of the machinery, etc. Modem industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal master into the great fact ory of the industrial capitalist. M asses of laborers , crowded into the fact o ry , are o rg anize d like s o l die rs As p rivates of the ind ustrial army they are placed under the command of a perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants Not only are they slaves of the bourgeois class, and of the bourgeois state; they are d aily and hourly enslaved by the m ach ine , by the overlooker, and, above all, by the individual bourgeois manufacturer himself. The more openly this despotism p rocl aims gain to be its end and aim, the more petty, the more hateful, and the more e mbitteri ng it is. The less the skill and e xerti on of strength impli e d i n man ual labor, in other words, the more modern industry becomes .

.

MANIFESTO

developed, the

OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

217

more is the labor of men superseded b y that

of women. Diferences of age and sex have no longer any distinctive social validity for the working class. All are instruments

of labor, more or less expe nsive to use, according to their age and sex.

by the

No sooner is the exploitation of the laborer

manufacturer over, to the extent that he receives his wages in cash, then he is set upon by the other

portions of the bourgeoisie,

the landlord, the shopkeeper, the pawnbroker, etc. The lower strata of the middle class-the small tradespeople, shopkeepers, and retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and peasants-all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly because their diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on which modem i nd ustry is carried on, and is swamped in the competition with the large capitalists, partly because their specialized skill is rendered worthless by new methods of production. Thus the proletariat is recruited from all classes of the population. The proletariat goes through various stages of development. With its birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie. At first the contest is carried on by individual laborers, then

by the

workpeople of a factory, then by the operatives of one trade, in one locality, against the individual bourgeois who directly exploits them. They direct their attacks not against the bourgeois conditions of production, but against the instruments of production themselves; they destroy imported wares that compete with their labor, they smash to pieces machinery, they set factories ablaze, they seek to restore by force the vanished status of the workman of the Middle Ages. At this stage the laborers still form an incoherent mass scattered over the whole country and broken up by their mutual competition. If anywhere they unite to form more

compact

bod ies this is not yet the consequence of their own active union, ,

but of the union of the bourgeoisie, which class, in order to attain its own political ends, is compelled to set the whole proletariat in motion, and is moreover yet, for a time, able to do so. At this stage, therefore, the proletarians do not fight

218

KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS

their enemies, but the enemies of their enemies, the remnants of absolute monarchy, the landowners, the non-industrial bourgeois, the petty bourgeoisie. Thus the whole historical movement is concent rated in the hands of the bourgeoisie; every victo ry so obtained is a vict ory for the bourgeoisie. But with the development of industry the proletariat not only increases in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strength grows, and it feels that strength more. The various interests and conditions of life within the ranks of the proletariat are more and more equalized, in proportion as machinery obliterates al distinctions of labor and nearly every where reduces wages to the same low level. The growing competi tion among the b ourgeois and the resulting commercial crises make the wages of the workers ever more fluctuating. The unceasing improvement of machinery, ever more rapidly develop ing, makes their livelihood more and more precarious; the collisions between individual workmen and individual bourgeois take more and more the character of collisions between two classes. Thereupon the workers begin to form combinations (trade unions) against the b ourgeo is; they club t ogether in order to keep up the rate of wages; t hey found permanent associations in order to make p rovision beforehand for these occasional revolts. Here and there the contest breaks out into riots . Now and then th e workers are viCtorious, but only for a ti me. The real fruit of their battles lies not in the .immediate

result, but in the ever expanding union of the workers. This ' union is helped on by the improved means of communication

that are created by modern industry and that place the workers of different localities in contact with one another. It was j ust this contact that was needed to centralize the numerous local struggles, all of the same character, into one national struggle between classes. But every class struggle is a political struggle .

And that union, to attain which the burghers of the Middle

Ages, with their miserable highways, required centuries, the modern proletarians, thanks to railways, achieve in a few years . This organization of the proletarians into a class, and consequently into a political party, is continually being up set

MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY again

by

the co mpetiti o n between the

219

workers thems elves .

But

it ever rises up again , stronger, firmer, mightier. It co mpels

legislative recognition of particular interests

of

the workers by

taking advantage of the d ivis ions among the bourgeoisie itself. Thus the te n-h our bill in England was carried.

Altoge ther collisions between the class es of the

old

s ociety

further, in many ways, the course of d eve l o pme nt

of the bourgeo isie finds itself involved in a co nstant battle. At first with the aristocracy; later on, �ith those portions of the bourgeo is ie itself whose interests have become antagonistic to the progress of industry; at all times, with the bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In al these battles it sees itself compelled to appeal to the proletariat, to ask for its help, and thus to drag it into the political arena. The bourgeoisie itself, therefore, supplies the proletariat with its own elements of p o litical and general education: in other words, it furnishes the p roletariat with we ap o ns for fighting the b ourge oisie. Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the ruling classes are, by the advance of ind ustry, precipitated into the proletariat, or are at least threatened in the i r conditions of existence. These also supply the proletari at with fresh elements of enlightenment and progress. proletariat. The

Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive

hour, the process of d isso lutio n go ing on w ithin in fact within the wh o le range of old

the ruling class, s ociety , assumes such a

violent,

glaring character that a small section of the ruling class cuts itself adrift and j oins the revolutionary class, the class that holds the future in its hands. Just as, the re fore , at an earlier period, a secti o n of the nobility went over to the bo urgeoisie, so now a p o rti o n of the bourgeoisie goes over to the p ro letariat , and in particular a p o rtio n of the bourge ois ideologists, who have raised themselves to the level of co mprehe nd i ng theoretically the historic al movement as a whole. Of all the clas ses that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie

tod ay, the proletariat alone is a really revo lu ti onary class. The

other

classes

d ec ay and finally disappear in the face of modern

industry; the p r o let ari at is its s peci al and es s e nti al p rod uct.

220

KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS The lower-middle class, the small manufacturer, the

shopkeeper, the artisan, the peasant, al these fight against the

bourgeoisie, to save from extinction their existence as fractions

of the middle class. They are therefore not revolutionary, but conservative. Nay, more, they are reactionary, for they try to

roll back the wheel of history. If by chance they are revolutionary they are so only in view of their impending transfer into the

proletariat; they thus defend not their present but their future

interests, they desert their own standpoint to place themselves at that of the proletariat. The "dangerous class," the social scum, that passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of old society, may, here and there, be swept into the movement by a proletarian revolution; its conditions of life, however, prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue. In the conditions of the proletariat those of old society at large are already virtualy swamped. The proletarian is without property; his relation to his wife and children has no longer anything in common with the bourgeois family relations; modem

industrial labor, modem SUbjection to capital, the same in England as in France, in America as in Germany, has stripped

him of every trace of national character. Law, morality, religion are to him so many bourgeois prejudices, behind which lurk

in ambush just as many bourgeois interests.

Al the preceding classes that got the upper hand sought

to fortify their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their conditions of appropriation. The proletarians cannot become masters of the productive forces of society, except by abolishing their own previous mode of appropriation, and thereby also every other previous mode of appropriation. They have nothing of their own to secure and to fortify; their mission is

to destroy all previous securities for, and insurances of, individual property. All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self�onscious, independent movement of the immense m aj ority in the interests of the immense majority. The ,

MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

22 1

proletariat, the lowest stratum of our present society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself up, without the whole superincumbent strata of official society being sprung into the air. Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the proletariat with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. The prolet ariat of each country must, of course, first o f al settle matters with its own bourgeoisie. In depicting the most general phases of the development of the proletariat, we traced the mo re or less veiled civil war, raging within existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out into open revolution, and where the vi olent overthrow of the b ourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat. Hitherto

every form of society has been based, as we have seen, on the antago nism of oppressing and oppressed class. But in order to oppress a class certain conditions must be assured to it under which it can, at least, continue its slavish existence. The serf, in the period of serfdom, raised himself to membership in the commune, just as the petty bourgeois, under the yo ke of feudal absolutism, managed to develop into a bourgeois . The modem laborer, on the contrary, instead of rising with the progress of industry, sinks deeper and deeper below the conditions of existence of his own class. He becomes a pauper, and pauperism develops more rapidly than population and wealth. And here it becomes evident that the bourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be the ruling class in society, and to impose its conditions of existence upon society as an overriding law. It is unfit to rule because it is incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery, because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state that it has to feed him instead of being fed by him. Society can no longer live under this bourgeoisie: in other words, its existence is no longer compatible with society. The essential condition for the existence, and for the sway of the bourgeois class, is the formation and augmentation of capital; the condition for capital is wage labor. Wage labor rests exclusively on competiton between the laborers. The advance already

222

KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS

of industry, whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie,

replaces the isolation of the laborers, due to c o mp etition, by their revolutionary combination, d ue to association. The development of modern industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the b ourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie, therefore, produces, above all, is its own gravediggers. Its fall and the victory

of

the proletariat are equally inevitable.

II. PROLETARIANS AND COM M UNISTS In what relation do the communists stand

as

to

the

pro letarians

a who le?

The communists do not form a separate p arty opposed to

other working-class parties. They have no interests separate and apart the proletariat as a whole.

They do not set up any sectarian principles

by which

to

from those of of their

own,

shape and mold the proletarian moveme nt .

The communists are distinguished from the other working class

parties by this only: 1 . In the national struggles of the of the different countries they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independent of all nati o n ality . 2. In the various stages of develop ment which the struggle of the working class against the bour geoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole. The c ommunists , therefore, are on the one hand, p ractically , the mo st advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties of every country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the other hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the p ro let ariat the advantage of clearly unde rstanding the line of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement . The immediate aim of the communists is the same as that of all the other proletarian parties: formation of the proletariat proletarians

MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

223

into a class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power by the proletariat. The theoretical conclusions of the communists are in no way based on ideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered, by this or that would-be universal reformer. They merely express, in general terms, actual relations spring . ing from an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on under our very eyes. The abolition of existing property relations is not at

al a distinctive feature of communism.

All property relations in the past have continually been subject to historical change consequent upon the change in historical conditions. The French Revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in favor of bourgeois property. The distinguishing feature of communism is not the abolition of property generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But modem bourgeois private property is

the

final

and most

complete expression of the system of producing and appropriat ing products that is based on class antagonisms, on the exploitation of the many by the few. In this sense the theory of the communists may be summed up in the single sentence: Abolition of private property. We communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing the right of personally acquiring p roperty as the fruit of a man's own labor, which property

is

alleged to be the

groundwork of all personal freedom, activity, and independence.

Hard-won, self-acquired, self-eamed property! Do you mean the property of the petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form of property that preceded the bourgeois form? There is no need to abolish that; the development of industry has to

a great extent already destroyed

it, and is still destroying it daily.

Or do you mean modern bourgeois private property? But does wage labor create any property for the laborer? Not a bit. It creates capital,

i.e.,

that kind of property which

exploits wage labor, and which cannot increase except upon condition of begetting a new supply of wage labor for fresh exploitation. Property, in its present form, is based on the

224

KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS

antagonism of capital and wage labor. Let us examine both sides of this antagonism. To be a capitalist is to have not only a purely personal but a social status in production. Capital is a collective product, and only by the united action of many members, nay, in the last resort only by the united action of all members of society, can it be set in motion. Capital is, therefore, not a personal, it is a social power. When, therefore, capital is converted into common property, into the property of al members of society, personal property is not thereby transformed into social property. It is only the social character of the property that is changed. It loses its class character. Let us now take wage labor. The average price of wage labor is the minimum wage, i.e., that quantum of the means of subsistence which is absolutely requisite to keep the laborer in b are existence as a laborer. What, therefore, the wage laborer appropriates by means of his labor merely suffices to prolong and reproduce a bare existence. We by no means intend to abolish this personal appropriation of the products of labor, an appropriation that is made for the maintenance and reproduction of human life, and that leaves no surplus wherewith to command the labor of others. All that we want to do away with is the miserable character of this appropriation, under which the laborer lives merely to increase capital, and is allowed to live only insofar as the interest of the ruling class requires it. In bourgeois society living labor is but a means to increase accumulated labor. In communist society accumulated labor is but a means to widen, to enrich, to promote the existence of the laborer. In bourgeois society, therefore, the past dominates the present; in communist society the present dominates the past. In bourgeois society capital is independent and has individuality, while the living person is dependent and has no individuality. And the abolition of this state of things is called by the bourgeois abolition of individuality and freedom! And rightly

M ANI FESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

225

so. The abolition of bourgeois individuality, bourgeois indepen dence, and bourgeois freedom is undoubted ly aimed at. By freedom is meant, under the present bourgeois co nd iti ons of production, free trade, free selling and buying. But if selling and buyi ng dis ap pear, free selling and buying disappe ar also. This talk about free selling and b uying, and all the other "brave words" of our bourgeoisie about freedom in general, have a meaning, if any, only in contrast with restricted se lling and buying, with the fettered traders of the M id dle Ages, but have no meaning when opposed to the communistic abolition of buying and selling, of the bourge ois conditions of production, and of the b ourgeoisie itself. You are horrified at our intend ing to do away with private property. But in your existing society private property is already done away with for nine tenths of the popu lation; its existence for the few is solely due to its non-existence in the hands of those nine tenths. You reproach us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form of property the necessary condition for whose existence is the non-existence of any property for the immense majority of society. In one word, you reproach us w ith intending to do away with your property. Precisely so; that is just what we intend From the moment when labor can no longer be converted into capital, money, or rent, into a social power capable of being monopolized, i.e., from the moment when individual property can no longer be transformed into bourgeois p ro perty into capital, from that moment, you say, individuality vanis hes. You must, therefore, confess that by "individual" you mean no other person than the bourgeois, than the midd le-class owner of property. This person must, indeed, be swept out of the way and made impossible. Communism deprives no man of the p ower to appropriate the products of society; all that it does is to dep rive him of the power to s ubjugate the labor of others by means of suc h appropriation. It has been objected that upon the abolition of private proper ty all work wi ll cease and universal laziness will overtake us. .

,

226

KARL MA RX AND FREDERICK ENGELS

According to this, bourgeois society ought long ago have gone to the dogs through sheer idleness, for those of its members who work acquire nothing and those who acquire anything do not work. The whole of this objection is but another expression of the tautology that there can no longer be any wage labor when there is no longer any capital. All objections urged against the communistic mode of producing and appropriating material products have, in the same way, been urged against the communistic modes of producing and appropriating intellectual products. Just as, to the bourgeois, the disappearance of class property is the disappearance of production itself, so the disappearance of class culture is to him identical with the disappearance of all culture. That culture, the loss of which he laments, is, for the enormous majority, a mere training to act as a machine. But don't wrangle with us so long as you apply, to our intended abolition of bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois notions of freedom, culture, law, etc. Your very ideas are but the outgrowth of the conditions of your bourgeois production and bourgeois property, just as your jurisprudence is but the will of your class made into a law for all, a will whose essential character and direction are determined by the economic conditions of existence of your class. The selfIsh misconception that induces you to transform into eternal laws of nature and of reason the social forms springing from your present mode of production and form of property historical relations that rise and disappear in the progress of production-this misconception you share with every ruling class that has preceded you. What you see clearly in the case of ancient property, what you admit in the case of feudal property you are of course forbidden to admit in the case of your own bourgeois form of property. Abolition of the family! Even the most radical flare up at this infamous proposal of the communists. On what foundation is the present family, the bourgeois family, based? On capital, on private gain. In its completely de veloped form this family exists only among the bourgeoisie. But

MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

this

state of things fmds

its

of the

227

complement in t he practical absence

family among the proletarians, and in public p rostitution. family wil vanish as a mat�er of course when its co mplement vanishes, and both wil vanish with the vanishing of capital. Do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of children by their p arents? To this crime we plead gulty. But, you wil say, we destroy the most halowed of relations when we replace home education by social. And your education ! Is not that also s ocial, and detennined by the s ocial conditions under which you educate, by the inter ve ntion, direct or indirect, of s ociety, by means of scho ols, etc.? The communists have not invented the intervention of society in education; they do but sek to alter the character of that intervention, and to rescue education from the influence of the ruling class. The bourgeois claptrap about the family and education, about the halowed c o-relation of parent and child, becomes al the more disgusting, the more, by the action of modem industry, al family ties among the proletarians are torn asunder and their children transformed into simple articles of commerce The bourgeois

and instruments of labor.

"But y ou communists would introduce community of screams the whole bourgeoisie in chorus. The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production. He hears that the instruments of production are to be exploited in common and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion than that the lot of being common to all wil likewise fall to the women. He has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do· away with the status of women as mere instruments

women,"

of production.

For the rest, nothi ng is

more

ridiculous than the virtuous community of women which, they pretend, is to be openly and officially established by the communists. The co mmunists have no need to introduce com munity of women; it has existed almost from time immemorial. indignation of our bourgeois at the

228

KARL MARX AND

FREDERICK ENGELS

Our bourgeois, not content with having the wives and daughters of their proletarians at their disposal, not to speak of common prostitutes, take the greatest pleasure in seducing each other's wives. Bourgeois marriage is in reality a system of wives in common and thus, at the most, what the communists might possibly be reproached with is that they desire to introduce, in substitution for a hypocritically concealed, an openly legalized community of women. For the rest, it is self-evident that the abolition of the present system of production must bring with it the abolition of the community of women springing from that system, i.e. , of prostitution, both public and private. The communists are further reproached with desiring to abolish countries and nationality. The workingmen have no country. We canot take from them what they have not got. Since the proletariat must first of al acquire political supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of the nation, must constitute itself the nation, it is, so far, itself national, though not in the bourgeois sense of the word. National differences and antagonisms between peoples are daily more and more vanishing, owing to the development of the bourgeoisie, to freedom of commerce, to the world market, to uniformity in the mode of production and in the conditions of life corresponding thereto. The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still faster. United action, of the leading civilized countnes at least, is one of the first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat. In proportion as the exploitation of one individual by another is put to an end, the exploitation of one nation by another will also be put to an end. In proportion as the antagonism between classes within the nation vanishes, the hostility of one nation to another will come to an end. The charges against communism made from a religious, a philosophical, and, generally, from an ideological standpoint are not deserving of serious examination. Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man's

MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

229

ideas, views, and conceptions, in one word, man's consciousness, change with every change in the conditions of his material existence, in his social relations, and in his social life? What else does the history of ideas prove than that the intellectual production changes its character in proportion as material production is changed? The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of its ruling class. When people speak of ideas that revolutionize society they do but express the fact that within the old society the elements of a new one have been created, and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps even pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence. When the ancient world was in its last throes, the ancient religions were overcome by Christianity. When Christian ideas succumbed in the eighteenth century to nationalist ideas, feudal society fought its death battle with the then revolutionary bour geoisie. The ideas of religious liberty and freedom of conscience merely gave expression to the sway of free competition within the domain of knowledge. "Undoubtedly," it wil be said, "religious, moral, philosophi cal, and juridical ideas have been modified in the course of historical development. But religion, morality, philosophy, politi cal science, and law constantly survived this change. "There are, besides, eternal truths, such as freedom, justice, etc., that are common to al states of society. But communism abolishes eternal truths, it abolishes al religion, and al morality, instead of constituting them on a new basis; it therefore acts in contradiction to all past historical experience. " What does this accusation reduce itself to? The history of all past society has consisted in the development of class antago nisms, antagonisms that assumed diferent forms at different epochs. But whatever form they may have taken, one fact is common to all past ages, viz. , the exploitation of one part of society by the other. No wonder then that the social consciousness of past ages, despite al the multiplicity and variety it displays, moves within certain common forms, or general ideas, which cannot

KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS

230

completely vanish except with the total disappearance of class antagonisms. The communist revolution is the most radical rupture with traditional property relations; no wonder that its development involves the most radical rupture with traditional ideas. But let us have done with the bourgeois objections to communism. We have seen above that the fIrst step in the revolution

by the working class is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class, to win the battle of democracy. The proletariat wil use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees,

all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all

instruments of production in the hands of the state, i.e., of the proletariat organized as the ruling class, and to increase the total of productive forces as rapidly as possible.

Of course, in the beging this cannot be effected except by

means of despotic inroads on the rights of property and on the

conditions of bourgeois production; by means of measures, there

fore, which appear economically insufficient and untenable, but which, in the course of the movement, outstrip themselves, neces

sitate further inroads upon the old social order, and are unavoidable as a means of entirely revolutionizing the mode of production.

These measures wil of course be different in different

countries.

Nevertheless, in the most advanced countries the. following

will be pretty generally applicable:

1 . Abolition of property in land and application of all rents

of land to public purposes.

2. 3. 4. 5.

A heavy progresssive or graduated income tax. Abolition of all right of inheritance. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels. Centralization of credit in the hands of the state, by

means of a national bank with state capital and an exclusive monopoly.

6. Centralization of the means of communication and trans port in the hands of the state.

7. Extension of factories and instruments of production

MANIFESTO OF THE CO M M U N I ST PARTY

23 1

owned by the state; the bringing into cultivation of wastelands,

and the improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan. 8. Equal liability of all to labor. Establishment of industrial

armies, especially for agriculture.

9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing indus tries; gradual abolition of the distinction between town and coun try, by a more equable distribution of the population over the country.

10. Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of children's factory labor in its present form. Combination of education with industrial production, etc.

. When, in the course of development, class distinctions have

disappeared and al production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the public power wil

lose

its political character. Political power, properly so caled, is

merely the organized power of one class for oppressing another.

If the proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is com

pelled, by the force of circumstances, to organize itself as a clas,

if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of production,

then it wil, along with these conditions, have swept away the con

ditions for the existence of class antagonisms and of classes general ly, and wil thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a clas.

In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class

antagonisms, we shall have an association in which the free develop ment of each is the condition for the fre development of al.

III. S OCIALIST AND COM M UNIST LITERATU R E l . REACTION ARY SOCIALISM

a. Feudal Socialism Owing to their historical position, it became the vocation of the aristocracies of France and England to write pamphlets

232

KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS

against modem bourgeois society. In the French Revolution of July 1 830. and in the English reform agitation. these aristocracies again succumbed to the hateful upstart. Thenceforth a serious political contest was altogether out of question. A literary battle alone remained possible. But even in the domain of literature the old cries of the Restoration period I had become impossible. In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy were obliged to lose sight, apparently, of their own interests, and to formulate their indictment against the bourgeoisie in the interest of the exploited working class alone. Thus the aristocracy took their revenge by singing lampoons on their new master, and Whispering in his ears sinister prophecies of coming catastrophe. In this way arose feudal socialism: half lamentation, half lampoon; half echo of the past, half menace of the future; at times, by its bitter, witty, and incisive criticism, striking the bourgeoisie to the very heart's core, but always ludicrous in its effect, through total incapacity to comprehend the march of modern history. The aristocracy, in order to rally the people to them, waved the proletarian alms bag in front for a banner. But the people, as often as it joined them, saw on their hindquarters the old feudal coats of arms, and deserted with loud and irreverent laughter. One section of the French Legitimists and "Young England" exhibited this spectacle. In pointing out that their mode of exploitation was different from that of the bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget that they exploited under circumstances and conditions that were quite different and that are now antiquated. In showing that, under their rule, the modern proletariat never existed, they forget that the modem bourgeoisie is the necessary offpsring of their own form of society. For the rest, so little do they conceal the reactionary character of their criticism that their chief accusation against the bourgeoisie I . Not the English Restoration, 1 660 to 1689, but the French Restoration, 1 8 14 to 1 830. [Note by Engels to the English edition of 1 888.]

MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

233

amounts to this, that under the bourge ois regime a class is being developed which is destined to cut up root and branch the old order of society . What they up b raid the b ourge oisie with is not so much that it creates a p roletariat as that it creates a revolutionary proletariat. In political practice, therefore, they j oin in all coercive measures against the work ing class; and in ordinary life, despite their h ighfalutin phrases, they stoop to pick up the golden apples dropped from the tree of ind ustry, and to barter truth, love, and honor for traffic in wool, bet root sugar, and potato spirits. l As the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord, so has clerical s ocialism with fe ud al socialism . Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a s ocialist tinge. Has no t Christianity declaimed against private property, against marriage, against the state? Has it not pre ache d , in the place of these, charity and poverty, celibacy and mortification of the flesh, monastic life and Mother Church? Christian socialism is but the holy water with which the priest consecrates the he artburnings of the aristocrat.

b. Petty-Bourgeois Socialism The

feudal arist oc racy was not the o nly class th at was ruined by the bo urgeois ie , not the only clas s whose conditions of existence pined and perished in the atmosphere of modern bo u rge ois society. The medieval burgesses and t he s mal l peas a nt pr o p rieto rs were the precursors of the modern bourgeoisie. In those countries which are but l itt le developed , industrially and commercially, these two classes still vegetate side by side with the ris i ng bo u rge ois ie . I . This applies chiefly to Germany, where the landed aristocracy and squirearchy have large portions of their estates cultivated for their own account by stewards, and are, moreover, extensive beetroot sugar manufacturers and distillers of po tat o spirits.

The wealthier British aristocracy are, as yet, rather above that; but they. too, know how to make up for declining rents by lending their names to fl o ate rs of more or less shady joint-stock companies. [Note by Engels to the E nglish edition of 1 888.]

234

KARL

MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS

In countries where modem civilization has become fully developed, a new class of petty bourgeois has been formed, fluctuating between proletariat and bourgeoisie and ever renewing itself as a supplementary part of bourgeois society. The individual members of this class, however, are being constantly hurled down into the proletariat by the action of competition, and as modern industry develops they even see the moment approaching when they will completely disappear as an independent section of modem society, to be replaced, in manufactures, agriculture, and commerce, by overlookers, bailiffs, and shopmen. In countries like France, where the peasants constitute far more than half of the popUlation, it was natural that writers who sided with the proletariat against the bourgeoisie should use, in their criticism of the bourgeois regime, the standard of the peasant and petty bourgeois, and from the standpoint of these intermediate classes should take up the cudgels for the working class. Thus arose petty-bourgeois socialism. Sismondi was the head of this school, not only in France but also in England. This school of socialism dissected with great acuteness the contradictions in the conditions of modern production. It laid bare the hypocritical apologies of economists. It proved, incontrovertibly, the disastrous effects of machinery and division of labor, the concentration of capital and land in a few hands, overprod uction and crises; it pointed out the inevitable ruin of the petty bourgeois and peasant, the misery of the proletariat, the anarchy in production, the crying inequalities in the distribution of wealth, the industrial war of extermination between nations, the dissolution of old moral bonds, of the old family relations, of the old nationalities. In its positive aims, however, this form of socialism aspires either to restoring the old means of production and of exchange, and with them the old property relations and the old society, or to cramping the modern means of production and of exchange within the framework of the old property relations that have been, and were bound to be, exploded by those means. In either case it is both reactionary and utopian.

MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

235

Its last words are : c orp orate guilds for manufacture; patriarchal relations in agriculture. Ultimately, when stubbo rn historical facts had dispersed al intoxicating effects of self-deception, this form of socialism ended in a miserable fit of the blues .

c. German,

or "True, " Socialism

The soci alist and communist literature of France, a literature that originated under the pressure of a bourge oisie in power, and that was the expression of the struggle against this power, was introduced into Germany at a time when the bourgeoisie in th at country had just begun its contest with feudal absolutism. German philosophers, would-be philosophers, and beaux esprits eagerly seized on this literature, only forgetting that when these writings immigrated from France into Germany, French social conditions had not immigrated al ong with them. In contact with German social conditions, this French literature lost al its immediate practical significance, and assumed a purely literary aspect. Thus, to the German philosophers of the eighteenth century, the demands of the first French Revolution were nothing more than the demands of "practical reason" in general, and the utterance of the will of the revolutio n ary French bourgeoisie signified in their eyes the laws of pure will, of wil as it was bound to be, of true human wil generally. The work of the German literati consisted solely in bringing the new Fre n ch ideas i nto harmony with their ancient philosophical conscience, or rather, in anexing the French ideas without deserting their own philosophic point of view. This annexation took place in the same way in which a foreign language is appropriated, namely, by translation. It is well known how the mo nk s wrote silly lives of Catholic saints over the manuscripts on which the classical works of ancient heathendom had been written. The German literati reversed this p rocess with the profane French literature. They wrote their philosophical nonsense beneath the French original. For instance, bene ath the French criticism of the economic functions of money

236

KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS

they wrote

Alienation of Humanity and beneath the French Dethronement of the Category of the General, and so forth. ,

criticism of the bourgeois state they wrote

The introduction of these philosophical phrases at the back of the French historical criticisms they dubbed, "philosophy of action," "true socialism," "German science of socialism , " "philosophical foundation of socialism," and s o on. The French socialist and communist literature was thus completely emasculated. And since it ceased in the hands of the German to express the struggle of one class with the other he felt conscious of having overcome "French one-sidedness" and of representing not true requirements, but the requirements of truth; not the interests of the proletariat, but the interests of human nature, of man in general, who belongs to no class, has no reality, who exists only in the misty realm of philosophical fantasy. This German socialism, which took its schoolboy task so seriously and solemnly, and extolled its poor stock in trade in such mountebank fashion, meanwhile gradually lost its pedantic innocence. The fight of the German, and especially of the Prussian, bourgeoisie against feudal aristocracy and absolute monarchy, in other words, the liberal movement, became more earnest. By this, the long-wished-for opportunity was offered to "true" socialism of confronting the political movement with the socialist demands, of hurling the traditional anathemas against liberalism, against representative government, against bourgeois competi tion, bourgeois freedom of the press, bourgeois legislation, bourgeois liberty and equality, and of preaching to the masses that they had nothing to gain, and everything to lose, by this bourgeois movement. German socialism forgot, in the nick of time, that the French criticism, whose silly echo it was , presupposed the existence o f modem bourgeois society, with its corresponding economic conditions of existence, and the political constitution adapted thereto, the very things whose attainment was the object of the pending struggle in Germany.

To the absolute governments, with their following of parsons,

MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY p rofessors,

country squires, and officials, it served scarecrow against the threatening b ourgeoisie .

as

237

a welcome

It was a sweet finish after the bitter pils of floggi ngs and

bulets with which these same governments, j ust at that

time, dosed the German working-class risings. While this "true" socialism thus served the governments as a weapon for fighting the German bourgeoisie, it, at the same time, directly represented a reactionary interest, the inte rest of the German Philistines. In Germany the petty-bourgeois class , a relic of the sixteenth century, and since then constantly cropping up again under various forms, is the real social basis of the existing state of things .

To preserve this class is to preserve the existing state of

things

in Germany. The industrial and political supremacy of

the bourgeoisie threatens it with certain destruction : on the one

hand, from the concentration of capital; on the other, from the rise of a revolutionary proletariat. "True" socialis m appeared

to kill these two birds with one stone. It spread

like

an

epidemic.

The robe of speculative cobwebs, embroidered with flowers of rhetoric, steeped in t he dew of sickly sentiment, this

transcendental robe in which the German socialists wrapped their sorry "eternal truths," al skin and b one, served to wonderfully

increase the sale of their goods among such a pUblic.

And on its part, German socialism recognized

more and

more its own calng as the bombastic representative of the petty

b ourgeois Philistine.

It proclaimed the German nation to be the model nation and the German petty Philistine to be the typical man. To every vilainous meaness of this model man it gave a hidden, higher, socialistic interpretation, the exact contrary of its real character . It went to the

extreme length of directly opposing the "brutaly

destructive" tendency of communism, and of proclaiming its

supreme and impartial contempt of al class struggles . With very

few

excepti ons, all the so-called socialist and

communi s t

pUblications that now ( 1 847) circulate in Germany belong to the domain of this foul

and enervating literature.

KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS

238

2. CONSER V ATIVE, OR BOU RGEOIS , SOCIALI S M

A p art o f the bourgeoisie i s desirous o f red ressing social

grievances, in order to secure the co ntinue d existence o f b o urge ois society.

belong economists, p h i la nt h rop i sts, the working class, organizers of charity, members of societies for the preventio n of cruelty to animals , temperance fanatics, hole-and -c o rner reformers of every imaginable kind. This form of s o cialism has, moreover, been worked out into complete systems. We may cite Proudhon 's Philosophie de la Misere [Phi losophy of Poverty] as an example of this form. The socialistic bourgeo is want all the advantages of modern social conditions wit hout the struggles and dangers necessarily resulting therefro m. They desire the existing state of society minus its revolutionary and disintegrating elements. They wish for a bourgeoisie without a proletariat. The b ourge o isie naturally conceives the world in which it is supreme to be the best; and bourgeois socialism develops this c o mfo rt able conception into various more or less complete systems. In requiring the p ro let ariat to carry out such a system, and thereby to march str aightw ay into the social New Jerusalem, it but requires in reality that the p roletariat should remain within the bounds of e xisting society, but should cast away all its hateful ideas c o ncerning the b ourgeoisie . A second and more practical, but less systematic, form of this socialism sought t o depreciate every rev olutionary movement in the eyes of the working class, by s howing that no mere political reform, but only a change in the material conditions of existence, in economic relations, could be of any ad vantage to the m. By changes in the material conditions of existence, this form of socialism, however, by no means u nderstands abolition of the bourgeois- relations of production, an abolition that can be effected only by a revolution, but administrative reforms, based on the continued existence of these relations; reforms, therefore, that in no respect affect the rel atio n s betwee n cap ital and labor , To this section

humanitarians, improvers of the condition of

MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

239

but, at the best, lessen the cost and simplify the administrative work of bourgeois government. Bourgeois socialism attains adequate expression when, and only when, it becomes a mere figure of speech. Free trade: for the benefit of the working class. Protective duties: for the benefit of the working class. Prison reform: for the benefit of the working class. This is the last word and the only seriously meant word of bourgeois socialism. The socialism of the bourgeoisie simply consists of the assertion that the bourgeois are bourgeois

for the benefit of

the working class.

3. CRITICAL UTOPIAN SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM We do not here refer to that literature which, in every great modem revolution, has always given voice to the demands of the proletariat, such as the writings of Babeuf and others. The first direct attempts of the proletariat to attain its own ends, made in times of universal excitement, when feudal society was being overthrown, these attempts necessarily failed, owing to the then undeveloped state of the proletariat, as well as to the absence of the economic conditions for its emancipation, conditions that had yet to be produced, and could be produced by the impending bourgeois epoch alone. The revolutionary

literature that accompanied these first movements of the proletariat had necessarily a reactionary character. It inculcated universal asceticism and social leveling in its crudest form. The socialist and communist systems properly so caled, those of St. Simon, Fourier, Owen, and others, spring into existence in the early undeveloped period, described above, of the struggle between proletariat and bourgeoisie (see Section I, Bourgeois and Proletarians). The founders of these systems see, indeed, the class .antagonisms as well as the action of the decomposing elements in the prevailing form of society. But the proletariat, as yet

in

its infancy, offers to them the spectacle of a class without any historical initiative or any independent political movement.

KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS

240

Since the development of class antagonism keeps even pace with the development of industry, the economic situation, as they find it, does not as yet offer to them the material co nditions for the emancipation of the proletariat They therefore search after a new social science, after new social laws that are to create these conditions. Historical action is to yield to their personal inventive action, historically created conditions of emancipation to fantastic ones, and the gradual, spontaneous cl as s o rganizati on of the proletariat to an organization of society specially contrived by these inventors. Future history resolves itself, in their eyes, into the propaganda and the practical carrying out of their social plans. In the formation of their plans they are conscious of caring chiefly for the interests of the working class as being the most suffering class. Only from the point of view of being the most suffering class does the proletariat exist for them. The undeveloped state of the class struggle , as well as their own surroundings, causes socialists of this kind to consider themselves far superior to all class antagonisms. They want to improve the condition of every member of society, even that of the most favored. Hence they habitually appeal to society at large , without distinction of class; nay, by preference, to the ruling class. For how can people, when once they understand .

their system, fail to see in it the best p ossible plan of the best

state of society? they reject all political, and especially all revolution ary, action; they wish to attain their ends by peaceful means, and endeavor, by small experiments, necessarily doomed to failure, and by the force of example, to pave the way for the

possible

Hence

new social gospel. Such fantastic pictures

of future society, painted at a time

when the proletariat is still in a very undeveloped state and

has but a fantastic c onception of its own position, correspond

with the first instinctive ye arnings of that class for a general reconstruction of society. But these socialist and communist publications contain also a critical element. They attack every principle of existing society .

MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

24 1

Hence they are full of the most valuable materials for the enlightenment of the working class. The practical measures proposed in them-such as the abolition of the distinction between town and country, of the family, of the carrying on of industries for the account of private individuals, and of the wage system, the proclamation of social harmony, the conversion of the functions of the state into a mere superintendence of production-al these proposals point solely to the disappearance of class antagonisms which were, at that time, only just cropping up, and which, in these pUblications, are recognized in their earliest, indistinct and undefined forms only. These proposals, therefore, are of a purely utopian character. The significance of critical utopian socialism and commu nism bears an inverse relation to historical development. In proportion as the modem class struggle develops and takes definite shape, this fantastic standing apart from the contest, these fantastic attacks on it lose al practical value and al theoretical justification. Therefore, although the originators of these systems were, in many respects, revolutionary, their disciples have, in every case, formed more reactionary sects. They hold fast by the original views of their masters, in opposition to the progressive historical development of the proletariat. They, therefore, endeavor, and that consistently, to deaden the class struggle and to reconcile the class antagonisms. They stil dream of experimental realization of their social utopias, of founding isolated "phalansteres, " of establishing "home. colonies, " of setting up a "Little lcaria "'-duodecimo editions of the New Jerusalem and to realize al these castles in the air they are compelled to appeal to the feelings and purses of the bourgeois. By degre they sink into the category of the reactionary conservative socialists depicted above, differing from these only by more systematic pendantry, and by their fanatical and superstitious belief in the miraculous effects of their social science. I . Phalansteres were socialist 'colonies on the plan of Charles Fourier; "Icarla· was the name given by Cabet to his utopia and , later on, to his American communist colony. [Note by Engels to the English edition of 1 888.]

KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS

242

They, therefore, violently oppose

al political action on the

part of the working class; such action, according to them, can only result from blind unbelief in the new gospel. The Owenites in England and the Fourierists in France respectively, oppose the Chartists and the Reformistes.

,

IV. POSITION OF THE COMMUNISTS IN RELATION TO THE VARIOUS EXISTING OPPOSITION PARTIES Section II has made clear the relations of the communists to the existing working-class parties, such as the Chartists in England and the agrarian refonners in America. The communists fight for the attainment of the immediate

aims, for the enforcement of the momentary interests of the

working class, but in the movement of the present they also represent and take care of the future of that movement. In France, the communists aly themselves with the social democrats , 1 against the conservative and radical bourgeoisie, reserving,

however, the right to take up a critical position in regard to phrases and illusions traditionaly handed down from the Great Revolution. In Switzerland they support the radicals, without losing sight of the fact that this party consists of antagonistic elements, partly of democratic socialists, in the French sense, partly of radical bourgeois. In Poland they support the party that insists on an agrarian revolution as the prime condition for national emancipation, that party which fomented the insurrection of Cracow in 1 846. In Germany they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever it acts in a revolutionary way, against the absolute monarchy, the feudal squirearchy, and the petty bourgeoisie. I . The party then represented in Parliament by Ledru-Rollin, in literature by Louis Blanc, in the daily p re ss by the Reforme. The name of social democracy signified, with these its inventors, a section of the democratic or repUblican party more or less tinged with socialism. [ N o te by Engels to the English edition of 1 888.]

MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

243

But they never cease, for a single instant, to instil into the working class the clearest possible recognition

of the hostile an

tagonism between bourgeoisie and proletariat, in order that the German workers may straightway use, as so many weapons agains t the bourgeois ie, the social and political conditions that

the bourge ois ie must necessarily introduce supremacy, and in order that, after the

along with its

fal of the reactionary

classes in Germany, the fight against the bo urgeoisie itself may immediately begin.

The communists tum their attention chiefly to Germany,

because that country is on the eve of a bourge ois revolution that is bound to be caried out under more advanced conditions

of European civilization, and with a much more developed

pr oletariat, than that of England was in the seventeenth

and and because the bourgeois revolution in Germany wil be but the prelud e to an immediately of France in the eighteenth century,

following proletarian revolution.

In short, the communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement against the existing social and political

order of things. In al these movements they bring to the front, as the leading question in each, the property question, no matter what its degree of development at the time.

Finaly, they labor everywhere

for the union and agreement of the democratic parties of al countries. . The communists disd ain to conceal their views and aims.

They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by

the forcible overthrow of al existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tre mble at a communistic

revolution. The

proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world

to win.

WORKINGMEN OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE !

GREAT BOOKS IN PHILOSOPHY PAPERBACK SERIES

ESTHETICS Q Aristotle-The Poetics

Q Aristotle-Treatise

on

Rhetoric ETHICS

Q Aristotle-The Nicomachean Ethics

Q Marcus Aurelius-Meditations Q Jeremy Bentham-The Principles of M orals and Legislation Q John Dewey-Human Nature and Conduct

Q John Dewey-The Moral Writings of John Dewey, Revised Edition Q Epictetus-Enchiridion

Q David Hume-An Enquiry Concerning

the Principles of Morals

Q Immanuel Kant-Fundamental Principles of the M e taphysic of M orals

Q John Stuart Mill-Utilitarianism

Q George Edward Moore-Principia Ethica

Q Friedrich Nietzsche-Beyond Good and Evil Q Plato-Protagoras , Philebus , and Gorgias

Q Bertrand Russell-Bertrand RusseU On Ethics , Sex , and Marriage

o Arthur Schopenhauer-The Wisdom of Ufe and Counsels and Maxims Q Adam Smith-The Theory of Moral Sentiments Q Benedict de Spinoza

Ethics and The Improvement of the

Understanding

LOGIC Q G e o rge Boole-The Laws of Thought

METAPHYSICS/EPISTEMOLOGY o Aristotle-De Anima o Aristotle-The Metaphysics Q Francis Bacon-Essays

Q George Berkeley-Three Dialogues Between Hylas and Philonous Q W. K. Clifford-The Ethics of Belief and Other Essays

Q Rene Descartes-Discourse on Method and The Meditations o John Dewey-How We Think

o John Dewey-The Influence of Darwin on Philosophy and Other Essay s Q Epicurus-The Essential Epicurus : Letters , Principal Doctrines ,

Vatican Sayings , and Fragments

o S idney Hook-The Quest for Being o David Hume-An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding o David Hume-A Treatise on Human Nature Q William James

The Meaning of Truth

o William James-Pragmatism

o Immanuel Kant-The Critique of Judgment

o Immanuel Kant-Critique of Practical Reason

o Immanuel Kant-Critique of Pure Reason

o Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz-Discourse

on Metaphysics

and The Monadology

o John Locke-An Essay Concerning Human Understanding o George Herbert M ead The Philosophy of the Present

Q Q Q Q Q Q Q

Charles S. Peirce-The Essential Writings Plato-The Euthyphro , Apology, Crito, and Phaedo Plato-Lysis , Phaedrus , and Symposium Bertrand Russell-The Problems of Philosophy George Santayana-The Life of Reason Sextus Empiricus-utlines of Pyrrhonism Ludwig Wittgenstein-Wittgenstein's Lectures : Cambridge , 1 93 2-1 935 PHILOSOPHY OF RELIGION

Q Jeremy Bentham-The Influence of Natural Religion

on

the Temporal Happiness

of Mankind

Q Marcus Tullius Cicero-The Nature of the

Gods and On Divination

Q Ludwig Feuerbach-The Essence of Christianity a Paul Henri Thiry, Baron d'Holbach-Good Sense a David Hume-Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion Q William James-The Varieties of Religious Experience Q John Locke-A Letter Concerning Toleration Q Lucretius-n the Nature of Things Q John Stuart M ill-Three Essays on Religion Q Friedrich N ietzsche-The Antichrist

Q Thomas Paine-The Age of Reason Q Bertrand Russell-Bertrand RusseU On God and Religion SOCIAL AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY Q Aristotle-The Politics Q Mikhail Bakunin-The Basic Bakunin: Writings ,

1 869�I 871

Q Edmund Burke-Reflections on the Revolution i n France Q John Dewey-Freedom and Culture Q John Dewey-Individualism Old and New Q John Dewey-Liberalism and Social

Q Q a a a

Action

G. W. F. Hegel-The Philosophy of History G. W. F. Hegel-Philosophy of Right Thomas Hobbes-The Leviathan Sidney Hook-Paradoxes of Freedom Sidney Hook-Reason , Social Myths , and Democracy

a John Locke-The Second Treatise on Civil Government a N iccolo Machiavelli-The Prince

a Karl Marx {with Friedrich Engels }-The Economic and Philosophic

Manuscripts of 1 844 and The Communist Manifesto a Karl Marx {with Friedrich Engels}-The German Ideology, including Theses on Feuerbach and Introduction to

the

Critique of Political Economy a Karl Marx-The Poverty of Philosophy a John Stuart Mill-Considerations on Representative Government o John Stuart Mill-On Liberty a John Stuart Mi ll-On Socialism a John Stuart M ill-The Subjection of Women a Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat

The Spirit of Laws

a Friedrich N ietzsche-Thus Spake Zarathustra

o o o o o o O O

Thomas Pain�ommon Sense Thomas Paine Rights of Man Plato-Laws Plato-The Republic J ean J acques Roussea u-Emile Jean J ac que s Rousseau-The Social Contract Mary Wollstonecraft-A Vindication of the Rights of Men Mary Wollstonecraft-A Vindication of the Rights of Women -

-

GREAT MINDS PAPERBACK SERIES

ART Q Leonardo da

Vinc i

A Treatise on Pain ting

ECONOMICS Q Charlotte Perkins G i lm an-Women and Economics :

A Study of the Economic Relation between Wn and Men Q J ohn Maynard Keynes-The General Theory of Employment ,

Interest , and Money

Q John Maynard Keynes-A Tract on Monetary Reform Q Thomas R. Malthus-An Essay on the Principle of Population

Q Alfred Marshall-Money , Credit , and Commerce Q Alfred Marshall-Principles of Economics Q Karl Marx-Theories of Surplus Value Q

J ohn Stuart M i ll

Principle s of Political Economy

Q David Ricardo Principles of Political Economy and Taxation Q Ad am Smith Wealth of Nations Q Thorstein Ve b len-The ory of the Leisure Class

HISTORY o Edward G ib bon-On Chris tiani ty

o Al ex ande r Hamilton, John J ay, and James Madison-The Federalist o Herodotus-The His tory o Charles Mackay-Extraordinary

Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds o Thucydides-History of the Peloponnesian War LAW o John Austin-The Province of Jurisprudence Determined

LITERATURE J onathan Sw ift A Modes t Proposal and o H. G. We lls-The Conquest of TIme

o

-

Other Satires

PSYCHOLOGY CI Sigmund Freud-To tem and Taboo

RELIGION/FREETHOUGHT CI Desiderius Erasmus-The Praise of FoUy

CI Thomas Henry Huxley-Agnosticism and Christianity CI Ernest Renan-The Life of Jesus CI Upton S inc lair-The Profits of Religion CI Elizabeth Cad y S tanto n-The Woman 's Bi ble

and Other Essays

CI Vo ltaire-A Treatise on Toleration and Other Essays

CI Andrew D. Wh i te-A History of the Warfare of Science

with Theology in Christendom

SCIENCE CI J acob Bronowski-The Identity of Man

CI Nicolaus C op ern icus-On the Revolutions of Heavenly Spheres CI Marie Curie-Radioactive Substances

CI Charles Darw in-The Autobiography of Charles Darwin

CI Charles Darwin CI Charles Darwin

The Descent of Man The Origin of Species

o Albert Einste in

Relativity

o Charles Darwin-The Voyage of the Beagle o Rene Descartes-Treatise of Man o M ic hael Faraday-The Forces of Matter

o Galile o Galilei-Dialogues Concerning Two New Sciences o Ernst Haeckel-The

Ride

of the Universe

o Wi lliam Harvey-On the Motion of the Heart and Blood in Animals o Werner H e ise nbe rg Physics and Philosophy o J ulian Huxley Evolutionary Humanism

o Thomas H. H ux le y-Evolution and E thics and Science

o Edward Jenner-Vaccination agains t Smallpox o Johan nes K eple r-Epitome of Copernican Astronomy

and Harmonies of the

and Morals

World

o J ames Clerk Maxwell-Matter and Motion

o Isaac Newton-Opticks, Or Trea tis e of the Reflections ,

Inflections , and Colours of Light o Isaac Newton-The Principia

o Louis Pasteur and Joseph L iste r-Germ Theory and Its App lication to Meclicine and On the Antiseptic Principle of the Prac tic e of Surgery

o William Thomson ( Lord Kelvin) and Peter Guthrie 'laitThe Elements of Natural Philosophy o Alfred Russel Wallace

Is land Life

SOCIOLOGY o Emile Durkheim-Ethics and the Sociology of MOTals